A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum

A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum
Author(s): Nicholas H. Steneck

Source: Speculum , Apr., 1975, Vol. 50, No. 2 (Apr., 1975), pp. 245-269
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Medieval Academy of
America
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A LATE MEDIEVAL ARBOR SCIENTIARUM*
BY NICHOLAS H. STENECK
As is the case with so many issues relating to me

classification of the sciences has a long and fairly well-re
extends from ancient times through the thirteenth
history of the classification of the sciences goes from he
incognita. The energies devoted to the study of the w
Augustine, Al-Farabi, Gundissalinus, Hugh of St. Victor,
Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas, and others have n
include writings from the fourteenth and fifteenth cen
void in the scholarship on this issue that is not filled
century.2 That this void is due to a lack of research on
and not a lack of interest on the part of late medie
classification of the sciences can easily be demonstrated.
to certain key passages in fourteenth-century commenta
ics and Sentences to discover a rich and lively tradition th
of this issue through the late Middle Ages and into the
* The research conducted for this study was made possible by gr

Council of Learned Societies and the National Science Foundation. I would also like to thank
the Mediaeval Institute at the University of Notre Dame and Dr. Asterik Gabriel for the
fine facilities and extensive microfilm collection of Langenstein manuscripts.
1 For brief, comprehensive introductions to this issue, see Marshall Clagett, "So
Aspects of Medieval Physics," Isis 39 (1948), 29-44; Jerome Taylor, The 'Didascalicon'
St. Victor (New York, 1961), especially the introduction, pp. 28-36, and the detailed i
contained in the notes; and James A. Weisheipl, "Classification of the Sciences in
Thought," Mediaeval Studies 17 (1965), 54-90. Joseph Marietan, Probleme de la classif
sciences d'Aristote a St-Thomas (St. Maurice, 1901); and Robert Flint, Philosophy as Sci
tiarum and a History of Classifications of the Sciences (Edinburgh, 1904) cover some
material but in a much more superficial way.
2 More detailed information on the history of the classification of the sciences can b
Ludwig Baur, ed., Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae, Beitrage zur Ges
Philosophie des Mittelalters 4, nos. 2-3 (Munich, 1906); Clemens Baiimker, ed., Al
den Ursprung der Wissenschaften (De ortu scientiarum), Beitrage zur Geschichte der Phil
Mittelalters 19, no. 3 (Munich, 1916); Emma Therese Healy, Saint Bonaventure's "De
artium ad theologiam" (Saint Bonaventure, N.Y., 1939); Leslie Webber Jones, trans., A
tion to Divine and Human Readings by Cassiodorus Senator (New York, 1946); Joseph K
liberales von der antiken Bildung zur Wissenschaft des Mittelalters (Leiden, 1959); an
Maurer, St. Thomas Aquinas: The Division and Methods of the Sciences (Toronto, 1963
3 Aristotle's division of the sciences into practical and theoretical in book six of the
(Aristotle, Metaphysica 6.1.1025b25-28) provides ample opportunity for commenta
bark on a brief discussion of the classification of the sciences: Cf. Joannes Duns Scotu
libros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis expositio 6.1.1-2 (ed. Vives, pp. 126-36); John
Metaphysicen Aristotelis questiones 6.2 (Paris, 1518; fac. repr., Frankfurt a. M.,
33vb-34ra; and Antonius Andreae Super duodecim libros Methaphysice questionibus 6
don, 1480), [no foliation]. Similar discussions can be found in the prologues to fourte
fifteenth-century Sentence commentaries in the form of lengthy answers to th
"whether theology is a practical or speculative science?" Cf. Hervaeus Natalis Britonis
libros Sententiarum commentaria Prol., Q. 4 (Paris, 1647; repr., Hants, England, 1966
245

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246 A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum
ever, rather than pursuing this approach to the history

of the sciences in the late Middle Ages, this paper looks
unstudied arbor scientiarum that provides a detailed
medieval treatment of this issue. The arbor in question i
Expositio prologi Bibliae4 written by Henry of Langenst
lecturer in theology at the University of Vienna.
In the process of preparing his students for subseq
Bible, Henry of Langenstein lingered for a moment dur
Durandus a Sancto Porciano, In Petri Lombardi Sententias Theologicas

Prol., Q. 6 (Venice, 1571), fols. 10vb-12ra; and Gregory of Rimini,
Sententiarum Prol., Q. 5 (Venice, 1522; repr., St. Bonaventure, N.Y
4 Henry of Langenstein, Expositio prologi Bibliae, MS Vienna, Ost
liothek, CUP 3900, lr-134v; hereafter cited as Prologus or Prol. The
textual quotations noted in square brackets are variant readings
Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, CUP 3922, or obvious additions an
ings have been standardized. The Prologus, which comprises the first
the Bible, was composed at the University of Vienna, beginning in
taries on Jerome's prologue to the entire Bible and prologue to Penta
then followed by an extensive series of lectures on Genesis 1.1-3.1
Bible proved to be extremely popular during the next fifty to sev
Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi (Madrid, 1951), 3:32-33,
that contain either parts or all of these lectures (in their entirety the
folios and are bound in several volumes), and his list is by no m
manuscripts can be found in the libraries at Admont, Gittweig, Lam
ten, and Stuttgart. Since Henry's lectures were never printed, very f
them much less draw on the wealth of information that they cont
article stems from a longer study now in progress on the science
commentary.
5Henry's curriculum vitae can be summarized as follows: 1363, first listed as a student in the
arts at Paris, English-German nation; 1363-73, active in the arts, Paris, possibly studying
theology at the same time; 1375-76, presumed dates of his lectures on the Sentences, Paris;
1378-82, actively engaged in solving the problem of the Schism; 1381, vice-chancellor, Sor-
bonne; 1382 or 1383, leaves Paris because of the political pressures of the Schism and goes to
Eberbach; 1384, called to the University of Vienna; 1389, dean of the theological faculty,
Vienna; 1393, rector of the university, Vienna; 1397, death, Vienna. The events of his life prior
to 1363 and the year in which he came to Paris are unknown. Summaries of Henry's life and
writings are given by Otto Hartwig, Henricus de Langenstein dictus de Hassia, Zwei Untersuchungen
iiber das Leben und die Schriften Heinrichs von Langenstein (Marburg, 1857); Joseph Aschbach,
Geschichte der Wiener Universitdt (Vienna, 1865), pp. 366-402; C. J. Jellouschek, "Heinrich
Heinbuche v. Langenstein," Lexikonfiir Theologie und Kirche (Freiburg, 1960), 5:190-91; P. Lang,
Die Christologie bei Heinrich von Langenstein: Eine Dogmenhistorische Untersuchung, Freiburger
Theologische Studien 85 (Freiburg, 1966), pp. 1-31; and Francois Vanderbroucke, "Henri de
Langenstein," Dictionnaire de spirituality (Paris, 1969), 7:215-19. Lang's study is by far the most
critical of the recent surveys and contains a brief discussion of other relevant secondary
literature, pp. 1-2, nn. 2-4. Several attempts have been made to survey Henry's many writings;
however, much still remains to be done. F. W. E. Roth, "Zur Bibliographie des Henricus
Hembuche de Hassia," Beihefte zum Centralblatt fur Bibliothekswesen 1 (Leipzig, 1888), 97-118,
covered only a few archives and did not attempt to clarify his bibliography by turning to
content. K. J. Heilig, "Kritische Studien zum Schrifttum der beiden Heinrichs von Hessen,"
Romische Quartalschrift fur Christliche Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschicte 40 (1932), 105-76; and
Lang, pp. 31-78, rectify many problems related to Henry's theological writings. I have recently
completed an extensive reappraisal of Henry's scientific writings and hope to publish the results
in the near future.

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A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum 247
explication of Jerome's prologue to the Bible6 for the purp

the intellectual context within which the study of Divine S
His objective in doing so, which was also the objective of
passage under discussion, was to illustrate the particularly d
biblical study by comparing it to the other sciences. Jerom
on this subject were brief. The opening lines of chapter six
read:
These jottings from me are briefly put; indeed, the restrictive nature of a letter
does not allow one to wander very far from the subject. As you know, you cannot
enter into Holy Scripture without prior instruction and a guide who shows the
path. I pass in silence regarding grammarians, rhetoricians, philosophers, geome-
ters, dialecticians, musicians, astronomers, astrologers, [and] physicians, whose
science is very useful to mortals and is divided into three parts: theory, method,
and practice. I come to the minor arts, which are administered not so much by
language as by the hand: farmers, masons, artisans, hewers of metals and woods,
wool workers and even fullers, and others who make various household items and
more humble works. They cannot be what they want to be without an instructor.
"What is of medicine is prescribed by physicians; artisans manage the works of
artisans."7
This brief passage provided Henry with ample opportunity to probe deeply
into the organization of the learning of his day. In the process, he touched
upon the classification of the sciences, the arbor scientiarum vel philosophiae,
the utility of the seven liberal arts and the role that they play in further
studies, and the position that a wide selection of the arts (theoretical, practi-
cal, and mechanical) occupy in a well-balanced and well-run society. The end
product of this discussion sets forth a number of interesting points that
reflect broader developments that were taking place in and effecting the
culture of late medieval Europe.
I. THE BRANCHES OF THE ARBOR
It is important to note at the outset of a discussion o

Langenstein's classification of the sciences that his approach to
6Jerome, Epistolae (ed. Isidorus Hilberg), no. 53. This letter, which was
appears as a prologue to the entire Bible in a number of editions of the Vul
early as the ninth century. Subsequent writers (e.g., Hugh of S. Caro, Willia
Nicholas of Lyra) found the letter to be of great interest and commented upon
Bible (Samuel Berger, "Les prefaces jointes aux livres de la Bible dans les
Vulgate," Memoires... a l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1st ser. 11, pt.
and 33).
7 "Haec a me perscripta sunt breviter, neque enim epistularis angustia
patiebatur. Ut intellegeres te in scripturis sacris sine praevio ductore et monstr
posse ingredi. Taceo de grammaticis, rhetoribus, philosophis, geometricis, di
astronomicis, astrologis, medicis, quorum scientia mortalibus satis utilissima es
scinditur: in doctrinam, rationem et usum. Ad minores artes veniam et qua
quam manu administrantur. Agricolae, caementarii, fabri, metallorum ligno
lanarii quoque et fullones, caeterique qui variam supellectilem et vilia op
absque doctore non posunt esse quod cupiunt. 'Quod medicorum est, pro
tractant fabrilia fabri'." Jerome, Epistolae no. 53, c. 6, as given in Prol. 13
quotation is taken from Horatius, Epistolae 2.1.115-116.

