a PRE
aye
“pg
_
Ariel Shisha-Halevy
The Proper Name:
Structural Prolegomena
to Its Syntax -
A Case Study in Coptic
©
VWGO Wien 1989
eee Preliminary ® 1
the Coptic PN. The proper name in general: research attitudes,
Definition of the problem. Methodological orientation
Earp ce oupeteliearan pe ar-noci mpihsb j-oueu pe pren “First we ought to attempt to
‘understand this matter, namely what is the name™
(Cod. Jung NHC 1 40)
(2) The present investigation, which is to be viewed as a seminal or pilot study of
roper-name grammar in Coptic rather than a definitive “Grammar of Proper Names",
attempts to observe the PN environmentally (in both syntagmatic and paradigmatic
Gimensions of grammatical environment, examining commutabilities and compatibil
ties), its syntactic incorporation, especially its SIGNALLING — the formal meanetor
distinction from other nominals and pronominals; its structural role, identity and role
‘elationships. Wherein, grammatically speaking, lies the (supposed) binomy prPNs and
appellatives? Is the proper name an entity, or is it a marking or manifestation of 2
property? Does it constitute a category in the structural-analytie sense of the term of a
member of one? Ifa category, is this grammatically monolithic or a synthesis of several
{Proper” paradigmatic entities, proven distint by grammatical properties? Although
Ae pansren hee wll inevitably also involve examining some prevalent beliefs regarding
{the PN and submitting them toa critical investigation, developing the implications ofthis
, shee eed oe
Proves toe diferent om the "avant
a
16 Proper-Name Determination (Coptic)
(h) COPTIC vs. GREEK In Act2:9-10 only the morphologically unmarked kéme
“Egypt” is undeterminated, all morphologically feminine toponyms have the fe
Aefiite article (omesopotamic, asa, but, kurén8 corresponding to a definite fx
toponymin the Greek, tioudaia, thappadokia tephrugi, pamphulia corresponding toan
artcle-less Greek form); ponts is definite in Coptic, artcle-less in Greek. Act, 21:1-3
(irodes, kupros vs phoiniké, tswia — the frst pair definite in Greek {the nuclear def.
article paradigmatically representing nésos “island”? the second pair artcle-less)and
20:14-16 (lephesos, det. in the Greek, ee below; miléto, amos, mitulént,article-ess in
the Greek) indicate the existence of an independent system of rules in Coptic, a system
partly overlapping and (in translated texts) perhaps influenced by the Greek one, but
independent nevertheless.
(tn Coptic, a distinction between syntagmatic (text-deictic, phori) and paradigmatic
(exeme-representing) determination, of placenames is apparent; obviously, diferent
tales forthe determination of oponyms apply in diferent dialects and texts, and further
investigation is necessary. For instance, text-deictc (.e. syntagmatic) determination is
apparent in 1 Reg. Chapter 23 (Drescher), where the name keeilaisundeterminated onits
first occurrence, definite thereafter (in Greek, the distribution for the determination of
this name seems to depend on its syntactic status and the preposition governing it). The
Bohairicconsensus for Num.32:5 has the anaphoric paliordanés “this Jordan” for theSah.
(Schleifer, BM Or.3579 (9) pelordanés. For the city of Ephesos, the Sahidic Acts(Chaps.
18-20, Thompson) has no determination on first occurrence of the name (18:19), def.
article subsequently (18:21:24, 19:1:17:26, 20:16, often against the Greek); outside this
narrative reference chain, Ephesos is never determinated in the SahidieNT (1 Cor. 15:32,
16:8; Eph. 1:1; 1 Tim. 1:3; 11 Tim. 1:18, 4:12; Apoc. 1:11, 2:1; in Bobairic, the name is not
determinated in any case). On the other hand, paradigmatic determination is constant
and independent of syntax (f.tasia, Act. 29, 69, 16:6 19:10:22:26).
