Ethnography David M. Fetterman thnography is about telling credible, rigorous, and authentic story. Ethnography gives voice to people in their own local context, typically relying on verbatim quotations and a “thick” description of events. The story is told through the eyes of local people as they pursue their daily lives in their own communities. The ethnographer adopts a cultural lens to interpret observed behavior, ensuring that the behaviors are placed in a culturally relevant and meaningful context. The ethnographer is focused on the predictable, daily patterns of human thought and behavior. Ethnography is thus both a research method and a product, typically a written text. Ethnographers are noted for their ability to keep an open mind about the groups or cultures they are studying. However, this quality does not imply any lack of rigor. ‘The ethnographer enters the field with an open mind, not an empty head. Before asking the first question in the field, the ethnographer begins with a problem, a \ theory or model, a research design, specific data collection techniques, tools for analysis, and a specific writing style. The ethnographer also begins with biases and preconceived notions about how people behave and what they think—as do Yesearchers in every field. Indeed, the choice of what problem, geographic area, or people to study is in itself biased. Biases serve both positive and negative functions. Controlled, biases can focus and limit the research effort. Uncontrolled, they can undermine the quality of ethnographic research. To mitigate the negative effects of bias, the ethnographer must first make specific biases explicit A series of additional quality controls, such as triangulation, contextualization, and a nonjudgmental orientation, place a check on the negative influence of bias. ‘An open mind also allows the ethnographer to explore rich, untapped sources of data not mapped out in the research design. The ethnographic study allows multi- ple interpretations of realty and alternative interpretations of data throughout the Scanned with CamScanner 543,544 py PRACTICAL DATA COULTON dy. As discussed, the ethnographer i interested in understanding and describiny A ocial and cultural scene from the emic, or insider's perspective, The ethng Pheri both storyteller and scientist the closer the reader of an ethnography cores to und science, standing the native's point of view, the better the story and the better the ee eee eee see eee his chapter presents an overview of the steps involved in ethnographic work (se Fetterman, 1998, fo additional detail). The process begins when the ethnographer Selects a problem or topic and a theory ‘or model to guide the study. The ethno, Tapher simultaneously chooses whether to follow a basic oF appl approach to del research ‘ate and shape the effort. The research design then provides basic set of instructions about what to do and where to g0 during the stu. Fieldwork is the heart of the ethnographic resenrch design. Im the eld, hus anthropological concepts, data collection methods and techniques, and analysis are the fundamental elements of “doing ethnography” Selection and use of variows Pieces of equipment—including the human instrument—facilitate the work. ‘This Process becomes product through analysis at various stages in ethnographic Wwork—in field notes, memoranda, and interim reports, but most dramatically in the published report, article, or book. This chapter presents the concepts, methods and techniques, equipment, analy sis, writing, and ethics involved in ethnographic research. Th approach highlights the utility.of planning and organization in ethnogeaphic work. The more organized the ethnographer, the casier his or her task of making sense of the mountains of data collected in the field. Sifting through notepads filled with illegible scrawl, lis: tening to hours of digital voice recordings, labeling and organizing digital pho. tographs and video, and conducting cross tabs and various data sorts in online surveys are much less daunting to the ethnographer who has taken an organic, carefully planned approach, ‘The reality, however, is that ethnographic work is not always orderly. It involves serendipity, creativity, being in the right place atthe right or wrong time, alot ol hard work, and old-fashioned luck. Thus, although this discussion proceeds within the confines of an orderly structure, I have made a concerted effort to ensue that it conveys as well the unplanned, sometimes chaotic, and always intriguing charac ter of ethnographic research, Whereas in most research analysis follows data collection, in ethnographic research analysis and data collection begin simultaneously. An ethnographer is a human instrument and must discriminate among different types of data and an lyze the relative worth of one path over another at every turn in fieldwork, well before any formalized analysis takes place. Clearly, ethnographic research involves all different levels of analysis. Analysis is an ongoing responsibility and joy from the first moment an ethnographer envisions a new project tothe final stages of writing and reporting the findings. TO Scanned with CamScannerConcepts The most important concepts that guide ethnographers in their fieldwork include culture, a holistic perspective, contextualization, emic perspective and multiple realities, ctic perspective, nonjudgmental orientation, inter- and intracultural diversity, structure and function, symbol and ritual, micro- and macrolevel studies, and operationalism. Culture ~_Culture is the broadest ethnographic concept. ions of culture typically espouse either a materialist or an ideational perspective. The classic materialist inter- pretation of culture focuses on behavior. In this view, culture is the sum of a social group's observable patterns of behavior, customs, and way of life (see Harris, 1968, P. 16; Murphy & Margolis, 1995; Ross, 1980). The most popular ideational definition of culture is the cognitive definition. According to the cognitive approach, culture com- prises the ideas, beliefs, and knowledge that characterize a particular group of people (Strauss & Quinn, 1997). This second—and currently most popular—definition specifically excludes behavior. Obviously, ethnographers need to know about both cultural behavior and cultural knowledge to describe a culture or subculture ade- quately. Although neither definition is sufficient, each offers the ethnographer a starting point and a perspective from which to approach the group under study. Both material and ideational definitions are useful at different times in explor- ing fully how groups of people think and behave in their natural environments. However defined, the concept of culture helps the ethnographer search for a logi- cal, cohesive pattern in the myriad, often ritualistic behaviors and ideas that char- acterize a group. Anthropologists learn about the intricacies of a subgroup or community to describe it in all its richness and complexity. In the process of studying these details, they typically discover underlying forces that make the system tick. These cultural clements are values or beliefs that can unite or divide a group, but that are com- monly shared focal points. An awareness of what role these abstract elements play in a given culture can give the researcher a clearer picture of how the culture works. Many anthropologists consider cultural interpretation ethnography’s primary contribution. Cultural interpretation involves the researcher's ability to describe what he or the has heard and seen within the framework of the social group's view of reality. A classic example of the interpretive contribution involves the wink and the blink. A mechanical difference between the two may not be evident. However, the cultural context of each movement, the relationship between individuals that cach act suggests, and the contexts surrounding the two help define and differenti- ate these two significantly different behaviors. Anyone who has ever mistaken a blink for a wink is fully aware of the significance of cultural interpretation (see Fetterman, 1982, p. 24; Geertz, 1973, p. 6; Roberts, Byram, Barro, Jordan, & Street, 2001; Wolcott, 1980, pp. 57, 59). Scanned with CamScanner546 PRACTICAL DATA COLLECTION Adopting a cultural interpretation is critical for classroom observation, For example, in an ethnographic study of an inner-city educational program, two students looking at each other’s work might be interpreted as “cheating” in a con ventional classroom. However, the accurate characterization is cooperation, gi the philosophy of the school and the specific instructions provided by the teacher (see Figure 17.1). Holistic Perspective and Contextualization Ethnographers assume_a holistic outlook in research to gain a comprehensive and complete picture of a social group. Ethnographers attempt to describe as much as possible about a culture or a social group. This description might include the ‘group's history, religion, politics, economy, and