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decidedly Augustinian in character. He derives many of his i

classification either directly from the writings of August
Christiana and De civitate Dei)8 or from a source that made e
the writings of Augustine, Hugh of St. Victor's Didascalicon.
with these two authorities, the names of other writers, b
medieval, appear much less frequently. Boethius and Aris
for matters relating to the quadrivium; Albumazar, Aver
Cappella, Chrysostom, Euclid, Plato, Seneca, Valerius Maximu
of Paris are mentioned only once or twice and always in supp
lar points.10 Noticeably absent from this list are the nam
thirteenth-century commentators who discussed classification
the Aristotelian (Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquina
(Robert Grosseteste, Robert Kilwardby, and Roger Bacon)
when Henry utilizes ideas that are usually ascribed to Aris
through his understanding of Augustine's and Hugh's classifi
these ideas a non-Aristotelian origin. For example, at the ver
his classification of the sciences, Henry progresses, by a slig
Augustine's argument, from the threefold classification g
theory, method, and practice, to Plato's threefold classificat
ences: moral, natural, and rational, and then to a more fund
tion, which is still Platonic: action and contemplation, that lea
Henry's own starting point: theoretical and practical.12 All of
8 In addition to these two works, Henry less frequently cites De trinitate,

libro de sermone Domine in monte in the portion of the Prologus used for t
9 In his introduction to the Didascalicon, Taylor agrees with a commonly h
this work "is true to Augustine" in many respects. He does not see this orie
factor, however, as he goes on to show the many ways in which "in its [i.e
very willingness to formulate its Augustinian viewpoint in terms currently
the achievement of Augustine" (Taylor, p. 36; see also, pp. 7 and 29-3
10 It is often difficult to distinguish between sources that Henry is q
sources that he is quoting at second hand, usually through Augustine or
However, even if this factor is ignored, Augustine and Hugh still com
commonly quoted authorities. In the section of the Prologus utilized in this
mentioned by name twenty-seven times, Hugh ten, while Aristotle (De caelo, M
and Ethica) and Boethius (De arithmetica and De musica) are mentioned only
respectively. Many of the remaining sources are obviously quoted at second
1 These categories are given by Weisheipl, "Classification," pp. 72-89. W
distinction primarily on the assumed role of the mathematical sciences in r
sciences.
12 After noting that Jerome's threefold classification, which is given in reference to medicin
(note 7 above), can be applied to philosophy generally considered (Prol. 52vb), Henry goes on to
discuss its origin as follows: "Hiis igitur dictis revertendo iam ad divisionem scientiarum
liberalium quae ponitur in littera; est advertendum secundum Beatum Augustinum, septimo De
civitate Dei, quod Plato, discipulus Socratis, omnem philosophiam in tres partes distribuit secun
dum intentionem Beati Hieronymi hic in littera, scilicet in moralem, quae in actione versatur, e
in naturalem, quae rerum naturas et conditiones strutatur, et in rationalem, qua verum discern
itur a falso, quae rationalis et logica vocatur. Licet ut dicit Beatus Augustinus, octavo De civitat
Dei, utrique, id est scientia practica et speculativa, sit necessaria maxime, tamen valet [i
inquisitione veritatis. Et reducitur praedicta divisio trimembris ad bimembrem, quia omnem

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without any mention of the usual source for the latter d

Moreover, it is all effected in a way that ultimately pr
of the sciences that is uniquely Henry's and not tha
predecessors.
According to Henry, the arbor scientiarum (fig. 1) is
ture that has two symmetrical branchings, the theoret
the practical, which together encompass philosophy
sense. (By philosophy generally considered, Henry
scientia that includes all the species ofscientia.)14 The th
the arbor divides into supernatural theology and human
philosophy is philosophy considered in more strict t
generally considered and includes the sciences that a
such as natural philosophy, moral philosophy, and math
on the other hand, is supernatural in that it proceeds f
beyond man, that is, from things that descend "fro
Knowledge about God can be humanly derived from
called metaphysical theology, "because from the know
corporeal things the human intellect arrives, via the di
tive way, at an understanding of invisible and incorpor
and the intelligences."16 However, this type of knowled
studium sapientiae intelligitur consistere vel in actione vel in spec
Cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei 8.4. In this chapter, Augustine argue
approaches of Socrates (active) and Pythagoras (contemplative) int
quently divided into moral, natural, and rational; not the reverse
13 Aristotle gives this and a closely related classification (theoretical
in a number of places; e.g., Metaphysica 1.1.981b33-35, 6.1.1025b25
and Topica 6.6.145a15-18, and 8.1.157a10-12. It is interesting to n
standpoint, there is no reason to assume that this classification is
others mention it without specific reference to Aristotle (Boethius, I
menta, editio secunda, ed. Brant, CSEL 48:140), and it was assumed by
be common knowledge. It is best, therefore, not to make too much
considering a particular scholar's philosophical leanings.
14 After dividing philosophy into that which stands "pro amore
stands "pro ipsa sapientia ab omnibus amata et desiderata" (cf. Dida
Henry subdivides the latter category as follows: "Et in hac acceptione
generaliter, stricte, et strictissime. Primo modo philosophia est
scientiae; secundo modo sumitur strictius pro omnium aggregatio
acquisitarum et contrahitur per determinationes ad speciales scien
naturalis, philosophia moralis, mathematicalis; tertio modo et strictis
id est pro scientia quae causas rerum in effectibus suis et effectu
considerat, et dicitur a 'physis' Graece quod est 'natura' Latine" (P
15 Ibid. and figure 1. The theoretical-practical and divine-human di
Henry in his Sermo de sancta Katharina virgine (ed. Albert Lang, Divu
hereafter cited as Sermo). This work, while repeating many points m
written in 1396 [Lang, p. 123] and, therefore, after Henry's open
which were begun in 1385 [see note 4 above]), does not set forth an ar
of the Sermo, focusing as it does on the Biblical text, "Doctrix est di
mostly with the relationship of learning to God and pursuing God's
Gabriel of the University of Notre Dame for bringing the Sermo t
16 "Volo dicere quod una species theologicae scientiae, quae met

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250 A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarumn
ARBOR SCIENTIARUM
-4 upenatuwa&ti
(theology)
-expressva
(grammar)
-tieoaUca- r-6eAmiocixta-
-htionativaa
(logic)
(rhetoric)
(natural phil.)
natuAxLi~-
humanai- ^~-s6Qa~e
a-o aiunis --
(physics) -pa~ticu tLan pFnraViaA.
, ------W . (geometry)
(medicine) (arithmetic)
Phito ophia-
ab~.6tmctiva. -L ecur.ndcata
musici)
-metaphyst ca (astrononry)
-upenat.auZL (metaphysics) (perspective)
worshipful (on weights)
informative theology (on the latitudes
judicial J of forms)
ries mocinatii
, (legal sciences?)
pa.c.ta- i (moral sciences?) -)uiv ae6a
(medicine)
(alchemy)
L humaLunai - -pacu- a
doctrinal\
medicinal \eicine
surgical /medicine
*Lr_...e~.ae.- - - - - -1 empirical)
(algori sms)
rmathe.mat..ca.- (altimetry)
Lab6 tnactiva --- . ecundatia
i . ..(practical music)
Lmetaphyticat (practical astronomy)
FIG. 1. "Verumtamen aliquantulum prosequendo dictam divisionem bimembrem

scientiae, [scilicet] in practicam et speculativam, constitui potest arbor scientiarum vel
philosophiae per modum divisionis hoc modo: Quia philosophia generaliter sumpta
dividitur in theoricam, id est speculativam, et practicam; theorica subdividitur in
supernaturalem theologiam et in humanam philosophiam; humana philosophia di-
viditur in sermocinalem et realem; sermocinalis dividitur in sermocinalem expres-
sivam et [in] sermocinalem rationativam; sermocinalis autem rationativa dividitur in
logicam et rhetoricam. Deinde philosophia realis dividitur in philosophiam
naturalem vel in physicam et in philosophiam absractivam; naturalis subdividitur in
universalem et particularern; particularis est medicina; universalis dicitur naturalis
philosophia. Abstractivam vero dividitur in metaphysicam et mathematicam;
mathematica dividitur in mathematicam primariam et mathematicam secundariam;
primaria dividitur in arithmetricam et geometriam; secundaria dividitur in
mathematicas medias, scilicet in musicam, astronomiam, perspectivam, et scientiam
de ponderibus et huiusmodi. Et haec est divisio speculativae philosophiae generaliter
sumptae. Et proportionabiliter potest dividi philosophia practica generaliter sumpta,
quia cuilibet scientiae speculativae correspondet sua practica, quae ex speculativa
derivat. Et ergo theologia dividitur in speculativam et practicarn; practica dividitur in
tres, scilicet in cultoriam seu latriam, et in formatoriam, et in iudiciariam....
Similiter ex quatuor scientiis mathematicis derivatae sunt quatuor scientiae practica
scilicet practica geometria, quae dividitur in altemetriam, practica arithmetrica, qua
dividitur in tres artes algoristicas, practica musica, practica astronomia, quae consistit
in calculationem motuum ex tabulis et ex instrumentis. Similiter medicina in

