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The Study of Religious Freedom in Indonesia
The Study of Religious Freedom in Indonesia
To cite this article: Robert W. Hefner (2013) THE STUDY OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN INDONESIA, The
Review of Faith & International Affairs, 11:2, 18-27, DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2013.808038
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THE STUDY OF RELIGIOUS
FREEDOM IN INDONESIA
By Robert W. Hefner
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S
ince the early 1950s, the study of ferocious opposition from Muslim parties, the
religious politics and state–religion country also developed the largest communist
relations has been central to academic party in the non-communist world (Mortimer
research on Indonesia. Although it is 1974). In late 1965, Indonesia turned sharply
only in the past decade that research has been rightward in the aftermath of a failed left-wing
explicitly reframed in relation to ideas of officers coup, which had been supported by some
religious freedom, issues directly relevant to the in the communist leadership. From 1966 to May
topic have long figured in studies of Indonesian 1998, a staunchly anti-communist, “New Order”
politics, constitutionalism, and religious regime governed the country, under the
violence. The significance of this research for the leadership of the former army general,
comparative study of religious freedom lies in Muhammad Suharto. The New Order
the way in which it shows that efforts to government implemented social and economic
promote religious freedom must take into programs that, while repressing political and
account competing models of human religious freedoms, nonetheless catapulted the
flourishing and, more specifically, non-liberal country from the ranks of the global poor to a
and non-secularist understandings of religion solidly middle-tier developing country. In the
and state (cf. Bhargava 2011; Casanova 2011; aftermath of Suharto’s overthrow in May 1998,
Stepan 2011). Indonesia’s “Reformation” (Reformasi)
Part of the reason religion-and-state issues governments lifted state controls on the media
have loomed so large in Indonesia has to do with and labor, decentralized power, and introduced
this Southeast Asian country’s demographic the first free elections since 1957. The results of
realities. With a population of 240 million these elections have been notable for their
people, 88.1 percent of whom are Muslim, ideological moderation (Mietzner 2008; Ufen
Indonesia is the largest Muslim-majority country 2008).
in the world. But the more basic reason these What has ensured that matters of religion-
questions have figured in Indonesian Studies has and-state remained prominent in academic
to do with the zig-zag shifts in this country’s discussions of Indonesia is that, although not
politics, and the challenges these changes have always decisive, religious disputes played a role in
posed for religious tolerance, social freedoms, and each of these transitions. Since the founding of
citizenship.
In the years following its declaration of
Robert W. Hefner is the Director of the Institute on Culture, Religion, and
independence in August 1945, Indonesia passed
World Affairs at Boston University and former President of the Association for
through a series of tumultuous political Asian Studies. He guest edited the fall 2012 issue of The Review of Faith and
transitions. In the early 1950s, Indonesia had an International Affairs, a special issue on shari’a, democracy, and human
open and free parliamentary democracy; despite rights.
18 | volume 11, number 2 (summer 2013) © 2013 Institute for Global Engagement
robert w. hefner
disputes have not remained stable either in disputes pit conservative Islamists against the
numbers or outlook. Especially, since the Islamic Christian minority (9.3 percent of the
resurgence of the 1980s and 1990s (Hefner 1987, population) and the proponents of non-standard
2011a; Kim 1996; Rossler 1997), the number of varieties of Islam, especially Ahmadis and Shi‘a
Indonesian Muslims identifying as religiously (who together comprise less than one percent of
observant has increased greatly. Once home to the country’s population). These unsettled
one of the Muslim world’s largest communities of circumstances raise questions about the future of
heterodox and/or secular Muslims (Hefner religious freedom in Indonesia; they have also
2011a; Lombard 1990; Ricklefs 2012), studies given rise to a new wave of research since 1999 on
show that Indonesia today is marked by some of Islam, democracy, and religious freedom.
