Hate-filled politics

 2021-03-09
THE speaker of the National Assembly has ordered a probe into the unfortunate incident outside
the parliament building in which a crowd of PTI supporters harassed and manhandled senior
leaders of the PML-N. The probe is not likely to produce an outcome. Since the incident most
senior PTI leaders have either ignored the incident or blamed the opposition for holding the press
conference at a venue where a PTI crowd had gathered. This amounts to blaming the victim. It is
an illustration of the depths of partisan politicking we have fallen into that seemingly reasonable
men and women of the government are ready and willing to justify the manhandling of their
senior parliamentary colleagues albeit from the other side of the aisle to avoid blaming their own
supporters. Such apathy and deliberate callousness is fast pushing our politics towards moral
bankruptcy, and thereby chipping away at the legitimacy that politicians must retain in order to
keep the representative system afloat.

This legitimacy also got a battering by the electoral manipulation that happened in the NA-75
Daska by-election under the direct supervision of the PTI`s Punjab government. It got further
degraded by the shenanigans Pakistanis witnessed before and during the Senate elections.
Leaked videos of vote buying, allegations of horsetrading and the government`s failed attempts
to force through a change in the mode of voting for narrow political interests are events that
together have delivered a body blow to the legitimacy of the system in its present shape and
form.

Nothing could be more unfortunate. After decades of struggling for constitutional democracy and
a representative system of governance in which all parties are critical stakeholders, today`s
political outfits are reversing themselves and the system -into an unpleasant past.

Loathing is all pervasive. This hate is beyond the stage where rivals can construct a functional
relationship for the sake of the system.

The incident outside parliament has shown that those in government are unwilling, or unable, to
dilute their virulent partisanship at any cost. The genesis of this virulence lies, to a great extent,
in the unwillingness of Prime Minister Imran Khan to accept the PML-N and PPP leaders as
genuine parliamentary rivals. He considers them corrupt thieves who should be in jail, not in the
assemblies. His rank and file have internalised this narrative and therefore it is not surprising that
partisanship has acquired the colours of personal enmity and collective loathing. It was this
loathing that drove PTI supporters to attack senior leaders, including a woman, of the PML-N,
and it is this loathing that disallows PTI leaders to condemn the incident without any conditions
attached. Pakistani politics is hurtling down a worrisome path and few appear to recognise the
threat, or care too much about it. Someone needs to usher in sanity and restraint before we
hearken back to the demons of the past.
 LNG concerns
 2021-03-09
TWO public-sector LNG companies have raised safety concerns over the excessive utilisation of
the country`s two existing LNG terminals. A joint report by Pakistan LNG Ltd and Pakistan
LNG Terminal Ltd says that both terminals are overstressed and the LNG value chain is very
fragile when compared to global standards owing to inflexible infrastructure constraints. It also
points out that both terminals could face operational and safety risks. Contrary to perceptions, the
combined utilisation of the two terminals has been around 84pc against a global average of 43pc,
which leaves very little flexibility to handle shocks. Even countries such as Kuwait and
Argentina, which rely on floating storage and re-gasification units like Pakistan, have a far lower
utilisation rate.

The reasons for overstressing the existing LNG import capacity are obvious. First, its inability to
attract investment in new terminals means the government has no option but to fully use the
existing facilities to meet the country`s increasing LNG import needs.

Second, the failure to build LNG storage requires the authorities to overstretch the existing
capacity, especially during winters when the demand for imported gas peaks, which shows up in
lower-than-worldratio `re-gas to storage` and `import capacity to storage`.

There are several factors, including policy flaws, pipeline capacity constraints as well as
malicious propaganda against the sponsors of the existing terminals, which have blocked or
discouraged private investments in new terminals. Although the government has `provisionally`
allowed two more companies to set up terminals, the unavailability of sufficient pipeline capacity
to bring imported gas to Punjab where the most demand exists is keeping them from breaking
ground. For unknown reasons, the government is also not allowing the existing terminals to
increase capacity for bringing more gas for private-sector customers. Meanwhile, the regulator is
yet to approve `third-party access rules` and the `inter-user agreement` that would allow terminal
operators to sell imported LNG to buyers including the textile, power and fertiliser industries.