environment. No study can capture an entire culture or group. The holistic orientation forces the fieldworker to sev beyond an immediate cultural scene or event in a classroom, hospital room, city street, or plush offices in Washington, D.C., New York, or Chicago. Bach scene exists within a multilayered and interrelated context. Contextualizing data involves placing observations into a larger perspective. For example, in one of my studies of an alternative high school for dropouts, policy- makers were contemplating terminating one dropout program because of its low attendance—approximately 60% to 70%. My reminder that the baseline with which to compare 60% to 70% attendance was zero attendance—these were students who systematically skipped school—helped the policymakers make a more informe! Scanned with CamScannerEthnography decision about the proge Program would cont jon ensured that the n. In this case, contextuali ng former dropouts (see Fetterman, 1987a). In the same study, it was important to describe the inner-city environment in ‘which the schools were located—an impoverished neighborhood in which pimping, Prostitution, arson for hire, rape, and murder were commonplace (see Figure 17.2). This helped policymakers understand the power of certain elements in the com- munity to distract students from their studics, ‘This description also provided some insight into the often lucrative alternatives with which the school competed in attracting and retaining students, Contextualization helped provide a more accu- rate characterization of the school’s degree of difficulty and helped prevent a com- ‘mon error—blaming the victim. ue ser Emic and Etic Perspectives The emic perspective—the insider's or native's perspective of reality—is at, the heart of most ethnographic research. The insider's perception of reality is instru- mental to understanding and accurately describing situations and behaviors, Native_ perceptions may not conform to an “objective” reality, bt they help the fieldworker understand why members of the social group do what they do. In contrast to a priori assumptions about how systems work from a siniplé; linear, logical perspective— which might be completely off target—ethnogeaphy typically takes a phenomeno- logically oriented research approach. ‘An emic perspective compels the recognition and acceptance of multiple real- ities, Documenting multiple perspectives of reality in a given study is crucial to Figure 17.2 _ New York Inner-City Neighborhood ~~ Scanned with CamScanner 547an understanding of why people think and act in the different ways they do Differing perceptions of reality can be useful clues to individuals’ religious, eco. nomic, or political status and can help a researcher understand maladapti behavior patterns. An etic perspective is an external, social scientific perspective on reality. Some ethnographers are interested only in describing the emic view, without placing their data in an etic or scientific Perspective. They stand at the ideational and phenomenological end of the ethnographic spectrum, Other ethnographers Prefer to rely on etically derived data first, and consider emically derived data secondary in their analysis, They stand at the materialist and positivist phila- Sophical end of the ethnographic spectrum. At one time, a conflict (ideational, typically emically oriented Perspective) or the environment (materialist, often etically based perspective) consumed the field. Today, most ethnographers simply see emic and etic orientations as markers along a continuum of styles or different levels of analysis. Most ethnographers start collecting data from the emic perspective, then try to make sense of what they have collected in terms of view and their own scientific analysis. Just as thorough field- . work requires an insightful and sensitive cul- tural interpretation combined with rigorous data collection techniques, so good ethnogra- phy requires both emic and etic perspective Aburnt-out building in the inner city across ° from the alternative school for dropouts pro- vides an excellent example of why it is impor- tant to combine emic and etic perspectives (see Figure 17.3). From an initial etic perspective, it looks like there was a fire, possibly due to faulty electrical wiring. A few interviews with the students, and an alternative emic view is revealed. This was arson for hire. Some of the students are hired to “torch” a building after the landlord has increased the insurance cover- age on the building, An interview with the local fire department (another emic view with con- siderable traditional authority) confirmed the students’ emic view, adding a new insight into the alternative school’s “competition” for the students’ attention—particularly concerning alternative sources of activity and revenue. An etic view based on these emic views provides a more accurate depiction of what happened to the house and more to point, the social cir- cumstances shaping what happened to the Figure 17.3. Burnt-Out Building in the Inner City house (see Wolcott, 1999, p. 156). both the native’s Scanned with CamScannerNonjudgmental Orientation and Inter. and intracultural Diversity A nonjudgmental ori valuation of any tion requires the ethn intaining 2 non} belief while watching 2 lay be an obviously illogical or un! cumstances in order to allow the author to unravel a riveting Intercultural diversity fers to the differences between two cultures, xt diversity to the differences between subcultures within a cul ferences are reasonably easy to se is similar to suspending dis book—one accepts what m: tare to see. Compare the descriptions of two diff {ures on a point-by-point basis—their political, religious, econo: cological systems, and other pertinent dimensions. Intraculturl differences, how. ever, are more likely to go unnoticed. ‘These concepts place a check on our observations. They help the fieldworker see dierences that may invalidate pat theories or hypotheses about observed events in the field. In some cases, these differences are systematic, broad spectrum of the community, research focus; to throw away patterned activities for a compelling the fieldworker to readjust the outdated and inappropriate theories, models, hypotheses, and assumptions; and to modify the vision of the finished puzzle. In ther cases, the differences are idiosyncratic but useful in underscoring another, dominant pattern—the exception proves the rule. In most cases, however, such dif. ferences ae instructive about a level or dimension of the community thst had not received sufficient consideration. Housing in the inner city provides an example of intracultural diversity: Most of the houses in the inner-city neighborhood we were studying were in dis many were marked by graffiti by local gangs, Figure 17.4). This was the“ bothood. However, repair, and entire blocks were in rubble (see ‘norm” concerning quality of housing in the neigh- there were families which were attempting to improve the quality of the neighborhood, and they “put their money where their mouth was" by painting and repairing their homes. They were, albeit, in the minority, However, they represented a special group with a symbolic m }essage of hope in the community. This is an example of intracultural diversity, (For additional illustra tions of intracultural diversity in qualitative research, see Fetterman, 1998: 1998, p. 65.) Marcus, Structure and Function and Symbol and Ritual Structure and function are traditional concepts that guide research in social organization. Structure here refers to the social structure or configuration of the group, such as the kinship or political structure. Function refers to the social relations among members of the group. Most groups have identifiable internal structures and established sets of social relationships that help regu late behavior. Scanned with CamScanner550 PRACTICAL DATA CotLECTC N Figure 17.4 Example of intracultural Diversity in Terms of Housing in the Neighborhood Ethnographers use the concepts of structure and function to guide their inquiry. They extract information from the group under study to construct a skeletal structure and then thread in the social functions—the muscle, flesh, and nerves that fill out the skeleton. A detailed understanding of the underlying structure of a system pro- vides the ethnographer with a foundation on and frame within which to construct phic description. In addition, ethnographers look for symbols that help them understand and describe a culture. Symbolsare condensed expressions of meaning that evoke pow- erful feelings and thoughts. A cross or a menorah represents an entire religion, ts a movement, whether the original Nazi movement or one of the swastika repres many neo-Nazi movements. A flag represents an entire country, evoking both patri otic fervor and epithets. Symbols may signify historical influences in a community. For example, a Jewish star or Star of David (with Hebrew words carved into the stone) of a building marred by graffiti and broken glass, marks