the highest levels of religious observance among
Muslims (Hassan 2002). However, the country’s Religion and Democracy on Trial
deepening Islamization has not increased the In the years following Indonesian
electoral fortunes of Islamist parties. As piety has independence, most of the research on religion
surged, the popularity of Islamist parties has was not directly concerned with liberal and/or
actually declined (Mujani and Liddle 2007). human-rights-based measures of religious
Notwithstanding the moderation freedom, but with a closely related political
demonstrated by the Muslim electorate since question: whether an effectively civic framework
1999, outbreaks of violence against Ahmadis, could be developed for managing Indonesia’s
Christians, Shia Muslims, and other religious religious and ethnic diversity in the face of
minorities have increased dramatically since growing electoral competition (see Geertz 1960,
Indonesia’s democratic opening. A small portion 1965). Indonesia has more than 300 ethnic
of the violence has been perpetrated by terrorist groups, and, although Islam is the majority
extremists, some of whom identify with religion, the country has (or once had) dozens of
al-Qa‘ida’s model of international jihad. minority religions, as well as groups professing
However, since 2002, the Indonesian opposed and even syncretic varieties of Islam
government has conducted one of the most (Atkinson 1987; Beatty 1999; Bowen 1993;
effective anti-terror campaigns in the world, and Cederroth 1997; Nourse 1999).
public support for terrorist jihad is minimal. The Earlier, in the face of this teaming diversity,
greatest portion of the anti-minority violence has Dutch colonialism developed a religious
been carried out, not by terrorist groups, but by administration premised on, not liberal ideals of
Islamist “anti-vice” (Ind., anti-maksiat) militias religious freedom, but top-down surveillance and
determined to promote their own vision of public control, especially of observant Muslims.
morality, one premised on a decidedly anti- Convinced that pious Muslims, and especially
pluralist model of religious freedom. Although those associated with Islamic boarding schools
(madrasas, known locally as pesantren; see Dhofier active in the promotion of learning and piety (see
1999; Bruinessen 1994) were more likely to Federspiel 1970; Kahin 2012). During their three
oppose European rule than their more nominally and one-half year occupation (1942–1945), the
Islamic counterparts, the Dutch discouraged Japanese introduced a new Office of Religious
pilgrimage to the Middle East (Kartodirdjo 1972; Affairs (the Shumubu), as well as an Indonesian
Laffan 2003). They also required Islamic teachers Muslim Consultative Council (Masyumi),
to be licensed, suppressed political varieties of thereby providing Muslims with the first
Islam, and, departing from their earlier institutional realization of their aspirations
indifference, launched programs for Christian (Benda 1983).
conversion among non-Muslims so as to From the early twentieth century onward,
diminish the likelihood of native subjects rallying Indonesia also had a handful of activists
against their colonial overlords under the banner advocating an “assertive secularist” (to borrow
of Islam (see Aragon 2000; Steenbrink 1993). Ahmet Kuru’s phrase; see Kuru 2009) separation
The Dutch legacy had a lasting illiberal influence of religion and state, in which religion is defined
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who should have the authority to determine its version of which continues to regulate Indonesian
meanings), multiconfessional nationalists argued religious affairs today. Article 29 states that, “The
that giving the state an Islamic basis would only state shall guarantee freedom for every citizen to
encourage the Christian minority in eastern embrace any religion or belief and to practice
Indonesia to secede (see Aragon 2000; Chauvel religious duties in conformity with that religion
1990). The nationalists were also keenly aware or belief.”