With Pakistan`s gas demand increasing on account of economic growth and higher capacity
utilisation, it is crucial for the country to build new terminals as well as invest in LNG storage
and pipeline infrastructure. In recent months, we have seen gas companies rationing gas
quantities at the expense of industrial output only because we do not have sufficient LNG import
infrastructure to bring in the quantities required. Time is of the essence in this case.
 Beyond the open ballot
BY A R I FA N O O R  2021-03-09
THE Senate election is over but the dust is yet to settle. The Islamabad seat didn`t go the
predicted way (mea culpa: I was among the confident few wrongly so to predict its outcome).
Yousuf Raza Gilani won the seat in what is being described as an upset or a surprise. The
numbers game on the surface turned out to be less reliable than the rumblings and activity
beneath.

Since then, the government has been on the warpath. The video recording of a conversation
between Gilani`s son and some PTI MNAs has added to the government`s fire. The opposition
has been bolstered by the Islamabad win and doesn`t seem impressed by the vote of confidence
the prime minister took after the embarrassing defeat.

But the ongoing and unending tussle between the government and opposition aside, the dust
kicked up this year over the Senate election has covered us all. It is one thing to hear and
speculate about the sale and purchase of votes and seats and quite another to have a recording
come to light revealing just how blunt such negotiations may be.

However, as the other side has rightly alleged, the government (any government) is guilty of
similar acts when it promises development funds in exchange for loyalty.

While this criticism, on both sides, has merit, it is hard to wholeheartedly support the debate on
how to stop such practices. The only solution the political parties have come up with is `the
open` ballot.

(The PPP and PML-N had agreed to this in the Charter of Democracy while the PTI has jumped
on the same wagon since it tasted power.) Get rid of the secret vote by making it traceable or
replace the election with a list system as with the reserved women seats, parties should be
allocated Senate seats on the basis of their strength in the respective assemblies which would be
filled from a list of names prepared and provided by the parties.
There is little doubt that this would be more `transparent` at some level but it would also increase
the party leadership`s control over who makes it to the Senate. Nominations rather than an
election wouldbe the result. It may curb `corruption` but also encourage authoritarianism. This is
not an easy choice in a country where we already rue the lacl< of democracy in parties.

So why not look at the `problem` differently? The recording of Ali Haider Gilani and the `gillay
shikway` (complaints), ostensibly, by the treasury benches seem to highlight another aspect of
our politics the concerns of constituency politics.

The `inducement` being offered in the purported tape appeared to be the development funds
controlled by provincial governments one clip of the recording which was played on a channel
later seemed to indicate that Rs10 crores were being offered to the MNAs in the guise of
development funds.

On the other hand, the prime minister is also said to have reportedly offered development funds
to parliamentarians (which was later denied when the issue was taken up by the Supreme Court).
But this is not where the matter ends unpack the reports of the considerable disgruntlement with
Imran Khan on the part of the parliamentarians and it seems similar issues are at stake.

Many backbenchers don`t necessarily want to meet the prime minister for chit-chat or policy mat
ters or to simply criticise his failure to control inflation. Meetings are sought for less lofty
considerations such as constituency affairs. Development funds and schemes are issues that
always need the prime minister`s immediate attention. And if there are reports of complaints
against Hafeez Sheikh, greater investigation will reveal he too is unwilling to heed such
concerns. He has a reputation of being stingy with money, as he follows IMF dictates.

Conversely, if there is praise for Gilani as prime minister, it is because he was willing to not just
spare time for such matters but also the funds.

This is not to say that the politicians are wrong for taking an interest in these issues or Khan is
right for ignoring them. Rather, we need to ask why this happens in the first place. Why should a
parliamentarian`s primary concern be basic amenitiessuch as constructing drains in his
constituency? And even if we are to accept this as reality, why should he or she not get these
funds automatically instead of having to be dependent on the largesse of the prime minister or
chief minister? If our political leadership would provide for constitutionally protected local
governments, along with predetermined financial awards, perhaps our parliamentarians wouldn`t
be seeking government attention and begging or negotiating for funds. And neither would chief
ministers and prime ministers be able to dole out state funds in exchange for votes or misuse
them in other ways such as favouring some parliamentarians over others. (It was said in the run-
up to the Senate election that the Punjab chief minister was in Islamabad and held a meeting with
MNAs from his province to `address` their concerns.) Indeed, for me, the entire fracas over the
Senate elections seemed to highlight so much more than the vote and its secrecy. It simply seems
to highlight how funds are offered or withheld to control behaviour. Consider the PML-N
dissidents in Punjab; they argued more than once that they met the chief minister to discuss
matters related to their constituency.

