Postcolonialism

IN ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN PLANNING

Britain’s Imperial Legacy in Singapore and Malaysia
 Table
of Contents

Introduction 2

Conserving the Colonial 4

Raffles Town Plan 6

Black and White Houses 12

Chinese Shophouses 18

Postcolonial Pattern 24

International Modernism 26

East-West Hybridity 32

Conclusion 40

Bibliography 42

Neubronner Vanessa Alexandra 19706 BADC4A Left: Parkroyal Penang,

“The regeneration of the inferior
or degenerate races, by the supe-
rior races is part of the providen-
tial order of things for humanity …
Regere imperio populous [to rule
mankind] is our vocation. Pour
forth this all-consuming activity
onto countries, which, like China,
are crying aloud for foreign con-
quest … Nature has made a race
of workers, the Chinese race, who
have wonderful manual dexteri-
ty, and almost no sense of honour;
govern them with justice, levying
from them, in return for the bless-
ing of such a government, an am-
ple allowance for the conquering
race, and they will be satisfied; a
race of tillers of the soil, the Negro;
treat him with kindness and hu-
manity, and all will be as it should;
a race of masters and soldiers,
the European race … Let each do
what he is made for, and all will be
well.”
Joseph-Ernest Renan
(Quoted in Said 418-419)
Introduction
Postcolonialism refers to the exploration of the clear and
persistent legacy of colonialism – in particular, its lasting
effects on previously colonised states and peoples.
Western colonialism took place during the Age of Discov-
ery, partly for trade and economic benefit, and partly as
an extension of Western civilisation.
The quote from Joseph-Ernest Renan’s La Réforme
intellectuelle et morale (1871) thoroughly summarises
Western ethical legitimization for colonization in a time
when ideas like Social Darwinism were at the forefront of
society.
While the time of colonialism has passed, its consequenc-
es are evident today. Economically, a disparity still exists
between Western and non-Western countries. Besides
that, the USA, in particular, holds cultural hegemony in
terms of popular culture and the media. There is also the
issue of the politics of knowledge and how decolonised
peoples might find intellectual spaces for self-represen-
tation, if such a thing can even be found. Lastly, there is a
need to examine the notion of hybridity of the East and
the West, and unstable identities among decolonised
peoples.
This study focuses on the effects of postcolonialism in
architecture and urban planning, which manifest in two
forms: the preservation of colonial structures, and the
building of entirely new ones. Both often are in some way
remnants of the history of colonialism in a decolonised
state. They play a big part in the day-to-day running of
society and this functionality tends to mask their colonial
roots, or at least put it out of people’s minds.
03
 “Heritage is not something
static, lying hidden to be
discovered, admired and
conserved. It is a part of the
lives of a people, it shapes
the ways a people meet new
challenges and helps them
adapt and to survive.”
A sense of postcolonialism can be seen in
the retention of urban and architectural
structures created during colonial times.
Professor Esra Akcan describes this as
“conservation according to Western
values of preservation, and buildings de-
signed as replicas of architectural styles
in the mother country” (126). The reason-
ing behind it is two-fold:
First, the preservation of “historic urban
fabric” lends to “notions of local and
national identity, collective memory, and
social value” (Goad et. al, “Recent” 16).
Conserving
Next, these places of cultural and histor-
ical value generate revenue in a nation’s
tourism industry. Examples of these
would be the Han Jiang Temple in Penang
the Colonial
built in 1870 and the Chinatown area in
Singapore, which was demarcated by the
British during their colonial rule there.
Mr Lee Kuan Yew,
July 2005
In the immediate years after Singapore’s
decolonisation, little consideration was
given to such places in the name of mod-
ernising Singapore. Only in the 1980s
did the Ministry for Trade and Industry
realise that Singapore had “removed
aspects of [her] oriental mystique and
charm which are best symbolised in old
buildings, traditional activities, and road-
side activities such as the pasar malam”
(Ministry of Trade and Industry 6).
What followed was a programme that
preserved heritage areas like China-
town, Little India, and Kampong Glam. Of
course, whether Singapore should truly
be preserving these areas is another issue
entirely.
Left: Chinatown, Singapore.
05
Fig. 2.1 Plan of the Town of Singapore by Lieutenant Jackson, 1823

Raffles Town
06
Plan (1822)

