Spirits and Spouses: Possession as a System of Communication among the Malagasy Speakers af Mayotte Michael Lambek American Ethnologist, Vol. 7, No. 2 (May, 1980), 318-331. Stable URL: Lhtp:flinks,jstor-org/sici?sici~0094-0496%28 198005 %297%3A2%3C3 18%3ASASPAAIE2.0.CO%IB2-T American Ethnologist is currently published by American Anthropological Association. ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at htp:sseww jstor org/aboutiterms.html. 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For more information regarding ISTOR, please contact suppom@jstor org. hup:therww stor orgy ‘Tue Oct 11 10:21:42 2008spirits and spouse: possession as a system of communication among the Malagasy speakers of Mayotte MICHAEL LAMBEK—Liniversity of Taxonto, Scarborough College Spirit possession manifested in state af trance is common throughout Africa and Afro- America Despite local variation, there is a striking degeee of similarity amang the inun of North Aftica, the deities of Dahomey and Brazil, the Hausa bor, Ethiopian and Sudanese zr, and Malagasy (runba, to give but a few of the better known examples. The similarity of these spirits end their manifestations suggest (0 at least one Africanist that “the dance of possession belongs to the deepest strata of contemporary African civilizations. It is a phenomenon of extraordinary vigor" (Balandier 1966 46), Numerous arguments have been put forward to explain spit possessian.' Early causal explanations tended to view possession from ane af twa extremes—either in psychological terms 2s an expression of individual hysteria, or in cultural terms as an elaborate fraud perpetuated by the performers. These views have long since been refuted, notably by Métraux (1955), Lamenting, "must we attach the label “hysteric anesthesia’ to the im- jressive spectacle af men or women inhabited by gods ...”, Méteaux (1955 30) concluded that possession is both cultural and unsimulated. The belie! that he or she 1s possessed {eads an individual to act the way in which tradition tells him that those who ate possessed) are supposed to act, and any doubts that he has will disperse oefore "the canvictions of others and the proofs of his own success” (Métraux 1955-36), Behaviar in possession Is bound by particular cultural rules; possession itself is a “social fact.” More recently, posiession has also heen explained in functional terms, considered variously as a means to prevent. avoid, neutralize, gratify, ar cure ether personal neurosis othe stivings for social prestige and political power of the oppressed in an inegalitanan society In this paper I leave to one side these functional explanations and, indeed, the whole ‘question of why possession occurs in particular societies and to particular individuals or ‘lasses of individals within those societies. My concern here is less with the conditions far possession than with the nature of possession. | suggest that possession can usefully be Saint possession can be viewed 25 a system af communication based on a ‘minimat iad of thiee “persons” —host, spirit, aod intermediary. The ‘model is itustrated with case material from Mayotte in which the posses sion of wamen by spinits produces ties of “friendship” between the spirits and the women’s husbands, thus adding new dimensions to the conjugal relationships. [passession, social structure, symbolic, trance, women] Copyright © 1980 by the American Anthropological Assocation ‘ge o¢seofo205181481 S077 318 american ethnologistviewed asa system of communication, Possession transmits messages between senders and receivers along particular channels. The task af the analyst 1 then twofold —to establish the specific properties af the system and to elucidate what, in a given cultural context, being s2id. In this view, any functions of possession would depend upon the content of par- ficular messeges and theie positioning within particular social contexts “The notion of possession as communication is not original. Balandier(1966:50) remarked some time ago that “sacred possession. tool af so-called archaic societies, undoubted y characterizes a certain era of intellectual communication,” but he has not, to my know= ledge. pursued this insight in any systematic way More recently, Baré (1977) has examined the role of trumba mediums in factional conflicts of the Sakalava monarchy inthis fight 1 wish to consider possession sequences occurring in the course af everyday life in order to begin to demonstrate both the constraints on possession and its creative aspects, its poten {ial for creating new links and new