Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DOI 10.1007/s00146-003-0278-6
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Klaus Ruth
Industrial culture and the innovation of innovation:
enginology or socioneering?
Received: 29 August 2002 / Accepted: 18 September 2002 / Published online: 9 October 2003
Ó Springer-Verlag London Limited 2003
1 Introduction
K. Ruth
Institute for Technology and Education, Breman University,
28359 Bremen, Germany
E-mail: kruth@zfn.uni-bremen.de Æ Tel.: +49-421-2184639 Æ Fax: +49-421-2184637
226
future.1 Or being more optimistic, one might say that revolutionary changes in
manufacturing will yet occur in the future, and therefore the high time of
manufacturing is ahead (for instance in bio-manufacturing and holonic archi-
tectural structures).
In any case manufacturing was, and still is, one of the most important sectors
of the industrial system and evidently had an enormous influence in shaping
industrial systems and industrial societies. Industrialisation has had a strong
impact on other spheres through the strong dissemination power of Taylorism
(such as Taylorisation of software production, housework, health care, and so
on), and on culture in its genuine meaning (see for example the notion of cultural
industry by Horkheimer and Adorno which suggests the industrialisation of
culture production such as movies).
This paper will try to relate the problems of manufacturing and innovation to
the general societal trend of modernity, or to be more precise to reflexive
modernity. It will also try to substantiate – if this is at all necessary – the
necessity and inevitability of a cultural approach to technology design and use
(or innovation) and why this requires discourses between disciplines, cultures
and communities.
The social concept of modernity is rooted in the European process of
enlightenment. This process claims to be affecting all societal spheres and
therefore also influences the sphere of production; or, to put it more clearly, the
universal modernity concept was, in the first instance, identified as a concept of
industrial modernity. It would not be an exaggeration to say industrial
modernity is modernity as such. But since modernity ran into the crisis posed in
terms of post-modernity versus reflexive modernity, this tendency affects all
‘‘partial modernities’’ and therefore above all becomes effective in the industrial
sphere.
The impacts of this process on innovation will be discussed in terms of the
culture of manufacturing, which circumscribes (and makes way for) the inno-
vation of innovation. This expression above all stands for the claim to refurbish
and reconsider the concept and understanding of innovation, its aims and
conditions. And, no less important, following the widely-accepted meaning of
innovation – as opposed to invention – these renewals (of innovation) need to be
transferred from an idea to a new practice. Therefore the innovation of inno-
vation is not accomplished until a new innovation practice is socially imple-
mented.
In the following sections the interrelated concepts of industrial and manufac-
turing culture are discussed in order to review their potentials for elucidating the
mysteries of reflexive innovation. The lines of reasoning are pushed forward on
two levels: the research level, and the level of practice that in both cases is
concerned with the relationship of social and engineering sciences. Finally some
ideas of a new synthesis of both domains will be sketched.
1
Although a trend towards an information society is discernible, there can be little doubt that
most of our consumer goods are still physical – hardware is made of metals or plastics that still
need to be manufactured, and even in the ‘‘world of computers’’ software that runs without
hardware has yet to be developed! Evidently, a shift towards bionics might change the concept
of manufacturing in the ‘‘old’’ and narrow meaning but can we really expect such a paradig-
matic change within the next 20 years?
227
About 50 years ago, and approximately 200 years after Immanuel Kant had laid
the foundation of (occidental) enlightenment, which itself must be seen as the
basis of modernity, Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno wrote the Dia-
lectic of Enlightenment (1968). They stated that the original ideas and intentions
of enlightenment (liberation of thinking from religious, metaphysical and
mythical commitments; autonomous human reason as the unique and ultimate
authority for self-determined acting; the belief in reason, rationality, and sci-
ence, and so on) are developing through a dialectical process that leads to an
ambiguous and contradictory development of rationality. This process of real-
isation, in their view, always has the potential to fall back into irrationality and
myth; therefore they conclude that there is no linear movement towards the aim
of higher levels of rationality (Horkheimer and Adorno 1968). This is mainly
because two types of rationality have prevailed: an instrumental reason of cal-
culating means and ends, and a rationality based on values. In their view
instrumental rationality has dominated almost all spheres of modernity.
Although this early critique was very elaborate and influential in sociology,
culture, and arts in general, it could not challenge the success of the modernity
process in general. If we refrain from the narrow field of critical social science,
until very recently the overall process of modernity was not under scrutiny. This
was mainly because modernity was in its core interpreted as an industrial
modernity, and the latter proved to work very well as an ‘‘engine of prosperity’’
creating affluence – and consent. This was evidently at the expense of the
exclusion of large parts of mankind and on the basis of the extensive waste of
resources.