And this should be addressed by more democracy than more centralisation. Devolve power down
to the local level so that parliamentarians are compelled to focus on policy over drains and roads.

Second, reduce the role of the chief executive in deciding how many funds go where and this
should include the chief ministers as well as the prime minister.

This is not to say that this will end the use of money in the Senate election. It will not. But it is a
step in the right direction a direction which takes us towards the devolution of power, less
centralisation and more democracy. At least, it would be a direction other than a tight control of
the party leadership over individuals. • The writer is a joumalist.
 If a horse befriends the grass
BY J A W E D N AQ V I  2021-03-09
THERE`s talk of peace between India and Pakistan, which should be welcomed with a tight
embrace by both sides and by the world at large. If true, the move will be nothing short of a
somersault for hard liners on both sides.

Not long ago, right-wing nationalists had daubed with dark paint the face of my peace activist
friend Sudheendra Kulkarni as he hosted a welcome for Pakistan`s former foreign minister
Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri in Mumbai. The Gandhian in Kulkarni refused to surrender. Now, a
statement a detailed joint statement, in fact on a new ceasefire along the LoC by the Indian and
Pakistani militaries has spurred Mr Kulkarni to pen another passionate appeal to the two and
their foreign friends: Do not squander the opportunity. He cited Jinnah and Gandhi to press the
point.

`Both India and Pakistan are my country, Kulkarni cited Gandhi as saying. At his prayer meeting
four days before Hindu fanatics killed him, he affirmed: `[T]hough geographically and politically
India is divided in two, at heart we shall be friends and brothers helping and respecting one
another and be one for the outside world.` Gandhi`s assassins hated him for this.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah also, who Kulkarni describes as Gandhi`s `fellow Kathiawadi and Father
of the Pakistani nation`, desired good-neighbourly relations with India. First US ambassador to
Pakistan Paul Alling asked Jinnah about IndiaPakistan relations he wished to see. `An
association similar to that between the US and Canada,` said Jinnah. Could Kulkarni`s appeal
excite India`s ruling party, which harbours worshippers of Gandhi`s assassin? How will
extremists in Pakistan, who regard Jinnah with similar hostility, respond? An inherently tricky
question in this happy prospect of peace comes from an Urdu aphorism: if the horse befriends the
grass, what would it eat? The allusion here is to Hindutva. The doctrine is busy dismantling
every secular and liberal structure that shores up Indian democracy. On the other side, Pakistan`s
anti-India extremists have a lot to lose from peace. If Hindutva makes peace with Pakistan what
would become of its raison d`être mobilising public opinion for a Hindu rashtra by a toxic
targeting of Muslims as a domestic policy and per-petual hostility with Pakistan as foreign
policy? The late BJP ideologue Arun Jaitley spelled out in confidence to US diplomats the two
ideological essentials in the policy mix of Hindutva. Thanks to Julian Assange`s selfless work
we know what the ingredients are. Manmohan Singh`s 10-year engagement for peace with
Pakistan was hurting the BJP in its vote-rich north Indian constituency.

The hint to Jaitley`s diplomat friends flowered into confirmed fact in the Modi era.

The other ideological (and necessarily cynical) position was about the north-eastern states, where
expulsionofMuslims accusedof beingBangladeshis would continue to be Hindutva`s winning
mantra.

It was not stated how BJP would handle the adverse fallout with Dhaka, but the citizenship act
has reaf-firmed the truth of the strategy.