(0bs.(1) Unlike personal PNs, unarticulated toponyms are gender-indifferent, and have
therefore problematic or ambiguous anaphoric referabilty: see below, 2.2.1.9.
(0bs.(2) The voiced variant of the fem. definite article in 1 Reg. Chapter 5 (Drescher):
ddazbios, a variant not occurring with APPS, may indicate different junctural properties
and different analyzability of this determinator with placenames.
(0bs.(3) Beside the determinators in categories (1) and (III) above, gender-motivated,
toponymically proformal (representing t-polis,tskhéra, pier), we find personally pro-
formal sex-marking local-name determinators (“he-/she-of..”) before toponyms: f=
rakote “the (f.) Alexandrian”, a feminine personal name", p-gesiei “the Gesurite”
(J0s.13:13, vs. prro ngesirei “the G. king”, ibid), nathénais (Act.17:21, athénaioi),
a-korinthos “Corinthian”, (Act.18:8, v.l. nKorinthos), note na-istdf “they of 1.” (2
Reg.10:6 Drescher), not the determinator but the (nuclear) possessive pronoun,
(0bs.(4) The points of the compass are definite, masculine: pemhit prés, penn, peiebt
(Chass.178), but apparently analyzable.
(0bs(5) The Coptic for “the sea”, shalassa, is metanalyticaly indeterminable (as if
“thalassa”, or as a PN? Chass. 178), unless quantified (t-ke-halassa, ibid.)
50 MEUSER 1929-1, 65 18 Proper-Name Determination (Coptic)
‘minator (varying, ina distribution which appears to depend also on dialectal differentia~
tion) deprives us at times of the primary signalization of gender: see below, 0.3. The
details of the “syntagmatic career” of these (and other time-expressing) nouns have not
yet been fully worked out.
(Obs. The paradigmatic (non-phoric) definite article in teulé, pehoou “day(time)”, “night
time)” (e-g. Chass.15) is equally properizing (specificity-raising)
() Coptic authorship titles of literary works! are either determinated prepositional
phrases (ie., prep. phrases expanding the definite article) — p-kata-iohannés, te-pros-titos
(Ep.391,395), with the article a pro-form representing euangelion (ef. papostolos “the
Apostle”, ie, “the Epistles)", ibid 381) and epistolé, or the author name, undetermi-
nated: (As is written in) iezeki#l (IV 130), apa daniél, apa zakharias mn-malakhias, pjdme
(the book") apa ierémia (Ep.378-9), hrouth, ioudith, 6b, ésaias, etc. in an exhaustive
‘catalogue of the Scriptures (Can.Apost.71); APPs are here definite (tgenesis, p-exodos,
‘pekklésiasté...),and so, in Sahidic, are the Gospels: p-kata-maththaios, p-kata-markos..
“the Gospel)-according-to-Matthew/Mark”.
(0bs. Scribal convention explains the Greek genitival form of proper names for titular
attribution of authorship (preceding or following the text): sinowrhiow ‘"Shenoute's”
(Chass.59),sinouthiou logos *Shenoute's speech/ sermon" (ibid. 19) or sinowthiow epistolé
““Shenoute's Epistle” (ibid.38); klémentos “Clement's” (Catena 10), faannou khrisosto-
‘mou'John Chrysostome’s” (Catena 9): a phenomenon of Coptic texts, not of Coptic
grammar. (The Gk. nominative, as in sinouthios (Borgia MSS, Zoega 189 p.342] is a
subscription form).
(m) Possessed PNs: possession by a pronominal possessor, expressed in Coptic for almost
allnoun lexemes by anuclear “pronominal cluster” of definite eterminator + pronominal
‘possessor (alias “possessive article") is thus a member of the definiteness categorial
‘component of the determination syndrome, and therefore as a rule incompatible with
PNs. (Appurtenance, expressed by the pronominal preposition-alternant mia “with -",
serves in Sahidic in partial suppletion for indefinite or zero-determinated possessed
nouns, which means, in structural terms, that for such possessa the opposition possession
1s. appurtenance is neutralized). The only instance I can quote of a pronominally
‘53. For literary-ttle determination in English, see JESPERSEN 1954 VII 12.54, 16.37; for French,
Le mIDONS 1967 pare 97-191.