meanings, and thus for facilitating understanding and for obstruct Past studies of possession have tended to focus on the well-defined contexts of curing, fituals and large-scale public ceremonies. This emphasis an the spectacular, stemming ppethaps in part from its initial accessibility to the outside observer, and in pact from a fascination with what appears an superficial observation to be the expression of emation freed from the conttol of rational, domesticated thought, may have biased our understand ing of possession. My cancern here is less with public messages than with those transmitted between incividuals in contests that are nat generally characterized by violent or uncon tolled behavior as the individuals enter or leave the trance state * In particular, pastession is examined in the context of the conjugal relationship, as it ap= pears among the Malagssy speckers of Mayotte, the most southeasterly island of the Cor ‘oro Archipelago. Mayatte lies between, and shaves cultural traits with, both Madagascar and the Swahili coast of East Africa, Indeed, the major classes of possessing spirits to be considered here, the rumba and patros, have strong affinities with the spurts described in ‘each of those areas, respectively (Baré 1977; Caplan 1975, Feeley-Hatnik 1978; Cray 1963, Koritschoner 1936; Ottino 1965]. In bref, patros are noshuman spirits who live underwater around the coasts of Mayotte, while the trumba are deceased individuals from Madagascat, frequently historical figures from the ruling house of the northern Sakalava monarchy. Possession in Mayotte is characterized by temporary and periodic twance states during ‘which the social identity of the individual being postessed (he host! is replaced by that of the possessing spirit It is said that dhe spirit rses into the head of the host and takes tem porary contral of the body. A sharp distinction is maintained between the identities of spurt, and host Indeed, while most {but not all) hosts in Mayotte are women,* the spirits who replace them are usually (but, again, not always} male. Spiits may also be of much alder oF ‘younger status than their hosts. Sprit and host cannot he fully aresent concurrently. Spits and humans are also distinguished by thei tastes and manners; in particular, spiets ingest substances, such 2s blood or cologne, which humans consider inedible or polluting. Possession is defined in Mayotte as an affliction, and itis frequently indicated by symp toms of physical or mental distress which do not respond to other forms of treatment + The eure’ is a lenathy process which invalves not the exorcism but the socialization of the spiritestablishing the spirit’s particular identity and entering into an exchange relation ship with it, The spirit demands expensive feasts and presents in return for releasing the ne tient from pain, weakness, or other distress. Once the cute # effected, the sprit generally ‘continues to visit the hast periodically —both at the nublic feasts af ather hosts undergoing ‘cures, and in the privacy of the host's hame—as something of a family intimate. tis the latter situation that will concern us here ‘apleit possession as communication 318‘the communication system The operation of posession as a system of communication can best be demonstrated by starting with a concrete illustration. The following is an edited excerpt fram my field nates, Lombeni, Mayotte, January 27 | visited Mohedia this morning, only to find her in intimate conversion with her adult daughter Duniatty (igure 11 Mohedia seemed very reserved, zn | soon reziized that she was possessed. | vetted shat I as speaking to er patos spe, Me Bun (an older male) Nuratty wa asking the Spirit for advice about her baby, who she taught was too thie. Mze Bun told Nunatty tobring over the baby, he chen held up, felt cateully, apd announced «wes suffering from worms. The sprit told Nuniatty to ed the baby {Western worm medicine. Nusaty then departed, and texpeered that Mohedja wauld come out af wance, but the spit announced that tei ike staying awhile The sport sid that Nuriaty had rot especialy called 't up for a consultation: rather, t had risen af i ‘own accord to warn the farily tha liness was agprosching, and to tll tem to hold shidiahe (lame blessing rtuall i arder co ward aff the warst effects. Mize Bunu spoke to Nur atty because ‘Tambu (Mohedj's hsbana} had alteady left forthe Feld, The spin instructed NuRatyt0 ass the smersage on ta hee father ‘Mae Bunt svessed that he is particulerly good frends with Tumby. Tumu has given the spi many as over the years, and they