OXFORD (Great Clarendon Street, Oxford 0x2 60" ‘Oxtor Uninerity Pre it a department ofthe Unites of Oxford Ie further the Univers abjetve of execlnge in esearch, shal, ‘and educein by publhing worden (Oxford New York Cape Ta Gach Dare Rion Set Plog eng Keates "kerah! 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Dani c= (Orlord cary Chron stds) Includes biorraphilfefrenecs und inde. 1. Thee Sint—Cole—Tatkey= Sie Reson (el ei)—Hisors, 2, Wome in Citas TurkerSiile Region de! gl—Hstory Ea rch eh 30-000. 3 ‘hea Saint CaltSgype—Hitors. 4, Waren in Chrianty=Egppe—Hior—Eily Shurchen jont20, Tle Mt Seren by Graphite Lint. Hong Kong rite in Gret Drain on ei: re pet by “14. toerntional Lid, Pods ConallPREFACE ‘Theela, believed fo have been a disciple and colleague of the apostle Paul, became perhaps the most celebrated female saint and ‘martyr’ among Christians in late antiquity. She was recognized for her example of chastity, and honoured as an apostle and pro- tomartyr, the first female martyr, of the early church, Thecla’s example was associated with the picty of women—in particular, with issues of women's empowerment and ministry. Because of the patriarchal social customs of the time, these associations lent an air of controversy and ‘transgressiveness’ to her sanctity, ‘Thecla's fame can be traced quite early in written records, starting at least in the second century ce with the Acts of Paul and Thecla. ‘This work served as the basis for Inter biographical legends about Thecla, and for the many references to her in ascetic treatises and miracle stories from late antiquity. Thecla also became a popular subject for Christian artists: her image is painted on walls, stamped on clay flasks and oil lamps, engraved ‘on bronze crosses, wooden combs, and stone reliefs, etched onto golden glass medallions, and even woven into a textile curtain. By the fourth and fifth centuries, devotion to Saint Thecla was widespread in the Mediterranean world; from Gaul (modern France) to Palestine, writers and artists extolled her as an exem- plary virgin and martyr. However, it is not my task here to survey the geographical range of Thecla devotion, or to catalogue all the literary and artistic evidence related to the figure of ‘Thecla. Much of this work has in fact already been done by other scholars." Instead, I am more interested in reconstructing the cult Carl Hlotzhey, Die Thella- Alten: Ihre Verbreitung und Beurtitun Kirche, Veriffentichungen aus dem kirchengeschichlichen Seminar Munchen, aly (Munich: J.J. Lentner, 1995); Claudia Naverth and Ridiger Warns, The: Lire Bilder in der frihchriatichen Kunst (Wiesbaden: 0. Haserassowiee, 1981): Claudia Nauerth, “Nachlese von Thekla-Daratellungen' in Studien zur spite tiken und fidchratichen Kiet wnd Kultur des Orients, ed. G. Koeh, Gittinger Orientforechungen, series 2, Studien rar spitantiken und frihehes Kunst, vi (Wiesbaden: Onto Harracsowite, 1982), 14-18, pl. 4-9.viii Acknotsledgements Deutsches Archiologisches Institute in Cairo, Peter and Eleni Grossmann, Josef Engelmann, Monsour Osman and Abd el Aziz at Bl Bagawat, his Eminence Archbishop Damianos, and the gracious monks at the Monastery of Saint Catherine. Finally, I want to thank Hilary O'Shea, Gillian Clark, Andrew Louth, Georga Godwin, John Callow, and the other editors associated with Oxford University Press for their fine work in preparing my book for publication. Stephen J. Davis Cairo, Beypt x4 November 1999CONTENTS see List of Figures xi Abbreviations xiii PART I. THE CULT OF SAINT THECLA IN ASIA MINOR 1, Origins of the Thecla Cult Introduction Women’s Culture in the Acts of Paul and Thecla Social Practice in the Acts of Paul and Thecla: ‘Asceticism and Itinerancy 18 “‘Thecla as a Social Type: Charismaties and ‘Communities of Female Support in Second- Century Asia Minor 6 2. The Cult of Thecla at Seleucia in Asia Minor 36 Hagia Thekla: The Physical Setting 37 Literary Patronage of the Thecla Cult at Seleucia: "The Expansion of Her Legend 39 ‘Women’s Piety in Cultural Confiict at Hagia ‘Thekla ‘Asceticism, Itinerancy, and Martyr Cult 48 «PART Il, THE CULT OF SAINT THECLA IN EGYPT 81 3. Thecla Devotion Among Ascetic Women in Alexandria 83 Introduction 83 Female Monasticism in Alexandria: A Social Context for Thecla Devotion in the Fourth Century 87 Women's Devotion to Thecla in Political Context: ‘Theological and Ascetic Factionalism in Fourth-Century Alexandria 95 ‘The Fate of the Virgins: A History of Alexandrian Devotees to Saint Thecla 103 4. Pilgrimage and the Cult of Saint Thecla in the ‘Mareotis 113 Egyptian Pilgrim Flasks with the Image of Saint ‘Thecla 114THE OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES series includes scholarly volumes on the thought and history of the early Christian ‘centuries, Covering a wide range of Greek, Latin, and Oriental sources, the books are of interest to theologians, ancient historians, and spe- ‘lists in the classical and Jewish worlds. Jude: "Titles in the series ‘Athanasius and the Politice of Asceticim David Brakke (1995) Jerome's Hebrew Questions on Genesis ated with an introduction and commentary by C.T.R, Hayward (1995) Ambrose of Milan and the End of the Nicene-Arian Conflicts Daniel H, Williams (2995) Amobius of Sicea Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian Michael Bland Simmons (1995) Gregory of Nyssa's Treatise con the Inscriptions of the Psalms Ronald E. Heine (1998) Ascetics and Ambassadors of Christ ‘The Monasteries of Palestine 314-631 John Binns (1994) paperback (1996) Joln of Seythopolis and the Dionysian Corpus Annotating the Areopagite Paul Rorem and John Lamoreaus (1998) Eusebius of Cacsarea’s Commentary on Isaiah M. J. Hollerich (1999) Ascetic Eucharists Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meats ‘Andrew MeGowan (1999)The Cult of Saint Thecla: A Tradition of Women’s Piety in Late Antiquity ‘Stephen J. Davis WN Sisi OXFORD [UNIVERSITY PRESSvi Preface of Saint Thecla—that is, the complex set of social practices (euch as asceticism, pilgrimage, burial), institutions (such 2s churches, martyr shrines, monasteries), and material artefacts (such as texts, relies, sacred souvenirs) that marked the lives of actual devotees. In this book, I focus my attention specifically on the cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor (modern Turkey) and Egypt: only in these regions does archaeological, artistic, and literary evidence provide enough context for a ‘thick’ description of communities land practices connected with Thecla devotion. Asia Miror has been the subject of previous study—its well-known shrine of Saint ‘Theela at Seleucia was the hub of her cult in late antiquity? In contrast, the diverse but seattered evidence from Egypt has up till now been largely neglected. I bring this evidence together for the first time in order to reconstruct the Egyptian cult of Saint ‘Thecla. I will argue that in both Egypt and Asin Minor, the cult of Saint Thecla remained closely linked with communities of women among whom Thecla’s example was a source of empow- erment and a cause of controversy. +B, Herafeld and S. Guyer, Meriamlik und Koryhos: Zac dvistiche Ruinewitte des Rawhen Kilikiene, Monuments Asiae Minoris, Antique, ii (Manchester: Manchester University Prest, 1930); G. Dagron (ed. Vie et miracles de Sainte Thecle (Brussel: Société des Bollandistes, 1978).ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ‘While writing this book, I have been sustained by a family and by a community of scholars and friends whose suppor: and counsel are difficult to measure. Above all, I owe a huge debt of gratitude to my wife Jennifer for her love, patience, and willing rness to share me with ‘that other woman’, Thecla. Jenny, this ‘work is dedicated to you and our children Evanleigh, Harrison, and Rowyn. ‘Among those who have assisted me directly in my research. and writing, I especially want to thank Bentley Layton for his critical eye and his cogent advice as T prepared my manu- seript for publication. I owe special thanks as well to Maria Georgopoulou, who instilled in me a passion for early Christian and Byzantine art: ebyaptora yrd ard +6 roAbryso Bcbpov. I also have had the pleasure of working closely with Rowan Greer and ‘Wayne Meeks; both read large portions of my manuscript and were charitable with their time and suggestions. In addition, other colleagues have provided invaluable help, criticism, and encouragement: among them, Roger Bagnall, Paul-Alain Beaulieu, Betsy Bolman, David Brakke, Elizabeth Clark, Jaime Clark-Soles, Scott Cormode, Andrew Crislip, Stephen Emmel, Georgia Frank, David Frankfurter, Todd Hickey, Theo Joppe, Rebecca Krawiec, Susan Matheson, Timothy Poncé, Stephen Shoemaker, Warren Smith, Donald Spanel, Heinrich von Staden, and Terry Wilfong. In the summer of 1995, Henry Maguire and the staff at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington, DC, showed me great hospitality and helped facilitate my research into early Byzantine pilgrimage. Opportunities to lecture at Harvard Uni- versity and at the American Research Center in Egypt allowed ‘me to refine my interpretation of Egyptian wall paintings of Saint Theela in Chapter 5. I also want to recognize those institutions and persons who have facilitated my research in Egypt: Yale University, the American Research Center in Egypt (ARCE), the Dar Comboni Arabie Study Centre, the Evangelical Theological Seminary in Cairo (ETSC), the Société d’archéologie copte, thexii List of Figures 21. A procession of virgins holding torches or lamps, 23. 25; 26. 27. 28. 29, 30. 3. 3. with two figures leading camels (wall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) Anonymous orans (wall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) Saint Thecla and the anonymous oranz (wall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) . Saint Thecla between two lions, with an anonymous female orans (wall painting, necropolis near ancient Athribis) Jeremiah standing before the Jerusalem Temple (Qvall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) ‘The Promised Land, or the heavenly Jerusalem (vall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) Facade of a funerary chapel complex at El Bagawat Daniel and Saint Theela, depicted on a wooden comb (Berlin, Frithchristlich-byzantinische Sammlung) Saint Theela, depicted on a limestone roundel relief (Kansas City, Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum) Saint Thecla and two lions, depicted on an oil lamp (Frankfurt am Main, Liebieghaus-Museum) An Egyptian woman named Thecla, depicted on a grave stele (Cairo, Coptic Museum) An Egyptian woman named Thecla, with child, depicted on a grave stele (Cairo, Coptic Museum) 228 229 230 231 232 233 233 234 235 236 237 238ABBREVIATIONS eo | For bibliographic abbreviations, I use those found in the Soei- | ey of Biblical Literature: Membership Directory and Handbook © @eeatur, Ga.: Society of Biblical Literature, 1994), 231-40: for | Greek patristic works, those in G. H. W. Lampe, Patristie Greek | Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. ix~xlii; for class- | jeal Greek works, those in H. G. Liddell and R. Seott, «4 Greek- | English Lexicon, gth edn. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), | pp. xviexlv; for Greek papyrological sources, those in Checklist | Of Eaitions of Greek and Latin Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets, | th edn, ed. John F. Oates, Roger S. Bagnall, William H. | Willi, and Klaas A. Worp (Bulletin of the American Society of | Papyrologists, Supplements 7 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992). [__ However note the folowing ‘exceptions: - AA Acts of Andrew (Acta Andrae), t ed. Jean-Marc Prieur, CCSA 6 i (1989). - ATh ‘Acts of Paul and Thecla, in Acta E ‘Apostoloriem Apocrypha, ed. i Richard A, Lipsius and M. E Bonnet (Leipzig: Hermann : Mendelssohn, 1891) 235~72- | Apa Ména ‘Apa Ména: A Selection of Coptic | Texts Relating to St. Menas, i ed. James Drescher fi (Cairo: Société d'archéologie copte, 1946). ccsA Corpus Christianorum, Series Apocryphorum (Turnhout: Brepols, 1983- ). ccsL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina (Turnhout: Brepols, 1953-). CSEL Corpus Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum (Wienna: Geroldi, 1866-).i i £ [ Origins of the Thecla Cult INTRODUCTION For Christians living in the late Roman Empire, holiness was by no means simply a private matter. Not only were holy virtu preached to the laity from public pulpits, but ‘holy persons’ especially heroic monks and martyrs—were understood by many to be conduits of both spiritual and social power. In the eyes of the faithful, such figures played important civic roles as healers, exorcists, patrons, counsellors, and arbiters of disputes." During life, their personal sanctity attracted cadres of adher- ‘ents and onlookers; after death, their exploits were retold (and multiplied) in hagiographical narratives. The lives of these ints were presented in such texts as models for pious imitation:* * Peter Brown, “The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquits’ Journal of Roman Studies, 1 (1971), Bo-10r; T use the reprinted version of this article (with updated notes) that appears in his book Society and the Fol in Late ‘Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 1oy-s2. In a more ‘recent assessment, Brown recognizes how the civie role of such holy persons ‘was a function of their reprerenttion in hogiographical literature (P. Brown, "Arbites of the Holy: The Christian Holy Man in Lae Antiquity’, in luthority and the Sacred: Aspects ofthe Chritianization of the Reman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 55-78, 85-7) in auch lives, Christian writer ‘could present an image not only. of the perfect Christian life, but also of the life in imitation of Christ, the life that becomes an icon’ (A. Cameron, Christianity and the Rhetoie of Empires The Development of Christin Discourse (Berkeley: University of California Pres, 1991), 143) Richard Velantasis characterize the lives of enely Christian ascetics 23 tex tualized performances’ that constructed #n “imitable subject’ (R. Valantasis, "Constructions of Power in Asceticinm’, Journal of the American Academy af Religion 6314 (1995) 799). On the presentation of saints as models for imitation, tee alao Peter Brown, "The Saint as Exemplar in Late Antiquity’ in JS. Hawley (ed), Saints ond Virtues (Berkeley: University of California Press, :087), 3-142 is article originally appeared in Representations, 1]2 (1983), 1-25.x Contents ‘The Pairing of Saints Thecla and Menas: Geography and Gender in the Alexandrian Cult of the Martyrs Bvidence of a Thecla Shrine in the Mareotis Cultic Competition Between the Shrines of Saints ‘Menas and ‘Thecla: A Study in the Appropriation of Oral Tradition Women's Itineraney and Pilgrimage: The Soci Practices of Thecla Devotion in the Mareotis 5. The Spread of Thecla Devotion Outside Alexandria and Its Environs Devotion to Saint Thecla in the Kharga Oasis; Evidence in Art “The Spread of Thecla Devotion in the Fayfim and the Nile Valley Conclusion Appendix: A. A Catalogue of Published Ampullae with Saint Thecla Appendis: B. Namesakes of Saint Thecla in Late Antique Egypt Figures Bibliography Index 120 126 133 37 49 150 172 190 19 209 239 27f | LIST OF FIGURES wo eS he 15. 16. 7. 