54 See SHISHA-HALEVY 1985.
55. Itisworth noting that in the Sahidic New Testament, the chematic possessive pronoun pd=()
“his, mase sg. le sien’ (ete), withthe pronominal theme pe (p8/pe “itis his", etc.)isnever
‘adnominal to a definite postessum antecedent (“the .. that i his” (relative) .)b
restricted, to indefinite possessa and negative predications (“a..that is not his’
‘empo= an pe/ne, e.g. Rom.l4:4, Heb. 9:25, 1 Cor. 10:15. etc.). This means,
“peaking, that the possessive article pe serves for the definite possessum (and af
possession), with p-eteountaf-f “he whom (he) has” for definite possessa (and affirmative +
negative posssession), while ow... nig= “(a)..of his” covers the indefinite/zero-affirmative
range. Outside the NT, we do find pkahi..ete-mpha-pharad an pe “the land..that is not ‘Proper-Name Determination (Coptic)
ator (varying, ina distribution which appears to depend also on dialectal different
‘} deprives us at times ofthe primary signalization of gender: see below, 0.3. The
a aerine “syntagmatic career” ofthese (and other time-expressing) nouns have not
been fully worked out
4. The paradigmatic (non-phoric) definite article i tee, pehoon “day(time)” “night
the)" (erg. Chass. 15) i equally properizing(speciicty-raising).
Coptic authorship utes of literary works? are either dterminated prepositions
prep. phrases expanding the definite article) — p-katiShannds, pros 108
Pi the article a pro-form representing evangelion (cf. papostolos “the
sostle’ the Epistle(s)", ibid 381) and epistol, or the author name, undetermi-
7ea Asis written inyierekiél(VV 130), apa dant, pe zakharas mn-malakhias pedrre
Seeece') apa lerémia (Ep.378-9), hrouth, ioudith,i8b, 2saias, etc. in an exhaustive
‘Mfopne ofthe Scriptures (Can.Apost.T1); APPs are here definite (genesis, prexedos-
Tenetands...).andso, in Sahidic, are the Gospels p-kara-marhthaios, prkatarmarkos.
hhe-(Gospel)-according-to-Matthew/Mar
:bx, Seribal convention explains the Greek genitval form of proper names for ttlay
evetien of authorship (preceding or following the text): sinowthiou “Shenoute's
sro) sinouthiow logos "Shenoute'sspeech/ sermon” (bid. 19) or sinouthiow epistol?
Shemoute's Epistle” (iid 38); klémentos "Clement's" (Catena 10), idannou Khrisosio~
saeJobn Chrysostome's” (Catena 9): a phenomenon of Coptic texts, not of Coptic
cramer, (The Gk. nominative, asin sinowthos (Borgia MSS, Zoega 189 p.3421 is =
abseription form).
+») Possested PN possession by a pronominal possessor, expressed in Coptic fr alos
roan eremes bya nuclear “pronominal cluster” of definite determinator + pronominat
a wnor (alias possessive article) is thus a member of the definteness categoria!