“The whole face of the country
on our first arrival at Singa-
pore presented nothing but
one vast forest of the largest
and most impenetrable kind,
reaching in every direction to
the edge of the sea.”
Farquhar to Raffles, 17 April 1822
(Dale 11-12)
08
When Sir Stamford Raffles made the
decision to turn Singapore into a British
colony, the Raffles Town Plan, also known
as the Jackson Plan, was drawn up. It
was a proposed plan that segregated the
people living in Singapore based on their
ethnicities so as to maintain order in early
Singapore’s urban development. It was
not followed exactly, but the main ideas of
segregation stayed in place well into the
20th century. Professor of Humanities
Tan Tai Yong wrote that “the blueprint de-
marcated living spaces and organised the
island’s layout according to ethnic com-
munities”. Each community thus “retained
its distinct culture and livelihood, and
continued speaking its native language
and dialect”, resulting in a population
that was “segregated rather than united”
(14). While the plan was only drawn up
in 1822, Sir Stamford Raffles had already
made similar plans by his second visit in
June 1819. Historian Lee Kip Lim notes
that “Raffles did not spend much time in
Singapore, yet he played a vital role in the
planning of the settlement (17).
In seeming contrast, we can still see
This detachment from the colony and its remnants of Raffles’ urban planning in the
indigenous inhabitants is quite typical of conservation of heritage spaces like Chi-
the attitude of the colonial powers of the natown, Kampong Glam, and Little India.
time. While racial segregation might have While these areas might hold historical
suited the needs of the British colonial value and add to Singapore’s tourism
rulers, little thought was given to the revenue, they also serve as reminders of
future of such a state. The result was a the racial segregation of early Singapore.
decolonised state that was fraudulent However, it would be nigh impossible to
with racial riots in the 1950s and 1960s. remove evidence of our colonisation, es-
This in turn led to the forging of a national pecially since the British did bring about a
identity built on the principles of multicul- significant amount of economic progress
turalism. The sentiment is even reflected in Singapore. This points to the duality of
in Singapore’s National Pledge. postcolonialism, where Western influ-
ence becomes so integrated into a state’s
In terms of urban planning and public history that the indigenous peoples even
housing, in 1989 the People’s Action Par- celebrate their past oppression, in lieu of
ty (PAP), led by Lee Kuan Yew, implement- hanging on to any lingering resentment.
ed the Ethnic Integration Policy – still in
use today – which “helps to maintain a Left: Fig. 2.2 “Map of the Town and Harbour of
good ethnic mix in [Housing Development Singapore” by William Farquhar, 1821-1822
Board (HDB)] estates” to “promote racial Above: Fig. 2.3. Map of Singapore by J.T.
integration and harmony” (Ethnic Integra- Thomson, 1864
tion Policy). Next spread: Fig. 2.4 A HDB block in Singapore
09
“We, the citizens of
Singapore, pledge
ourselves as one
united people,
regardless of race,
language or religion,
to build a democratic
society based on
justice and equality
so as to achieve
happiness, prosperity
and progress for our
nation.”
The National Pledge of Singapore

11
Fig. 3.1 A black and white house in Singapore.

Black and
12
White Houses
 “It was inevitable that the
British brought not only
their social customs to the
East, but their house plans
as well.”
(Lee 33)

14 15
 During Singapore’s colonial period, the
first houses built by the Europeans were
timber houses “similar to the houses of
the original inhabitants” (Lee 20). How-
ever, over time, the use of bricks became
more common and the houses of the
British and other European settlers began
to more greatly resemble the ones in their
own home countries.
An example of these would be the black
and white bungalows built by the Euro-
peans in Singapore. They got their name
from the dark timber and whitewashed
walls they are made from and were most
popular in the 1920s and 1930s. Their
style was “derived essentially from the
‘Mock Tudor’ style popular with govern-
ment architects” at the time (Lee 65).
Later iterations of the black and white
houses had a more “Tropical Art Deco
style, with a streamlined appearance and
flat roofs” (Lee 224).
16
Many of the black and white houses are
still standing today. They are scattered
across Singapore and mostly owned by
the government and rented out to various
tenants. Some have been converted into
offices, galleries, or even restaurants.
Previous spread:
Left: Fig. 3.2 A black and white house in Singapore.
Bottom Right: Fig. 3.3 An old black and white house
at Botanic Gardens.
Top Right: Fig. 3.3 A black and white house at
Alexandra Road.
Left: Fig.3.5 A black and white house designed in a
Tropical Art Deco Style.
Below: Fig.3.6 An example of the Mock Tudor Style.
17
Fig. 4.1 Upper Cross Street photographed by Chee Boon Pin