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man because it does not tend to his well-being. Ther

must be derived from things that descend to us from th
beyond human capacity.17 Hence, the supernatural bran
Human philosophy divides into the sciences that per
mocinales) and the real sciences. The former include t
(grammar) and the rational sciences (logic and rhetor
linguistic sciences, some question had existed as to wh
grammar and logic, should in fact be considered as
Hugh of St. Victor, Henry's source for this discussion, m
persons considered grammar to be only an "appenda
while Boethius listed logic as both an instrument to and p
Notwithstanding such objections, Henry includes all
pertain to speech as part of the arbor and briefly de
matter as follows: Grammar, as its name implies (it deriv
the literal science.19 Logic, or dialectic, is the art of dis
the truth and manifesting the false.20 Rhetoric, which
praedicto divinata est, quia ex cognitione rerum sensibilium et corpor
devenit per viam discursionis et abstractionis in cognitionem reru
poralium, ut sunt Deus et intelligentiae" (Prol. 49vb).
17 "Et ubi illa theologia metaphysicalis humanitus acquisita consid
dimisit, ibi theologia supernaturalis mortalium illuminationem com
choavit, quae vera quidem theologia non adeorsum de fonte humane
desursum a Patre luminum descendit propter salutem mortalium .
basic distinction is repeated in the Genesis commentary where Hen
between the content and ends of "istae duae sapientiae, scilicet hum
tradita .. ." (Henry of Langenstein, Lectura super Genesin, MS
National bibliothek, CUP 3900, 147rb; hereafter cited as Genesis), an
Katharina virgine where he notes that ". .. metaphysica sive theolo
supernaturalem est perfecta" (Sermo, pp. 151-52).
18 "Et ut dicit Hugo, quidam dicunt grammaticam non esse partem
tiam, sed esse quoddam appendicium et instrumentum ad philos
sapientiae. De logica autem dicit Boetius quod et pars esse poss
philosophiam" (Prol. 45vb). "Quidem" most likely refers to certain
Chartres (e.g., John of Salisbury) who specifically excluded gramm
included it under the "appendages of the arts." Hugh of St. Victor
assumption and includes grammar, along with the other liberal arts, a
Didascalicon 3.4 [Taylor, pp. 87-89], and Taylor's discussion of this
and 48). Boethius's discussion of logic is contained in his In Isagogen ..
CSEL 48:140-46).
19 "Et interpretatur grammatica scientia litteralis a 'gramma' quod est littera" (Prol. 45vb). Cf
Didascalicon 2.28 (Taylor, pp. 79-80).
20 "Dialectica, ut scitis, est scientia disputationis ventilabro veritatis inquisitiva et falsitat
manifestativa, de qua dicit Beatus Augustinus, in secundo De doctrina Christiana, quod disciplin
speculativam et practicam dividitur; practica dividitur in quatuor, scilicet in

curativam doctrinalem, in apothecalem, [in] chirurgitalem, et in empiricalem.... Ex
illa [philosophia naturalis] derivata est duplex practica, primo medicinalis ....
secundo philosophia naturalis peperit aliam artem practicam, quae alchimia vocatur
. . ." (Prol. 54ra-va). The dotted lines indicate branches that are inferred but not
specifically discussed.

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of dialectic, teaches about the clear and proper use of word

of producing more efficacious arguments. To this end
changes in voice (coloribus verborum) and bodily gesture
linguistic sciences apart from the real sciences is never m
tine had suggested that these sciences are instituted by
other sciences (the real sciences?) arise from things th
ordained.22 However, Henry specifically rejects this sugges
great length that grammar, dialectic, and law are as much
organization of nature as they are on men's imaginations; t
the product of human invention.23 Having rejected August
Henry does not offer in its place any other means for sepa
that pertain to speech from the real sciences.
The second division of human philosophy, the real scie
natural philosophy and abstractive philosophy. Natu
philosophy in its strictest sense, the science "that by investi
consideration the causes of things in their effects and the
disputationis ad omnia genera quaestionum quae in litteris scientiis sun

venda" (Prol. 46rb). Cf. Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.31. In line w
sion, Henry goes on to caution against the misuse of this discipline. "So
necessary for the study of theology, but "sophistic and quarrelsome d
disputation for the sake of victory should specifically be forbidden in
21 "De rhetoricis, ut dicit Hugo ubi supra, rhetorica est disciplina ad
idonea; et est assecutiva dialecticae, ut patet primo Rhetoricorum, consi
fastibus aut ornatibus sed in subtilibus et ingeniosis persuasionum ad
circa materiam mortalem. Verum quia apta, clara et decora verboru
efficacius persuadendum et efficacius inclinandum animas. Ideo utitur
coloribus verborum et gestibus corporum" (Prol. 45vb). Cf. Didascalicon
pp. 58-59 and 81); and Aristotle, De rhetorica 1.1.1354a-b. In his com
Henry suggests that rhetoric is relatively neglected in his own day. Regard
of the Bible "in via morum" he notes: "ibi non parum defectum traditi
moderni doctores, . . . et hoc in magna parte, ut credo, propter defectum
tune viguit et modo deficit . ." (Genesis 149va).
22 .. Beatus Augustinus, secundo De doctrina Christiana, ponit div
bimembrem, dicens quod duo sunt genera doctrinarum: unum earu
homines et alterum earum quas animadverterunt ex rebus divinitus instit
52vb-53ra). Cf. Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.19. According to thi
instituted by men include the "sermocinalis et legalis" sciences, i.e., gra
and law (both canon and civil). Henry does not pursue Augustine's class
genus.
23 "Et consequenter in ista materia Augustinus ponit quod veritas consequentiarum et syl-
logismorum quibus logica utitur non est ab anima nostra fabricata sicut aliqui dixerunt sed in
rebus ipsis reperta .... Ex quibus sequitur quod logica est scientia realis et non ficta verbalis"
(Prol. 46va). Henry's assumptions regarding the status of grammar and law are more involved
but reach basically the same conclusion. Concerning grammar, the eight parts of oration and
five parts of voice are given as elements that are common to all languages and hence proof that
grammar is "ex natura et conditione rerum" and not "ex institutione humana" (Prol. 53ra-b).
Similarly for law, Henry argues that "jus positivum," which concerns the actions of men, no
only has changed since antiquity but must change since the condition of its subject, man, ha
changed, again reinforcing the dependence of this discipline on the nature of things (Prol.
53va).

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causes, and it derives its name from 'physis' in Greek

Latin."24 (In order to avoid confusion, it is best to re
branching, the natural branching, as "physics" rathe
losophy," since the natural branching further divides in
of which is also called natural philosophy.) Physics, the
human philosophy, is either universal or particular, t
sciences: natural philosophy, now in its strictest sense,
philosophy is universal because it deals with the larger
. investigating and describing to mortals the natur
[their] dispositions and wonders in acting and being act
habits and operations."25 Medicine, on the other hand, d
smaller dimension, that is with man. Both come under
because they concern cause and effect.
By defining physics as the study of cause and effect,
concurring with the Aristotelian definition of physics,
motion. Motion has, in an Aristotelian framework, no r
from cause and effect.26 But in accepting this definitio
limiting the domain of physics. It is important to note
understand the medieval conceptualization of physics
has universal applicability in an Aristotelian world, so t
sal discipline. It is the discipline that deals with all of t
place in the world, beginning with the First Cause an
the innumerable effects that happen in the lower regio
universal natural philosopher, is a cosmologist, cosm
24 For the Latin, see note 14 above. This definition is taken directly
Didascalicon 2.16 (Taylor, p. 71). The manner in which the studies o
cause to effect and the reverse is fully explained by Henry in his tw
treatises, De habitudine causarum and De reductione effectuum. In the
ments, to his own way of thinking, how a proper understanding of c
an understanding of the operations of the universe, both in its
particular (man). Summaries of these two treatises are given by Lynn
Magic and Experimental Science (New York, 1934), 3:474-92; Franco
e causalita' divina nel 'De habitudine causarum' di Enrico di Lange
natura nel medioevo, Atti del Terzo Congresso Internazionale di Fi
1966), pp. 597-604; and Paola Pirzio, "Le prospettive filosofiche
Langenstein (1325-1397) 'De habitudine causarum'," Rivista critica
(1969), 363-73.
25 . . . talis scientia investigans et mortalibus discribens omnium creaturarum naturas, dis-
positiones et miras in agendo et patiendo, habitudines et operationes" (Prol. 52rb).
26 For a discussion of Aristotle's definition of physics and its subsequent impact on medieval
thinkers, see Clagett, "Some General Aspects of Physics," pp. 29-36. Clagett suggests, p. 30, that
Hugh's definition, which is taken over verbatim by Henry (see note 24 above), "does not bring
into prominence the Aristotelian point of view of physics as the study of change and motion
exemplified in matter." This may be so if Hugh is being evaluated on the basis of terminology.
However, the study of cause and effect is directly related to the Aristotelian definition of
physics, as Clagett subsequently shows in his discussion of Al-Farabi's Enumeration of the Sciences.
The latter argues that "Physics ... teaches of the four causes of bodies" (Clagett, "Some General
Aspects of Physics," p. 33).