sernent of the determination syndrome, and therefore asa rule incompatible With
.Ne, CAppurtenance, expressed by the pronominal peposition-alternant nia= "wih
ee Prsgnidie in partial suppletion for indefinite or zero-determinated possessed
‘Suns, which means, instructuegl terms, that for such possessa the opposition possessie®
ve edppurtenance is neutraliz@#), The only instance I can quote of a pronominally
anytte determination in English, see JESPERSEN 1954 VII 1254, 16.37; for French,
1
3 For
LE mipois 1967 parr 97-
HA See SHISHA-HALEVY 1985,
JS. Iesswonth noting that in the Sahidie New Testament, the thematic possessive pronoun p>“)
meneunc gh (lester) (tc), withthe pronominal theme pe(péfpe its his™ete)isneser
adnominal toa definite possessum antecedent (“the is (relative) but is doubly
aaa te indefinite posesse and negative predications ("a..that js not his”: o/hen
mpd am pe/nee-. Rom. 144, Heb. 9:25, 1 Cor. 10:15, ete). This means structars
Seetting. thatthe posesive article pe serves forthe definite possessum (and afhrmaive
essen), wth preteountaf he whom (he) has” for definite poses and ahem»
ve possession), while ob. mla= "(a).of his” covers the indet
ie Outside the NT, we do find pkahi,.etemphrpharad am pe “the landthat fs 20%
Proper-Name Determination (Coptic 9
possessed personal PN is pou-adam “their Adam” (NHC IL 89,91, 120} I must however
Ponfess to doubts regarding the nature of adam here: such ordinal typology as
‘orp/pmak-snau/ pmahsomt = pxhoikos nadam “the first/second/third (~ Khe) Ada
{NHCITI11,117F.,cf- Catena 79) or phae nadam “the latter-day Adam” (1 Cor.15:45) al)
srems to speak for a lower properness grading for this name, which would then be in
Keeping with a determinatorial exponent of possession as as wel as with the semantics
Invelved. Alternatively, may this not be a case of a mythical “generic proper name” for
Man"? (cf. the correferent pow-rdme “their man” {bid 87}). The case of pekapoliin
‘your Apolio” (AM 11 76), possessed divine name, even lower on the scale of “proper
ness”, is perhaps comparable (see{f] above).
(ny The pronominal possession ofa PNis.as1 kind f suppletion forthe exclusion ofthe
Muelear possessive article, expressed adnominally — by apposition or a relative predica-
Jon of the possessive pronoun: ppan ef-pén pe “our Pan”(lit"Pan, whois ours”. 1189,
to Panopolis-AKhmim, Shenoute's native town), onésimos pete-pon pe “our 0.” lit
0. he who is ours”) (Can,Apost.8), thekla ete-thdei “My Th.” (lit. Th. who is mine"
‘Acta Pauli 10),phnoutiphdi *my God” (lit.""God, mine”, Gen 49:25), nim ntak “who of
“yours?” (Gen. 48:8).
‘Obs. Although one PN may be possessively affiliated to another (see below, 2.2.3),1 can
find no evidence for a nominal (appellative) possession of a PN ("PN of APP").
(0) The PN as possessum in the predication of possesssion, expressed by the located
Cistential verboids ounta~/mnta= (predicating existence/non-existence with the prepo~
Shion niaw “withe", ef. French chez, Russian u), is often (where the name is not further
Expanded) theological-terminological and metaphoric: ountourmdusés mmau “they have
Moses” (ie. the Law; Le.16:29), ountan-iésous mmau “we are (truly) Christians, (truly)
Delong to Jesus" (Chass.120, A' 430, 434), However, with an adnexal (circumstantial)
expansion, the possessum is reall the nexus of PN and verb: neounraude mmaw mpeid-
hhannés efimie nau “they had John too serving them” (Act.12:5).
Obs, itis remarkable thatthe predicative possession of the special lexeme ran “name is
ot expressed by mans ofthe existential pattern predicating existence conjointly withthe
Telational preposition »-/mmo=, used to expressed marked inherent or inalienable pos
asin: mniefiren mmeu "He has no name” (NHC 1 39), ef mmeu nnowren “He has
thot gata name” ibid, 22), mystical statements; ountak-ouranje-"Youhave a name."
(poe), ountak mpeiran je-iakébos “You have the name “James” (NHC V 32).