38, 19. . Map of the Eastern Roman pro es, showing Isauria and its capital Seleucia Map of Seleucia and its environs Plan of the Great Basilica and the eave chapel at Hagia Thekla (Seleucia) . Plan of the archaeological site at Hagia Thekla (Seleucia) ‘Map of Egypt |. Map of Alexandria and its environs Saint Menas depicted on a pilgrim flask (British Museum, EA 69839) . The same (reverse), depicting Saint Thecla Saint Menas depicted on a pilgrim flask (British Museum, E. C. 882) . ‘The same (reverse), depicting Saint Thecla | Saint Thecla depicted on a pilgrim flask (Musée du Louvre) . The same (obverse), depicting Saint Menas nt Menas flanked by camels and pilgrims, depicted on an ivory box (pyxis) (British Museum) Saint Thecla, depicted on a curtain fragment (Washington, DC, The Textile Museum) Inseribed petition to Saint Thecla on a bronze cross (Washington, DC, Dumbarton Oaks) Moses leading the Israelites to the Promised Land (wall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) Saint Thecla in the fire, with surrounding scenes (wall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, El Bagawat) "The same, artist’s sketch ‘Saint Theela in the fire, detail (wall painting, Chapel of the Exodus, Bl Bagawat) Saint Thecla with Saint Paul (wall painting, Chapel of Peace, El Bagawat) 209 210 212 213, arg ars 2x6 217 218 219 223 224 225 226 227 228xiv Abbreviations Casey Conybeare Dag. Francheschini Hennecke-Schneemelcher Lefort Reymond and Barns “Der dem Athanasius augeschriebene Traletat Tept rapbevias’, ed. R. P. Casey, SPAW 33 (1935), 1026-45- The Apology and Acts of ‘Apollonius and Other Monuments of Early Christianity, ed. F. C. ‘Conybeare (London: Swan Sonnenschein; New York: Maemillan, 1894). Vie et Miracles de Sainte Thécle, ‘ed. Gilbert Dagron (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1978). Egeria, Itinerarium, ed. E. Francheschini and R. Weber, CCSL 175 (1958), 27-99- New Testament Apocrypha, 2 vols., rev. edn., ed. E. Hennecke and W. Schneemelcher, trans. R. MeL. Wilson (Cambridge: James Clarke & Co.; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster, 1992). Athanasius, Lettres festales et pastorales, ied. L. Th. Lefort (CSCO 150; Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1955)- Four Martyrdoms from the Pierpont Morgan Coptic Codices, ed. E. A. E, Reymond and J. W- B. Barns (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973)-PARTI The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor6 The Cult of Saint Theela in Asia Minor fa visible, international pilgrimage clientele. Excavations this century have uncovered the fifth-century remains of three basil~ icas, a large public bath, and a number of cisterns (Fig. 2)." The ‘main basilica at the site measured over 80 metres in length. These remains attest to the large number of pilgrims who visited Hagia ‘Thekla and the rapid physical development of her cultic centre in the fifth century. Who was Saint Thecla, and why did her life inspire such a cultic following? Thecla's story first appears in the Iate-second century Acts of Paul and Thecla (ATH)."* ‘The text, which nar- rates events set in Asia Minor, served as a foundation for the development of later legends and practices nssociated with ‘Thecla the saint. It became both a source of hagiographic in- formation and a narrative prototype for later literary and artis adaptations of her legend. The protagonist of the story is not Paul, but Thecla, 2 young woman allegedly from the city of Iconium'* in Asia Minor. The plot can be summarized briefly. It consists of two acts. ‘Thecla, a young woman of Iconium, is betrothed to a man named ‘Thamyris, when the apostle Paul comes preaching a message of chastity. Enamoured of his teaching, Thecla leaves her fiancé and follows Paul. Enraged, the fiancé and ‘Thecla’s mother Theocleia petition the governor of Iconium to have Paul exiled” and Thecla burned at the stake for disrupting marital con- vention. However, when Theela is brought to the stake, a mira~ culous storm of rain and hail quenches the flames. Afterward, ‘Thecla is reunited with Paul in a cave at Daphne by Antioch; there she asks to be baptized, offering to cut her hair.short as a sign of commitment. But fearing that she might succumb to future temptation, Paul puts her off her request. ind Korylues Zseei crietlche , Monuments Asie Minorie Antique i. (Manchester; Manchester University Pres, 1930), #89. S'The fullest eritical edition ix still to be found in Acta Apesiolorum Apocrypha, eR. A. Lipsius and M. Bonnet (Leipzig: Hermann Mendelssohn, 1891); Coptie version (fragmentary), Acta Pauli: Aus der heidelbergerhoptichen Popyrushondicrft, no. 8, ed. Cart Schenidt (Leiprig: Hinrichs, 1908). © The city aleo figures in Luke's biography of Paul: Acts 13: st=14: 6; 16:2. © Teonium is mentioned as «place where Paul taught and suffered persecu> sion in 2 Tim. 5:Ter RSPR RT eer ers Origins of the Theela Cult 7 ‘Thecla then travels with Paul to Antioch, and on the road a man named Alexander attempts to rape her. Thecla resists by tearing his clothes and publicly humiliating him. In anger, Alexander arranges to have Thecla thrown to the beasts. In the arena, attacked by lions, bears, and raging bulls, she dives into a pool filled with ravenous seals and thus baptizes herself, She is preserved from harm by a bolt of lightning that strikes the seals dead, and, awestruck by her power, the governor releases her. ‘Thecla then dresses like a man to :ravel to Myra, where she finds Paul preaching. With his blessing, she returns to Iconium and begins to teach where Paul had taught. A short epilogue relates that her life ends near Seleucis—there she ‘slept with a noble sleep’ (nerd kalo’ dmvou éxowsriOn).! While Thecla’s story probably had roots in oral legend (I shall give the reasons for this assumptioa later in this chapter), the Th sas originally published as a chapter of the larger Acts of Paul, collection of stories that report the apostle Paul's travels, teaching, and working of wonders throughout Asia Minor."” ‘Tertullian, writing in North Africa around the year 200 Ce, pro- vides the first known external reference to the Acts of Poul and the story of Thecla. In his treatise On Baptism, he remarks on the ‘example of Thecla’ (exemple Theclae) in ‘the falsely writ- ten Acts of Paul’ (Acta Pauli quae perperam scripta sunt) as a common source of appeal for those who mistakenly ‘defend the liberty of women to teach and to baptize’ (ad licentiann mulierum docendi tinguendique defendere).® Tertullian’s reference to the Acts of Paul corroborates the provenance of the work by identifying its author as a ‘presbyter in Asia [Asia Minor]’." Tertullian also * ATA 43, ‘The genre of the Apostolic Acts waea popular one in the second and centuries co—Acts of Peter, Andrew, Join, and Thomas were also produced ‘Such works share with the Actenf Poul arimilarazceie outlook and affinity for the miraculous, _£® De bopt. 17 (CSEL 20, 215), There are some important textual problems ‘vith this passage. In the manuscript tradkion of Tertullian's On Baptism, there fare tso extant Latin versions and they differ at this point, while Thecl's name jppeas in beth Latin versione some editers have questioned whether it was part ‘of Tertullian’s original text (T- Mackay, ‘Response’, Semefa, 38 (1986), 145-6). 3. "The author's acquaintance with the roadways of Paul's eaves perhaps offers further confirmation of thie geographical lckground (W.M. Ramsay, “The Acta ‘of Paul and Thee,’ in The Church in the Roman Empire Before A.D. 170 (New ‘York and London: Putnam, +893), 375-428).10 The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor Caesar.** In the end, Tryphaena not only becomes Thecla’s first convert, but also ushers in the conversion of 'a great many of the © female servants’ under her charge.” “Thecla’s association with female characters extends even to her confrontation with the wild animals in the arena, Among all the | beasts Thecla faces, a ‘fierce lioness’ befriends her, licking her feet during the procession before the games.» Later in the arena, that same lioness defends Thecla against two male animals, a bear and a lion The lioness’s battle with the bear and lion serves as a metaphor for Thecla’s own struggles against the opposition and antagonism of male characters in the story. By punctuating the | battle between the lioness and the male beasts with the support- ive responses of the anonymous ‘crowd of women,” the story in- corporates the lioness into that community of female supporters, and portrays the animal herself as a martyr for Thecla’s eause. “Thecla’s consistent association with women throughout the nar- ative prompts important questions from those interested in the social-historical study of women’s roles in early Christianity. First, | for whom was the AT written? Several scholars have sugrested that the favourable characterization of women in the ATi would have especially resonated with female readers or listeners.