the historical presence of an orthodox 17.5). This symbol of the past provides some insight Jewish community (see Figui {tensions between young African Americans in the com. munity and older orthodox Jews (see Abramovitch & Galvin, 2001, p. 252). Rituals are repeated patterns of symbolic behavior that play a part in both reli- gious and secular life. Ethnographers see symbols and rituals as a form of cultural Jing and crystallize critical cul into the roots of curr shorthand. Symbols open doors to initial unde tural knowledge. Together, symbols and rituals help ethnographers make sense of Scanned with CamScannerEthnography $51 observations by providing a framework in Which to classify and categorize behav Dolgin, Kemnitzer, & 1998, p. 505), r (see Schneider, 1977; Swatos, Micro- or Macrolevel Studies and Operationalism A microstudy is a close-up view, 4 microscope, of a small social unit or an identifiable activity within the social unit, Typically an ethnomethodologist or symbolic interactionist will conduct a microanalysis (sce Denzii, 1989; Hinkel, 2004, p. 194). The areas of Proxemics and Kinesis in anthropology involve microstudies. Proxemics is the study of how the socially defined physical distance between people Varies under differing social circumstances (Barfield, 1997; Birdwhistell, 1970). Kinesics is the study of body language (Birdwhistll, 1970; Psathas, 1995, p.5). A macrostudy focuses on the large picture. In anthropology, the large picture ingle school to worldwide ; eee on sigue 17.5 Yesvain einer Ciy With community or specific sociocultural system San The selection of a miicro- or macrolevel of study depends on what the researcher wants to know; and thus what theory the study involves and how the researcher has defined the problem under study. Operational, simply, means defining one's terms and mithods of mesure. ment (Anderson, 1996, p. 19). In simple descriptive accounts, saying that “afew people said this and afew others said that" may note problematic, However estab- lishing a significant relationship between facts and theory, or interpreting “the facts,” requires greater specificity. Operationali mt ts ethnographers and force: them to be honest with themselves. Instead of leaving conclusions o strong impres ions, the fieldworker should quantify or idemiy the source of ethnographic inaghts whenever possible. Spelyng how one arrives at onc’ conclusions gives peas something concrete to go on, something to prove or disprove. vn this section ofthe chapter {have provided a dicusionof some of he ost ee ae profession, beginning with such global concepts as cul- tune a holste oventatin, and contetualzaton and gradually shifting to more tures a holistic ori ter- and intracultural diversity, structure and function, sym- pace oe er rationalism. In the next section, I detail the ethnographic Seta technisjes that grow out ofthese concepts and alow the rocarhes ae out the work of ethnography. as if under ‘CamScanner82 PRACTICAL DATA COLLECTION Methods and Techniques | ‘The ethnographer is a human instrument, Ethnographic methods and techniques help guide the ethnographer through the wilderness of personal observation and to identify and clasify accurately the bewildering variety of events and actions that uation, form a social Fieldwork Fieldwork isthe hallmark of research for both sociologists and anthropologists. The method is essentially the same for both types of researchers—working with people for long periods of time in their natural setting, The ethnographer conducts research in the native environment to see people and their behavior given all the real-world incentives and constraints. This naturalist approach avoids the artificial response typical of controlled or laboratory conditions, Understanding the world— ‘or some small fragment of it—requires studying it in all its wonder and complex- ity, The task is in many ways more difficult than laboratory study, but it can also be more rewarding (see Atkinson, 2002; McCall, 2006). One of the benefits of fieldwork is that it provides a common sense perspective _-t0 data, For example, in a study of schools in the rural south, I received boxes of records indicating very low academic performance and high school attendance. ‘This was counterintuitive and contrary to my experience working with schools in turban areas where students who received poor grades dropped out of school or \were often truant or late, However, traveling to the school watching cotton, rice, and soy fields pass by, mile after mile it became clear to me that the data made sense (see Figure 17.6), There was nothing else to do but show up to school. It was the only “social game" in town, As one student put it, “It (school) sure beat sittin’ in the field, doing nothing, all by yoursele” ‘The fieldworker uses variety of methods and techniques to ensure the integ of the data, These methods and techniques objectify and standardize the researcher's perceptions. Of course, the ethnographer must adapt each one of the methods and techniques discussed literto the local environment, Resource constraints and dead- lines may also limit the length Of time for data gathering in the field—explor cross-checking, and recording information. Selection, Sampling, and Entry “The research q study stions shape the selection of a place and a people or program to study, The ideal site for investigation ofthe research problem is not always access Bie. In that event, the researcher accepts and note the limitations ofthe stady feng the onset, Ideally, the focus of the investigation shifts to match the sietnder crap ‘The next step sto decide how to sample members of the target population, Movs ethnographers use the big-net approsch conducive to participant observation» ‘mixing and mingling with everyone they can at first As the study progress snc focus narrows to specific portions of the population under study “The Bigenet ~ Scanned with CamScannerFigure 17.6 Cotton Fields in the Arkansas Delta approach ensures a wide-angle view of events before the microscopic study of specific interactions begins. Ethnographers typically use informal strategies to begin fieldwork, such as start- ing wherever they can slip a foot in the door. (An introduction by a member is the ethnographer’s best ticket into the community.) The most common technique is judgmental sampling; that is, ethnographers rely on their judgment to select the most appropriate members of the subculture or unit, based on the research ques- tion, Some experienced ethnographers use a rigorous randomized strategy to begin work—particularly when they already know’a great deal about the culture or unit they are studying. However, using a highly structured randomized design without a basic understanding of the people under study may cause the researcher to nar- row the focus prematurely, thus eliminating perhaps the very people or subjects relevant to the study, (See Weisner et al, 2001, for additional discussion about sampling.) Participant Observation Participant observation characterizes most ethnographic research and is crucial to effective fieldwork, Participant observation combines participation in the lives of the people under study with maintenance of a professional distance that allowwe adequate observation and recording of data. Scanned with CamScanner554 PRACTICAL DATA COLLECTION . : Participant observation is immersion in a culture. Weally, the ethnographer lives and works in the community for 6 months to a year or more, learning the language and seeing patterns of behavior over time. Long-term residence helps the researcher internalize the basic beliefs, feafs, hopes, and expectations of the people under study. The simple, ritualistic behaviors of going to the market or to the well far ‘water teach how people use their time and space, how they determine what is pre- “tous, sacred, and profane. The process may seem unsystematig; in the beginning, it is somewhat uncontrolled and haphazard. However, even in the carly stages of fieldwork the ethnographer searches out experiences and event they come to his Ot her attention. Participant observation sets the stage for more ined techniques— including projective techniques and questionnaires—and becomes more refined itself as the fieldworker understands more and more about the culture, Ideas sl behaviors that were only a blur to the ethnographer on entering the community take on a sharper focus. Participant observation can also help clarify the results of ‘More sefined instruments by providing a baseline of meaning and a way to reenter the field to explore the context for those (often unexpected) results (DeWalt DeWalt, 2002). In applied settings, participant observation is often noncontinuous, spread out over an extended time. Often, contract research budgets or time schedules do not allow long periods of study—continuous or noncontinuous. In these situations, the researcher can apply ethnographic techniques to the study, but cannot conduct an ethnography (see Fetterman, 1988). Interviewing The interview