that proclaiming an Islamic state would alienate As a number of scholars have observed (Butt
the many secular and nominal Muslims who and Lindsay 2012, 223–249; Salim 2008),
preferred nationalist, socialist, and Marxist Article 29 was deeply ambiguous as to the terms
political ideals to those of Islamism. for its implementation. For conservative Muslim
After weeks of bitter argument, Sukarno, the activists, section 2 of Article 29 can be interpreted
most influential nationalist leader (and non-liberally, so as to restrict freedom of religious
Indonesia’s first president), proposed a expression to citizens who profess a “religion”
compromise in June 1945, according to which (Ind., agama, see Atkinson 1987; Picard 2011)
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the country’s ideological foundation would be recognized by the Ministry of Religion. At the
the “Five Principles” urging of Muslim parties, the
(Pancasila). What eventually Ministry had been established
became the first of these ONE CHALLENGE FACED BY on January 3, 1946. If the
principles affirmed that the PROPONENTS OF RELIGIOUS clause is interpreted in this
basis of the Indonesian state FREEDOM IS THAT THE restrictive manner, the state is
was “Belief in God with the DEFINITION OF WHAT authorized to determine just
obligation to carry out the who has a “religion” and who
Islamic shari‘a for Muslim QUALIFIES AS “RELIGION” IN does not. Indonesia’s
adherents.” However, the day DIFFERENT FAITH AND Christians, and, even more
after the Indonesian ETHICAL TRADITIONS VARIES forcefully, its Buddhists,
declaration of independence Hindus, and practitioners of
on August 17, 1945, traditional religions and new
nationalist leaders removed the reference to the religious movements (the latter having
state’s obligation to implement Islamic law, proliferated in the period from the 1930s to the
replacing it with a vague declaration that the state early 1960s; see Geels 1997; Hefner 2011a)
was based on “Belief in the Oneness of God” countered that the state’s provisions for religious
(Ind., Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa). Although freedom should extend to all varieties of
Belief in One God could be interpreted as an religion. In the 1950s, supporters of Indonesia’s
Indonesian variation on the Islamic theological religious minorities, especially in the Indonesian
principle of tawhid (God’s unicity or oneness), Nationalist Party (the largest vote-getter in the
the shift in phrasing was seen as a betrayal in 1955 elections), lent their support to efforts to
Muslim circles. The question of the suitability of secure equal state recognition for minority faiths
the Pancasila for the proper administration of (Hefner 1987).
religion and religious freedom has remained a By contrast, however, the Ministry of
point of contention in Islamist and nationalist Religion—staffed primarily by observant
debates to this day (Salim 2008). Muslims with ties to the country’s huge Muslim
Although at the time it disappointed Muslim social welfare organizations—insisted that Article
leaders, studies have shown that the Pancasila’s 2’s provisions on religious freedom extended only
first principle did provide Muslims with a to those five or six faiths acknowledged by the
“normative basis for steering the state toward a state as agama (Picard 2011). From this
more Islamized form” (Ropi 2012, 97). The perspective, the Indonesian example provides an
“Ketuhanan” principle was given further important general lesson on religious freedom:
legislative force when it was included in Article 29 that one challenge faced by proponents of
of Indonesia’s 1945 constitution, a revised religious freedom is that the definition of what
qualifies as “religion” in different faith and ethical recently been recognized as a matter of critical
traditions varies. The definition of religion also importance for the politics of religious freedom in
varies in different systems of nation-state other parts of the world (Bhargava 2011; Kuru
regulation, including those in Europe (see Fox and Stepan 2012).
2008, 105–139). On January 27, 1965, President Sukarno
From 1950 until the rise of the New Order responded to the growing animosity between
regime in 1965–1966, the debate continued as to Muslim and spiritual groupings by issuing a
the proper understanding of these constitutional Presidential edict on “Religious Defamation,” an
provisions on religious freedom. Revisions to the adjusted version of which remains in force to this
constitution in 1950 authorized even greater state day (see Human Rights Watch (HRW) 2013).