™ Within the story Thecla becomes sympathetically linked with other women—a chorus of female spectators, the patroness ‘Tryphaena along with the women in her household, and even a Tioness in the arena. ‘The devaluing of men in the Ah, uncharacteristic for ancient literature, also raises the possibility that the work would have attracted a female audience. Even a cursory reading of the ATh reveals 2 stark contrast of moral characterization along gender EY coopers 2 ATH. PM ATI39. —-*ATHB. ATH 33. % Stevan L. Davies, The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of the Apocrypha Acts (Carbondale, IIL: Southern linois University Press, 980) Dennis Ronald MacDonald, The Legend and the Apostle: The Bottle for Poul in ‘Story ond Canon (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983); id., “The Role of F Women in the Production of the Apocryphal Aets of Apostles’, Ili] Review, | 441 (98s), 21-38; Virginia Burrus, Chastity ax Autonomy: Wooten i the Stories Of the Apoeryphal Acts, Studies in Women and Religion, 23 (Lewiston, Queenston: Edwin Mellon Press, 1987}; Ross Shepard Kraemer, Her Share of the Blessings: Womer’s Religion: Among Pogans,Jexs, and Clitians inthe Greco- ‘Roman Warld (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 185Origins of the Thecla Cult n lines. While the women in the story (with the exception of ‘Thecla's mother Theocleia) are portrayed favourably, the men in the story almost without exception are not. Thecla’s fiancé ‘Thamyris, Paul's disloyal companions Demas and Hermogenes, the sexual offender Alexander, the governors of Iconium and Antioch, and finally the male lions, bears, and bulls in the arena all conspire against ‘Thecla and her commitment to chastity. Even the apostle Paul himself often comes across as obtuse or ambi- valent. When Theela, having been miraculously rescued from the fire, comes to him secking baptism, he simply puts her off with the assumption that her (female) beauty would make her weak in the face of future temptations: “The timing is bad: you are beautiful. Do not let another temptation take hold of you, worse than the first one, for fear that you not endure [it] and act as a coward.”” Later, when the suitor Alexander approaches him with the intent of seducing Thecla, Paul denies even knowing her, ‘L do not know the woman you are talking about. And she is not mine.” Finally, Paul disappears from the scene altogether just as Alexander attempts to rape Thecla. While this diametrical por- trayal of male and female characters in the ATA is striking, it impossible to draw any definitive conclusions about the work's audience from this internal evidence alone. Comparative literary approaches have been used both to sup- port and to counter claims of a female audience. As a case in point, carly this century scholars began recognizing the various forrnal and thematic correspondences between the apocryphal Acts and Hellenistic romance novels.” These correspondences were ori ginally thought to be significant for the issue of a female audience inasmuch as it was assumed that ancient romances were directed Ste A AThas,— ™ ATH 36. % Tn 1go2, Emst von Dobschitz proposed thatthe spccryphal Acts dieplayed characteristics ofthe Fterary genre ofthe Hellenistic romantic novel (Ernst von Dobechite, ‘Der Roman in der alt-chretlichen Literaer', Deutsche Rendschan, 114 (1902), 87=106). Rosa Sider Inter broadened the scope of this comparison toinchide range of common thematic clement: 1. the element of tnvel =, the aretological clement; 3. che teratological element; 4, the tendentious element; and '5 the erotie element (Rosa Sdder, Die apokryplien Apostelgeshichren und die Tomonhafte Literatur der Antike (Stattgnet§. Kohlharamer, 1932)). For a review ‘of scholarship on the literary (and folkloric) background of the apocryphal Acts, see Burrus, Chastity ox Autonomy, ch. 1.5 ‘The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor by imitating the saints, ordinary Christians believed that they could gain access to the power of Christ manifest in the saints’ lives. Devotion to the saints could take many forms—from radical acts of asceticism and long pilgrimage journeys to more mundane activities like the decoration of a grave, the reading of sacred texts at a local martyr shrine, or private veneration of images in the home. This diverse array of social practices, and the institutions that accompanied them, is commonly referred to as the cult of the saints, For the historian of late antiquity, the literature and arte~ facts connected with the cult of a saint can serve as vital evidence for assessing the values and even the social practices of devotees who participated in the life of the cult.’ In this book, T focus on ‘evidence related to the cult of Saint Thecle—a female saint whose popularity rivalled that of Mary in the early church—in lan attempt to reconstruct traditions of women’s piety associated with her cult. "The cult of Saint Thecla originated and flourished in Asia Minor (modern Turkey), During the fourth and fifth centuries of our era, she was lauded in literature as an exemplary virgin and martyr by ascetic writers and theologians such as Methodius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory of Nazianzus, and her burial place became a vibrant centre for international pilgrimage. ‘The saint's reputation for virginity impressed itself deeply con ascetic admirers in the fourth century. Methodius, in his 'Shmmposiun written ¢.300 C&, establishes Thecla as the ‘chief” among ‘a choir of virgins who present speeches in the work glorifying virginity Heer speech extols the virtue of those who think little of ‘wealth, glory, birth, and (earthly) marriage’,’ and at the end of the discourses, she is given the honour of leading the other Virgins in a hymn celebrating their spiritual marriage to Christ.* ‘The learned theologians Gregory of Nazianzus and Gregory of [Nyssa (late fourth century cB) describe Thecla in similar terms. Gregory of Nazianzus presents Thecla as one who had eseaped > Recently it ha been recognized how the life ofa holy person or saint fune- tioned as a validator of practices that were widerprend within Christian com- ‘munities of the time’ (P. Brown, “Arbiters of the Holy’, 60). *Methodivs, Simp. 12. 1 ed. H. Musurillo, SC 95 (1963), 308. 57 + Methodius, Symp. 8.25 e4. H. Musurill, SC 95 (1963), 204. 12. + Methodius, Symp. 13. 23 ed. H. Musurillo, SC 95 (1963), 308 ff.Origins of the Thecla Cult 5 marriage and the ‘tyranny’ of her betrothed.’ Gregory of Nyssa ‘alls her the apostle Paul's virgin disciple, and as one ‘whose story ‘was considered of great importance among the virgins'." “Thecla also was given a place among the pantheon of martyrs celebrated by Christian writers in late-antique Asia Minor. Gregory of Nazianzus includes Thecla as the only female witness ina list of early Christian apostolic martyrs including John, Peter, Paul, James, Stephen, Luke, and Andrew.” Elsewhere, she is honoured as the first female martyr and ranked alongside her counterpart Stephen, the first male martyr (Acts 6: 8-7: 60)."