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rologist, and chemist; as a particular natural philosopher, h

psychologist, and pharmacist. All of nature lies within his
ation, all of nature, that is, with one exception: its mathem
is because for Henry and for the other medieval writer
Aristotelian definition of physics, physics is not mathema
The mathematical sciences along with metaphysics come u
branching of the real sciences, the abstractive branching. O
gives the most attention to the mathematical sciences, o
mentioning metaphysics per se and never specifically d
matter.28 The mathematical sciences, which deal with numbers, further
divide into primary and secondary mathematical sciences. Arithmetic and
geometry are primary because they precede the secondary mathematical
sciences and are essential to them.29 The remaining mathematical sci-
ences - music, astronomy, perspective, the science of weights, and the sci-
ence of the latitudes of forms and of subtle calculations - are called secon-
dary or "middle" sciences because they arise from (pullulant) the p
mathematical sciences and apply their methods to the study of par
problems.30 Music ". . . engages in studying the harmonies or consonan
things [and their] accompaning proportions, habits, and orders."31
27 The fact that Henry places physics and mathematics on two separate branching
arbor and that he does not stress the role mathematics plays in physics puts him squarel
tradition of thirteenth-century Aristotelian's such as Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aqu
at odds with the Oxford Platonic tradition of Robert Grosseteste, Robert Kilwardby, an
Bacon (see Weisheipl's discussion of the role of mathematics in natural philosop
"Classification," pp. 72-89). Statements such as Bacon's contention that without math
"neither what precedes nor what follows can be known" (Roger Bacon, Opus Maius
Burke, 1:116), do not express Henry's own feelings on this subject. Moreover, few of
scientific writings make extensive use of mathematics, including many of his astr
treatises and large segments of his commentary on the Perspectiva.
28 Henry does define metaphysics in the Genesis commentary, arguing that in con
natural philosophy, which "versatur circa rerum naturas, operationes, etc.," metaphy
with "rerum quantitates et essentiales perfectos" (Genesis 155vb), and in the Sermo,
notes that ". . . dicitur haec metaphysica a 'meta', quod est trans et 'physica' sive nat
(Sermo, p. 153). The latter definition is part of a longer discussion of "metaphy
theologia" (Sermo, pp. 151-53).
29 The general outline of this classification of the mathematical sciences is drawn
Boethius, as is obvious from such citations as ". . . de arithmetica, quae est natura pr
quatuor matheseos secundum Boetium in principio Arithmeticae" (Prol. 51va). Cf. Boe
arithmetica 1.1 (PL 63:1081-83). Henry goes on to argue that arithmetic and geomet
bearing on a number of sciences, as for example on meteorology "de iride et halone, et
De caelo et mundo." In addition, mathematical examples can be used in a number of disc
including "in logica et in philosophia naturali et in metaphysical" (Prol. 51vb).
30 The incomplete listing of the secondary mathematical sciences given in the descrip
the arbor is more completely explained in a prior passage: "Tamen praecipue hoc faci
duae scientiae, scilicet geometria et arithmetica; et hoc cum aliis scientiis quae pullulant
scilicet astronomia, musica, perspectiva, scientia de ponderibus, [et scientia] de form
latitudinibus et subtilibus calculationibus . . ." (Prol. 46rb). These secondary sciences
roughly equated to the scientiae mediae or subalternate sciences of Albertus Magnus and
Aquinas (see Weisheipl, "Classification," pp. 84-88).
31 "De musica est advertendum quod musica prout sumitur generaliter est scien

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harmonies can be found in the macrocosm in conjun

ments, planets, and the passage of time; in the micr
with the balance of the bodily humors, the actions
relationship of the soul to the body; and in the music th
two types of musical instruments: natural (the huma
(the organ, zither, etc.).32 Astronomy "looks by me
processes from the rule or habit of the stars into th
locations, dispositions, extents, and proportions of their
makes tables from which it predicts future eclipses,
other oppositions of the stars."33 Astronomy is distingu
The latter "observes the conditions and habits of the st
the heavens and considers them as causes or signs o
this lower world."34 The three remaining second
sciences - perspective, the science of weights, an
latitudes of forms and subtle calculations - are not defi
is obviously speaking of three very common interests o
versatur circa harmonias seu consonantes rerum, proportiones et h

venientes . .." (Prol. 46vb). Cf. Didascalicon 2.15 and 6.4 (Taylor, pp.
definition of music, Henry gives a long list of possible explanations f
music.
32 The three divisions correspond to the three types of music, "... s

et instrumentalis. Mundana alia consistit in elelnentis, alia in plan
etiam pertinet consonans proportio elementorum et habitudo conve
... Humana vero musica pertinet ad ipsum microcosmum, id est ho
consistit in corpore, alia in anima, alia in connexione corporis et a
instrumentalis et illa consistit circa sonorum harmoniam concordiam
instrumentis naturalibus vociferandi aut instrumentis artificialibus u
huiusmodi" (Prol. 46vb-47ra). Cf. Boethius, De musica 1.2 (PL 63:11
(Taylor, p. 69). Henry follows this discussion with a brief query conc
of the two types of instruments. His own preference lies with the
33 "Itaque, astronomia est quae de lege seu habitudine astrorum i
orbium, dispositionibus et eorum quantitatibus et proportionibus
investigat et exinde tabulas conficit ex quibus futuras eclipses, conjun
oppositiones praedicit . . ." (Prol. 47rb). Henry gives a similar de
astronomy in his Dicta de astronomia, MS Munich, Universititsbib
work, he clearly distinguishes between mathematical astronomy, nat
stitutious or judicial astronomy. In our present classification, natural a
natural philosophy, in that it deals with the effects that arise fro
Superstitious astronomy has no place on the arbor, as will be seen
34 "Astrologia autem est quae astrorum et partium caeli conditiones
eas considerat tamquam causas vel signa effectuum futurorum in
astrologia, ut dicit Hugo, partim naturalis est et partim supersticiosa
con 2.10 (Taylor, p. 68). For Henry's distinction between natural and
note 33 above.
35 Perspective, i.e., the science of optics, has a long history that extends back fr
fourteenth century through the writings of John Pecham, Witelo, Alhazen, and o
Greek origins. Interest in this science was fairly widespread in the fourteenth cent
evidenced by one of Henry's writings, his Quaestiones super perspectivam (see David C.
John Pecham and the Science of Optics [Madison, Wis., 1970], pp. 29-32). Similarly, the
weights is of Greek origin and became very popular in the Latin West as a result of th

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The secondary mathematical sciences complete the t

of the arbor, leaving the practical branching to be co
theoretical science has a practical counterpart, there sho
many practical sciences as there are theoretical sciences
tice Henry does not carry this idea to completion and in
few of the practical sciences. These include three aspect
ogy, which are the domain of "the worshipers of Go
religious devotees," of "preachers and confessors," a
judges." Altimetry, algorisms, practical music, and instr
astronomy are listed as the practical counterparts to ge
music, and astronomy. Henry distinguishes four as
medicine (theoretical, medicinal, surgical, and empiri
type that falls midway between the theoretical and
particular philosophy - and alchemy are listed as the tw
parts to universal natural philosophy or natural ph
speaking.36 Beyond these listings and brief explanations
little interest in the practical sciences. Most noticeably, h
the practical counterparts for the sermocinales sciences
probably would have included law and moral philosop
The fact that Henry does not include the legal and moral (ethics,
economics, and political science) sciences on the arbor and that he devotes
little attention to the practical sciences makes it difficult to place his
classification of the sciences within the general history of this issue. His
of Latin scholars such as Jordanus de Nemore and a contemporary of Henry's, Blasius of Parma
(see Ernest A. Moody and Marshall Clagett, The Medieval Science of Weights [Madison, Wis.,
1952], especially pp. 3-4 and 7-8). In contrast, the science of the latitude of forms is only
indirectly of Greek origin and developed into a highly specialized science in the fourteenth
century, largely as a result of the efforts of a number of scholars at the universities of Oxford
and Paris (see Marshall Clagett, "Richard Swineshead and Late Medieval Physics," Osiris 9
[1950], 131-40; and A. Maier, Zwei Grundprobleme der scholastischen Naturphilosophie, 2nd ed.
[Rome, 1951], p. 32 ff.). Henry makes extensive use of the latter science in his scientific
treatises, e.g., De reductione effectuum, MS British Museum, Sloane 2156, 117vb ff., where he
discusses the similarity of the form of man to the form of a mandrake.
36 The threefold division of practical theology is explained as follows: "primam exercent
cultores Dei ut sacerdotes et religiosi devoti insistentes honorabilibus, abstinentiis, et divinis
laudibus. Secunda exercent praedicatores seu confessores. Tertiam exercent ecclesiastici
judices" (Prol. 54rb). Regarding the medicine that is a practical counterpart to universal natural
philosophy, Henry writes: ". . . et hoc mediante scientia medicinali speculativa quae est una
particularis philosophia generalis philosophiae completiva, sicut alias dixi" (Prol. 54va). Alchemy
is discussed below.
37 In the sources that Henry draws upon, the moral sciences, which usually include
most commonly listed as practical sciences (see, for examples, Weisheipl's discussion
classifications of Boethius and Hugh of St. Victor, "Classification," pp. 59-61 and
Moreover, Henry does himself mention that "scientia moralis" is both "speculativa et p
(Prol. 49va). In the Sermo, Henry includes "moralem philosophiam ... vel prudenciam
the speculative sciences and founds it upon two other disciplines, canon law and civil la
same time, he includes it in the same category as medicine; medicine attends to the bod
moral philosophy attends to the soul (Sermo, pp. 149-50). Thus, even though moral p
strictly speaking may be speculative, it is certainly a very practical speculative scien