Nevertheless, the promise of prosperity created an unchallenged belief in
progress, and advances along the growth and prosperity trajectory were guar-
anteed by innovation. Very prominent German top managers who are still
hopelessly biased in their belief in progress put it this way: ‘‘Innovation is the
living elixir of our society’’. The problem is that they think in terms of the
conventional type of modernity, which means that they still think in the simple
(and old) terms of modernity, ignoring the fact that the major premise under-
pinning the concept has lost ground.
Horkheimer’s and Adorno’s early scepticism concerning the process of
enlightenment is nowadays further advanced as a general critique of modernity,
and as such applies to many (all?) social spheres. This reorientation of critical
theory reflects real changes that were emerging in modern societies, particularly
in industrial modernity, since the 1970 s and which brought about a multitude of
contradictions grounded in the ecological, social and political domains. Within
the industrial societies the ecological problems were aggravating, social conflicts
were intensifying and political systems ran into legitimation crises – to mention
but the most prominent problems (Fig. 1 points out these challenges and relates
them to the future of modernity).
Another relevant external challenge was the success of supposedly traditional
(in Western understanding pre-modern) societies in initiating industrialisation
processes and in developing their own type of industrial modernity. This
228
demolishes the assumption many social scientists and economists take for
granted, that there is necessarily one single type of socio-cultural and religious
values which are – to say the least – favourable for industrial development and
for shaping a universal model of industrial modernity.
Both tendencies challenged simple modernity and called for a reconsideration
of the concept. The result, as witnessed in European sociology, philosophy, and
aesthetic theory, are two opposing strands of discussions: post-modernism and
reflexive modernity.
Since post-modernism abandons the foundations of modernity by rejecting
the claim of enlightenment, even when this claim is reflexively directed towards
modernity itself, it makes it difficult to discuss its challenge to industrial
modernity. Therefore I will stay with the concept of reflexive modernity, which
admittedly argues to a great extent normatively, but is more tightly connected to
social processes, in other words to industrial modernity.
The concept of reflexive modernity has been discussed broadly since the
beginning of the 1990s in European sociology (Giddens 1990; Lash 1990; Beck
et al. 1996). It questions conventional (or old) modernity in its political, social
and cultural dimensions. The main findings refer to universal processes like
globalisation, sustainable development, and sustainable democracy. The diag-
noses made can be summed up in the observation that the conventional (‘‘go
on!’’) modernisation ran into serious difficulties. The ecological and social crises
have seriously shaken some fundamental beliefs of modernity, such as the belief
in economic growth, the belief in the progress of (and with) technology as well as
the belief in the sciences’ monopoly on truth.
These beliefs, combined with the mistrust in the increasingly visible impossi-
bility of planning social, economic and innovation processes, indicate a general
loss of confidence in rationality as the unchallenged foundation of modernity.
This uneasiness is expressed in the remark that modernity – which in its self-
image is nothing but a generalised industrial modernity – can be characterised as
229
the epoch of not intended side effects (Giddens 1984; Giddens 1990). Added to the
uncertainties produced at various levels of society (such as through the insta-
bility of social institutions; more on this in the following section) these argu-
ments serve as strong reasons for a transformation of the modernity to a new
level of reflexivity.
Without going into further detail it can be stated that this process is a self-
transformation, which means the liquidation of modernity and the constitution
of a reflexive modernity created through carrying out self-criticism and by
applying the instruments of modernity to modernity. This re-invention or re-
writing of modernity begins with the re-definition of the premise and assump-
tions, and ends up with a reconsideration of the goals.
Summing up and leading on to the more specific problem of innovation, I
want to state that if reflexivity means to subjugate its own premise and goals (to
‘‘modernise’’ them), then applying these ideas to innovation, the ‘‘elixir of the
industrial modernity’’, makes sense and is probably the only way out of the
current crisis of innovation in industrial societies. Therefore a reflexive innova-
tion, or the innovation of innovation is on the agenda. In the following section I
will develop some tentative ideas of what reflexive innovation might be. At this
stage it can already be revealed that the culture of manufacturing will play an
important role in this process.
From the very beginning of capitalist production, and under the pressure to
constantly revolutionise the forces of production (in other words to innovate), it
has shown that innovation is a ‘‘risky business’’, particularly with regard to
external uncertainties (of markets for example). But nowadays the degree of
uncertainty related to innovation has reached a maximum, and – probably more
importantly – innovation itself has become an internal source of uncertainty.