° ‘Thecla's popularity in the region extended from Constantinople to Syria, but the focal point of Thecla devotion was her martyr shrine, Hagia Thekla, near the city of Seleucia (modern Silifke, Turkey) in south-central Asia Minor (see map of Asia Minor, Fig. 1). In 374, Gregory of Nazianzus himself withdrew to the shrine of ‘the highly praised young maid Thecla’"' at Seleucia in order to evade an undesirable episcopal post, About a decade later (@.384 ce) the female pilgrim Egeria, whose Itinerarium provides ‘us with valuable information about early Christian pilgrimage and the Jerusalem liturgy, made a special trip to Hagia Thekla on her way back home from visiting the Holy Land. Only three nights from ‘Tarsus, in Ieauri, is the martyr shrine of Saint “‘Thecla, Since it was so close we were pleased to travel there.!? In the early fifth century Marana and Cyra, two ascetic women from Beroea in Syria, made a pilgrimage to ‘the shrine of the triumphant Thecla in Isauria’, journeying the entire way there and back without any food." Even from this cursory survey of well-known, early visitors to Hagia Thekla, it is evident that by the fifth century the shrine of Thecla at Seleucia accommodated > Gregory of Nasiansus, Or. 24. 10 (PG 35. 1180D-1181A). + Gregory of Nyssa, In Contica Cantiorum, Homily 14 (PG 44. 10684); Y. Maer 2. Picere Niaraval (SC 178), 148: PG 46. 96:8. + Gregory of Nesianzus, Or. 4. 69 (Contra Julianum i); PG 35. $898, 1 Dijer. 12-15 (sth cent. c2), ed. G. Dagron, Vict miracles de Sainte Thicle Brunscla: Socitte des Bollandiates, 1678), 172 (= 172 Dag.) Gregory of Nezianaus, De vita sa, 548-9 (PG 37. 1067). ts Byer, fun. am. 2, ed, E. Francheschini and R. Weber, CCSL 17. 65-6 (= 65-6 Francheschini) 1 Theodoret of Cyrrhius, H. rel. 29 (PG 82. 1283-496).8 The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor g provides a terminus ante quem for dating the Acts of Paul: the Asian presbyter had to have completed the work before the end of the second century. The terminus post quem is less certain.” Finally, jn addition to provenance and dating, Tereullian also offers ‘clue as to the social context of the work's reception. Specifically, TTertullian’s polemic against those who ‘defend the liberty of women to teach and to baptize’ confirms Thecla's early associ ation with the social and religious empowerment of women. WOMEN’S CULTURE IN THE ACTS OF PAUL AND THECLA In recent scholarship, much attention has been given not only to the literary role of women in the ATh, but also to the recon- Structed role and place of real women in the ancient author's envir~ onment, The prominence of female characters in the 47h (and jn other apocryphal Acts of the apostles) has prompted a con- Siderable amount of speculation about the relation of women’s { communities to the composition of the ATI ‘Beyond the fact that the heroine is a woman, the role of F women in the ATh is underscored by numerous references tf female supporters of Thecla during her imprisonment and her Dia in the arena, For example (AT 27), an anonymous group | of women appears before governor's judgement seat in Antioch. f= ‘After the governor condemns Thecla to the beasts for resisting the advances of Alexander, these women cry out, 'An evil judge~ ment! An unholy judgement! The advocacy of this group of women becomes a consistent motif throughout the rest of the story. As Thecla is being led with the beasts in procession, pe tory jth their children ery out again along the route, £ saying: ‘ God, an unholy judgement is occurring in this city!" t Sane eeea se pens wih che beset the aren the group : 5 i 1 ‘The Acts of Poul hos generally been assigned to the late second century, with its apperent dependence upon the Acts of Peter cited asa factor in this dat~ Ihr (ennecke-Sehineemelcher, 23s; on the priority of the Acts of Peter, see Tpabesy Haulou: Acta Pauli nach dem Papyres der hamburger Stoats ed Uniceitdtibblotick ed. C. Schmide (Glickstodt and Hamburg: J. J- Augustin, tog6h, 127 f). However, the dating of the Act of Peter itasf i also tenuous. 2 ATH. * ATH3B.i E i E E E i f | [ i E - house. Origins of the Thecla Cult ° of women appears again. First, when Thecla indicates her inten- | tion to baptize herself in the pool of seals, the women weep and implore Thecla not to cast herself into the water.** Then later, after Thecla emerges unscathed from the water and other beasts are set loose upon her, the women again voice their protest and throw leaves, nard, cassia, and amomumn, so that ‘an abundance of perfumes’ (aAjGos jeGipa) fills the arena.” At crucial times throughout the second half of the narrative, this faceless group ‘of women functions almost like the chorus in a Greek tragedy, reappearing and voicing their commentary of support or lamenta~ tion over the heroine's predicament. Tn particular, ‘Thecla enjoys the support of ‘a certain rich woman named Tryphaena, whose daughter had died’. Thecla ‘quickly becomes a proxy for her late daughter. Tryphaena’s dead daughter Falconilla appears to Tryphaena in a dream and val- dates Thecla’s role at her surrogate: ‘Mother, you will have in ‘my place the stranger, the desolate one, Thecla, in order that she ‘may pray for me and that I may be translated to the place of the righteous. Tryphaena actively embraces Thecla as her own, tak- ing her into her home and loving her ‘like her own daughter Falconilla'." By providing safe haven for Thecla on the eve of her battle with the beasts, Tryphaena effectively protects Thecla from further sexual assault.” Finally, when Thecia is taken away to the beasts, Tryphaena mourns again just as she had for Falconilla: ‘A second mourning for my Falconilla comes upon my * “Tryphaena's public fainting during the tortures of Thecla in the arena finally has the fortuitous effect of bring- ing Thecla’s trials to an end. The governor stops the proceed~ ings abruptly because he becomes dismayed at the thought that hhe may reap the punishment for so distressing a ‘kinsworman’ of ® ATH a4. 2» ATA 35. Perfumes were used to ancint bodies for burial in inmpicaion in this sane i that the women fect that Theela's death Patho. ATRSB.” ATH 39, > Thecia ia taken under Tryphaens's wing immediatly after “Thecla stked the governor that she might remain pure until she was to fight with the beasts (ATH ay). After Trophaena escorts Theela to the arena, Thecls gives thanks co {God and acks that Tryphaena might receive a reward ‘eeause she has kept me pure’ (ATI 31). 3 ATI 30. ity: the1 The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor ‘The hypothesis that the ATh was composed from earlier traditions is supported by both external and internal evidence. ‘Tertullian’s account seems to confirm that the unnamed presbyter was involved in editing materials already at his disposal: the man ‘put together (contruere) that book, amassing (cumaulare) it from his own materials as if it were in the name of Paul’. The Acts © of Paul and Theela itself also exhibits standard marks of oral form, including features of plot movement, characterization, and the presentation of typical scenarios.** It has proven possible to | Giscern the oral background of the ATh by means of a more { formal structural analysis of its plot in comparison with other Hellenistic ‘chastity stories’ about women." In addition, the 2 Terulin, De bape. 17 (CSEL 20.215). MncDomld (Legends yeaa) bes vaunted the narrative technique ofthe Acisof Pl discovering how te meen conform toast of folk naveative ls derived primary from the work of fekloriste Alex Olvck and A. B. Lord Features af plo movement that inate oralityinclade Oli’ Ive of open ing and closing (an initial movement from aim to exeitement Balanced by 8 Concluding movement rom exstemen calm), nd Lord's principle of na ‘arve inconestncin, Oral fstores of characterization inchide Olre’s laws of Concentration ona leading character, contrat, and twins. Finals, Olek’ nes SF coubling and lens seen inclve the oral formation of marie een Soe Ale Oltich, ‘Epic Laws of Fels Nereive in Alan Durden (6d), The ‘Siwy of Folloe (Englewood Clif, NJ: Prenice-Hal, 1965) 13I—4t A.B Lond, The Singer of Toler (Corbridge, Mane: Hareard Universit res, 1980). "burma (Chastiye gers) compare the story of Thecla toa group of these > chanity soviet, Te Story of davppine, Nicria, iphemia, Doris end | Snthipes + The Story af Maxima: y. The Story of Drasion: 4- The Store & Arceitn and Exot, 