is the ethnographer’s most important data-gathering technique Interviews explain and put into a larger context what the ethnographer sees anu experiences. General interview types include structured, semistructured, informal, and retrospective interviews. Formally structured and semistructured interviews are verbal approximations of a questionnaire with explicit research goals. These interviews generally serve com- parative and representative purposes—comparing responses and putting them in the context of common group beliefs and themes. A structured or semistructured interview is most valuable when the fieldworker comprehétids the fundamentals of 2 community from the “insider's” perspective. At this point, questions are more likely to conform to the native’s perception of reality than to the researcher's (sce _ Schensul, LeCompte, & Schensul, 1999). “Informal interviews are the most common in ethnographic work. They seem to be casual conversations, but where structured interviews have-ait explicit agenda, informal interviews have a specific but implicit research agenda. The researcher uses informal approaches to discover the categories of meaning in a culture. Informal interviews are useful throughout an ethnographic study for discovering ‘What people think and how one person's perceptions compare with another's. Such comparisons help the fieldworker identify shared values in the community—values that inform behavior, Informal interviews are also useful for establishing and main- taining healthy rapport. a Scanned with CamScanner‘Similarities that exist across the conceptual s fthinog Retrosp cthnogr, apher uses rete semistructured, or informal. ‘the mants to rec interviews to reconstruct the past ‘cal information. This type of interview doesnot elicit fe forget or filter past events. In some cases, ‘AY 10 gather informati aly h spective al hist data, Peoph the only w rapher al all person, accurate tive interviews are where the ethnog, facts, retrospectin: asking infor the most | Fetraxpec 1 about the past. In situations a an accurate understanding of the historical ide useful information about individu: ic kinds of q ail or specific, help identify significant toy jore detail, They orld. Open. als, questions. The most common types + and open- or closed-ended questions, ics to explore. Specific questions explore ‘letermine similarities and differences in the ways People see the wi rnd closed-ended questions help the ethnographer dis. cover and confirm the Participant's experiences and perceptions. (See sections on Permission and institutional review boards Presented later in this chapter.) are survey or gra Survey questions these topics in my Survey Questions and McCurdy (1972) call a grand tour AUestion—is designed to elicit a broad picture of the Participant or native's world, f resources. The participant's overview of the physical setting, universe of activities, and thoughts help focus and direct the investigation, Cace survey questions reveal a category of some significance to both fieldworker «ifle questions about that category become most useful. The differ, cave between a survey question and a specific or detailed question depends largely on context. Specific questions probe further into establis ished categories of meani Whereas survey questions sh: ing or activity. tape and inform a global understanding, specific ques- ‘ons refine and expand that understanding. Structural and atribute questions subcategories of specific questions—are often the ‘most appropriate approach to this level of inquiry. Structural and attribute questions are useful to th organizing and understanding of the native’s view, Structural questions pher in reveal the pectrum—in the native's head, (See Spradley & McCurdy, 1972, for additional information about the construction of. taxonomic definitions. See also Clair, 2003.) Attribute questions—questions about the characteristics of @ role or a structural element—ferret out the differences between conceptual categories. Typically, the interview will juxtapose structural with attribute questions. Information froma structural question might suggesta question about the differences among various newly identified categories. Exhnographic research requires the fieldworker to move back and forth between survey and specific questions, Focusing in on one segment of a person's activtic ov worldview prematurely may drain all the ethnographer’ resources before the invest gation is half done. The fieldworker must maintain a delicate balance of questions. throughout the study; in general, however, survey questions should predominate in the carly stages of fieldwork, and more specific questions in the midlleand final stages, Scanned with CamScanner aphy 555,556 PRACTICAL DATA COLLECTION Open-Ended or Closed-Ended Questions Ethnographers use both open- and closed-ended questions to pursue fieldwork. An open-ended question allows participants to interpret it. A typical open-ended question in the field is, “How are things going?” Closed-ended questions are useful in trying to quantify behavior patterns. For example, “How many times do you visit the city each month?” Ethnographers typically ask more open-ended questions during discovery phases of their research and more closed-ended questions during confirmational periods. The most important type of question to avoid is the stand- alone vague question. Interviewing Protocols and Strategies A protocol exists for all interviews—the product of the interviewer's and the participant's personalities and moods, the formality or informality of the setting, the stage of research, and an assortment of other conditions. The first element com- mon to every protocol is the ethnographer's respect for the culture of the group under study, In an interview or any other interaction, ethnographers try to be sen- sitive to the group's cultural norms. This sensitivity manifests itself in apparel, lan- ‘guage, and behavior. Second, an overarching guide in all interviews is respect for the person. An individual does the fieldworker a favor by giving up time to answer questions. Thus, the interview is not an excuse to interrogate an individual or criticize cultural practices. It is an opportunity to learn from the interviewee. Furthermore, the individual's time is precious: Both the industrial executive and the school jani- tor have work to do, and the ethnographer should plan initial interviews, whether formal or informal, around their work obligations and schedules. Later, the field- worker becomes an integral part of the work. (See the permission section of this chapter for additional discussion.) In formal settings—such as a school district—a highly formalized, ritualistic protocol is necessary to gain access to and to interview students and teacher Structured interviews require a more structured protocol of introductions, permi sion, instructions, formal cues to mark major changes in the interview, closure, and possible follow-up communications. Informal interviews require the same initial protocol. However, the researcher casually and implicitly communicates permission, instructions, cues, closure, and follow-up signals, Pleasantries and icebreakers are important in both informal interviews and formally structured interviews, but they differ in the degree of ce tlety each interview type requires. Sensitivity to the appropriate col can enhance the interviewer's effectiveness. ase Protocol can Particular strategies or techniques can also enhance t i intervi They include being a good listener, appreciating status fre Se and engaging in the ebb and flow of conversation. The most fhative oe eee paradoxically, no strategy. Being natural is much more convincing then eee an a mance (see Fetterman, 1998, for detail in thi: ny perfor- this area),Ethnography ‘557 Key Actor or Informant Interviewing . Some people are more articulate and culturally sensitive than others. These indi- viduals make excellent key actors or informants. Informant is the traditional anthropological terin; however, Tse the term key actor to describe this individual, to avoid both the stigma of the term informant and its historical roots. In the social Broup under study, this individual is one of many actors, and may not be a central or even an indispensable community member. Yet this individual becomes a key actor in the theater of ethnographic research and plays a pivotal role, linking the fieldworker and the community. Key actors can provide detailed historical data, knowledge about contemporary interpersonal relationships (including conflicts), and a wealth of information about the nuances of everyday life. Although the ethnographer tries to speak with as many people as possible, time is always a factor. Therefore, anthropologists have tradi- tionally relied most heavily on one or two individuals in a given group. ~ Typically, the key actor will find many of the ethnographer’s questions obvious or stupid. The fieldworker is asking about basic features of the culture—elementary knowledge to the key