This means that major uncertainties are nowadays produced by and during the
innovation processes themselves. I just want to state two very important points
regarding product design.
Firstly, there is uncertainty arising out of the contradiction between increased
planning and the danger that the intended goals (be it product innovation or an
organisational innovation) cannot be attained (either not at all or not within the
time and cost frames). Particularly since innovation is on a larger scale and the
whole process is spatially distributed (among various actors), the effort of
planning is increased, but deterministic planning is itself a source of uncertainty,
because it creates strong rigidity that does not allow sufficient flexibility.
Secondly, a considerable source of uncertainty is the lack of complete infor-
mation, which has led to an increase of not intended’ side effects. Following the
discussions on reflexive modernity I sketched in the preceding section, we might
say that the current situation is marked by the fact that a large number of the
innovations today have the function of coping with the unintended effects of
past innovations. In this respect it is worth mentioning that the increasing sig-
nificance of science in product innovation (buzzword ‘‘science based products’’)
have lulled us all into a false sense of security. Today, after several decades of
technology assessment, we know that in virtually no case the information for
230
assessing the appropriateness of the products and its effects was complete, and
consequently the outcomes were unpredictable – if we look at large scale tech-
nology and its unpredictable social effects. But even if we focus on innovations
in the manufacturing industries, particularly the machine tool industry (which –
compared to atomic energy or chemical industry – is small scale technology), we
find that the appropriateness of products very often could not be achieved and
the social effects (like qualification, skill, organisation) were not sufficiently
anticipated.
Moreover there is a cluster of societal uncertainties; these revolve around the
question of whether or not the product innovation carried out within companies
or through inter-organisational networks will lead to socially, ecologically and
economically desirable products. This raises the political question of the inno-
vation goals, a question which clearly is at the core of reflexive innovation.
Last but not least, the globalisation tendency produces uncertainty and exerts
impact on innovation regarding the product differentiation and targeting
strategies. The spectrum of answers to this challenge varies between the product
differentiation á la Ford (i.e. producing the Model T in any colour the customer
wants – provided the colour is black) which means one product for the world, to
the other pole: regionally-adjusted customer-oriented product strategies (for
instance Levi’s selling pants with different, anatomically adjusted cuts in dif-
ferent parts of the world).
These sketched tendencies seem to indicate that the uncertainties of innova-
tion are not diminishing but rather increasing. This raises the question whether it
is time to re-define our understanding of innovation as well as the innovation
process itself. The suggestion I want to offer is to innovate on innovation – or in
the words of reflexive modernity, to make innovation reflexive. What this means
shall be expanded below.
In order to check whether innovation processes do serve the needs of societies
it is necessary to continuously assure ourselves of the appropriateness of the
underlying assumptions and to re-define them if necessary. The assumptions
underlying the modern innovation processes are:
1. Product innovation is a process which can be planned, so we have the pos-
sibility of an ex ante assessment of resources, time required and all effects.
2. The competence needed to carry out product innovation is located with
engineers.
3. Product innovation leads to good/better products.
These assumptions are linked to some general and specific innovation goals.
The general goals are summarised by the catchwords faster (innovation cycles),
more (product innovation) and larger (scale of product innovation). With regard
to specific goals of innovation in the manufacturing industries, particularly in
the manufacturing equipment industry, there was a long-lasting guiding idea of
humanless factory automation which was relieved by new concepts such as
HOMS (Human-Oriented Manufacturing Systems) or HCCIM (Human-Cen-
tred CIM).
The supposition that product innovation can be planned is an increasingly
doubtful assumption lacking in foundation. The reports on the planning failures
in product innovation are myriad (Ehrlenspiel 1993). This must be perceived as
a problem, which was already virulent in the times of traditional product
231
innovation, and it will become more critical with more complex products, to-
gether with tighter ecological and social requirements. Therefore the goal of
having ever faster and shorter innovation cycles, which is nowadays often per-
ceived as an invariable inner momentum of innovation as such, need to be
reconsidered (Ruth 1996a).