Chinese
18
Shophouses
 “[F]or the sake of uniformity and gaining
as much room as possible a particular de-
scription of front for all brick or tiled hous-
es should be attended to … [A] still further
accommodation will be afforded to the pub-
lic by requiring that each house should have
a verandah of a certain depth, open at all
times as a continued and covered passage
on each side of the street.”
Raffles’ Directive of 22 November 1822
(Lee 79)
Chinese shophouses can be found
throughout Singapore and Malaysia. In
Singapore, their orientation and form can
be traced to Raffles’ guidelines written
in 1822. These directions guided the
development of Singapore well into the
19th century and can be seen today in
the remaining shophouses as well as the
gridded street patterns of the city centre
(Dale 15).
Chinese traditions also influenced the de-
sign of these shophouses. Since “seclusion
of the family was important”, “[h]ouses
were inevitably ‘inward-looking’, sur-
rounded by solidly built boundary walls”.
These layouts were also “based on cosmic
theories, particularly geomancy”, which is
also known as feng shui (Lee 77).

The windows and doors of the shop-
houses were often undecorated, at least
until “European architectural elements
and motifs were introduced gradually”,
creating “a sort of compromise” between
European and Chinese architectural fea-
tures (Lee 80). This European influence
on Chinese design culminated in what
is known as the ‘Coarsened Classical’ or
‘Straits Chinese’ Style (Lee 125).
Unlike the previous two examples of
colonial conservation, the conservation of
Chinese shophouses shows the “contri-
bution if the colonised to the shaping
of colonial Singapore”, showcasing “a
product of an interactive history of both
the British and the Chinese” (Kusno 7).
However, this still ties into the notions of
hybridity that come with postcolonialism.

Few of the shophouses were built by Eu-
ropean architects, having “little appeal” to
them. Some examples are Ellenborough
building, designed by J.T. Thomson, and
the shophouses at Serangoon Road and
Hastings Road, designed by D.M. Craik.
They were mostly unadorned and built
in a Palladian style, “without any trace of
Chinese motifs or influence” (Lee 126).
Left: Fig. 4.2 Dong Ya Building at Keong Saik Road.
Above: Fig. 4.3 A shophouse ion Upper Cross Street.
Next spread:
Top Left: Fig. 4.4 An old shophouse in Singapore.
Top Middle: Fig. 4.5 Shophouse section.
Top Right: Fig. 4.6 Shophouses on Emerald Hill Road
in Singapore.
Bottom: Fig. 4.7 Ellenborough house.

20 21
22 23
 “How should one address, through ur-
ban and architectural knowledge, the
idea of the independent nation, the
struggle for national identity, and the
establishment of postcolonial institu-
tions that are already entangled with
the discursive practices of the ‘West’?”
(Kusno x)

Architectural structures in Singapore and help in the forging of national identities.

Malaysia following decolonisation tended
towards two main ideologies.
The first has to do with globalisation and
modernity, with many nations striving to
portray themselves as progressive and
innovative cities. Professor Jyoti Hosa-
grahar describes this as the “indigeniza-
tion” (2) of colonial thought within the
colony and unfortunately resulted in “the
The main question here was how “archi-
tecture and spaces of the city be ‘modern-
ized’ yet still retain a distinctive cultural
identity” (ix). This unfolded in structures
that tried to bring a sense of indigenous
culture into ultimately Western designs,
and also structures that attempted to
create a type of design not influenced by
the West. These tend to fall under what
is known as a Tropical Vernacular, which

Postcolonial
vast environmental and housing traumas is essentially Vernacular Architecture
presented by continuing urbanization” specifically in the tropics.
(Kusno ix).

Patterns
Next, architects sought “to challenge the Left: Fig. 5.1: Pearl Bank Apartments, Singapore.
Eurocentric canon” of architecture (Akcan
120) and to design structures that would

25
 International
Fig. 6.1 The Singapore skyline.

26
Modernism
 After decolonisation, many nations were
eager to present themselves as the epit-
omes of progress and modernity. Unfor-
tunately, “[r]ather than being inspired by
the traditional city … the process adhered
to the universal trend of aggrandising the

“In the haste of postwar modern while denying the contribution

offered by history” (Dale 241).

development, acceler- Urban renewal in Singapore was mostly

realised in a determination to “rid the
country of squatter-type attap dwellings

ated by the 1960s rise and, what was considered, slum areas –
all of which were looked upon as unbe-
coming of the new forward-marching

of nationalism and Singapore” (Dale x). This culminated in a

“significant loss of cultural heritage” (Dale
241), at least until the importance of con-

independence, where serving heritage areas came to the fore in

the 1980s. Before that, since a large num-
ber of buildings were designed by foreign

modern architecture architects, “[v]ery few landmark buildings

had anything to offer” and “not many
appeared to be anything other than what

became the byword for the architects would have erected in their
hometowns in Europe, the United States,
and Japan” (Bingham-hall 12). Today, Sin-

progress and change, gapore’s Central Business District is full

of reflective glass office towers, most of
which look the same and are inappropri- power in 1959” (Bingham-hall 14). The

the historic city in Asia ate for Singapore’s tropical climate.