get along very wel. As result. the sine kes ela Tumbu out ‘wherever be ean Mze Bunu said he also gets elang with Mze Jabiry, Tumbu's awn patos spr, ut not aswell Mre Bunu went on to talk about Mahe) He sais that Mahadja often does nat listen to the advice he tries 20 give her ciceetly (-e. through her dreams). Therefoce, che spin reauenty chooses to communicate with her through tied parties. Mohedja always complain that she doesn't like being possessed by spits and that they are bad things to have: vet. Mize Bunu has never ance caused her sry wouble since the oFginl lines sehen he first entered ner sore 20 yesrt ago) Mae Buna added that Rlahed|a sa very Knowledgeable spit carer n her own eight, put does not hike to perform cutes. When Kasimu Juma (wellkeowr spine cute, and the perscein charge of Mohed|a": ‘own cute] was stil alive, he wanted to make Mohedia hs eoprantice He taok her to observe his Cases and taught a glezt deal Ineailieryezs, Mae Bune performed sorcery cutes when he ist, fase in Mohedja* Later, Tambus went to Kasim Jima on his ewan itiatve, began ta lear fom hi, and became a curer. But it may be that Mohedia stil knows more than Tumbu, and fable to advise him aceasionally. Mahe will nerf cures when cients come ta het m Lomben| aut she iil “embarrassed to practice outside the village atte of cologne from which he began to cake sigs He ina commer ofthe room) to uy sore, but they reed One Ile gil hed cut her linger while geting sogar cane, and Me Bune remarked that the blood would also taste good. Then, turning his attention back to me, the spint asked if! would pass on a message to Mohedia. He sid that Mehedia wouldn't isten if he told her directly, and he didn't want to communicate shrough the usual channel—namely, Tur ubecause what he had to say would undoubtedly make Fumbs angry. and would lead to Fighting Moe Bunu asked me to tll Mahedja not ta oe sa feasless and ther aback atthe message asked the spit what he meaet, and pressed for an example The sprit feplied that to days earlier, when most of the villagers had been attending © major political ‘meeting in 9 nearby settlement, Mohedja had gone alone tothe fields and had been accosted by Iman who wanted to slep with her. Mohedja refused to do so, and was prepare to fight Fim off ‘Mae Bumu said to tell Mahedia nat ta beso sure a he straneth, that she at 3s young 34 she ance Mohedia Mze Bunu De spirit “sa = possession Fig 1. Relationship ofthe spin withthe wafe and husband encase | Tumby 320 american ethnotogistwas, The spit sald Mohecia should have turned down the man in an indirect manner thas saving Fin embacrassinent and minimizing the possibilay of his becoming angy, She srould have sad something ke, "'m nat feeling wall, perhaps anotker day” But Instead, Mohedja takes pleasure in fannaying such men and refusing them outraht. ze Bunt concluded with the warning that Tr Bu heard about the Incident he wad press Mohedja forthe wenity ofthe Interloper, and would ‘eg 3 fhe with vm, which would be a bad thing “Aler some idle tale, during which | pondered the story, Mze Bun finally lef, saying that he was afraid fhe stayed he would fish the entre battle of cologne. But the spit suggested in parting perhaps I would soon give him a gift of enother bottle ’A few moments later, Mohedja regained consciouicess end | passed on Mze Bunu's message Mohed|2 appeared surprised, but listened with grave interest When | finished, she recounted the ‘original incident in the elds in great deta clling me how bluntly she had refused the man, how in Sktenehe had beer although he did back off in che end), and how ‘rightoned she ad been. She then rent to tell re aboadt few other tes in her ile wien she had been in similar situations [together she talked for well ver en hour Mohed|a 1s usualy quite laconic. and must have been feeling a trone urge to discuss the matter with someone. While she did not say. outight, via ze Bunu's advice was correct she did concede that she might fat be as physically ecpable of defending herself as she once had been she seemed, as indeed the message Teor: her spn would ply. tobe somewhat uncertain as ta how to Randle such unpleasant situations analysis Let me begin by setting forth the act af communication that occurs in the latter portion of this text. This can be stated briefly as follows: A (the spirit, Mze Bunu} wishes to send a message to B (the host, Mohedija} Instead of doing so directly, A passes the message to Cin this case, the anthropologist} who. in turn, passes it on to B. Thus, instead of A ~ B, we have A = CB. What is remarkable