Furthermore, the assumption that engineers are the innovation specialists is
questioned by the increasing involvement of different innovation actors. This is
already taking place in the traditional type of innovation, and a reflexive
innovation will have to develop this trend further. Firstly, product innovation
needs the input of many disciplines and knowledge and experience domains, and
secondly, the trend towards globalised concurrent innovation requires the
involvement of experts with different cultural backgrounds.2
Reflexive product innovation inevitably requires a fundamental reconsidera-
tion of the type and quality of products; this ‘‘modernisation’’ of goals will have
to go towards HOMS or HCCIM systems. New guiding images for manufac-
turing technology will emerge such as holonic organisational architectures
(Mathews 1996; Koestler 1967). These systems are assumed to be self-moni-
toring, self-managing and self-replicating techno-organisational manufacturing
systems. Another emerging role model with some potential for future manu-
facturing systems is bio-automation (Ueda and Vaario 1997) which, based
on ideas like self-growth, self-organisation and evolution, allows adaptations
to increase complexity in manufacturing (like the need for adaptation due to
changed requirements during the life-time of products or adaptations due to
regional/cultural conditions).
Last but not least, the need for appropriate (regionalised and culturally
adapted) products provides a major challenge for reflexive innovation. The
significance of this point is not only given by the experiences of technology
transfer between developed and developing countries through the last 30 years,
but also through the insight that the performance level of technical systems
depends on the contexts in which the systems are to be employed. These con-
textual backgrounds are shaped by skill formation systems, education systems,
economical and technological infrastructures, and social, culture and value
systems. One of the major tasks of reflexive innovation is to align the product
innovation process with the need for differentiated, regionally-adjusted prod-
ucts.
Table 1 is a synoptical overview of the sketched features that distinguish
traditional and reflexive innovation.
If the above illustrations roughly meet the point, then the innovation of
innovation ultimately requires the modernisation of innovation assumptions,
goals, and guiding images, which eventually will lead to an entire restructuring
of innovation processes in compliance with these re-definitions. The question
now arises as to how the innovation of innovation can take place? How can it be
2
This assumed general trend of innovation processes to become spatially distributed has its
clear limitations when networked processes with continuous collaboration between different
actors take place or when end-user involvement is intended, because this cooperation works
best when direct (face-to-face) communication is carried out. This is why a regional distribution
of innovation processes is advantageous against concepts of ‘‘globalised time-sharing telede-
sign’’. The latter at best are suitable as means for sub-contract based design but not for
participative innovation processes or for cross cultural dialogues between designers and users.
232
promoted and which general conditions have to be taken for granted to shape
innovation in the way that the requirements outlined above can be ensured?
My answer is: by realisation of the principles of manufacturing culture and
industrial culture. Therefore I will develop some ideas on both culture concepts
and their consequences for product innovation.
In accordance with the above mentioned demand to check and re-define the
assumptions and premise of innovation, I will develop some ideas of where
innovation needs renewal. The bases of the analyses are the twin concepts of
manufacturing culture and industrial culture.3 I will refer to the concepts after
outlining some changes in the general conditions for innovation.
If we take a closer look at the real processes of real industrial sectors, for
instance core manufacturing industries like mechanical engineering, we find that
they increasingly are under pressure from their customers, which is reflected in
new product qualities. A design based on a single target is not appropriate
anymore, the new requirements to be met simultaneously are design to cost, to
marketability, to manufacture, to ecology – to mention but the most prominent
ends. These demands meet with the increased expectations of the employees for
human-centred products and work processes, and taken together these form the
very demanding goal of sustainability which stands for ecological compatibility
and human-centredness of products and production processes.
3
For the purposes of this paper, and due to the fact that there is a large overlap in the content
of the two concepts, I will use the terms as synonyms. This clearly indicates the work to be done
in the future: checking the correspondence and differences, balancing and harmonising them in
order to develop a unified strong concept based on culture.
233
The commonality of both concepts is their place at the contact space’ between
engineering and social sciences. The industrial culture approach crosses the still
very marked demarcation line from social science towards engineering science,
and the culture of manufacturing approach, conversely, crosses the border
coming from engineering to social sciences. A further tie between both concepts
lies in the fact that both applied their research approaches to the field of pro-
grammable automation, particularly CNC machine tool design, transfer and
use.