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strictly symmetrical and dichotomous breakdown of ph

theoretical and practical and then realis and sermocinalis h
the writings of the major figures whose thought has been
investigations. Certainly, it was much more common to div
sciences into theology, mathematics, and physics, rathe
natural and human, and to include the sermocinales science
cal sciences alone rather than under both the theoreti
sciences. And yet, despite such dissimilarities, all of the
Henry makes in arriving at his classification are implicit i
he draws upon, as is obvious from the constant refere
thorities in the notes to this section. Henry is thus at one
setting forth what is essentially a unique arbor scientiarum
reporting and adhering to opinions that were already in
being innovative within the bounds of tradition, and w
that he was breaking with the past there is no way to kno
took his esteemed predecessors to task for incorrectly divi
into its respective parts.
II. THE ROOTS OF THE ARBOR
Up to this point in our discussion, the arbor scientiarum

ered as a tree that branches forth from the central stem
point of fact, this is an artificial schematization, on
"artificiosa divisione," and does not take into account o
consideration, the relative importance of the various
Accordingly, a second way of considering the arbor must
that deals with the fundamental supporting elements of
For Henry, there is little doubt about the sciences that ar
arbor. "This tree has seven roots, that is, foundational or initial sciences,
from which the ascent into this tree must begin if one is to arrive at its
summit."38 The seven roots, or seven sciences as they are often called, are of
course the seven liberal arts. Their importance is emphasized by a twofold
role that they play in relation to all of the other sciences: first, they establish
the foundation for all subsequent study; second, all other disciplines ulti-
mately reduce to some aspect of the seven liberal arts. Since Henry discusses
both of these points in some detail, they are worth considering at length.
Henry stresses the propaedeutic role of the arts both because he feels that
the arts are essential to subsequent studies and because he feels some
dissatisfaction with the emphasis placed upon the arts in his own day. Any
person interested in serious study of any kind must first become proficient in
the seven liberal arts, beginning with logic, which was invented specifically
for the purpose of aiding the study of philosophy. "No one can speak
properly about things unless he has earlier learned the reason for speaking
38 "Habet autem haec arbor septem radices, id est radicales seu initiales scientias, a quibus nisi
ascensus in hanc arborem inchoatur nemo in summitatem eius poterit pervenire" (Prol. 54vb).
Cf. Didascalicon 3.3-4 (Taylor, pp. 86-89).

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correctly and truly."39 Time and again Henry chid

contemporaries, because they devote too little time t
the arts.4" Astrologers and men bent on superstition ig
the quadrivium for unfounded theories and speculati
appeal.4' "Modern philosophers and Christian theologi
on "vain subtleties" giving up study for "pride and
students of the Bible to whom Henry is lecturing come
criticism. The many digressions on topics relating to na
his commentary on Genesis are necessitated by the f
"have attended too few lectures on natural philosophy."
doubt in the minds of these students as to the utility of
of the Bible, Henry sets about to illustrate this point
then in very specific detail.
The general utility of the seven liberal arts to subsequ
the beneficial nature of the systematic pursuit of man's
know.44 The pursuit of the arts (1) removes "the dan
and ignorance," (2) brings the intellect to an understan
in grasping and defending the difficult problems th
wisdom, and (4) leads "to an understanding of the p
39 "Unde necesse fuit logicam inveniri quantum nemo de rebus con
nisi prius recte et veraciter lxluendi rationem agnoverit" (Prol. 5
(Taylor, pp. 57-58), and Boethius, In Isagogen . . . commenta 1.3
4' Henry may have had good reason for this complaint. The statute
indicate that over the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centu
attain a degree in the arts at Paris became less. By the mid-fourteen
license at St. Genevieve without having studied grammar and aft
study and beginning the third (H. Denifle and A. Chatelain, eds., C
Parisiensis [Paris, 1891], 2:678). This is a far cry from the six year
early thirteenth century (Chart., 1:78). Moreover, a tabulation of
students spent in attaining their degrees gives even briefer durati
the average student in the English-German nation advanced from de
just over nine months (9.2 months, based on my own calculations wh
while many students determined, licensed, and incepted in a matter
one could have mastered Aristotle's Libri naturals in this brief tim
41 On example of Henry's belief in the astrologers ignorance of t
187rb where he argues: "tertia causa erroris eorum [i.e., astrologo
quia moderni astrologi errant non parum in sitibus planetaru
planetarum poterant praecise inveniri nec aequationes argumento
ples, see nn. 69 and 71 below.
42 ... quales putatis vocari velit philosophos modernos et theologo
cognoscant iam Deum clare in finem, vere et excellentissime felicitat
finem vel non referunt vel minus referunt studia sua sed ad lucrum, fastum aut inutiliter
evanescunt in cogitationibus suis magis laborantes et tempus consummentes circa quasdam
vanas subtilitates et steriles difficultates, ut . . ." (Genesis 147va).
43 "Et quia illae expositiones fundantur super traditione philosophica de materia pro primor-
diali rerum corporalium et generabilium et corruptibilium; ideo, oportet aliquid de hoc
praemitti propter eos qui non audiverunt sufficienter naturalem philosophiam" (Genesis 156va).
44 The discussion that follows is very much set within the context of Aristotle's famous
opening to the Metaphysics, as quoted by Henry: "Quia omnis homo naturaliter scire desiderat
. ." (Prol. 49rb). Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysica 1.1.980a22.

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justice."45 More particularly, the seven liberal arts are o

theology in that: (1) Since the Holy Spirit speaks in hum
Scriptures, grammar, rhetoric, and logic aid in understanding such
utterances.46 (2) Knowledge of things aids in understanding Scripture - the
Bible mentions things, e.g., heights, snakes, and the plant, hyssop - and in
separating miracles from natural events.47 (3) Logic aids in understanding
difficult theological problems, "such as predestination, future contingents,
and the necessity of past events."48 (4) Knowledge of the liberal arts cuts off
the very weapons by which heretics customarily defend themselves and
permits the Christian to answer their faith-impugning arguments. Moreover,
they bring an elegance to theology that aids in conversions.49
Following these general reasons, Henry gives a number of specific exam-
ples of the utility of the individual arts in scriptural exegesis. A proper
understanding of numbers through arithmetic helps to explain why God
45 L. . .septem liberales artes, ut summarie et ingenere dictam, sunt perutiles: primo ad

removendum malum erroris et ignorantiae ...; secundo sunt utiles ad perficiendum humanum
intellectum septemplici cognitione veritatis . . .; tertio sunt utiles ad exercendum, disponen-
dum, subtiliandum, scilicet intellectum hominis, ad capiendum et plenius intelligendum et
efficacius defendendum profunda materia caelestis sapientiae . . ; quatro sunt utiles ad
cognitionem virtutis moralium et iustitiae . . ." (Prol. 49rb). The "septemplex cognitio veritatis"
may be a reference to Augustine's seven steps to wisdom (Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.7).
46 "... primo quia Spiritus Sanctus locutus est in Scripturis Sacris secundum modos loquendi
et concipiendi humanos; hos autem modos tradunt grammatica, rhetorica, logica . . ." (Prol.
50rb-va). Cf. Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.9-15, where Augustine explains the methods
to be employed in the study of Scripture; also 2.31-37, for a discussion of the role of dialectic
and rhetoric in scriptural study. This and the remaining three reasons for using the arts in
scriptural study represent a condensation of a total of ten reasons that Henry gives on this
subject.
47"Secundo quia in Scriptura Sacra non solum voces significant sed et res et earum
habitudines: alta significant mysteria .. ." (Prol. 50va). The examples of the snake and hyssop
that follow are drawn from Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.16. "Item tertio nisi per artes
liberales cognoscatur quantum se extendere potest omnipotentia naturae vel naturalium
causarum concursus, utique non possit sciri differentia inter mirabiles et insolitos effectus
naturalis cursus et inter effectus supernaturales miraculos" (Prol. 50vb). An example given by
Valerius Maximus concerning a lunar eclipse prior to a battle of the Romans with the Persians
follows (see Valerius Maximus, Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri IX 8.9 [Charpentier,
2:195-96]).
48 "Item quarto, multae sunt materiae theologicae in quarum plena protractatione omnino
logica est necessaria, ut de praedestinatione, de contingentia futurorum, de necessitate
praeteritorum . . ." (Prol. 50vb). The examples given in this instance refer to common
fourteenth-century problems and are discussed by Henry in the Genesis commentary and in his
commentary on the Sentences.
49 "Item quinto quia Christiana religio capiens artes liberales et exercens se in eis abstulit a
gentilibus hereticis arma quibus se defendere consueverunt contra Catholicam fiden. .... Item
septimo artes liberales ministrant theologiae eloquentia pulchritudinis et plurima moralium
documenta affectuum inflammativa ac per hoc praedicationibus et exhortationibus congruentis-
sima. . . . Item nono ex artibus inveniuntur clarae instantiae contra argumenta hereticorum
impugnantium fidem" (Prol. 50vb-51ra). The example given to illustrate reason seven is the
benefit that Augustine derived from reading Cicero's exhortation to philosophy in Hortensius
(Augustine, Confessiones 3.4).'The example given to illustrate reason nine concerns the logical
arguments between Achillas and Arius (Augustine, De trinitate 6.1). Cf. Sermo, pp. 134-42.