about this, from the viewpoint of a Westerner, is that A and 8 are actually the same “person.” Thus, the process observed is ane of “autor communication,” and the transmission by way of C seems entirely unnecessary. But in the Mayotte view, of course, A and 8 are separate, discrete individuals. In such a case, trans ‘mission via C appears ceazanable, even if nat, at fist sight, most efficient. Mze Bun, ‘moreover, asserts that indirect communication is more efficient, since Mohediais noe tike ly to listen (he. to receive the messagel if anproached directly. What I wish to suggest is that, in fact, the tad is the ireducible, minimal structure of possession. That Is to say, ‘communication entails a minimum of thiee figures—sender, receiver, and intermediary 0, in other terms, the host (the subject aut of trance). the spirit the subject in trancel, and the person or persons with whom the spitit converses ‘One of the criteria used by Western scientists (Prince 1968) to define the trance state and also an established convention regarding possession in Mayatee, is thet an individusl has na, or very litle, recollection of what transpires during trance. If a host isto know what happened while she or he was in trance, he must have a trustworthy intermediary present ‘wha can report back to him. People recognize that the degree of actual recall varies according to a number of factors, but the notm is consideted to he no recall This rule, that the states of trance and of ordinary consciousness are discontinuous in a single individual is the major condition of the system of communication, Its this Fact that makes possession -asocial activity, Its rue that the spirit can communicate directly with the host in dreams, and that the host can communicate with the spirit by speaking aver lighted incense. However, these pathways do not generate or underlie the possession complex. Its perfect- ly conceivable that there exist cultures in which tutetary spirits are addressed and received through such channels without anything similar to the Mayotte possession comptex being, present. Possession in Mayotte presupnases che minimal triad. A spirit that rises in 3 hast always does so in otder to make its presence known to 4 third party, in order to speak 10 someone. Most frequently, spirits are called up by intermediaries; but even when no inter rmediaries are present (as s sometimes the case in “autohypnasis”), as soon as a spit tses, it rushes off to talk to someone ‘A psychologist might wish to aose the questions: What isthe nature of the celationship between A (spirit) and 6 (host)? What are the consequences far that relationshin of the fact, spirit possession as communication 321that messages between A and B are passed through a third party C? The sociologist’s ques tion might concern the consequences af the celatianship 8-+C. But the anthropalogsst’s ap- proach must also examine the relationshin AC, and consider the structure as a whole? As well as sustaining an exchange retationship with an outside intermediary, anather im portant aspect of the communication trad is that it maintains the separation between host and spirit. Were hast end spiritto regularly communicate directly between each ather, theit distinctiveness would be broken down. By delivering its messages through a third party, the spirit atcempts to shield the hast from being impticated as an accessory to the generation of the spirt’s messages. Ta the degree that such separation between hast and spirit is main- tained, the spirit cannot only say things to the hast, but ean say and do things that would be impossible or unthinkable for the host to say and do, such as making unilateral demands ot publicly challenging or scoming the host's spouse, relatives, or curer. Such freedom of ex: ‘pression is further enhanced by the fact that hast and spirit ate feequently of the opposite sex. Amale spirit in a female host (by far the most frequent combination, as | have noted) sneaks with the authority and prerogatives of a male, in contexts in which it might be inap- propriate for women to speak or act, and in which their male listeners might otherwise lose face Possession thus allows for the coexistence of mutually incompatible ideotagies (cor ‘cerning the status of women, for example), without thereby overtly violating either one.