Malaysia was no different; even the

results of this included the likes of the
National Theatre designed by Alfred
Wong in 1963, as well as People’s Park

was often the victim of buildings designed by local architecture

firm Malayan Architects Co-Partnership
in 1960s were greatly influenced by
Complex and Woh Hup Complex (now the
Golden Mile Complex) designed in 1973
and 1974 respectively by Design Part-

large scale tabula rasa
modernist ideals from the West. These
buildings followed a “rigorous plastic
modernism that took its cues from the
nership. These buildings reflected a more
local version of modernity rather than
prescribing to Western notions of it.

functionalist planning.” Chandigarh projects of Le Corbusier, and

the work of Paul Rudolph and Miles van
der Rohe” (Goad et. al, “Recent” 30).
(Goad et. al, “New” 12) There are, of course, some exceptions to
this. In Singapore, local modernist archi-
tects in the 1960s and early 1970s had
an “optimistic fervour [that] reflected the
radical reshaping of the nation’s identity
and destiny after the British relinquished
Above: Fig.6.2 A construction site in Singapore.
Next spread:
Top Left: Fig. 6.3 Golden Mile Complex in Singapore.
Bottom Left: Fig. 6.4 National Theatre (demolished
in 1986).
Right: Fig.6.5 People’s Park Complex in Singapore.

28 29
30 31
 East-West
Fig. 7.1 Khoo Teck Puat Hospital in Singapore.

32
Hybridity
 After gaining independence, architectural hybridity
between Eastern and Western elements in buildings in
Singapore and Malaysia manifested in several ways.

The first of these is the modernisation of historic build-

ings, whether in design or in usage. “A successful story
for the Malaysia architectural profession has been the
conscientious attention and recognition given to the
conservation and adaptive re-use of historic buildings.”
(Goad et. al, “Recent” 16). One example of this is the
Cheong Fatt Tze Mansion in Georgetown, Penang, which
has been converted into a hotel. In Singapore, a clear ex-
ample would be the Capitol Theatre, which was first built
in 1929, and today is part of Capitol Singapore, which
consists of a hotel, a residential area, retail areas, and of
course the theatre itself.

34 35
 The next form of hybridity lies in the
incorporation of indigenous materials and
lifestyle considerations into architectural
designs. A prime example would be the
concept of honeycomb housing in Malay-
sia, introduced by Kuala Lumpur-based
architect Mazlin Ghazali. With this type
of housing, “[s]mall groups of houses are
laid out around a communal courtyard
akin to friends sitting around a table …
it’s like that in the kampong” (Ng 18). The
honeycomb houses thus embody a cul-
tural spirit that originates in the past, just
in a more modern setting. With regard
to indigenous architectural elements, a
good example would be Shangri-La’s Rasa
Sayang Resort and Spa in Penang, Ma-
laysia. Its Minangkabau roof “integrates
traditional and modern design elements
that reflect an aspect of the character
and charm of Malaysia” and the entire
structure resembles “a traditional Malay
palace” (The History of Shangri-La’s Rasa
Sayang Resort and Spa).

Previous spread:
Top: Fig. 7.2 Cheong Fatt Tze Mansion.
Bottom: Fig. 7.3 Capitol Singapore.

Left Top Corner: Fig.7.4 Plans for Nong Chik Hous-

ing by M Ghazali (Duplex)
Left Top: Fig. 7.5 Plans for Nong Chik Housing by M
Ghazali (Sextuplex)
Left Bottom: Fig.7.6 Nong Chik Housing
Right Top: Fig.7.7 Rasa Sayang Resort and Spa,
Penang.
Right Middle: Fig.7.8 Rasa Sayang Resort and Spa,
Penang (Rasa Wing Pool).
Right Bottom: Fig.7.9 Rasa Sayang Resort and Spa,
Penang (Spa).

Next spread:
Left: Fig. 7.10 School of the Arts, Singapore.
Right: Fig. 7.11 Khoo Teck Puat Hospital, Singapore.