Other natural questions flow from the prospect of India`s improved relations with Pakistan. Is it
linked with the Biden administration`s quandary in Afghanistan and Iran, both bordering
Pakistan? Could it be possible that there`s peace with Pakistan and unabated hostility with China,
which sees itself as Pakistan`s `all-weather friend`? It`s unlikely that India`s much-touted two-
front battle plan would become a single military front scenario from any peace initiative with
Pakistan. All things considered, the thought makes some very limited sense but in a roundabout
Hindutva way. If China can somehow replace Pakistan as the dominant ogre for India, without
necessarily beating the war drums, which could be costly, it would serve the interest of a new
domestic policy taking shape.

Sullen ties with China would also be in keeping with the mood in Washington.

So what could be the new domestic strategy? If the straws in the wind are an indication, the
BJP`snarrative is shifting from communal Hindu-Muslim binary to one targeting secularism and
its liberal and leftist votaries as the more urgent threat.

Saturday`s Indian Express says that the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, a virulent Hindutva
ideologue, now sees the biggest challenge to India coming from secularism, evidently a new
Hindutva formula, given the fact that its favourite whipping boy has mostly been India`s
Muslims. He made another astounding declaration, according to the paper. The chief minister
`urged people not to lose the harmonious spirit of the nation by being involved in petty
communal disputes`. Petty communal disputes! That is new. The chief minister instead warned
`those misguiding people for their own profit and betraying the country.` They will not be
spared.

Seen in the backdrop of the near destruction of the BJP`s communal card triggered by the
farmers game-changing agitation, Adityanath`s fulminations make sense. The unending
agitation, which shows no signs of relenting on its tough demands is of a piece with old mass
movements when Indian governments were identified as `Tata-Birla ki sarkar`, reference to two
main tycoons of the time.

Today, the farmers have put a sharp focus on Mr Modi`s two close businessmen allies, Mukesh
Ambani and Gautam Adani. This has pinched the government hard. And the pain has absolutely
nothing to do with the vote-rich communal binary, now losing steam. The main prop that
launched Mr Modi as prime minister in 2014 the Hindu-Muslim violence in Muzaffarnagar
comprised the Hindu farmers of western Uttar Pradesh. They have joined secular protests
swirling in the country.

Adityanath was evidently parroting the new focus of the government`s ire. Among the few
journalists and media outfits standing their ground is the Caravan magazine, with The Wire news
portal not far behind. Both have published accounts of a new strategy formulated by a group of
cabinet ministers last year to `neutralise` those who set `false narratives` against the government.
The horse will not starve. If it`s not grass then some other fodder will be readied. • The writer is
Dawn`s correspondent in Delhi.
 Swiss `burga ban`
 2021-03-09
WHILE concerns about violent extremism may be genuine, in many situations these valid
apprehensions can be used as a cloak for Islamophobia. This appears to be the case in
Switzerland, where voters have narrowly backed a ban on face coverings, widely seen as a
vehicle to prohibit burqas and full-face veils that some Muslim women wear. Just over 51pc of
Swiss voters backed the ban, with a campaign spearheaded by a rightist party in the alpine
nation. While the proposal did not mention the face coverings by name, ominous posters with a
fully veiled woman, plastered with slogans to `stop extremism` sent a clear, disturbing message.
The intentions of this campaign further come into question when the number of women who
wear the burqa/niqab in Switzerland are considered: according to one figure 30 women wear the
nigab in a population of 8.6m. This means there is no imminent `threat` of veiled women
overrunning the streets of Geneva and Zurich anytime soon. Unfortunately, Switzerland has
taken such regressive steps before, such as the ban on minarets in 2009, also backed by a
referendum. Amnesty International has called the burqa ban `a dangerous policy that violates
women`s rights`.

Sadly, several other nations in Europe France, Denmark, Austria etc have taken similar steps.
Rather than genuinely helping curb extremism, these moves only help propel the agenda of far-
right parties in Europe, who see Muslims, people of colour and racial minorities as `outsiders`
trying to change the continent`s `pure` culture.