* A {good example of this sare of incompatibility is provided in the text by the statement of Mize Bunu to the effect that, while Mohedja isa very competent curer, she does not like to prac- tice her art. It would seem that Tumbu constrains his wife's activities, while Mze Bunu wishes she would be more active. The disagreement expressed by Mze Bunu indicates that these censions ate psychic 2s well as social, butt also suggests that Moheda may be work Ing towards their resolution through the activities and speech of her spin, and through the developrrent of its male-to-male relationship (see below on this point) with Tumba. In this Content, itis nat only a third party who mediates between Mohedia and he spit, but the spirit who mediates between Mohedia and her husband These points will become clearer with further examples. Far the moment, it should be ‘marked that while vituslly anyone can take, or can be asked to accept, the role of C (as | did in the account abovel, the most important intermediaries are the host's curer [and fre= quently the curer’s own spirit) and spouse ar close relations. These individuals generally enter into long-term exchange relationships with the host and spirit, ‘Communication is a major theme of che curing process; that is, of the development of a stable and mutually satisfactory relationship between host and spirit. In fact, an important aim of the cure ts the development of the spit’ verbal (and social} coherence and articue lateness, At fist, the spirit causes the host pain without being able or willing to state the reasons why. Gradually the spirit moves from sheieking, gasping, coughing, crving and stut tering ta clear speech, and then from ambiguous or incangruous remarks and tartured or circuitous argument to rational discussion. The spirit learns ta listen to others and ta speak its own thoughts so that the others will understand in turn. The spitit also becomes more ‘open concerning the topics about which it 1s willing ta converse. The declaration of its 322 amerlean ethnologietname marks a watershed in the relationship. Some spirits, such 28 Mze Bunu in his relation ship with Mohedja and her family, eventually become so communicative that they rise on thei own accord to dispense warnings and sdvice While the curing process is described as a matter of negotiating the relationship between spirit and hast, in fact, the exchange is not so direct. The spurt must interact with the hosts Proxies, and itis with these individuals, as well as with the host that relationships develop, as the cure progresses. These proxies ate of twa sors. They include, on the ane hand, the ccurer or curers: on the other hand, they include the host's snonsors, who keep a watch over the proceedings and contribute on the host’ hehalf the material goods demanded by the spirit. The main sponsor is generally the host's spouse He is expected ta shoulder the ex penses of the cure. Ip unusual circumstances, ie. if the spouse is t00 poor oF toa dis interested to give much help, the host's immediate family —her patents, siblings, or adult children —takes on the major responsibility. Spirts rarely possess unmarried gts, should they do so. they are unlikely ta become demanding and troublesome until after the gil is married. ‘The sponsors may be referred to as the “therapy managing group” Janzen 1978), ond are involved in all parts of the curing process. & curer will not hegin a cure unless he or she is satisfied thet the sponsors accent the fact that the patient really has a spite, and that the -coremanies are necessary f she isto be cured. The sponsors should he present atthe initia discussions with the spirit, and they watch or assist as the curer attempts to convince the spirit to make its presence and its demands known. They are involved in arguing dosen the demands, and in decisions cancerning scheduling. During the major ceremonies, which at tract aumerous spirits risen in ather people, as well as crowds of the nanpostessed, the spouse or ather relatives wilt welcame the human guests, make sure they are properly fed, ‘and generally keep an eye on things. Meanwhile, the host and the curer are mostly in a trance and are preoccupied with the details of the cure. In this way, a husband establishes the hasis for a retationship with the spirit possessing his wife spirit and spouse: four cases ‘The nature of the relationship between spirit and spouse is not inevitable, nor is the ‘course of its development necessarily smooth, Possession establishes 2 system of commu nication and provides a model for the interralationships of those who participate init but, It determines neither the transmission nor reception of particular messages, nor, therefore, the nature or quatity of the relationships established. An examination of the following four ‘cases will allow us to say