intervention in religious affairs, ostensibly in the The edict, reissued as a law in 1969, identified
interests of religious harmony (Ropi 2012, 100). religious defamation as a threat to national
A government decree in 1951 made religious security and prohibited all varieties of religion
study compulsory in state schools (Hefner 2009; that deviate from the state-approved tenets of
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Ropi 2012, 126). In 1952, the Ministry of agama (Ind., “religion”). The act also provided de
Religion established a special desk dedicated to facto recognition of six religions (Islam,
combating new religious movements, known in Protestant Christianity, Catholicism, Hinduism,
Indonesian as aliran kebatinan (lit., “interiorist Buddhism, and Confucianism) while implying
spirituality streams”; see Geels 1997; Stange that, because they were not true “religions,” the
1986). New spiritual movements of this sort were country’s ethnic religions and spiritualist
proliferating across Indonesia, especially on the groupings enjoyed few if any legal protections.
island of Java (Hefner 1987, 2011a). As far as The state’s commitment to religious harmony, as
most observant Muslims were concerned, the defined (primarily) by Muslim and at least some
movements were not “religions” (agama) at all, Christian groupings, undercut a more robustly
but deviationists “beliefs” undeserving of state pluralistic commitment to religious freedom.
recognition. Known today by its acronym of
PAKEM (Supervisory Body of Local Beliefs in Freedom and Repression in the New
Society), this special desk has continued to serve Order and Reformasi Eras
as a state-based bureau for the surveillance and The study of state–society relations and
suppression of religious groupings identified as religious freedom assumed a more central
deviating from a proper profession of agama. position in scholarship on Indonesia during the
As Lev (1996) and other researchers on the “New Order” (1966–1998) and “Reformasi”
pre-1966 period have pointed out, these (1998-today) periods. The issues moved to the
developments consolidated and centralized the foreground during the New Order era because
administration of religious affairs in Indonesia, the military-dominated regime imposed
thereby providing “a critical foothold pending the draconian restrictions on religious life, typically in
further Islamization of Indonesia” (Lev 1972, the name of national security. By contrast, in the
47). Studies of Indonesian politics from the same Reformasi period following Suharto’s resignation
period, including works by Feith (1962) and in May 1998, questions of religious freedom
Geertz (1960, 1965, 1973) highlighted how moved to the foreground, not because of the
competition among political parties led to heavy hand of the state (although the state
growing tensions between Islamist and left- remains extensively involved in religious affairs),
nationalist groupings in society, as well as but because of outbreaks of ethnoreligious
pressures for growing state control of religious violence, as well as, more generally, the rise of
expression. These studies illustrate the difficulty Islamist groupings opposed to liberal and pluralist
of securing religious freedom where an operating models of religious freedom.
consensus on just what constitutes religion, and The New Order regime emerged in the
on the terms for balancing religious freedom and aftermath of a failed leftwing officers’ coup in
societal cohesion, is lacking. This same issue has Jakarta the night of October 1, 1965. Over the
months that followed, conservative officers in the 2010). In the Reformasi era, these clauses have
armed forces worked with religion-based militias been cited by militant Islamists to justify their
to arrest and neutralize activists associated with efforts, sometimes violent, to bring about the
the Indonesian Communist Party, which over the closing or destruction of Christian churches.
previous six years had blossomed into the Drawing on information gathered by the
country’s largest political party (Kammen and Indonesian Communion of (Protestant)
McGregor 2012). Although estimates vary, some Churches, HRW has reported that more than
500,000 people are thought to have been killed 430 churches have been attacked since 2004
(Cribb 1990; Robinson 1995). In Java, victims (HRW 2013, 15).
were drawn disproportionately from the ranks of In the face of a strong prodemocracy
nominal Muslims and Javanist spiritualists. The movement as well as dissatisfaction among the
scale of the killings led some two million nominal military and political elite, President Suharto
Muslims to repudiate their faith, converting to stepped down on May 21, 1998. The Reformasi
Christianity or, in smaller numbers, Hinduism government that succeeded him implemented a
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(van Akkeren 1969; Hefner 1993; Lyon 1977). series of liberalizing reforms with regard to the
Once in power, the press, civic associations, labor
regime pushed through a unions, and the
series of laws intended to ISLAMIST GROUPINGS HAVE decentralization of power.