actor. However, such naive questions often lead to global explanations of how a culture works. Such responses point out the difference between the key actor and a respondent. The key actor generally answers questions in a comprehensive, albeit meandering, fashion. A respondent answers a question specifically, without explanations about the larger picture and conversational tan- gents, with all their richness and texture. Interviewing a respondent is usually a more efficient data collection strategy, but it is also less revealing and potentially less valid than discussions with a key actor, Key actors require careful selection. They are rarely perfect representatives of the group. However, they are usually members of the mainstream—otherwise, they would not have aécess to up-to-date cultural information. Key actors may be cul- tural brokers, straddling two cultures. This position may give them a special van- tage point and objectivity about their culture. They may also be informal or formal Jeaders in the community. Key actors come from all walks of life and all socioeco- nomic and age groups. Key actor and ethnographer must share a bond of trust (see Figure 17.7). Respect on both sides is earned slowly. The ethnographer must take time to search ‘out and spend time with these articulate individuals. The fieldworker learns to depend on the key actor’s information—particularly as cross-checks with other sources prove it to be accurate and revealing, Sometimes key actors are initially selected simply because they and the ethnographer have personality similarities or ‘mutual interests. Ethnographers establish long-term relationships with key actors who continually provide reliable and insightful information. Key actors can be extremely effective and efficient sources of data and analysis. ‘At the same time, the ethnographer must judge the key actor’s information cau- tiously. Overreliance on a key actor can be dangerous. Every study requires multiple sources. In addition, the fieldworker must take care to ensure that key actors do not simply provide answers they think the fieldworker wants to hear. The ethnographer Scanned with CamScanner’SS@ PRACTICAL p Figure 17.7. Key Informant Interviewing by Or. Fetterman can check answers rather easily, but must stay on guard against such distortion and contamination, Another, subtler problem occurs when a key actor begins to adopt the ethnographer’s theoretical and conceptual framework, The key actor may inad vertently begin to describe the culture in terms of this a priori construct, under ‘mining the fieldwork and distorting the emic or insider's perspective. (For further discussion of the role of key informants, see Dobbert, 1982; Ellen, 1984; Freilick, 1970, Goetz & LeCompte, 1984; Pelto, 1970; Spradley, 1979; Taylor & Bogdan, 1984: Wolcott, 1999.) Life Histories and Expressive-Autobiographical Interviews Key actors often provide ethnographers with rich, d descriptions. These li ailed autobiographical he individual is usually not completely representative ofthe group. However, how a hey actor weaves a per, stories are usually quite person. ‘onal story tls much about the fabric of the social group. Personal description provides an integrated picture of the target culture. Many of these oral histories are verifiable with additional w . However, in ome instances, the lif history may not be verifiable or even factually accurste tn these cases, the life history is ll invaluable because the record captures am ‘daa’ perception ofthe past, providing a unique look at how the key actor thinks and how personal and ¢ ® shape his or her perception of the pa Together wath observation and interviewing, aking hie histories allows the ethrog rapher to assemble a massive amount of perceptual date with which to generate ana! answer basic cultural questions about the social groups ral Scanned with CamScanner’ Ethnography 559. , * The life history approach is usually rewarding for both key actor and ethnogra- her. However, itis exceedingly time-consuming, Approximations of this approach, including expressive-autobiographical interviewing, are particularly valuable contributions to a study with resource limitations and time constraints. The expres- sive-autobiographical interview consists of a highly abbreviated chronological auto biography, interrupted at critical points with questions of concern to the researcher to narrow the scope almost immediately, for example, stress, puberty, marriage, employment, and so on (see Spindler & Spindler, 1970; p. 293; 1987, p. 25). Lists and Forms A number of techniques can stimulate the interviewer's recall and help organize the data. During a semistructured interview, the ethnographer may find a protocol or topical checklist useful. Printed or unobtrusively displayed on a laptop computer screen or a PDA (personal digital assistant), such a list usually contains the major topics and questions the ethnographer plans to cover during the interview. A check- list can be both a reminder and a mechanism to guide the interview when a more efficient approach is desirable, Similarly, after some experience in the field, the fieldworker can develop forms that facilitate data capture. Checklists and forms help organize and discipline data collection and analysis. Their construction should rely on some knowledge from the field to ensure their appropriateness and usefulness. Checklists and forms also require consistent use. However, such lists and forms are not cast in stone; new topics emerge that merit exploration, New conceptualizations arise, and different forms are necessary for collection and analysis of the relevant data (see Carspecken, 1996, p. 29). Questionnaires Structured interviews are close approximations of questionnaires. Questionnaires represent perhaps the most formal and rigid form of exchange in the interviewing spectrum—the logical extension of an increasingly structured interview. However, questionnaires are qualitatively different from interviews because of the distance between the researcher and the respondent. Interviews have an interactive nature that questionnaires lack. In filing out a questionnaire, the respondent completes the researcher's form without any verbal exchange or clarification. Knowing whether or not the researcher and the respondent are on the same wavelength, shar- ing common assumptions and understandings about the questions, is difficult— perhaps impossible. Misinterpretations and misrepresentations are common with questionnaires. Many people present idealized images of themselves on questionnaires, answering as they think they should to conform to a certain image. The researcher has no con- trol over this type of response and no interpersonal cues to guide the interpretation of responses. Other problems include bias in the questions and poor return rates. Despite these caveats, questionnaires are an excellent way for fieldworkers to tackle questions dealing with representativeness, They are the only realistic way of taking the pulses of hundreds or thousands of people. Anthropologists usually Scanned with CamScanner560 PRACT CALDATA Coney Hon evelop que Stionnaires of how explore scientific concerns after they have a good grasp the larg, Ket pieces of the puzzle fit toy er, The question the ethnographer eee te puzzle i eget. The question wledge about the syst ® specific topic ar set of i 0 test hypotheses Tapher must est ture o subculty e isa product of and the researcher can adapt it to ncerns, Ethnographers also use existing questionnaires about specific conceptions and behaviors. However, the ethnog. ablish the relevance of a particular questio ure before administering it. naire to the target cul as Online surveys and questionnaires provide an et ews of large groups in cient way to document the Web, inca a short period of time. The questions are posted on the Fon, eluding yes/no, all that apply, open-ended, and S-point Likert scale ques: tions: Respondents are notified about the location ofthe survey on the Web (with & specific URL), enter their responses, and submit their survey online. The results Ste automatically calculated. The responses are often visually represented in a bar chart or similar graphic display as soon as the data are entered (see Figure 17.8). This saves the ethnographer from the initial mailing costs time-consuming and expensive post mitted survey al reminders, and the expense of data entry concerning all the sub- nographers can help computer-phobic respondents or those who do not have access to computer or the Internet complete the survey and enter their Fesponses in the same online data base if necessary (see Flick, 2006). There are also many other ways to conduct surveys, ranging from PDAS to wire- less polling devices. One of the benefits of wireless polling devices (where people use a hand-held instrument to record their answers and the results are immediately tabulated and visible) is the immediacy and transparency of the tool. Participants can see and share their responses in real time. The