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created the world in six days. Moreover, since the worl

accordance with "measure, number, and weight," th
leads to an understanding of the work of God.50 Kno
permits the drawing up of calendars by "quantifying th
months and years," as well as the construction of su
reckoning the hours for divine services.51 Music aids in
figurative language of the Bible when such items as
psalter, and decachord" are mentioned. Organs are built
purpose of increasing one's devotion to God. And mu
than this:
... it is known to drive away man's melancholic [spirits], to remake the body, to
settle our distresses, to extinguish lusts, to renew spirits, to comfort men, to dri
away demons, to carry souls from exterior things [and] to dispose [them] towar
prophesies, to chase away fears, and to quicken faint-hearted natures.52
The role music plays in prophesy is well documented by the examples

Eliseus and David given in the Bible.53 Thus the arts perform a vast array
services for the study of the Bible and for all subsequent study, fro
soothing the jangled nerves of the student to leading to an understanding
the most obscure mysteries of the Creator.
The arts do more than simply serve other disciplines, turning now to th
second aspect of their importance to the arbor. Not only do most scien
depend on the arts, but more than this these sciences initially grew out of t
arts and can be considered as offshoots from them. For example, the s
ences that consider the ordering and regimenting of human life all ha
their origin in the arts:
50 "Unde Augustinus, undecimo De civitate Dei, capitulo 13?, postquam ostendit proprieta
numeri senarii, quare Deus voluit potius in sex diebus opus creationis perficere.... Nec frus
in laudibus Dei dictum est: 'omnia in mensura et numero et pondere disposuisti haec Ipse,'
per consequens ad plenam cognitionem operum Dei habitudinis ordinis et condition
creaturarum utiles est scientia numerorum .. ." (Prol. 5 1va). Cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei 11
where creation is discussed; and Sap. 11.21 (DV) for the Biblical quotation. Augustine discu
the utility of numbers in De doctrina Christiana 2.16, 38, and 39.
51 "Invenit [i.e., astronomia] cyclorum solis et lunae, conjunctiones et oppositiones; constitu
kalendarium quantificando mensium et annorum revolutiones; haec invenit horologia subti
sima ad designationem horarum pro divinis laudibus et humanis usibus" (Prol. 52rb).
52 ".... ignorantia [i.e., musicae] impedit apertionem mysteriorum Sacrae Scripturae quae
suis figurativis locutionibus saepe utitur rebus quae ad musicam pertinent, ut cithara, tympa
psalterio, decachordo, etc. .. . Quae scientia ad mignificentia divinae honorificentiae in
clesiis fabricavit organa nisi musica. Insuper quae scientia tam singulari ingenio scit repell
homini melancholias, reformare corporum, distrasias sedare nostras, extinguere concupisc
tias, spiritus recreare, vires confortare, demones effugare, animas ab exterioribus rapere
prophetias disponere, pellere timores, et animare pusillamines" (Prol. 52ra). Cf. Boethius,
musica 1.1 (PL 63:1167-69); Aristotle, Politica 8.3.1337b24-1338a29 and 8.5-7.1339all-
1342b34; and Sermo, p. 150.
53 "Similiter ex Sacra Scriptura deducitur quantum musica etiam malignos spiritus arcet e
mentes ad propheciam disponit; unde quarto Regno, tertio capitulo, Elyzeus volens propheti
are dixit: ... primo Regno, 16?, dicitur de David: . . ." (Prol. 52ra-b). Cf. 4 Kings 3.15 (DV) an
1 Kings 16.23 (DV).

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... it is clear that moral philosophy grew out of the liber

which deal in a number of ways with the understanding of t
from moral and natural philosophy, [man] advanced to the
. . . From which it is clear that each speculative or pract
regulates and orders human deliberation grew out of the libe
an initial fountain.54
Canon law too grows out of the arts, with the aid of theology,55 and eve
sciences that relate to the ordering of the human body, the medical sci
derive ultimately from the arts.56 However, the medical sciences aid the
disciplines from which they arise and much more, because without med
"... grammar does not speak, the eloquence of the rhetorician is silent,
reaches no conclusions, theology does not preach, the jurist loses th
dialectic no longer knows how to dispute, the soldier no longer fights,
priest does not pray, [and] the peasant does not labor."57
Henry's praise for the seven liberal arts as the roots of all the sciences
course, broadly reflective of the general outline of medieval education
took shape during the early Middle Ages and grew to maturity in
cathedral schools and universities of the high and late Middle Ages
statutes of the universities of Paris and Vienna, the two universities where
Henry spent his entire academic life, required that students begin with the
trivium and quadrivium before any thought could be given to higher
studies.58 The statutes pertaining to the study of theology at the University
of Vienna, which statutes Henry played a key role in establishing, specifically
stated that a candidate for a degree in theology be "a well-informed master
in the arts or, at least, be thoroughly informed in some way in this manner
[i.e., in the arts]," while students of medicine were required to spend extra
time attaining a degree if they were "a simple scholar" as opposed to "a
bachelor in the arts."59 Moreover, the required foundation in the arts was
54 . . . patet quod philosophia moralis pullulavit de scientiis liberalibus speculativis, quae

versantur circa cognitionem rerum secundum diversas rationes, et consequenter ex morali
philosophia et naturali processit civilium legum ad inventio.... Unde patet quod ex liberalibus
scientiis tamquam ex primario fonte pullulavit omnis scientia moralis speculativa et practica
humanae considerationis regitiva et ordinativa" (Proi. 49rb-va). Cf. Sermo, p. 150.
5 ".. .ita est patet quod philosophia et theologia continent virtualiter illas duas scientias,
scilicet scientiam legum civilium et scientiam legum ecclesiasticarum, quia causae continent suos
effectus et non econverso (Prol. 50ra).
56 "... sed etiam ex hoc fonte emanat scientia illa morbidis mortalibus proutilis et specialiter
accomodata, scilicet medicinalis . . ." (Prol. 49va).
57 "Idcirco, haec est scientia sine cuius auxilio et beneficio irruente morbo, grammatica tacet,
rhetoris eloquentia silet, logica non syllogizat, theologia non praedicat, jurista judicium perdit,
dialectica disputare nescit, miles non pugnat, [sacerdos non orat], rusticus non laborat .. ."
(Prol. 49va). The same passage is quoted verbatim, Sermo, p. 154.
58 See the statutes for the arts faculties of the University of Paris, Chart. 2:672 ff., especially
nos. 4 and 14, which list the prescribed lectures for determination and licensing; and of the
University of Vienna, as edited by Rudolf Kink in Geschichte der Kaiserlichen Universitdt zu Wien
(Vienna, 1854), 2:170 ff., especially titles 7 and 15.
59 Kink, Geschichte, pp. 107 and 158. The same sentiment is repeated in the Sermo, where

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prescribed for very good reasons; the methodological tools th

during the first few years of university training served
pursuing virtually all higher studies within the academic atm
medieval university. Consequently, when Henry argues that
arbor are the seven liberal arts, he is simply echoing the com
the day and the course of study that he himself had followe
more to Henry's belief in the importance of the arts than
The study of the seven liberal arts, or at least a portion of
a stimulus for the student that ultimately leads to the admira
God. God expresses himself in ways other than by direct rev
the Scriptures, in ways other than "by voices." He also reveals
"through the various similitudes and proportions of sensi
things and through the appearances or various conform
properties."60 Accordingly, nature itself comprises a ser
books,"61 books that can lead to God in much the same way t
revealed by voices lead to God. As a result, when the que
whether knowledge of creatures is important to the study of
and theological matters, Henry replies strongly in the affirm
of natural philosophy is "one cause for the idolatry of gen
these adversaries of the Christian faith can be overcome by t
"liberal studies, particularly the study of true metaphy
philosophy."62 And even more than this, liberal studies, t
seven liberal arts and the arts training in general, lead the m
God's wisdom and power and the soul to love God.63 The ques
to God's creation spark the soul, and consequently:
Henry notes: ". . . sine facultate arcium nullus in aliqua alia facultate potest
rite promoveri" (Sermo, p. 154).
60 "Tales ergo res sunt et consimiles quales nobis exprimunt Divinae Sc
vocibus sed variis valde rerum sensibilium et visibilium similitudinibus e
habitudinibus seu variis proprietatum conformitatibus . . ." (Genesis 149rb
61 "Ut ergo ad invisibilia Dei per ea quae facta sunt quasi per quasdam f
libros naturales .. ." (Genesis 149rb).
62"Iam postremo ex praemissis causis errandi, ex ignorantia vere c
creaturarum, errandi quidem circa ea quae secundum theologicam traditio
[infero] quatuor corollaria: Quorum primum est quod ignorantia vel non p
verae naturalis philosophiae fuit una causa gentilis idolatriae.... Tertium c
inter caetera liberalia studia, studium verae metaphysicae et philosophiae
suffragantur ad destructionem errorum et superstitionum adversantium
(Genesis 155vb). The second corollary is similar to the first; the fourth conc
knowledge is best pursued from nature to God, as Aristotle suggests in t
1.1.184a16-20). The latter corollary leads Henry to the interesting suggest
book of the Sentences ought to be lectured upon prior to the first (vide
ordinem humanae doctrinae secundus liber Sententiarum . . . primo legi d
63 "Primum est quia consideratio ducit humanam mentem in admiration
tiae ... ; exinde est quia consideratio creaturarum ducit in admirationem m
Sapientiae, Potentiae, et Virtutis. . .. Tertium est quia creaturarum recta c
mortalium in amorem Divinae Bonitatis accendit quando considerant quan
corporalis ad bonum hominis ordinata est .. ." (Genesis 154vb). This discu

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turning from earthly things, we raise our hearts upwards in

contemplation of those expectations of the celestial regions toward
to long from the more narrow earthly habitat, giving glory to God
which he made in heaven and on earth.64
Such are the fruits that are born by a careful founding of studies in
III. THE FRUITS OF THE ARBOR
Just as Henry is led eventually to speculate about the im

roots of the arbor in comparison to the fruits they give, so
judges the utility of all of the branches of the arbor on the
their fruits. If a science serves some useful end, measuring u
man and a well-organized society, then it has a place in s
condoned. If it does not, or even if it detracts from the scien
most useful, then its practice is to be discouraged or e
Regarding the university community as a whole, Henry wr
. . . only two faculties are absolutely necessary to mortals for li
well, namely, philosophy and theology. The reason is because all o
human life is either preparatory for the mortal or meritorious o
Philosophy would meet the needs of the first; sometimes it is eve
to positive laws. Theology meets the needs of the second, even fr
of the Christian religion and from the beginning of the world.
Accordingly, Henry specifically argues that men of religion

study of law and medicine, the two remaining faculties at t
Paris, in as much as these endeavors "busy [these] men
from better studies."66 If we add to this warning the fact
similar set of arguments given by Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles

New York, 1955), 2:30-34. It should be noted that Henry does not st
(Summa contra gentiles 2.4), that "philosophers and theologians consider cr
ways." Henry's thought here is much more closely aligned with the love o
in an Augustinian framework (see John Wise, The Nature of the Liberal A
pp. 85-86, for a discussion of Augustine's view of nature).
64 . .. ut his incitati animam a terrenis revocantes, levemus sursum cor
mirationem et contemplationem illorum expectantium nos [caelestium]
terrenis augustiis habitaculis suspirare debemus dantes gloriam Deo de
fecit in caelo et in terra .. ." (Genesis 165vb).
65 ". .. solum duae facultates sunt absolute necessariae mortalibus ad recte
scilicet philosophia et theologia. Ratio est quia omnis rectitudo vitae hum
dispositoria vel est supernaturalis meritoria. Ad primam sufficeret, et
positivas suffecit, ipsa philosophia. Ad secundum vero ab initio Christian
initio mundi sufficeret ipsa theologia . . ." (Prol. 50ra). Henry gives other
relative merits of all four faculties in the Sermo de sancta Katharina virg
66 "... si occupat hominem aut retrahit a melioribus studiis aut operib
statum suum vacere deberet. Et hac ratione studium legum et medic
presbyteris ut plenius eorum statui vacent, scilicet theologiae, ut patet c
Decretalium" (Prol. 61va). Cf. Decretales domini pape Gregorii noni 3.50.10 (V
"Contra religiosas personas de claustris exeuntes ad audiendum leges ve

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attracted most of the best minds of the period, it is no

why at Paris, at least, theology was the most important
The fact that Henry warns certain persons to avoid law
not mean that he rejects these disciplines out of hand. O
seems to have had a high regard for the merits of medi
and may even have written a medical treatise.67 But the
such as medicine, and of the liberal arts for that matter,
with a great deal of care. Otherwise the fruits of these d
serve man's mortal ends, will be half-truths and supersti
any good that can potentially be derived from them
socially unacceptable. This is especially true of two sc
constant source of trouble for Henry, astrology and a
The acceptance or rejection of astrology presents a
Henry, as it did for a number of his contemporaries.68
is firmly committed to the common belief that the star
wandering stars or planets, have a very definite influen
take place in the lower regions of the world. On the oth
disturbed by the popularity of astrologers in his own
tremely shoddy manner in which they practice astrolog
latter concerns, he is forced to reason that "a particu
because of its uncertainty, fallibility, or ambiguity or be
contingents, if the intended effect is ever attained thro
this reason alchemy and judicial astrology are prohibited
expelled from states."70 The sentiments of this brief re
are repeated again and again throughout Henry's writing
equal conciseness and brevity, sometimes with an exhaus
have sent his students into apoplectic fits at the prospect
pronouncements by the venerable master on the ev
67 Roth, "Zur Bibliographie," p. 115, lists a Tractatus de medicinis sim

and others. On the basis of internal evidence, I have yet to be able
attribution. It could also be noted that Henry has some knowledge o
does cite the Decretales (see n. 66 above).
68 The most noted opponent of astrology in Henry's day is his el
Oresme (d. 1382), who composed several important anti-astrological w
of Magic and Experimental Science, 3:398-423). For a discussion of the
writings against astrology, see H. Pruckner, Studien zu den astrologisc
von Langenstein (Leipzig, 1933), especially pp. 73-85.
69 Henry's opposition to astrology is directed primarily against the
pursued by his contemporaries and not against all astrology. The pr
that too much time is wasted on astrology, but rather that too little t
study of it (Prol. 61vb). Henry defends astrology in the Genesis com
with diligent study (Genesis 179rb), and attempts to set out just w
determined in a number of his more scientific works.
70 "Sexto aliqua ars prohibetur propter eius incertitudinem, fallibilitatem, vel ambigu
aut ex eo, quod est de raro contingentibus si per eam attingatur effectus intentus, et ea
alchimia et astrologia iudiciaria a legislatoribus prohibendae sunt et de policiis repel
(Prol. 61va-b).

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superstition.71 However, throughout these sometim

there is a sense of urgency and concern that informs
on this subject. He has a deep respect for useful arts b
for idle disciplines.72
The proscription of astrology rests on legislators b
discussed here is a social issue. The fruits of the arts must serve man and the
state. If they do not they have no socially redeeming value. This poi
made even more clearly in the case of alchemy. Alchemy, too, is of ques
able value because it never attains its proper end, making gold and o
precious metals. This is due to the fact that no one really knows h
precious metals are made. It is true that
mercury and sulfur are the material [parts] of metals and that the agen
digesting heat; nevertheless, it is difficult to know the proportion of the mixtu
the material [parts] - what proportion the generation of gold requires - or ev
to know the degree of the agent that is required in the generation of such a sp
of metal.73
But even more than this, this science is rejected "by Christian legislators"
because it (1) makes idols of gold and silver, (2) goes against a basic law of
economics which states that precious coins should be in short supply, (3)
invokes demons, and (4) has a generally corrupting effect that extends from
the wise and powerful to the poorest elements of society.74 Thus even
though Henry accepts the common belief that gold can be made by properly
mixing certain substances,75 he sees little room for this science in society
71 In addition to the attacks on astrology in the Prologus, similar attacks can be found in the
Genesis commentary, fols. 162vb, 164ra, 169va, 171ra, 174ra, 179rb, 182ra, and so on through-
out the remainder of this work; in two works that are primarily anti-astrological in tone, Quaestio
de cometa and Tractatus contra astrologos (ed. Pruckner, pp. 89-138 and 139-206); in the two
works devoted to cause and effect, De habitudine causarum and De reductione effectuum; and in the
brief Dicta de astronomia (see note 33 above), which contains definitions of the basic terms used in
astronomy.
72 Given the extensive and constant nature of Henry's criticism of astrology (see the previous
note), I can in no way agree with Thorndike's conclusion that "... Henry's criticism of astrology
is somewhat carping and forced, wanting in whole-heartdness and complete candor" (History of
Magic and Experimental Science, 3:502). I shall deal with this issue at greater lengh in my
forthcoming study of Henry's science.
73 "Item esto quod constet argentum vivum et sulphur esse materialia metallorum et agens
esse calorem digerentem, tamen difficilimum est sciri proportionem commixtionis materialium,
quam proportionem requirit generatio auri, vel etiam sciri graduationem agentis requisitam in
generatione talis speciei metalli" (Prol. 62ra).
74 "Advertendum ergo [est] quod propter quatuor rationabiliter illa ars prohibenda esset
Christianis legislatoribus: primo quia fabricare studet idola avariciae, quae sunt aurem et
argentum .. .; secundo quia secundum Aristotelem numisma debet esse rarum ut sit carum .. .;
tertio quia attento quod demones sciunt per applicationes activorum naturalium ad passiva
facere aurum et argentum .. .; quarto quia ut experientia docet et alias dixi practica talis artis
cupiditate excaecante et vocatos sapientes sophisticat, deceptiones multiplicat, principes in-
fatuat, divites depauperat, paupes omnino denudat, multos depravat, et depravatos turpiter
contemnat, hunc suspendendo [et illum] comburendo" (Prol. 62rb).
75 Henry gives a general description of how transmutation is effected in De reductione effec-
tuum, MS London, British Museum, Sloane 2156, fol. 128ra.

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because of the various evils that are usually associated w

lack of utility of its fruits.
Henry's belief that the utility of the fruits of man's
determines the acceptability of these endeavors also app
of a different group of arts, the mechanical arts. Th
pertain to the body rather than to the mind.76 The utilit
measured in two basic ways: First, since they are a
human needs, they perform a useful and necessary fun
vation of the individual. In order to survive in this life,
things, (2) preserve the things that he acquires, (3)
things, and (4) be preserved from evil. The arts of mak
bread preserve the body while writing and making parc
spirit, thus all are considered to be useful arts.77 Secon
arts can be measured in terms of the products that
products are absolutely necessary, some convenient but
sary, some merely curiosities and vanities.78 Obvious
produce products of the latter category have no rea
brief, summarizing now both criteria for judging utilit
the laborer ought to have as his principal aspiration helping
weakness [or], even more, taking pride in the work of God
that labor the things that are needed for his life and to th
the labor of the makers of mechanical things proceeds
aspiration, then it is not only productive of the goods of for
ous of eternal life.7"
But how is one to judge which things are necessary and which vain
curiosities, which meriting of eternal life? This question is not answered as
76 The discussion of the "minor arts" is prompted by Jerome's statement: "ad minores artes
veniam." Regarding these, Henry notes: ". . . de quibus superius dictum est, vocantur maiores
quia tendunt ad bonum animae, quae sunt maiora bona; artes vero mechanicae tendunt ad
bonum corporis, quae vocantur bona minora, vel ad acquisitionem bonorum fortunae, quae
dicuntur bona minima" (Prol. 55rb-va). Besides minor or mechanical arts, these arts are also
called "artes serviles," "artes liberales," and "artes adulterinae." Cf. Didascalicon 2.20 (Taylor, pp.
74-75).
77 "Primo secundum diversitatem et differentiam rerum artificialium quibus homo indiget in
hac vita, scilicet ad acquisitionem et conservationem utriusque boni corporalis et spiritualis, et
ad remotionem oppositi mali aut ad praeservandum a malis. Ad haec quatuor, scilicet ac-
quisitionem, conservationem, remotionem, et praeservationem, respectu boni et mali, omnes
mechanicae reduci possunt. Verbi gratia, ad conservationem boni corporalis pertinet ars tex-
endi, ars arma faciendi, ars coquendi; ad conservationem boni spiritualis pertinet ars scribendi,
pergamenum faciendi, et ita de aliis faciliter posset deduci" (Prol. 58va-b). This and the follow-
ing division of the mechanical arts are actually different ways that Henry advances for classify-
ing these arts. A third one not mentioned in this paper concerns classifying these arts "secun-
dum divisionem et diversitatem instrumentorum quibus utuntur" (Prol. 58vb).
78 "Tertio modo distingui possunt in genere penes hoc, quod quaedam earum sunt neces-
sitatis, quaedam [commoditatis, quaedam vero curiositatis et vanitatis]" (Prol. 60ra).
79 "Intentio principalis laboratoris esse debet ut adjuvetur humana indigentia et imbecillitas,
ut possit eo melius in opera gloriare Dei et ut ipse operans acquirat necessitatem vitae suae et
suorum ad eundem finem; et si labor mechanicorum artificium ex tali intentione procedat, est
non solum acquisitivus bonorum fortunae sed est meritorius vitae eternae" (Prol. 60rb).