We have seen the horrors this pursuit of `purity` unleashed in the mid20th century, when fascist
forces seized power in several European states. Instead of promoting integration and coexistence,
such moves will further fuel the divide between ethnic and religious majorities and minorities in
Europe. Moreover, women should have the right to choose what they wear, and such decisions
must not be imposed by the state. Has this central tenet of democratic thought been forgotten by
those backing such bans?
 Political see-saw
BY N I A Z M U R T A Z A  2021-03-09
WE have been witnessing a political seesaw in the country for months now. After its failed no-
confidence move against Senate chairman Sadiq Sanjrani and the long march in 2019, the
opposition appeared to be out of ideas and energy to dislodge the PTI government which seemed
set to complete its term.

The PDM regained its momentum in late 2020 with its public meetings and Nawaz Sharif`s
dramatic taking of sensitive names in the backdrop of the PTI`s weak performance. The
momentum lasted a few weeks only. Its failure to gather a huge crowd in its Lahore bastion led
pundits to see it as over. Its decision to participate in byand Senate elections strengthened this
view.

But such are the tortuous see-saws of our politics that these two very decisions revived the
momentum.

The PTI`s bypoll losses and the clumsy rigging attempt in Daska, likely done sans the active
support of those forces that excel in doing so, put the government on the back foot. Its retreat
was further cemented by its desperate attempts to end secret voting in Senate polls. The final
straw to break the camel`s back was the humiliating defeat of Finance Minister Hafeez Sheikh in
the Senate polls to his former boss Yousuf Raza Gilani. This was a double blow. It scrambled its
plans to continue with Sheikh at a time when it is talking to the IMF.

More critically, it raised the issue of whether Prime Minister Imran Khan still has a majority. The
PTI tried to answer this question via a vote of confidence. But that came with a blemish given
the use of Article 91 (7) which required the president to say he thinks (his own) prime minister
lacks a majority. The vote also doesn`t change the fact that Khan has faced questions about his
majority. It has sapped his moral and political standing. He will remain in power but powerless
to take major initiatives.

But neither is it smooth sailing for the PDM. Its suddenly softer tone towards key institutions
raises suspicion as do its lack of clarity on future plans. Its moral standing too took a big hit from
the release of the video showing Gilani`s son inducing PTI legislators, giving rise to comments
that this could yet lead to the elder Gilani`s disqualification. Matters could also swing in the
PTI`s favour if it wins the Senate chair`s elections. Sadiq Sanjrani`s nomination followed a
meeting of Pakistan`s `troika` Ironically, the PTI can only win by using the same tacky tactics
that it accuses the PDM of using in Gilani`s win. But it is unlikely that the PTI will talk of high
principles and open voting in this election.Thus, the PDM may yet find that despite gaining
momentum from the byand Senate elections, as after its public meetings, it still falls short of its
aim of dislodging the PTI if the establishment clings on to the latter despite its poor performance
and precarious National Assembly position. This support reveals the artificial foundation on
which the see-saw moves.

We have a political see-saw not because there are two evenly balanced political forces in contest.
We have it because despite being weak, the PTI is widely seen as being propped up by those who
appear to be undermining the public mandate. In fact, it would not be wrong to say that the main
constituency whose interests the PTI is still serving well today is a section of the establishment.

Much of the critique of the alleged corrupt practices on the part of the PDM for Gilani`s seat and
the PTI in Dasl(a and the Sanjrani no-confidence move earlier has bemoaned the low morality of
the PDM and PTI. It is a fair critique. But even thoughwe must take immediate strict measures
against such practices, expecting them to end soon is unrealistic. These problems will only
gradually reduce over the long run.

However, main-stream media misses the more critical lens through which we must view such
incidents. That goes beyond the morality of politicians and focuses on establishment politics and
how any event affects its ironclad grip on politics. It is the more critical lens as this causes much
more damage to public welfare than politicians` intrigues.

So viewed from the lens of morality both the practices adopted by the PTI in the Sanjrani no-
confidence move and by the PDM on the Islamabad seat were bad. But viewed from the other
lens, the former was worse as it increased the establishment`s hold. Thus, the real issue is not
whether the see-saw tilts towards the PDM or PTI. It is whether it tilts towards establishment or
civilian sway. Viewing the matter morally, one would choose neither the PDM nor PTI as a
voter. But viewing it from the other lens, one would express sympathy, as an analyst, for the
PDM aims of civilian sway and fair polls even if its commitment to theseidealsis less than
perfect.m The writer heads INSPIRING Pakistan, a progressive policy unit.
 No time to waste
B Y C H I H O K O A S A D A M I Y A K A W A  2021-
03-09
IT is now more than 100 years since the ILO established standards on women in the workplace,
focusing on maternity protection.