Pharao's" (Gen.47:26)enka nim enasaoulne“every thing that is Sal's" (2 Reg. 99: po and
aan incompatibe in Sabidie) pan etep&n pe“our Pan” (1189.12, see 0.2.2) tnstuctive
ihte the parallelism of prep pe"that which is mine” and not pd=/or rows mine (sel and
tonarkoisar,na-pnoute "Caesar ‘both plural inthe Gospel of Thomas (NHC
Labib 97, ef 122-21 ete).
the Arabic genus “name” (WRIGHT 1967 107e) and kind names sucha
‘John Bull”
57. shista.navevy 1986:37
Puss", "Bruin”. 20 Categories Marked inthe Proper Name
onstruction yng or ateating wth ht of bsc naming, which isasaruledlocutve,
However. the special context common toall thee examples may polnohe eee
ity" of metapratic ran. Naming or name-nteauelgconsreston rose eas
Chis] name, the name of") as themes of the FN ial Oslows Sore
onthless indications that ransinalenabetoa dee conse FS S57 HAC CL
Sand the tetalemmon in thecitiealtpetran mmectnenp.13(ece Bee Sot as
the name ofthe Twelve" ary mise cometing wie pce
(0.3 The Theory of Proper Names (2): Categories Marked in the PN (Coptic and general)
(a) is arguable thatthe traditional (Dionysian) subsuming (which i as conventional
today 81 as an inthe Middle Ages and eaten) ef the PR vith the apes under
“noun is mainly due toa preoccupation with morphological clases the seen
Indo-European, ditinctve gender-numbercase“portmanteta” morphelogy at han,
trinsic semantic or rammat
hout probing the theoretical basi and implication ofthe
question whether the alleged “categories” are relly “nominal: chaste te
noun or ater it environment
In the following paragraph I propose t the Copt
1 propose to examine the Coptic PN for marking ofthe
fender and number categories, and advance some reecont on he ieee ot Pa
meaning"
(©) The question of gender characterization acquires a special edge in Coptic, in which
{jnominal categories” are not expressed intrinsically and, so to speak, “automatically” in
{he noun lexeme but in its environment®. There is for instance nothing explicitly
feminine, singular" in shime “woman” its being a member of the “feminine” classi,
like the class itself, signalled by non-zero determinators and anaphoric or cataphorie
reference to them. (I shall but refer here to the general question, profound and difficult
“Cue a aston wll soemthing “terete tao
sn spacer frag meena eset ae ala
‘Ticino buon onscreen ten oc
$9 Ch stenerat-wisrets 1893:287, Sexisin Coptic marked lexemically ina tiny lexical subset of
‘motivated feminines opposed to unmarked matculines, arguably 4 “tombstone” to « loot
tem rather than a productive synchronic ane: son "brother" shne“sister",
een”, lo "senex": Alb “old/elder woma
Categories Marked inthe Proper Name zB
per se, of the inherence or mere residence of gender in the appellative, a question
exceeding the boundaries of strictly grammatical inquiry. Indeed, so put the question
appears to be of litte analytical meaning, for in Coptic gender is marked, motivated as.
well as syntagmatically initiated by the determinator pronoun alone. Infact, only the
definite articles, the possessive and demonstrative pronouns are morhologically gender-
‘marked and gender-opposed (the personal pronouns are not gender-marked, but have a
special form for every member of the number-gender category, with morphological
‘marking of the non-locutive person category). It is therefore significant that, like pro-
nouns, PNs show some indications of sexual chracterization,as will be evident from the
following statistics based on HEUSER's inventory (BRUNSCH 1984). Note, however, the
provisional and incomplete nature ofthis information, also that we have hereto do witha
heterogenous corpus of different periods, different dialectal distribution and (especially
relevant to the question in hand) different origins (aRUNSCH 1985 counts more names of
Greek origin than Egyptian ones, ata rate of 1.3). I would even go so far as to postulate
several formal synchronic subsets — making for subsystems — of PNs, of Egyptian,
Greek, Hebrew, Arabic historical connection,
(2) Basie control data:
(2) Feminine PNs in the total PN count: about 15%.