something about both the model that possession proposes and the actual sorts of relations which are engendered vnrough it 68801 (informant: Mohed|a.) Many years ago, upon the birth of her first child, Mohedja (Figure 1) fell very sick and lay in bed for six months; during much of that time she was Gelrious. No one was able to cure her, and she felt sure she was going to die, Finally. the ‘case was diagnosed as spinit possession, and the curer was able to call up Mohedja’s spirit (out her into trance] and perform the first stage of the cure. In the presence of Mohedia’s husband, Tumby, the spitit demanded a red goat for its major curing ceremony. Mohedia’s health improved, and she was saon able ta recommence work in the fields, Aut Tumba iy noted the request ofthe spit In those days he did not yethave a spitithimself, and he was just not interested in them After about « year, Mohedja began to feel sick again, although not in the same way a8 before. Tumbu refused to hold the ceremony, and Mohedja grew sicker. Finally, in frst ‘spirit possession as communication 323tion, Mahedia lit some incense and addressed a message to the spirit, saying it was bother- ing the wrong person. She, herself, didn’t have the means to hold the ceremony, and her husband was refusing to help. IF the spirit really wanted its ceremony held, chen it should fo and bother Tumbu. Tumbu immediately fell very sick; after a couple of days, but without telling his wife, he went to consulta diviner. Using astrological tables, the diviner tald Tumbu that it as his broken promise to his wife's spicit that was making him sick. That same day Tumbu went toa neighboring village and bought a large, red goat. When Mohed: Ja saw the goat, she was really astonished that her trick had worked. Mohedja and Tumbu then went off together to the curer to start proceedings for the ceremony. When the spit ‘of the curer rose, Tumbu also asked for reassurance that he didn’t need any medicine himself The spit assured him that holding his wife's spirit’s ceremony would be enough case Il Shefu and Shamsia (Figure 2) are a married couple. A few years ago, when Shefu as pethaps a little over forty, he took a second wife from the neighboring village of Sada, aiving Shamsia no advance waming of the matter. However, the second marriage only lasted a Few days. Hete ate three versions of what happened. Each of them was told to me in the absence of the other parties concemed version I: Shetu’s story Shefu saw a pretty divorcée in Sada and rartied her. He says ‘that Islam permits up to four simultaneous marriages if a man can properly suppart each of his wives, and he felt that he was finally in 2 position to be able to support two. However, when he announced the mattiage to Shamsia che teacted in a totally unreasonable (if ‘culturally quite typical] fashion, saying that sha wasn't going to put up with being a cowwite 1s far as she was concerned, Shefu had to make a choice between them. Shefu tried t0 eason with her, and he tried to wait aut her anger, but all to no avail. After some reflection, Shefu realized that his life centered around his home village: all his children were there, ‘and so were his interests, If Shamsia expelled him from her household, he would lose his home base. Reluctantly, he gave up his second wite He does tell me jokingly, however, that were Ito give him the money, he would make a second marriage again, he has several prospects already in mind, version il: Shamsia's story Shamsia says that atthough Shefu did not tell her of his plans to take a second wife, she knew anyway but kept silent. Then he went away to Sada for theee days. Upon his retumn she made 2 big fuss, telling him he should have stayed in Sada and not come back. At this time, her young daughter and grandson were both sick, and she toak them to the French hospital on the other side of the istand and stayed there fot four or five days. Shefu spent this time with his new wite. Shamsia was Furious with his neglect of the sick children, and when he returned home they had 2 long argument. Even their teenage son wes very angry with his father. In the end, Shefu agreed to give up the new wife. Shamsia laughs a lot eelling the story, has a keen memory for all the details, and continues to muse over it for the rest of the day. When | asked her i she thought Shefu would ever ty to marty again, she seemed a bit uncertain. But she said he knew what he could expect: she did not want to share a husband, and would divorce him Fig. 2. Relationship among individuals and the sprit im case 1 224 american ethnologist