The industrial culture approach was – possibly more clearly than manufac-
turing culture – a research approach which aimed at analysing the design,
transfer and use of CNC technology within an internationally comparative
framework (Rauner and Ruth 1989). The research instruments comprise a
framework of social, psychological, institutional and cultural dimensions and
variables that are used for investigating national/industrial cultural differences
in machine tool design, transfer and use. Although the concept aims to reveal
the differences by making use of non-technical factors, it accepts – unlike the
majority of so-called social constructivist theories of technology development
(Bijker et al. 1987) – the existence of a technological core or a techno-logic which
is not subject to socio-cultural shaping. Therefore the realm of industrial
235
At this stage two remarks need to be made. First, it is important to state that
sociology is not per se competent for culture in a narrower sense. If the culture
issue shall play a major role in culture-based theories of technology, other dis-
ciplines like anthropology need to be involved in the research ventures – but this
would not affect the significance of the above statements. Second, if culture-
based research in manufacturing and innovation establishes a new academic
field, as Ito expects (Ito 1997a; Ito 1997b) – and the above sketched arguments
on research subjects, methodology, and so on support this belief – the most
serious problem arising is how to harmonise the different research interests of
the various disciplines. The fundamental difference between humanities and
engineering sciences probably lies in the valuation of theory and practice, or
more specifically in the relationship between research results and their transla-
tion into technical artefacts or generally into practice. Whereas the engineering
sciences always feel the need for incorporating research outcomes into technical
artefacts, a goal which often triggers further research, the humanities on the
other side aim at analysing problems appropriately and generating hypotheses,
and beyond this they expect the practitioners to translate the results into practice
(evidently both types are idealised and there are always exceptions to the rule).
The latter remark leads us directly to the second item I want to address in
these concluding paragraphs: culture-based manufacturing as a matter of
practice.
The necessity for culture-based manufacturing and innovation results from
the sketched trends in innovation. A global product diversification, human-
centredness of production systems (HOMS) and the need for human-centred
technology arising from it, challenge traditional innovation and bring about
modernised innovation processes with varying sets of involved actors and ‘‘in-
dividualised’’ innovation courses. Aside from the involvement of various com-
pany actors (which was outlined in the section on innovation competence) a new
stage in design cooperation will be achieved by the inclusion of sociologists in
the product innovation processes. This modification is inevitable to accomplish
product innovation following the principles of industrial culture of manufactur-
ing, in other words culturally, socially and regionally accommodated products.
The sound assumption is that a collaboration of engineers and social scientists
will be the backbone to attain to the goal, but it is not sufficient because, as
mentioned above, sociologists are no experts on culture, nor are they stake-
holders for regional recipients of manufacturing technologies. Therefore the idea
of regionalized products (manufacturing technology) needs the involvement of
experts from within the targeted culture, region or social cluster. This will end up
with the institutionalisation of cross-cultural design discourses (involving varying
actor sets) in order to develop a ‘‘cultured technology’’.
Nonetheless, the collaboration between engineers and sociologists will play a
crucial role, and success will depend upon their mutual abilities to listen to and
learn from each other, which means to accept the others contribution as of the
same value as their own, and trying to understand the specific rationality of the
professional behaviour and the specific means and tools of the unfamiliar dis-
cipline. A rather noteworthy peculiarity of the majority of (particularly German)
sociologists is that they fear loosing their attribute of being critical scientists
once they are involved in shaping-oriented cooperation. The irony of this res-
ervation is that on the other hand many sociologists suffer from their deficiency
238
of practice (at least for certain parts of academic sociology such as industrial
sociology and organisational sociology). This might turn out to be a strong
practical barrier from the sociologists’ side.
Another more general obstacle to collaboration of engineers and sociologists
seems to be a mutual mistrust. The question is: how can trust relationships
between the actors be established? The answer: the best way is to involve them in
successful innovation processes. Evidently it is difficult to anticipate whether or
not a project will be a success, but as mentioned already, the uncertainties are
increasing all the time... so why not use any project? A very brief excursion into
a recent case that took place in Germany will serve as an example for both
learning and trust.
In the beginning of the 1990 s a (government funded) cross-disciplinary
project on computer and experience based work systems was carried out in
Germany (see, for example, Mertens et al. 1993). In the beginning, collaboration
between social scientists (and psychologists), and engineers was difficult, because
there were different self- and role-understandings that had to be overcome.
There were different ideas of the appropriate methods to find out user appro-
priateness: The engineers wanted to make prototypes and let users test them, but
sociologists first wanted to interview the end users to find out their wishes before
starting design work (and also to develop a sophisticated methodological tool
set for cross checking). Eventually, a participative procedure including the real
end users (with stepwise feedback) was established by initiating a discourse on
methods, which lead to a higher trust level among engineers and social scientists,
as well as to mutual learning (mainly based on methods).
This example might also show that neither engineers nor social scientists are
experts on human-centredness, so the potential users have to be involved in the
design discourses; similarly with regionally and culturally accommodated
products.
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