approach provides an excellent vehicle to launch focus group discussions. Individuals are also able to compare thei answers with the group and (if comfortable) discuss their reasons for a specific response. The credibility of survey findings (hard copy or online) depends on the response rate, Response rates refer to the percentage of people who complete a survey. There are many ways of increasing the response rate, ranging from keeping the survey short (reducing the respondent burden) to offering incentives. In general, the higher the response rate the better itis (see Fink, 2005, p. 6). Projective Techniques Projective techniques supplement and enhance fieldwork, they do not replace it These techniques are employed by the ethnographer to elicit cultural and often psy. chological information from group members. Typicall he ethnographer holds an Figure 17.8 Computer Screen Snapshot of an Online Survey With Response ‘Automatically Calculated Scanned with CamScannerEthnography ‘se1* ! asks the participant what it is, The researcher may have an idea about Eeption, The pers h nets that idea is less important than the participant's per tions, and jot na Pant’s responses usually reveal individual needs, fears, inclina- Bi ‘al worldview, " Yypically 3 and brief videos of the group 1 am working with while ™M on site or in their co Fi eames anes However it akg et neit community, In part, i is a natural form of reciprocity. ing and gas? Yekds important data. The pictures or Videos elicit both confirm- S00 the dine ead comments. In one case, students yelled, “Idi Amin?” when they “‘rector’s picture, This surprised me because I had only heard high praise about him before that. The reaction led me to understand another side or dimen- Sion to the director that made him successful—“caring but firm? Projective techniques, however revealing, rarely stand alone. The researcher Reeds to set these techniques in a larger research context to understand the elicited 7a bonse completely. Projective techniques can elicit cues that can lead to further inquiry or can be one of several sources of information to support an ongoing hypothesis. Only the ethnographer's imagination limits the number of possible Projective techniques. However, the fieldworker should use only those tests that can be relevant to the local group and the study. a Additional Eliciting Devices A variety of other tools are available with which the fieldworker can elicit the insider’s classification and categorization of a target culture. Ethnographers ask Participants to rank order people in their communities to understand the various social hierarchies. The semantic differential technique (Osgood, 1964) elicits an insider’s rating of certain concepts. Cognitive mapping is also useful in eliciting the insider’s perspective. Asking a student to map out his or her walk to school with various landmarks—for example, a route that identifies gang territories by block— Provides insight into how that individual sees the world. As with projective tech- niques, the ethnographer requires some baseline knowledge of the community before he or she can design and use such techniques. Unobtrusive Measures 1 began this section on methods and techniques by stating that ethnographers are human instruments, dependent on all their senses for data collection and analy- sis. Most ethnographic methods are interactive: They involve dealing with people. The ethnographer attempts to be as unobtrusive as possible to minimize effects on the participant’s behavior. However, data collection techniques—except for questionnaires —fundamentally depend on that human interaction, A variety of other measures, however, do not require human interaction and can supplement interactive methods of data collection and analysis. These methods require only that the ethnographer keep eyes and ears open. Ranging from out- cropping to folktales, these unobtrusive measures allow the ethnographer to draw social and cultural inferences from physical evidence (see Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, & Sechrest, 2000), Scanned with CamScannerSe arch ACHE g - ATA COLL EE HON Out 'ppings Owteropp, ible PPI is a log ‘a fetm referring toa portion of the bedrock that is vis- N the he Surface—jy other words, mk cthnographig ee oh ee that ae Outcroppings in Tithe smal of tine on cin oeude skyscrapers, burned-out buildings, ga *Sytinge in the school g ea tered with garbage, a Rol-Roye, ad oF poverty of me apt Ne researcher can quickly estimate the relative wealth OU any human inten en HES OuetoRpings. nil inferences ae possible wth- house with Fea However, such cues by themselves can be misleading. A OF financial ovens eet” Conveniences and luxuries imaginable can signal wealth overopping enon eeBing on bankrupt. The researcher must place each Ping ina larger context. A broken syringe can have several meanings, (on whether it lies on the floor of a doctor's office or in an elementary Schoolyard fate at night, On the walls ofan inner-city school, the absence of graffi is as important as its presence, An expensive “white elephant” of a building takes on special significance when Viewed within the confines of a township lacking rudimentary services and utilities. The outcropping hints at political patronage, poor planning, and/or misdirected esources. A South African woman standing in front of her modest home takes on Brealer meaning and significance, when situated within a larger squatter settlement in South Africa (see Figures 17.9 and 17.10). It becomes a political statement about the scope of poverty and injustice, Changes in a physical setting over time can also be revealing. For example, an increase in the number of burned-out and empty buildings on a block indicates a ing neighborhood. Conversely, an increase in the number of remodeled andl depending Scanned with CamScannerFigure 17.10 Squatter Settlement in South Africa ative of gentrification, jn which wealthy investors revitalized houses may be indic assess this abundant informa take over the neighborhood. The fieldworker must tion with care, but should not ignore it or take it for granted, Written and Electronic Information In literate societies, written documents provide one of the most valuable and tirme- saving forms of data collection, In studies of office lif J have found past reports, memoranda, and personnel and payroll records invaluable, Mission statements and annual reports provide the organization's purpose or stated purpose and indicate the image the organization wishes to present to the outside world, Internal evaluation reports indicate areas of concern, Budgets tll a great deal about organizational val- tues. Electronic mails often less inhibited than general correspondence and thus quite revealing about office interelationships, turf, and various power struggles, Proper of this type of information can save the ethnographer years of work. Proxemics and Kinesics Proxemics is the analysis of socially defined distance between people, and kinesics focuses on body language (see Birdwhistell, 1970; Hall, 1974). In American culture, a salesperson speaking about a product while standing 2 inches away from a prospective buyer's face has probably intruded on the buyer's sense of private space. A skillful use of such intrusion may overwhelm the customer and make the sale, but it is more likely to turn the customer off. Scanned with CamScannerresearch. Sensitivit Sensitivity to , ity to body language can also be instrumental in ethno rior’s facial expres nae fist, a student’s head on a desk, a condescending supe “ 4 scowl, a blush, a student sitting atthe edge of a chai with eyes Feed 7” lecturer, and many other physial statements provide useful information 10 the Observant fieldworker, tn context, this information can generate Byporheses PT tially confirm suspicions, and add another layer of understanding 10 fieldwork. ‘They crystallize t critical cultural aw on farnil Folktales Folktales are important to both lite an ethos or a way of being. Cultures of values and lessons from one generation ( n figures relevant to th rate and nonliterate socicties. fien use folktales to transmit fo the next. Folktales usually dt v Jocal setting, but the stories themselves her layer of meaning. This inner layer ide ethnographers with insight inte I ife of a people. gether in ethno and tech- iar surroundingsand 01 are facades, Bencath the thin veneer is anol reveals the stories’ underlying values. Stories provi the secular and the sacred, the intellectual and the emotional ‘All the methods and techniques discussed above are used to graphic research, They reinforce one another. Like concepts, methods an niques guide the ethnographer through the maze of human existence. Discovery ait understanding are at the heart of this endeavor. The next section explores @ nographer's expedition through time wide range of useful devices that make the eth and pleasant. and space more productive Equipment - Notepads, computers, tape recorders, PDAS, cameras—all the tools of ethnography