5. The Stors of the Princes Bride’ and 6, The Story | E { Motdone and Teri, She then Wentes «common sequence of plot elements that sugests en oral background: ; “Apostc seve in townr—woman goes to heor apostle preach—woman vows chartig-chucbund ‘attempts to violate vow—apostle eneaurages women— ‘roman rests husband—-husband/governor imprisons spostle—woman vst poste in prison (encouragement baptiam)—husband| governor atemptst kill Spostlcapetle des ore rexcued (leaves the seene)—husband) governor peree- tes woman "vor i vescued—vwornan defets usband) governor (who mat beeoered or punished, and never uezeed in persuding the womany—woran is fred (allowed to remain chaste. ‘The stony of ‘Thecln presente two consecutive sequences (the events inf Iconium and the events in Antioch), each corresponding to this plot framework For an calir (lee succesful) atempt to clsafy the Tela legend i tema of nm ancient fle type, see Ludvig Radermacher, Hippoynur nd Thee Sten sur Geschichte von Lagende nd Rating, Ksiseriche Akademie der ‘Wisenechafen in Wien, Philosophischhistoriache Klsse, Proceedings (Vienna: Alfred Hider, 1936) wineeaiidi i : : i i | i f i eee TERETE TERT EperNTE nnn aamencraTemenR rT ORR IR ee eE Origins of the Theela Cult 15 story of Thecla suggests intriguing parallels to tale types in which the heroine is abandoned by the hero and ends up pursu- ing him in male clothing in order to reunite with him." Whether the ATh represents a chastity story, a transvestite legend, or ‘a merging of the two types, its formal features strongly suggest orality. Could women have had a hand in shaping this legend?" The evidence for women’s storytelling in antiquity is not lacking. While the private and public roles of ancient women varied considerably depending on their specific time period, rei wealth, and social status, there are indications that in some domestic contexts the act of storytelling may have taken on a sex-specific character." About the same time the ATh was "This motif of transvestite appears in two episodes of the ATI ehat go beyond the basic structural framework of the chastity story—namely, Thecla’s search for Poul in chapters 23-3 (when she finds Paul she offer to cut her hair short) and. in chapters 4o~3 (when she disguises herself in male clothing) (Burrus, Chestty, 37-8). These scenes thare elements with A. Aare/Stth ‘Thompson tale types 88, 82, and 8oxA (The Types ofthe Folktale (Helsinki Academia Scientisrurn Fennics, 1928/61), 298, 299, 306) Teshould be noted thatthe theme of ferae-to-male transvesttem iteelf i rot necessarily an indicator of the aex ofthe original storytellers. Ina study of, transvestite motifs in twenticth-century Afghani folklore, male storytellers sctally employed the motif with grenter Frequency than did female storytellers, though ‘Jomen in male dress and masculine activist roles are universlly heroic in both men's and women's tales” (Margaret Mills, ‘Sex Role Reversals, Sex Changes, and Transvestite Disguise inthe Oral Tradition of a Consereat- ‘Muslim Community in Afghanistan’, in R. A. Jordan and S. J. Kalcik (eds), Women’s Folklore, Women’s Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 193-3). Mills herself notes that her data sampling and quantita ive analysis ae only preliminary: broader study of transvestite disguise in me and women’s folklore is needed to determine to what extent her observations apply in other cultural contexts (op. cit, 190, 211-12). ® MacDonald, Legend, 13-14; Burris, Chastiy, 68-9. The anthropologist “Helen Watson (Women in ie City of the Deed (London: Hurst, 1992), 12-26) hes documented the practice of storytelling among contemporary Egyptian svomen. She shows how the women's gatherings are determined not only By spa~ {al factors, But also by temporal factore related to household life: the women ‘meet most evenings from Inte afternoon until nightfall (the hour when dinner hhas to be prepared) in a small beck room sectioned off by a heavy curtain, Archaeological evidence from Roman antiquity docs not indicate st feparation of domestic space into male and female spheres (A. Wallace- “Engendering the Roman House’, in Diana E. E, Kieiner and Susan B, Matheson (eds), 1 Claudia: Wouen in Ancient Rome (New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery, 1996), 10415). While avilable space would have been18 ‘The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor mutual commitment to a life of continence. In fact, Ignatius of Antioch even refers to virgins who have attained the status of ‘widow’, presumably without even having been married. ‘Tertullian notes, and disparages, a similar situation where an ‘unmarried virgin was included in the order of widows."* The storytellers behind the A7# may have been found among such communities of celibate widows. SOCIAL PRACTICE IN THE ACTS OF PAUL AND THECLA: ASCETICISM AND ITINERANCY In the preceding section I have synthesized the work of recent E scholars who have argued that communities of women had a hand F in transmitting the oral legend of Thecla. Based on a social- historical reading of the ATI, is it possible to press the recon- | struction of these hypothetical communities a little further? For. instance, what might the text tell us about the values espoused | for encouraged in the telling of this tale? What themes in the AT infused the promotion of Thecla as a model for women’s piety? ‘What (if anything) does the story suggest about the social world | of the communities that promulgated it? . Itshould be noted that in the last few years certain epistemo- © logical concerns have been raised about whether one can recon- struct real women's experience from ancient literature like the | apocryphal Acts.” One scholar has argued that the role of female approach to the study of ancient narrative has properly emphas- ized the role of rhetoric in shaping (and distorting) social realities, E characters in the Acts is a thoroughgoing literary construct that and has helpfully redirected our attention to the ways in which é reflects not the social experience of women at all, but rather male preoccupation with authority and civic order." This new texts were used to negotiate power between social groups. At the same time, however, this approach may be a bit too pessimistic © Ignatius of Antioch, Swen. 13. o Tertullian, De ving. vel. 9.2. ‘9 Ehzabeth Clark, Dilemnnas of a Feminist Historian Lady Vs alter the "Linguistic Turn", Church Histor, 6711 (March 1998), 1-313 Cooper, ‘The Virgin and the Bride, ep. 45-67 = i |Origins of the Theela Cult 19 about the historian’s ability to read ancient narratives for insight into the social roles of early Christian women. In the study of ancient narrative, the relationship between ‘fiction’ and social ‘reality’ is anything but straightforward; even realistic details may be understood as part of an attempt to ‘make the reader believe the truth of the illusion that was being, ‘constructed’. Yet, at the same time such details would only have been believable (i. realistic) insofar as they bore some relation to the social world of their audience. Thus, while it is not pos- sible to read ancient narrative as direct evidence for women's ‘experience, it may be possible to infer from this literature some- thing of the social context of ancient women’s experience—at the very least, the roles and values thought to be available to women by the dominant (male) culture. With narratives composed of folkloric elements, the potential may be even greater for draw- ing conclusions about social context: recent ethnographic stud- ies have shown how folktales, especially women’s folktales, often reflect the social world of the storytellers themselves.” In the case of the ATh, to view the characterization of ‘Thecla merely as a stereotype of ancient romance is to neglect several aspects of her story that at least potentially suggest verisimilitude with the social concerns of ancient Christian women—especially the concerns of women’s asceticismn and travel, and the relation of charismatic wandering women to settled, local communities. In these areas, the characterization of Thecla may offer the histor- fan insight into the social values of the early communities who promoted her legend. Asceticiom ‘The ascetic tenor of the ATh suggests that the communities who told Thecla’s story would have valued and practised chastity as Clark, “The Lady Vanishes’, 18-20, ™ Helen Watson (BWemen inthe City of the Dead, 14-16, ef passin) documents the intimate relation between the talex told by eontemporar ‘and the personal detsils oftheir own life histories. Rosan Jordan ("The Vaginal Serpent’ and Other Themes from Mexican-American Women's Lore’ in Women's Folklore, Women's Culture, 26-44) analyses a body of lore that recets "their female storyteller’ senee of extal vulnerbilty and fer of rape. On methods of relating folk narratives to their historical and social background, ae Burrus, Chastity 0: Autonomy, 8 FE2 ‘The Cult of Saint Theela in Asia Minor primarily toward literate women.