A century on, much has changed, and we can all point to women who are successfully making a
living, carving out careers, doing well in business and taking up leadership positions.

International Women`s Day (observed yesterday)should be the perfectoccasion to celebrate this

success and to look forward to a bright and prosperous future for all women who wish to work.

Unfortunately the reality for so many women is dif ferent.

Covid-19 is partly to blame, amplifying pre-existing inequalities and often having a

disproportionate impact on women`s employment. Women are also more at risk of being pushed
out of jobs into the more precarious informal sector or work that matches neither their skills nor
aspirations. However, if we are to be honest, even before the pandemic hit, the situation was less
than rosy.

Just over a year ago, before most of us had heard of Covid-19, ILO`s flagship report A Quantum
Leap for Gender Equality for the Future of Work highlighted how progress in closing gender
gaps had stalled, and in some cases reversed.

There are numerous factors preventing women from entering, remaining and progressing in the
labour force. Top amongst them is unpaid care work, the burden of which still rests
disproportionately on the shoulders of women worldwide. Between 1997 and 2012 the amount of
unpaid care work carried out by women fell by just 15 minutes a day while men did eight
minutes a day more. At this rate it will take over 200 years for the gap to close and far longer
when Covid-19 impacts are taken into account.

Women continue to occupy fewer jobs and sectors than men. Those working in the same
occupation as men are still systematically paid less. Globally, according to ILO data, fewer than
one-third of managers are women, although they are likely to be better educated than their male
counterparts. Women with children are further penalised with regard to employment, pay and
leadership opportunities. These penalties are carried throughout a woman`s life cycle, often
contributing to poverty during elder years, due to a lack of pensions and social safety nets.

Violence and harassment continue to have a detrimental impact on women`s participation in

employment and their ability to reach their potential. It remains a depressingly widespread
phenomenon, often extending beyond physical spaces into the digital world.

The good news is we know what needs to be done.

Gender equality in the world of work requires a `quantum leap` and not tentative,incremental
steps. If we are to reap the social and economic benefits this will bring, then conscious, proactive
and concerted efforts are needed. We must all play our part. That means governments, workers`
and employers`, women`s organisations, schools and academia, other key partners, you and me.

Following are four key areas to make transformative change for women in the world of work.

First, we must seek to tackle the huge disparity between women`s and men`s unpaid care
responsibilities. Men need to do more and would benefit from a better work-life balance.
Increased support and investment at workplace level is also vital through policies that allow a
more flexible approach to working hours and careers, as well as pathways to manage care
responsibilities and return to the workforce after care-giving absences, without unfair penalties.

Second, governments need to adopt (or make changes to) legislation and policies that enhance
women`s access to the labour market as well as higher skilled and betterpaid jobs and
opportunities. This includes investing in publicly funded, accessible, professional care services.
Many countries have legislation in place but implementation is weak.

Third, gender-based violence and harassment, including sexualharassment, must be addressed.

ILO`s Violence and Harassment Convention provides a clear framework and practical actions.

Ratification and implementation of the Violence and Harassment Convention should be at the
top of the agenda for every country in the region following the lead of Fiji.

Lastly, steps are needed at every level to support women`s voice, representation and leadership.
Discrimination in hiring and promotion must be removed and affirmative action considered to
close stubborn gender gaps once and for all. We must also reach out to women everywhere,
including those with compounding identities who of ten face marginalisation.

The opportunity loss of failing to tackle gender equality at work is enormous. Despite the cloud
cast by Covid-19, there is no time to waste. Now is the time for commitment to be shown and
courageous choices to be made.

Together we can narrow inequalities and break down barriers. By doing so, women everywhere
can realise their full potential in a world of work where no one is left behind.• The writer is
iLO`s assistant DG and regional director for Asia and the Pacific.