are merely extensions of the human instrument, aids to memory and vision. Yet these useful devices can facilitate the ethnographic mission by capturing, the rich detail and flavor of the ethnographic experience and then helping organize and * analyze these data, Ethnographic equipment ranges from simple paper and pen to high-tech laptop and mainframe computers, from tape recorders and cameras to digital camcorders. The proper equipment can make the ethnographer’s sojourn in an alien culture more pleasant, safe, productive, and rewarding. Pen and Paper The most common tools ethnographers use are pen and paper. With these tools, the fieldworkers record notes from interviews during or after each session, sketches an area’s physical layout, traces an organizational chart, and outlines informal social networls. Notepads can hold initial impressions, detailed conversations, and pre- eet fe Most academics have had a great deal of experience with these a ‘) i i ij = extensive notes in classes. Note-taking skill is easily rarserbe tot os and paper have several advantages: case of use, mini- ee Prusiveness, There are many occasions where it is disruptive, , \gerous to record notes, ranging from the observation of . ii Scanned with CamScannertransact noogeant cine ee any q ; NS in a pl “eit tained recat ye PUN 0 fi [ funerals, C8800, yg sl 0 record the} lowever, most ethnographers use aa ‘ypically using pap ‘he information immediately afer the event i worker cannot recent ee hem The drawbacks a ; c obvious: The note-taki q 5 cord eve 7 ‘ulty mainta mBcjoenn “Very word and nuance ina social situation, has diff Omtact with other pattie . do Participants, and must expend a great deal i ' a tibly and inan organized manner, In add ion, real more faulty than an immedi Computer writing teen tenance owe s (¢ paper and pe itten word almost immediately record of the event. however, they also transcribe the Laptop Computers The laptop computer isa signi com Hit improvement over pen and notepad. Laptop Puters are truly portable computers for use in the office, on a plane, or in the field. I often use the laptop in li _ of pen and paper during interviews (once I have established rapport and as long. it does not distance me from the person Tam working with). In a technologi ing, a laptop is rarely obtrusive oF distracting if the fieldworker introduces the device casually and with considera- tion for the person and the uation, Laptop computers can save ethnogeaphers time they can better spend thinking and analyzing. ‘They greatly reduce the ficld- worker's need to type up raw data interview notes every day, because the fieldworker enters these data into the computer only once, during or immediately after an inter- view. These notes can then be expanded and revised with ease, The files can be trans- ferred from the laptop to a personal computer or mainframe with an external disk drive, appropriate software, and/or a high-speed modem or wireless connection, These files can then be merged with other field data, forming a highly organized (dated and cross-referenced), cumulative record of the fieldwork. Laptops also provide the ethnographer with an opportunity to interact with par- ticipants at critical analytic moments. Ethnographers can share and revise notes, spreadsheets, and graphs with participants on the spot. I routinely ask participants to review my notes and memoranda as a way to improve the accuracy of my obser- vations and to sensitize me to their concerns. We also produce bar charts and other graphic representations of the data together, providing an immediate cross-check on the preliminary analysis. ‘The laptop computer is not a panacea, but it is a real time-saver and is particu- larly useful in contract research. An ethnographer who conducts multisite research can carry a laptop to the sites and send files home via modem linkup or wireless with a home computer. Laptops also greatly facilitate communication from the field to the research center through interactive electronic mail systems. Laptops have drawbacks, of course, as any equipment does. The fieldworker must learn about the operating system and the programs. They must configure the computer properly with enough memory and storage. The ethnographer must also possess enough patience to work through bugs, viruses, slow-downs, and crashes. In addition, the fieldworker needs to take time to acquaint people with the device before thrusting it in front of them. Certain people will explicitly or implicitly prohibit the use of even a pen and notepad, never mind a laptop or other device. Also, the clatter of the Scanned with CamScanner566 f RACTICAL PATA Couection keyboard can be distracting and obtrusive in certain situations. In most cases, how (Vet, a brief desensitization period will make people feel comfortable with the quipment, In fact, the laptop can be an icebreaker, helping the fieldworker to develop a strong rapport with people and at the same time inuring them to its Pres- ence, Given a careful introduction, laptops or any other useful pieces of equipment an greatly facilitate ethnographic work. -Desktop Computers ypose memos, reports, and articles to con- and then upload or send their files Is to mechanically transfer files. kipping the transfer issue com- ‘Many researchers use laptops to com} duct interviews, and for general data collection, to a desktop computer. There are convenient tool However, an increasing number of researchers are sl ansfer pletely by using ther laptop or notebook-type computers as their primary cont: puters, because they areas powerful asthe larger systems and are more convenien Database Software Database programs enable the ethnographer to play a multitude of what-if ‘games, to test a variety of hypotheses with the push of a button (and a few macros— strings of commands—assigned to that button). I have used a variety of database programs to test my perceptions of the frequency of certain behaviors, to test spe- cific hypotheses, and to provide new insights into the data. NUDIST, Ethnograph, HyperQual, HyperResearch, AnSWR, EZ-Text, AskSam, Qualpro, and Atlas/ti are some programs that are well suited to ethnographic research ISP (see Figure 17.11). 4S rie_catt_project_oocuments _indexsystem_tindows pent PESSe025 "These database programs allow oom ©2°°5 for the development of emergent ition, these tools themes. In ad SSS a help the ethnographer visualize ~ 7 225 and organize the data into “bins” : or categories. FileMaker Pro and similar programs are less suitable for field notes, but are useful for more limited data sets and manip- * ulation. Fixed fields do not allow for the addition of new fields that emerge along the way as the ethnographer learns more about the multidimensional nature of the topic and the field. (See Weitzman & Miles, 1995, for a detailed review of qualitative data Figure 17.11 Computer Screen Snapshot of NUDIST Software Segue oo ee Scanned with CamScannerhi Ethnography | ‘567. , Nternet Telephony Inter matt telephone software, eae ne another for free over stan os £9 sPeak with coll comne charges. They are aio munity members as well. such as Skype and Jajah, enable people to speak the Internet. Ethnographers are increasingly using leagues and key actors in the field without long- a free or inexpensive way to maintain contact with dis Videoconferencing Technology h Videoconferencing technology allows geographically disparate parties to sce and ‘ear each other—around the globe. Free or inexpensive software programs, including iVisit, iChat, and CU-SeeMe, are available that allow videoconferencing online over the f Internet, with no satellite or long-distance charges. With only this software and a small, f relatively inexpensive digital camera plugged directly into a personal computer; indi- | viduals can videoconference through their computer screens with any other similarly equipped users worldwide. I use videoconferencing to conduct follow-up interviews and observations at remote sites, after initially interviewing on-site and establishing rapport in person. I also use it to consult with colleagues and staff members on the ethnographic research team (see Fetterman, 1996, for additional details). Videoconferencing was instrumental in a $15 million Hewlett-Packard funded Digital Divide project (Fetterman, 2004). The purpose of the project was to help people “bridge the digital divide? specifically establishing wireless communication within and outside the reservation. Videoconferencing facilitated communication through- out the project. In addition, digital photographs of videoconference exchanges between Native Americans in the Tribal Digital Village and ethnographers at Stanford University were used as evidence that the project was successful (see Figure 17.12). Ethnographers have conducted fieldwork for generations without the benefit of laptop and desktop computers, printers, database software, and videoconferencing, and continue to conduct it without them. However, these tools are becoming indis- pensable in