ContentServer - Asp 5

Running Head: Media Frames and Functions
Stages of a Crisis and Media Frames and Functions:
U.S. TV Networks Coverage of the 9/11 Tragedy during the 24 Hours
A paper submitted to Journalism Studies Interest Group of
International Communication Association
For consideration for presentation
October 2004
Media Frames and Functions 1
Abstract
This study examined how five U.S. television networks framed 9/11 incident in their
news coverage during the 24 hours and how stage of crisis affected coverage frames and media
functions in a crisis as the unfolding events brought media attention to new issues. The study
found that stages of a crisis was an important factor in determining coverage frames and media
functions. Media served primarily as a source of information about the crisis in the early stages
rather than guidance and consolation in the crisis. The magnitude of the crisis and the uncertainty
during the early stages of a crisis limited media in using government officials as sources and the
influence of government officials was found to be not as strong as they were expected in a crisis
situation involving national interest. Human interest as a story frame was not found to be
dominant during this early stage of coverage, and rose as a major frame during the later stages of
the coverage.
Keywords: framing, media function, social utility, stage of crisis, national interest, terrorist
attack, human interest, content analysis

Stages of a Crisis and Media Frames and Functions:
U.S. TV Networks Coverage of The 9/11 Incident during the First Eight Hours
Much research has been devoted to determining how news media frame information so
that it affects audience understanding and interpretation of issues. A number of studies also
looked at media functions under a variety of situations. The series of events on September 11,
2001, when continuous television coverage of the most aggressive terrorist attack on America to
date began within seconds of the initial plane crash into the World Trade Center, posed a unique
opportunity to understand how television networks handled coverage in a situation in which they
were thrust without warning. This study examined how television networks covered a crisis
when the national interest was at stake. It looked specifically at how television networks framed
911 incident during the 24 hours, the functions that media performed in a crisis situation of
unprecedented magnitude, and how stage of crisis affected coverage frames and media functions
as the unfolding events brought media attention to new issues.
Media Reliance and Functions in a Crisis
When the social order is seriously disrupted, people usually desire more information than
the media can provide (Neal, 1998). Selecting examples from crisis situations that have been
studied extensively including the assassination of President Kennedy in 1963 and the war in
Israel 1973, Doris Graber concluded that during crises, the public becomes almost totally
dependent on the media for news that may be vital for survival and for important messages from
public and private authorities. They look to the media for information, explanations and
interpretations (1980, p.228). When discussing media coverage of the Kennedy assassination,
Schramm (1965) noted that the public uncertainty about the future of the U.S. government
resulted in greater need for interpretation, explanation and consolation. The National Research
Council Committee on Disasters and the Mass Media postulated that the press had the following
functions during a crisis: 1) warning of predicted or impending disasters; 2) conveying
information to officials, relief agencies and the public; 3) charting the progress of relief and
recovery; 4) dramatizing lessons learned for purpose of future preparedness; 5) taking part in
long term public education programs and 6) defining slow-onset problems as crises or disasters
(1978, p.10).
Researchers claim that the media have a multiplicity of functions, depending on the needs
of the audience. For example, Dominick (1996) states that the media, apart from transmitting
information, also have a “social utility” function. “Social utility” refers to the use of the media to
fulfill needs other than the need for information. According to the “social utility function”
approach, it is assumed that people need companionship and emotional support and that the
media can provide them in the absence of other human beings.
Reynolds and Barnett (2003) examined what role reporters played in the unfolding
breaking news coverage of the terrorism attacks and how a change in traditional reporting
routines might affect the type of information that broadcast journalists disseminate. They argued,
when dealing with breaking news, journalists do not have time to use traditional reporting
routines to verify information. They found journalists who covered the breaking news of the
September 11 terrorist attacks used multiple roles to deliver information The content of breaking
news reported live was fundamentally different than the content of news stories that were
produced with more time to check for violations of journalistic conventions.
Graber’s suggestion that there are three stages of crisis coverage by media seems to echo
media functions (1980, p. 229). During the first stage, media is the prime source not only for the
general public, but also for the public officials concerned with the crisis. Its key roles are to
describe what has happened and to help coordinate the relief work. Its top priority is to get
accurate information, which, even if it is bad news, relieves uncertainty and calms people. (p.
233-234). In the second stage, media coverage of events focuses on making sense out of the
situation. Plans are formulated and implemented to address the needs of the victims and to repair
the damage. Graber suggested that the third stage overlaps with the first two. In an effort to
provide context, the role of media is to place the crisis in a larger, longer-term perspective.