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easily as might be expected. Many arts can be judged in

Henry makes abundantly clear with several interestin
Mechanical arts that produce things that can be used i
ways, such as swords and arrows, are not necessarily
sinful only if they incline toward evil, as is the case wit
taxes (taxillis), and then they should be actively sought o
the head of the state. It is precisely for this reason, He
Augustine, that Plato left no room for poets in his idea
make ornaments for wives can be either useful or sinful. If the fruits of
these arts are used for preserving the dignity of a woman's statu
pleasing her husband, then they are to be accepted. If, however,
used as vain curiosities, then the pursuit of such arts leads to sin,81
the making of clothes when it is purely "for the sake of pomp and va
The art of trading is not only useful but meritorious, because it
necessities into regions where they cannot be produced. Usury, howe
strictly forbidden, even though some say that it supplies money wh
not readily available. Usury is prohibited "ex lege divina et contra ra
the art of trading is not.83 The problems that relate to hunting and
are even more complex. Fishing is permitted to all, even to cler
monks, and at all times of the year; even the saints fished. Laymen
for wild beasts and birds at specific times of the year, provided they
"skins and food and not for pleasure." Bishops and clerics are spe
forbidden to hunt for wild beasts and birds, but they, clerics at leas
trap, provided they do it "without clamor and dogs."84 Regarding hu
general, Henry concludes:
Therefore, since this art is not for the outward utility or recreation of [
bodies but for the destruction and damning of those who take part
activities and for the manifold injury and oppression of the poor, I fear
without a great deal of sin do many lords and bishops partake of this
moderation.85
80 "Etiam secundum documentum philosophorum, ut Platonis et aliorum, unde sicut Augu

tinus tangit 12? [sic] De civitate Dei, Plato dixit poetas cum suis figmentis et ludibris pellendos e
de civitatibus" (Prol. 60va). Cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei 2.14.
81"Si de artibus diversorum ornatuum quibus specialiter mulieres uti consueverunt quaeratu
responditur quod quia mulieres licite possunt se ornare vel ut conservent decentiam sui sta
vel etiam aliquid superaddere in casu ut placeant viris suis, consequens est quod artifices talium
ornamentorum non peccant in usu talis artis nisi forte inveniendo aliqua superflua et curi
nimis . .." (Prol. 60va).
82 "Unde Chrysostomus super Matthaeum dicit quod etiam ab arte calciatorum et sartorum e
textorum multa abscindere oportet quae pure ad pompam et vanitatem sunt . . ." (Prol. 60v
Cf. Joannes Chrysostomus, Commentarius in sanctum Matthaeum Evangelistam 52.3-4.533d-53
(ed. Paris, 1836), 7:600-601.
83 Prol. 60vb-61ra.
84 Prol. 61ra.
85 "Et ergo cum haec ars nec sit ad utilitatem exteriorem nec recreationem corporum, sed ad
destructionem et damnifiationem eorum quae eam exercent, et [ad] laesionem et gravationem
pauperum multiplicem, timeo quod non sine magno peccato multi domini et episcopi ipsum sic
intemporate exerteant" (Prol. 6 rb).

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With this mild rebuke, Henry ends his discussion of

utility.
IV. CONCLUSION
No violence lasts forever; truth alone is stable and peren

really able to lie hid for very long, but will, by breaking out
known.86
Thus may the princes of this age be compelled by every means to sow the seeds of
concord and truth among all the glory of God and for the good of the people, and
to banish from the city of God the crime of discord and iniquity. May they be
instructed by the examples of their venerable predecessors, who strove with all zeal
to accomplish this end.87
These lines were written by Henry in one of his more famous works on the
problem of the Schism, his Epistola concilii pacis of 1381, and refer, in an
oblique way, to his well-known ideas on conciliarism. However, had these
lines been written at another time and in another context, it is not at all
difficult to imagine that they might also apply to much of what has just been
advanced regarding the arts. Henry viewed the fruits of the arts in corporate
terms. Like the church, society as a whole is composed of many parts, all of
which should function in harmonious fashion. Each part is assigned a func-
tion, each part contributes to the overall good of the larger structure. When
the harmony breaks down, it rests on the body as a whole, or on some
representative portion of it, to set things right. The princes have an obliga-
tion to set the wheels in motion for the general council. Princes and legis-
lators have an obligation to proscribe sciences that endanger the overall
good of daily life. Sciences that tend toward evil, even though they are not
sinful per se, are to be legislated from society just like the illegitimate heir to
the throne of St. Peter. In brief, there do seem to be similarities between
Henry's thoughts on the fruits of the arbor and his ideas on councils.
That there may be such similarities is not unexpected, however. By focus-
ing on Henry's conceptualization of the classification of the sciences we have
gone from his thoughts on the division of the arbor scientiarum to his own
interests in the sciences, from his belief in the arts to his understanding of
the ways of pursuing theology, and now from his evaluation of all of the arts
to his general thoughts on a well-structured and smoothly-functioning soci-
ety. In short, by focusing on the narrow, we have been driven to consider
the broader implications, the context within which a particular discussion
resides, and for this particular late medieval mind, that context seems to be
almost without limit or constraint. There is in Henry's thought no under-
stood line that separates theology from philosophy, science from politics, or
the physical from the intellectual endeavor. To be sure, each field, each
86 See the translation of the Epistola concilii pacis by James K. Cameron in Matthew Spinka,
ed., Advocates of Reform (Philadelphia, 1953), p. 124.
87 Ibid., p. 111.

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branch of the arbor, can be isolated and defined. But each

of the larger structure, philosophia, and as such is subject
of questions that apply to every branch. And herein,
weakness.
Quite apart from being too narrow in scope, too particular or scho
Henry's classification of the sciences is actually too broad, too all encom
ing. What matters most in this system of thought are the broad gener
tions: the symmetrical pattern, the principle of utility, the concept
fundamental sciences, not the particulars. Things are turned around
ticulars are made to conform to generalities; generalities are not de
from particulars. The question is never raised: "can all of the scien
schematically represented in tree-like fashion?" This is an assumpt
given element that needs no justification, that is never called into d
Likewise, it is assumed that the mechanical arts and the intellectual sciences
are all subject to the same type of analysis, that what is good and true fo
lesser disciplines must be true for theology, and so on through a host o
"givens" that tie Henry's thought to the scholastic context in which he was
reared. Within this context his own particular interests, especially natura
philosophy, can be seen hard at work, moving in directions that have prom-
ise for the future. But Henry does not himself break free from that context;
his arbor scientiarum remains firmly rooted in the medieval soil from which i
grew.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum

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A Late Medieval Arbor Scientiarum

Author(s): Nicholas H. Steneck

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/2852263

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As is the case with so many issues relating to me

* The research conducted for this study was made possible by gr

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ever, rather than pursuing this approach to the history

Durandus a Sancto Porciano, In Petri Lombardi Sententias Theologicas

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explication of Jerome's prologue to the Bible6 for the purp

It is important to note at the outset of a discussion o

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decidedly Augustinian in character. He derives many of his i

8 In addition to these two works, Henry less frequently cites De trinitate,

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without any mention of the usual source for the latter d

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FIG. 1. "Verumtamen aliquantulum prosequendo dictam divisionem bimembrem

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man because it does not tend to his well-being. Ther

speculativam et practicam dividitur; practica dividitur in quatuor, scilicet in

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of dialectic, teaches about the clear and proper use of word

disputationis ad omnia genera quaestionum quae in litteris scientiis sun

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causes, and it derives its name from 'physis' in Greek

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rologist, and chemist; as a particular natural philosopher, h

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harmonies can be found in the macrocosm in conjun

versatur circa harmonias seu consonantes rerum, proportiones et h

32 The three divisions correspond to the three types of music, "... s

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The secondary mathematical sciences complete the t

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strictly symmetrical and dichotomous breakdown of ph

II. THE ROOTS OF THE ARBOR

Up to this point in our discussion, the arbor scientiarum

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correctly and truly."39 Time and again Henry chid

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justice."45 More particularly, the seven liberal arts are o

45 L. . .septem liberales artes, ut summarie et ingenere dictam, sunt perutiles: primo ad

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created the world in six days. Moreover, since the worl

The role music plays in prophesy is well documented by the examples

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... it is clear that moral philosophy grew out of the liber

54 . . . patet quod philosophia moralis pullulavit de scientiis liberalibus speculativis, quae

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prescribed for very good reasons; the methodological tools th

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turning from earthly things, we raise our hearts upwards in

III. THE FRUITS OF THE ARBOR

Just as Henry is led eventually to speculate about the im

Accordingly, Henry specifically argues that men of religion

similar set of arguments given by Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles

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attracted most of the best minds of the period, it is no

67 Roth, "Zur Bibliographie," p. 115, lists a Tractatus de medicinis sim

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superstition.71 However, throughout these sometim

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