* ‘Thus, it was argued that the apocryphal Acts shared with Hellenistic fiction the character of popular stories designed both to instruct and to entertain a largely female clientele." However, scholars of late antiquity no longer accept the assumption that the Hellenistic novels were composed exelus- ively for a fernale audience.” It is now evident that this assump- Son reflected Tatent Victorian biases about a literature ‘thought beneath the notice of serious men’. As a result, the hypothesis gba female audience for the apocryphal Acts has likewise been Sailed into question: one scholar has recently argued that the Hellenistic novels were actually directed toward the civie concerns ef literate men, and that che Christian apocryphal Acts (the ATH Sncluded) presented the same demographic group with an alter- ative vision of eivie renewal. While the ATh may very well have had this kind of social fune- tion for male readers,# Tertullian provides solid external evidence indicating that the ATh did in fact have an early audience Mmong women for whom the work had a very different public fonction. When he remarks in his treatise On Baptisur on the fact = Erwin Rohde, in his classic work, Der grieeinche Roman, writes, “Indeed the ceanaer of jon that prt of Hellenistic fction with which we are dele the thers only be completely explained if we take i being Brat ond fore: in er caled Jor tenner’ (Reohie's emphasis), Der srecitche Roman und seine Ponta sed ed. (Leip: Bretkopf & Harte, 94), 67), See alco the wots oot sore who supports a similar conclusion by pointing to ‘lady pupil de esoric and the teary swomnen of Juvena’s dieibe (F. F. Abbott, Sexes 10 t patics in Ancient Rome (New Yorks Scribner's Sons, 1909). 87) “Sader, Die epokryphen Apostelgschichten, 216 Ke Couch, The Virgin and the Bride: Hdeolized Womanhood in Lote Anns (Connor, Maza, and London: Haroard Univesity Pret 1998) 23: oon ean A Stephens, Who Read the Ancient Novels? and Even Bows, se at codsrbip of Greck Novels in the Ancient Word’ n James Tatum ()- Fae Seah for the Ancient Novel (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press 994), 405-18, 435-50 "2 Wane Meck, per litt, 23 November 1996. oars the Virgin and the Bride, 20-67; see siso Simon, Golgi Pansealts Virginity: Ancient Erte Feton ond the History of Sexuality (Come Heenan Univesity Pree 1995), 112 ff. who argues that de Pre are ct women in ancient novel largely reflects the concerns of ‘men of 2 ‘particular class and education’ Cooper, The Virgin and the Bride, softOrigins of the Theela Cult 13 that the ATh was being used to justify women’s teaching and ministry, he provides important contemporaneous evidence as to the social context of the work's reception among certain com- ‘munities of women. ‘The characterization of Thecla in the story indeed seems to have inspired women who read or heard it to ‘embrace new roles of leadership in the early Christian mission, "The empowered role of Thecla and other female figures in the ATh has also raised significant questions about the back- {ground and social milieu of the text itself. The speculation of fone scholar” that a woman may have been the author of the work has no basis in the evidence: it is contradicted directly by ‘Tertullian’s testimony that it was a ‘(male) presbyter in Asia who put together the book’ (i Asia presbyteruo qui eam scripturam Tonstruxit)* However, other scholars have sought alternative ‘ways to account for the empowerment of women in the story. Tan particular, folkloric studies of the apocryphal Acts have recently shifted the focus away from literary origins and toward ‘antecedent oral traditions of the apocryphal Acts. This approach has provided a more workable theoretical framework for dis- ‘cussing the possible role of women’s comimunities in shaping the story of Thecla—for understanding women’s contributions not “only as hearers but as tellers of the story as well.” In this context, {thas been argued that while a presbyter in Asia Minor was prob- ably the editor of the text itself, his literary work may be the crystallization of oral traditions handed down earlier by com- ‘munities of women.” De bopt. 17 (CSEL 20. 215). 1 Davies, Revolt of the Widows, 95-109. ‘© Tertullian, De bapt. 17 (CSEL 20. 219). For 8 refutation of Davie’ inypothesisof female authorship, ee MacDonald, "The Role of Women’, 21-38, '® MacDonald, Legend, 17-83: #4, “The Role of Women’, 26 (5 Bur Chastity 2s Audonomy, 88 MacDonald (Legend, 35) collects examples in ancient Christianity where imele wathore recorded the oral communications of women in Asia Minor: ‘Paps of Hierepalit incorporation of two stories he heard from the daughters ELPIiip the evangelist in his Expositions of the Oracles of the Lord (Buscbivs, FEE. 4 99, 9} 2 the Marcionite Apelles’ book of the oracles ofthe prophetess Philsemene (Tertullian, De pract. haer. 30; Hippolytus, Haer. 7. 26: and Theedoret, Flaer. 4,25); and 3, the Montaniat Asterius Urbans’ account of the «Grete ofthe prophetess Masimilla (Eusebius, HE. 5.16.17): 16 ‘The Cult of Saint Thecla in Asia Minor composed, the writers Apuleius and Lucian each associate storytelling with women. In Apuleius, for instance, an old woman offers to console a younger woman who had been kidnapped from her wedding by telling her ‘pleasant stories and old women’s tales’ (narrationes lepidae anilesque fabulae).” This association of women’s storytelling with superstition and banal amusement appears in the writing of second-century Christian (male) authors 1s well. The author of 1 Timothy enjoins his reader to ‘avoid the profane tales of old women’, and later criticizes widows who ‘tearn to be idlers, going around from house to house, and not only idlers but meddlers and babblers of nonsense, speaking about things they should not’. In fact, it has been argued that the Pastoral Epistles (1 and 2 ‘Timothy, and Titus) are criticizing here the oral traditions about Paul that lay behind the formation of the ATh.” A similar social context is reflected in the writings of the late second-century theologian Clement of Alexandria, who warns against those who spend the day with women, ‘idly telling exotic legends’ “The role of women as storytellers was documented from a patri- archal, misogynist perspective for centuries before the time of our text. ‘Mythic legends and marvellous accounts’ were regarded by Strabo (64/3 BcE-c.21 Ce) as the only effective teaching tool for an important consideration for gatherings of female storytellers, the organiza tion of time within ancient households may have been even more determinative for such gatherings. That is, women’s privacy in the home could have bees j- secured during hours in which men were not present. On the importance of ‘temporal factors in the organization of ancient houscholds, sce Wallace-Hadrill, ‘op. cit, rob; Lisa Nevetr, ‘Perceptions of Domestic Space in Roman Italy’, in B. Rawson and P. Weaver (eds.), The Ronan Family in Itoly: Status, Senti- imeut, Spoce (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 281-98; and L. M. Meskell, ‘An Archaeology of Social Relations in an Egyptian Village’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, $13 (998), 209-43: Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4, 27; Laan, Philopseudes (The Lover of Lies), 1 Timothy 4: 7% 5:1 % MacDonald, Legend, 54~77. In addition to the allusions to women's story telling in the Pastoral Epistles, MacDonald also notes that the Epistles and the ‘Acts of Paul share a corsmon tet of references to the names of Puul's associates | ‘and to events from Paul's life. In order to account for this shared material, he ‘arzues that the Pastorel Epistles were written specifically to contend for the lepocy ‘of Paul over against the picture of the apostle presented in the oral legends behind, the Aets of Paul. E ‘ Paed. 3.4. 