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Graveyard of Empires
The Americans may have finally learned their history lesson: all empires, from the Persian and the Mongol to the British and
Soviet, have suffered defeat in Afghanistan. It is the graveyard of empires, stupid
Except at harvest-time, when self-preservation enjoins a temporary truce, the Pathan tribes are always engaged in private
or public war. Every man is a warrior, a politician and a theologian. Every large house is a real feudal fortress. Every village
has its defence. Every family cultivates its vendetta; every clan, its feud. The numerous tribes and combinations of tribes all
have their accounts to settle with one another.
Source: Winston S. Churchill, 'Chapter XI —The Mahmund Valley', My Early Life, London, Thornton Butterworth, 1930, p. 121
The same day that U.S. and Taliban negotiators signed the U.S.-Taliban agreement in Doha, Secretary of
Defense Esper, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Secretary Jens Stoltenberg, and Afghan
President Ashraf Ghani signed a joint declaration in Kabul, Afghanistan. Similar to the U.S.-Taliban
agreement, the joint declaration identifies four goals for achieving peace in Afghanistan and regional
stability, with the last two goals dependent on the status of the first two:
1) Prevent terrorist groups from using Afghanistan as a base for attacks against the United States
and its allies
Unlike the U.S.-Taliban agreement, the joint declaration specifically references terrorist groups al-
Qaeda and the self-proclaimed Islamic State in Khorasan, rather than "armed groups." The United
States and NATO committed to continue training Afghan security forces (per existing security
agreements) and conducting counterterrorism operations, while the Afghan government
committed to preventing these terrorist groups from using Afghanistan as a base and continuing
to conduct counterterrorism and counter-narcotic operations.
2) Establish a timeline for withdrawing all foreign troops from Afghanistan.
Similar to the U.S.-Taliban agreement, the United States agreed to reduce its forces to 8,600 within
the first 135 days of signing the agreement, and to withdraw all of its troops within 14 months,
pending the Taliban's fulfillment of its agreement with the United States. The United States also
agreed to continue seeking funds for the training, equipping, and advising of Afghan security forces
3) Agree on a political settlement for future of Afghanistan, following intra-Afghan negotiations.
The Afghan government agreed to join intra-Afghan negotiations, provided the Taliban meets the
conditions outlined in the U.S.-Taliban agreement, and committed to discussions about prisoner
releases. With the United States, the Afghan government also agreed to begin reviewing its
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sanctions against the Taliban after intra-Afghan negotiations begin. The United States, for its part,
confirmed its commitment to seeking UN Security Council approval for future agreements, working
with the Afghan government on reconstruction efforts, and refraining from interference in
Afghanistan's domestic affairs.
4) Establish a permanent and cornprehensive cease-fire.
Both the U.S.-Taliban agreement and joint declaration resolve to establish a permanent cease-fire
in Afghanistan as a precondition for achieving a political settlement. • In addition to these goals,
the United States, NATO, and the Afghan government have agreed that they will work together to
ensure that. Afghan institutions continue to promote social and economic advances, protect the
rights of Afghan citizens, and support democratic norms
• Uncertain US behavior
• Taliban-Terrorist linkage
• Taliban's strategy: talk-talk, fight-fight
• Division among Taliban and Afghani government own ranks
Uncertain US behavior
First, it is uncertain how the United States and allies will be able to assess that necessary conditions have
been met for a full drawdown of military forces, and whether the United States will be able to renegotiate,
and ultimately remove, sanctions on the Taliban. The first 135 days of the agreement have passed and the
United States has reduced troop levels to 8,600 and removed troops from 5 bases, as stipulated by the
U.S.-Taliban agreement and the joint declaration with the Afghan government. However, Taliban attacks
increased across the country following the signing of the agreement and it remains to be seen whether
and how the United States will respond. The United Nations' Afghanistan sanctions monitoring team has
also raised concerns about the ability of the United States and UN Security Council to remove sanctions
on the Taliban given its connections with al-Qaeda and whether it will be possible to address the Taliban's
reliance on narcotics trafficking for profit
Taliban-Terrorist linkage
Second, in order to prevent "armed groups" or "terrorist groups" from using Afghanistan as a base, both
the U.S.- Taliban agreement and joint declaration acknowledge that the Taliban and Afghan National
Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF) will need to conduct counterterrorism operations. However, neither
agreement acknowledges or grapples with whether the Taliban and ANDSF—and coalition forces, as
appropriate—will coordinate these operations, how they will validate that attacks have not been carried
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out or supported by subgroups within the Taliban, nor how the Taliban will prove that it has suppressed
Islamic State in Khorasan operations. Moreover, the Taliban's connections to al-Qaeda, largely through
the Haqqani network, could prove difficult to sever. Despite agreeing to sever ties with terrorist groups
under the agreement signed with the United States, a UN report published in May 2020 found that the
Taliban remains in close contact with al-Qaeda.