many disciplines, and few anthropologists conduct research without the use of some type of computer. Yet computers have limitations: They are only as good as the data the user enters. They still require the eyes and ears of the ethnog- rapher to determine what to collect and how to record it, as well as how to interpret the data from a cultural perspective. (For further information about computing in ethnographic and qualitative research, see Best & Krueger, 2004; Brent, 1984; Conrad & Reinharz, 1984; Fischer, 1994; Friese, 2006; Podolefsky & McCarthy, 1983; Sproull & Sproull, 1982; Weitzman & Miles, 1995; also see Dow, 1987. My Web page provides a list of ethnographic resources on the Internet at www.stan ford.edu/~davidffethnography.html.) Digital Voice Recorders Exnnographers attempt to immerse themselves in the field, working with people be than devices. Tools that free the ethnographer from recording devices, ther pen and paper or laptop computers, are welcome. Tape recorders allow the Scanned with CamScannerFigure 17.12 Videoconferencing Between Dr. Fetterman’s Class/Research Team and Native Americans on Their Reservation ethnographer to engage in lengthy informal and semistructured interviews without the distraction of manual recording devices. Tape recorders effectively capture long, verbatim quotations, essential to good fieldwork, while the ethnographer maintains a natural conversational flow. Digital audio recordings can be analyzed over and over again. In all cases, however, the fieldworker should use the tape recorder judi- ciously and only with consent. Tape recorders can inhibit some individuals from speaking freely during inter- views. Some individuals may fear reprisals because their voices are identifiable on ‘tape. The ethnographer must assure these people of the confidentiality of the data. Sometimes, easing into the use of tape recorders slowly can avoid unnecessary ten- sion. I usually begin with pen and pad, and then ask if I can switch to the digital voice recorder simply because I cannot write fast enough to catch every word. | also stop the digital voice recorder whenever I touch on a topic that the interviewee thinks is too sensitive. A quick response to such requests highlights the ethnogra- pher’s sensitivity and integrity, and strengthens the bond between ethnographer and participant. Digital recorders are useful icebreakers. On several occasions, students’ songs on the tape recorder and played the music back for ing them about the school under study. During group intervi students to pass the tape recorder around and introduce thems they were celebrities. This approach often makes them eager I have recorded them before ask- iews, I typically ask elves on it as though to participate in the Scanned with CamScannerEthnography” aiscussion and usually makes them comfortable with the mach ‘ ae identify accurately each participants words long after 1 popereeee “tape recorders do, however, have some hidden costs, “Transcribing paeed extremely time-consuming and tedious task (even when they are di ally a and transferred toa computer). Listening to a tape takes as much time as aris MT ecording—hours of interview data require hours of listening, "Teanserbing ergs ane dimension te concep of time-consumption. ‘Typically the fieldworker edits the tapes, transcribing only the most important sections. This eeps the etbnographer “close to the data,” enabling the ethnographer to identify subtle themes and patterns that ht be overlooked by a professional transcriber that isnot familiar Pvth the local community. However a carefully selected profes a anseriber can remove the pedestrian part of the proces if funds ae avail ae Leg Carspeckens 1996, P. 295 Robinson, 1994; Roper & Shapira, 2000). al cameras digital cameras, have a special role in ethnographic ‘an fanction as a can opene providing rapid entry into a commu- (see Collier, 19675 Fetterman, 1980). They are 2 known com- industriali industrialized groups. I use cameras to oe evrost industrialized and many nonin blk an immediate familiarity with people, Cameras can create pictures nin ojective projective tools themselves. They are most useful in pr : ‘useful, however, for documentin Cameras document people Places, ethnographer to create 2 photographic re explains, Cameras, particularly research. They nity or classroom techniques or can be field observations. vents, and settings over time. They enable the cord of specific behaviors. As Collier (1967) -vation. It is one of the .¢ abstracting process in obser tances into data that Photography is a legitimat ‘ fist steps in evidence refinement that turns rf circumst analysis. Photographs are precise records of mate- are manageable in researc via reality They are also documents that can be filed and cross-filed as can whic evidence can be endlessly duplicated, verbal statements. Photograp! enlarged or reduced in visual dimension, and fitted into many schemes or dia- grams, and by scientific reading, into many statistical designs. (p. 5) Photographs are mnemonic devices. During analysis and writing periods, photo- graphs can bringa rush of detail thet the fieldworker might not remember otherwise. By capturing cultural scenes and episodes on film at the beginning of a study— before he or she has a grasp ofthe situation—the ethnographer can use the pictures to interpret events retroactively, producing a rare second chance, Also, the camera ofien captures details thatthe human eye has missed. Although the camera is an extension of the subjective eye, it can be a more objective observer, less dependent = ee biases and expectations. A photographic record provides infor- at the fieldworker may not have noticed at the time. Photographs are also excellent educational tools, in the 1m, in a sponsor’s conferen classroom, i j » ce room, or on Scanned with CamScanner579 ‘ RACTICAL Dara cowecnion Computer software programs help. ‘organ tS" based on themes of topics. larly, Web storage fline : ‘eos with colfeagucs and the people you work wif the Interne The St Sofware can be used to “tell story” by using the Pictures to create digital ne shows and digital videos. 1 produce these kinds of videos for many of my projects and post them on blogs and Web pages. They help document a key event, share Sroup projects with others who could not attend meetings net sive voice to com: munity members who would not have otherwise been hese, They also serve as use. fal projective techniques, particularly as commun 'Y members provide feedback on the video during the editing phase of video Production, The use of the camera or any photographic or audio Fecording mechanism fieldwork requires the subjects’ permission, Some People are uncomfortable havi their pictures taken; others cannot afford exposure, The ethnographer may enter the lives of people on their terms, but may not invade individu, privacy. Photography i often perceived tobe an intrusion, People are usually selfconschece about their ‘eiE- presentation and concerned about how and where ther pictares aie An individual's verbal permission is usually sufficient to take a picture. However, 4 itten permission is necessary to publish or to display that picture in a public forum, Even with verbal and written permission in hand, the ethnographer must Getcss judgment in choosing an appropriate display and suitable forum Canon, to0, can be problematic. Inappropriate use of cameras an annoy and irritate } People, undermining report and degrading the ‘quality of the data. I typically use a 4 pocket-sized digital camera that works under low-light conditions to minimize obtrusiveness, Cameras can also distort reality A skilful photographer uses angles and shadows to exaggerate the size of a building orto shape the expression one per- fan’ Fece. The same techniques can presenta distorted picture of an individats j behavior. Photoshop and related software can easily modify and manipulate visual images. (See Aldridge, 1995; Becker, 1979, for an excellent discussion of photogra- hy and threats to validity, See also Pink, 2001, and the visual anthropology jour- nal Studies in Visual Communication.) « disital photos and videos into “fata. 1 seen, Digital Camcorder Digital camcorder recordings are extremely useful in ethnographic (and partic- ularly microethnographic) studies. They are instrumental dete collection tools when producing videos or digital vignetes of social situations Camcorders can capture the ebb and flow of an activity or ritual. The three-dimensional movement People you are describing. Raw digital video that is skilflly edited, much like a documentary, can tella compelling and authentic story. Most digital cameras have a camcorder built into them, enabling the ethnographer to combine functions with a single device, Ethnographers usually havea fraction of a second to reflect 0 Son’ posture or gait. Camcorders provide the observer with the The ethnographer can tape a clas and watch it gver and ° a gesture or a per- ability to stop time, ver again, each time Scanned with CamScanner