36
 “Tropical architecture in Singapore,
as in all other Southeast Asian cities,
is faced at all turns by a single basic
dilemma: the fundamental principles
– avoiding intense sunlight, sheltering
from heavy rain, and providing con-
stant ventilation – are anti-urban.”
(Bingham-hall 18)
While somewhat similar
to the previous point, the
notion of a Tropical Ver-
nacular architecture has
its basis in more climatic
concerns. It involves the
designing of architecture
that is climatically appro-
priate in the tropics while
still meeting the everyday
needs of the modern
people using them. “For
colonial architects, the
tropical climate produced
a distinctive model of
colonial life, one asso-
ciated with bungalows,
verandah living, and a
picturesque setting”
(Goad et. al, “New” 20).
In today’s Singapore, the
tropical climate has given
risen to structures such
as the School of the Arts,
as well as Khoo Teck Puat
Hospital. Both utilise a
“variety of ventilation and
shading devices” to make
visually modern buildings
that suit the country’s
weather conditions.

38 39
 Conclusion

Decolonisation brought about “a cele-

brated moment of arrival – charged with
the rhetoric of independence and the cre-
ative euphoria of self-invention” (Gandhi
5). Yet this moment for independence is
held back by its “indisputable historical
belatedness, its post-coloniality” – how
it inevitably follows after and therefore
cannot be taken out of the context of
colonialism (Gandhi 6).

In the world of architecture and urban

planning, Western knowledge still takes
precedence over the work of non-West-
ern or non-Western-trained architects.
Even when attempts are made to go back
to indigenous roots, the legacy of being
a once colonised nation cannot be left
behind. The history we celebrate is simply
too tangled up in our previous colonised
status. Without a greater standing for
non-Western knowledge, it is difficult for
the decolonised to create an intellectual
space outside of Western thought where
the decolonised might find true self-rep-
resentation in architecture.

Left: Fig. 8.1 An aerial view of Singapore.

40 41
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& Spa | A Kuoni Hotel in Penang.” @Kuo-
niTravelUK, www.kuoni.co.uk/malaysia/
penang/hotels/shangri-las-rasa-sayang-
resort-and-spa
Fig. 7.8: “Photos & Videos | Shangri-La’s
Rasa Sayang Resort and Spa Penang.”
Shangri, www.shangri-la.com/penang/
rasasayangresort/photos-videos/.
Fig. 7.9: ibid.

Fig. 6.5: Martin, Mayo. “‘I’m Afraid One
Day It’s Going to Go’: Saving Singapore’s
Old Buildings One Photograph at a Time.”
CNA, 14 Sept. 2018, www.channelnewsa-
sia.com/news/lifestyle/darren-soh-pho-
tograph-singapore-heritage-build-
ings-hdb-10636928.
Fig. 7.1: “02 KTPH.” Dense and Green
Building Typologies – Future Cities Labo-
ratory, 11 May 2018, denseandgreen.fcl.
ethz.ch/02-ktph/.
Fig. 7.10: Bingham-Hall, Patrick. A Guide
to 21st Century Singapore Architecture.
Pesaro Publishing, 2012, p. 94.
Fig. 7.11: ibid, p. 21
Fig. 8.1: “Singapore Aerial Photography.”
Singapore Aerial Photography and Vide-
ography Services, www.singaporeaerial-
photography.com/blog/the-benefits-of-
aerial-photos-with-drones-for-business/

Fig. 7.2: “Arkitek LLA » Cheong Fatt Tze

Mansion.” Arkitek LLA, lla.com.my/proj-
ects/cheong-fatt-tze-mansion/.

Fig. 7.3: “A Shining Landmark, A Strong

Sense of Pride.” Capitol Singapore | Luxu-
ry Hotel | Luxury Residences | Retail Mall
& Theatre, www.capitolsingapore.com/
about-capitol.

Fig. 7.4: Ng, Veronica. Theorising Emer-

gent Malaysian Architecture. Vol. 1,
Pertubuhan Akitek Malaysia (Malaysian
Institute of Architects), 2016, p. 21.

44
The term post-colonialism —
according to a too-rigid etymolo-
gy — is frequently misunderstood
as a temporal concept, meaning
the time after colonialism has
ceased, or the time following the
politically determined Indepen-
dence Day on which a country
breaks away from its governance
by another state. Not a naïve
teleological sequence, which
supersedes colonialism, post-colo-
nialism is, rather, an engagement
with, and contestation of, colo-
nialism’s discourses, power struc-
tures, and social hierarchies. . . . A
theory of post-colonialism must,
then, respond to more than the
merely chronological construction
of post-independence, and to more
than just the discursive experience
of imperialism.

— Post-Colonial Drama (1996)