(©) The FINAL-ELEMENT morphophonemic factor (consonant: vowel ratio: about 0.9,
ruling out a fundamental predominance of either}:
(@) The FINAL ELEMENT factor:
(a) 62% of all masculine PNs end in a consonant;
175% of all feminine PNs end in a vowel.
(Of PNsending in consonant, only 6.6% are feminine, while 19.19 ofall PNs ending
with a vowel are feminine.
(b) OF PNs ending in -os, less than 1% are feminine (all cases of -..05, like 1suros,
‘parthenos:; see below);
4.7% of all ending with -s are feminine (again, all that begin with).
(©) Ofallfeminines, PNs ending in (Ja or-e make up36% (therratio of, eout of ll final
vowels is almost 0.5.
60 shisiA-HALEVY 1986:141f. Bally's “(Le substantiest"penséavec son genre” (1950: par.139)
and similar statements are unhelpful as far as grammatical signalization analysisis concerned:
indeed, they beg the question of matking in the signalization sense, (The earliest sound
Aiscusion of Coptic gender is, to my knowledge, to be found in Schola-Woide's grammar
(Oxford 1778, par.25): “substantivorum genus e praxipotivs quam e regulis addiacendum
‘ext, going on to specity different ways itis recognizable (Le, signalled) inthe tet.
61 On the gender (or rather sex) of Coptic personal PNS, see HEUSER 1929: 10. (or some other
languages, se FLEISCHER 1964:3760, DUBOIS 1965.77. 1566; no discussion of this aspect of
English personal names in sesPERSeN 1958 (VII, Chapter V).
662, I count inthe following data ou and / a vowels and take variants as individual items 2 Categories Marked in the Proper Name
(8) Ofaltfinabvowel masculine. makes fo 38.3% (41.7% we include the variants
in-e
(3) The INITIALELEMENT factor:
initial element percentage of feminines
271%
35.4%
35.2%
rp 17%
ph 28%
Pe 172%
(4) The combined FINAL + INITIAL factor:
initial final combined element percentage of feminines
L/the/}-+ vowel 70%
b+ Da, -e make up 19.7% of all ferninines
P+ -(Da,-¢ make up 78.5% of all p- feminines
(One abseres a complex correlation of ital and final phonemes by which ex-marking
iselfeted, varying betwen he"Egypin subset wher hep vs. tcopposiion redone
es and the non-Egyptian espeily Gree) one wherethe-a-c ening appeats tobe
decisive, Final consonants, and, among the vowel, ar found mostly th oaseuing
name fial vowels and, forthe Greek subse, -/-e ith feminine nex Note the us of
yt as sexomarkers with PNs of non-Egypian extraction, ar agaist the le oe
‘Properes indoors with applies (as n rape, mace, ape “head” fo
Seeabove, 02.28), and the pp with mand
axop, dre, hertn)theekeption, soph
Overruestheleemie gender (ame mate me
sexinlexemic gender blurs the sexual opposition as maniestedin heopposiony
making this sex-marking deve of ss than absolute predictability (winere nace oe,
‘masc.or fem. tasou, fem. psinsin). :
(Obs41) A few PNsare sex-indifferent (or, alternatively, masc./fem. double homonymous
entities) rasow, iasr,takous, kharis, bes.
(0b542)Theimportant associative factor relating the sex of full, sex-characterized PNs to
that of their abbreviated alternant (esp. for masculines: biktor: bikt,alexandros: alex,
‘sebrsios: gebrg, theodoros: theodore, makarios: makari, etc.) has been ignored in this
Categories Marked in the Proper Name B
summaryoverview. Obviously, the PN repertoryis to some extent formally (*morpholo-
ically”) structured, even inthe absence of productive IE-style morphological classes.
(0bs.(3) In nestorios ibalor ete-mpfaheraif Iau hnoutairo “Nestorius, that fox who has
never stood firmly onhis feet at all” (Shenoute contra Origen. 50), the masculine names
only metaphorically expanded by a fer. appositum (consider the rhetorical-affective
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