combat religious groupings BEEN ABLE TO EXERCISE AN Many democratic activists had
viewed as sympathetic to INFLUENCE IN PUBLIC LIFE FAR looked forward to a parallel
communism. The GREATER THAN THEIR ACTUAL liberalization of state policies
government banned dozens of with regard to religion. Some
mystical groups. At the same NUMBERS IN SOCIETY controls on religion were
time, it refused to rehabilitate lifted, including the
a reformist Muslim political party (the Masyumi) requirement that all faith-based associations
accused of involvement in regional revolts in the recognize the New Order State’s “Five Principles”
late 1950s. In 1969, the government (Pancasila) as their “sole foundation” (asas
strengthened the provisions of the 1965 edict on tunggal). However, the more open political
religious defamation. In a gesture that was well environment also allowed for militant Islamists—
received in Muslim circles, the regime also made who won only a small share of the vote in national
state-standardized religious education mandatory elections—to jockey for influence on regional
in all schools, and established a network of religious councils, not least the semi-
Islamic colleges to train teachers for the Islamic governmental “Council of Indonesian Ulama”
portion of the state’s educational program. (Majelis Ulama Indonesia; MUI). The latter
In the aftermath of complaints about organization had been created in 1975 to provide
Christian missionizing in Muslim communities a bridge between the government and Islamic
(complaints sparked in part by Christian success scholars (Ichwan 2005, 2013). From these
at winning converts in communities that had institutional perches, Islamist groupings have
suffered most severely during the 1965–1966 been able to exercise an influence in public life far
violence), in 1969 the government issued a “Joint greater than their actual numbers in society
Decree on Places of Worship” that made the right (Bruinessen 2013).
to build places of worship subject to the written The growing influence of anti-liberal and
permission of the local government anti-pluralist ideas in conservative Muslim circles
(Mujiburrahman 2006, 59–60). In many regions, was amply demonstrated in July 2005, when the
the permit-granting process was also made subject Council of Indonesian Ulama issued several
to the approval of 90 families in the community fatwas widely seen as attacking the country’s civil-
where the house of worship was to be built. The democratic Muslims. In blunt and
1969 law was revised in 2006 and these local- uncompromising language, the Council referred
approval provisions were strengthened (Crouch to “secularism, liberalism, and pluralism” as
arguments in support of religious freedom Islamists. The latter will claim that such ideas are
(Abdillah 1997; Hefner 2011b; Suaedy, Azhari, “Western” or “liberal” and antithetical to Islam.
and Samsul Fata 2010). In contemporary Islamic The Indonesian example reminds us that, even
ethical thought, such religious arguments are where only a small minority subscribes to such
often enunciated in relation to what is known in views, if that minority is ideologically dedicated
Muslim jurisprudence as the “higher aims of the and well-organized, it can exercise an influence
shari‘a” (maqasid as-sharia). The maqasid can be greatly disproportionate to its representation in
interpreted in anti-pluralist ways. However, the society.
work of global Muslim scholars like Fadl (2004) Finally, there is a broader lesson in the
and Ramadan (2009) provides a compelling Indonesian example, not least of all in relation to
example of a broader trend in contemporary the example of small groups of militants able to
Muslim ethics and law, including that here in project such a commanding influence on the
Indonesia: the invocation of the higher aims of public stage. It is that in Muslim-majority
the shari‘a to provide a religious rationale for countries like Indonesia, the strongest rationale
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democracy, religious freedom, and pluralist for religious freedom may be, not liberal
tolerance. Without the dissemination and public affirmations of individual autonomy, but the
acceptance of such religiously based rationales, conviction that, without freedom, religion itself
policies promoting religious freedom are risks being corrupted at the hands of self-
vulnerable to delegitimation by conservative appointed defenders of the faith. v
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