Taliban's strategy: talk-talk, fight-fight
Finally, despite observing short cease-fires since the agreement was signed, the Taliban seems to have
escalated its military campaign against Afghan security forces. In June 2020, the Afghan government
reported that attacks by the Taliban were up nearly 40 percent over the previous three months when
compared to the same time last year. In July, President Ghani warned that ongoing high levels of violence
pose a serious challenge to the beginning of negotiations, and the Afghan government said that more than
3,500 security forces personnel have been killnd since February.
Division among Taliban and Afghan government own ranks
The internal cohesion and perceived weaknesses of both the Afghan government and the Taliban will also
play a role in the ability for all parties, including the United States, to implement these agreements.
DOMESTIC CHALLENGES
• Women's Rights
• The Role of Civil Society
• Governance and the Rule of Law
• Development and stability
• Disarmament, Demobilization and reintegration.
• Counter-terrorism
Women's Rights
The extent to which Afghan peace negotiations are able to incorporate women's rights, including
fundamental human rights, will affect the possibilities for peace in Afghanistan. Women face barriers at
all levels of Afghan society, and the quota of women serving in official positions is still low.
The Role of Civil Society
The U.S.-Taliban agreement and U.S.-Afghan government joint declaration do not contain provisions
carving out a space for civil society organizations to participate meaningfully in discussions about the
country's future. This could affect the inclusiveness of the intra-Afghan negotiations and the ability of the
negotiations to reflect concerns of the wider population.
Governance and the Rule of Law
Important questions concerning a future Afghan government revolve around its composition, the judiciary
(including transitional justice) system, and the rule of law.
Counterterrorism
While Afghanistan faces domestic challenges related to counterterrorism within its own borders, the
transnational nature of terrorism means that several terrorist networks, including al-Qaeda and the
Islamic State in Khorasan, are still active in Afghanistan and across the broader Middle East and South
Asia. Preventing terrorism from spreading within Afghanistan has been a core objective of the United
States, and how to address terrorism has been a large point of discussion in negotiations
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The future of peace in Afghanistan will depend on how major regional powers, including Russia, China,
India, Pakistan, and the European Union, act in ways that could undermine the peace process—or propel
it forward. Tensions among the major powers—the United States, China, the European Union, India, and
Russia—and others are increasing, which could affect the outcome of the Afghan peace process as each
power attempts to secure its own interests in the region. Moreover, deteriorating bilateral relationships
between two or more regional powers (for example, between the United States and Iran) could also
undermine efforts to cooperate, or otherwise sway the outcomes of intra-Afghan negotiations.
• Pakistan
• India
• China
• Russia
• Iran
• Us
• EU and NATo
Role and stakes of Pakistan in Afghan Peace process
Role
• Muree peace process, 2015 onwards (last meeting June 2019)
• Decree from Pakistani Ulemas: April 2018 •
• Eid Ceasefire between Afghan Taliban and Afghan govt June 2018
• Release of Taliban Leaders from Pakistan's jail, Oct 2019
• China -Afghanistan-Pakistan Trilateral Strategic Dialogue (3'd round) July, 2020
• Recent visit of Abdullah Abdullah to Pakistan (Sep 27,2020) Pakistan also participated in all
multilateral forums (Moscow front, Geneva conference) to bring Peace in Afghanistan
Pakistan stakes
• Security
• Stability
• Development
• Refugees Issues
• Narcotics and smuggling
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India’s Afghanistan Dilemma?
• Risk of terrorism
• Pakistan’s influence in Afghanistan
• persistently fractured government in Kabul.
• US withdrawal from Afghanistan
Options for India
• India can play the role of spoiler
• Carrots-for-Taliban plan
• Talking to Pakistan to arrive at a modus vivendi
• Coordinating India’s Afghanistan policy with Iran
• Use its relationship with Gulf countries to establish leverage on Taliban
Role of other Powers
• China
• Russia
• Iran
• US
• EU and NATO
Prospects for peace in Afghanistan
• Back to future scenario
• Probability of Civil war
It is said, the wise learn from the mistakes of others, the smart learn from their own mistakes, and the
foolish learn from neither
Options
• Minimum presence of US
• Regional Consensus
• Counterterrorism
• Pragmatic role of Taliban
• Development, democracy and Human rights.
May Afghans, especially the Taliban prove as resilient in the pursuit of peace as they have been in
waging war
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