27.2.Origins of the Theela Cult 7 ‘a crowd of women’.*' Eratosthenes, as paraphrased by Strabo, speaks of the ‘highly learned, creative storytelling (uufodoyia) of an old woman, who has been given the opportunity to fabricate... whatever seems appropriate to her for persuasion’. (Eratosthenes was head of the Alexandrian Library at the begin- ning of the second century ncx).** Long before Strabo's day, Plato had voiced a concern to monitor the education of children by cen- ~soring the stories told by women in the home: ‘We shall persuade thenurses and the mothers to tell the children (only) the stories ‘wehave chosen . . . Many of the stories they are telling now must bbe thrown out." ‘These references to women’s storytelling in antiquity con- sistently betray the misogynistic prejudices of their authors— ‘women tell stories either because they are incapable of rational studies (Strabo) or because they have grown lazy in their house- hold routines (1 Timothy). Yet, beneath these distorting biases, these male writers may offer us a rare glimpse into the domestic activities of certain women in late antiquity. While these writers swould have us believe that this storytelling merely enlivened ‘women’s ‘private’ lives, it also would have been an important means ‘by which social (public) traditions were preserved, transmitted, ~ and shaped. ‘Matched with the consistent and pervasive characterization of women’s community in the ATI, this evidence for the practice of women’s storytelling (and storylistening) in the ancient world provides 2 possible scenario for the social origins of Thecla's story. In what setting might this storytelling have taken place? Some scholars have suggested that it may be possible to discern traces, of social relations within the communities that hypothetically [sponsored this literature in Tryphaena’s ‘adoption’ of Thecla."* i With her mother, fiancé, and even Paul virtually absent from the second half of the narrative, Thecla enters into a new familial rela tionship with a community of women organized in the context of a household. Tryphaena’s status as a widow corresponds to an identifiable order of women in the early Church (Acts 6: 1-6; 9: 36-42; 1 Timothy 5: 3-16). By the second century in Asi ‘Minor, widows were increasingly associated with virgins in their 1 Geog. 12.8% Geng. 1.2.3. ™ Plato, Rep. 2. 3776. MacDonald, Legend, 71=7; ef. Davies, Revolt of the Widows, 70-94.22 The Cult of Saint Thecla i Asia Minor communities of widows or consecrated virgins: these groups were characterized by their commitment to continence and prayer, although apparently some may also have claimed the right to teach and baptize.” In any case, regardless of the specific form of piety it inspired, the emphasis on continence in the ATM tells tus something about the ascetic concerns of the earliest commu- nities who preserved the legend of Thecla, Itineraney "The Acts of Paul and Theela also places a high value on freedom of travel, because it is by definition associated with apostolic ministry. Paul's missionary travels serve as a model for the shape of Thecla’s discipleship: Thecla leaves her fiancé and fam- ily in order to follow after Paul and become a teacher of cha like him."! When ‘Thecla is separated from Paul after each of her martyr trials, she wanders about in search of Paul, After surviv- ing the pyre, she searches for Paul and is encountered by one of Onesiphorus’ sons, who asks her, “Thecla, where are you walk- ing (opedea8a.)?”* Later, after her liberation from the beasts, ‘Thecla again ‘yearned for Paul and sought after him, sending round in every direction’."” In each situation, Thecla’s search seems to be conspicuously without direction—her movement con- forms more to aimless wandering than to a purposeful journey. A third-century chuicch manual from northern Syria, the Didavali Apostolorum, criticizes widows who teach and periorm baptisms (Didoscaia Ipostolorio, 1: Constituioncs Apasolorum, 3. §-9). The original Greek of the Didescelia i lost; the work x preserved in a Syriac version (ed. A. Vaobus; CSCO 4or, 402, 407, 498 (1979)) and as part ofthe fourth-centary church man, the Constitutiones Apestolorum (ed. F.X. Funk (Paderborn: Schoeningh 1995)). For recent treatments of this work a8 source of information about early Christian ‘widows, sce Susnrina Elm, ‘Virgie of God's The Moking of Avceticiom in Late “Antiquity (Osford: Clarendon Press, 1994), #6873; and Karen Jo Torjesen, Whe Women Were Priests: Women’s Leadership in the Early Churel and the Scandel of their Srbordination in the Rize of Clriztiqnty (San Francisco: Harper, 1993). On the socal loestion of widow communities in separate house: holds, ace MacDonald, Legend, 50.75 Pauls travels alto provide the Iterary framework forthe story of Thece Paul's mission in Tconium snd his intermictent travel to Antioch with Theela form a narrative bridge between his earlier werk in Antioch and his later work in Myra in the larger Acts of Paul SATh33. 8 ATI 40.Origins of the Thecla Cult 23 Paul and ‘Thecla’s identity as ‘strangers’ (év0.) in the ATh also ® subtly bespeaks their social station as wanderers.”' In Hellenic antiquity, the term ‘stranger’ was intimately associated with the spread and long lasting in the Greek-speaking world, and was ‘exemplified by the characterization of Odysseus in the Odyssey, a a work that was widely read in the second century cr." In the _ Odyssey, the wandering Odysseus is frequently described as inos (i.e. Gévos). For example, when Odysseus visits the ‘the one-eyed beast spies him and his companions, EGtrangers [feiroi], who are you? From where do you sail over the watery "_Siays? Are you on some trading voyage, or do you wander at random [uapiBios GAddpoGa:] over the sea like pirates? Behold, they wander ing their ives and bringing evil to people living in other ‘Odysseus responds by specifically requesting the hospitality due to travellers: Respect the gods, brave sir; we are your suppliants. Zeus is the avenger + of suppliants and strangers [Eeivo], the protector of strangers, [the one) ‘who accompanies reverend strangers." Here, the designation xenos appears in connection with the verb ‘to wander’ (dAdo#a%), and with the idea of Zeus as the bene- factor and procector of itinerants."” © ¥ The term's primary definition of ‘stranger’ ia frequently qualified by che sence of ‘wanderer’ of ‘refugee’. fate antiquity: around 4oo papyrus fragments of the Odysey have been published from the Bra t the sixth century ck, over tvice as many as there are ofthe Old snd New Testaments combined (Stephens, “Who Read Ancient Novels’, 411, Bf artn tte ers Cutrd Untweay Prams pps) guest fe ni cheuty sr ofthe deo Acre maces in er her Heme Odyney * Od. 9. 252-5, 269-71 © © 04.6, 206-9, Nausea, the daughter of King Alcinous, instructs her hand- inaids to welcome Odysseus, a3 an unfortunste "wanderer" (2\ueros) and a ‘arranger’ (etry; ace aleo Od. 8. 572-6, where the ‘stranger (Eéres) is again ssto- sted with wandering (Zrom dew), hospitality, and reverence forthe gods.