Media frame of crisis
Frame analysis is the most common approach while dealing with media content. Frame
analysis is based on the assumption that journalists filter information in ways that affect an
audience’s understanding or interpretation of issues, stories or events (Lowrey, p. 327). By
selecting out facts from a continuous flow of information, journalists have the ability to influence
attitudes, beliefs and behavior in a number of ways that include emphasizing specific issues or
events over others, determining the order of presentation, using repetition and determining the
nature of support for information. Nimmo and Combs (1985) have studied television coverage of
national crises by examining programs about the Peoples Temple, Three Mile Island, Flight 191,
Mount St. Helens, Hostages in Iran and the Tylenol poisonings. They found that news provided
information, but it was also presented from a point of view in ways that changed the viewer’s
understanding or interpretation of events and evoked emotions (pp. 17-18). McCombs and Shaw
(1997) concluded that media direct our attention to specific events and issues by providing
information about them. Taking this a step further, others found that media use a “narrow range
of perspectives” or “frames” that help people organize and understand news information
(McCombs and Shaw, 1997). These frames provide a way to think and talk about events and
issues. Entman (1991, p. 52), for example, described this process as selecting “ . . . some aspects
of a perceived reality and [making] them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as
to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or
treatment recommendation for the item described.” Framing, then, can be described as a “story
angle or hook”; it is “the central organizing idea or story line that provides meaning to an
unfolding strip of events and weaves a connection among them” (Gamson, 1993, p.15).
These frames help journalists prioritize information in terms of what seems to be relevant
and newsworthy and create agendas. From another perspective, using frames helps the receiver
of the news interpret and evaluate information by making it familiar (Norris, 1995, p. 259).
Examples of common frames are the horse race frame used in political races, the black/white
racial frame that often surfaces in riot coverage and the dictatorship/democracy frame used in
foreign policy discussions (p. 357). According to Iyengar, the episodic frame, or presenting an
individual, stand-alone news story, is more common than the use of thematic frame (1993).
Entman noted that key words, sources and sentences form thematic clusters (p. 6-27). These
frames develop primarily at the site of the reporter-source relationship, where (eventual)
agreement on the nature of the story between the two is assumed.
Framing analysis usually has three approaches: the effect of journalistic norms, values, or
organizational structures; actual news content; and the effects of news frames on the public’s
understanding of issues or events (Norris, p. 360). This study is interested in exploring the
second of these approaches. A number of studies have focused on news content and how it is
framed (Entman, 1993; Fico et al., 2001; Iyengar, 1993; Nacos, 1994; Norris, 1995; Pan et al.,
1993; Tewksbury et al., 2000; Ungar, 1998). Nacos analyzed the content of CBS Evening News
and The New York Times’ terrorism coverage of the Iranian hostage crisis, the TWA hijacking,
the Achille Lauro highjacking, the American air raids on Libya, and the destruction of Pan Am
flight 103 (1994). Ungar (1998), Herzog (2000), Simon (1993), and Entman (1991) analyzed
news stories about crises. Network coverage of international news has also been studied
extensively (Gonzenbach et al., 1992; Larson, 1984; Norris, 1995; Entman, 1991). These studies
and others found that news themes and issues changed over time; emphasis on a theme or issue
could be determined by number, length and story order, and that certain common themes were
used to frame the coverage of news (Norris, 1995, p. 361). In addition, Ungar’s research
indicated that media could shift framing strategies from presenting frightening information to a
containment or calming approach when “dread-inspiring events are developing in unpredictable
and potentially threatening ways” (Ungar, 1998, p. 36).
The research also seems to indicate that four issue frames are more common than others:
the conflict frame, the human interest frame, the responsibility frame and the economic frame
(Valkenburg et al, 1999, p. 551). Iyengar (1987, 1989, 1991) examined television newscasts’
presentation of five issues: crime, terrorism, poverty, unemployment, and racial inequality. He
concluded that networks framed newscasts in episodic or thematic terms by “[depicting] public
issues in the form of concrete instances or specific events.” He found that “a relationship
between media frames and audience frames is strongly contingent upon the issue under study”
(Iyengar, 1993, p. 369). Shoemaker and Reese (1996, p.5) discovered that five factors may
influence how journalists frame an issue: social norms and values, organizational pressures and
constraints, pressures of interest groups, journalistic routines, and ideological or political
orientations of journalists. Semetko and Valkenburg (1999) used content analysis to determine
how news related to politics or political themes in Europe were framed (p. 550-567). Their
findings indicated that the responsibility frame was the frame most frequently used, followed by
the conflict frame. Economic and human interest frames were significantly lower in use. Frames
were influenced by a variety of factors including organizational constrains and media routine.
Other studies have examined the role of sources in framing (Andsager, 1999; Nacos,
1994; Colby and Cook, 1991). After analyzing the press’s role in reporting terrorism (Iran
hostage crisis 1979-81, TWA hijacking in 1985, hijacking of Achille Lauro in 1985), Nacos
made the case that media used different methods when covering an anti-American terrorist act
than when covering other foreign policy issues. Rather than relying on traditional administrative
sources, media called on a variety of sources including terrorists and their allies, families of the
victims, and critics of the establishment (Nacos, 1994). In their examination of nightly news
coverage, Colby and Cook found that “ . . .the typical AIDS story tended less to sensationalize
than to reassure, largely because journalists depended on government officials and high-ranking
doctors to present them with evidence of news” (1991).
The selection of issues and the emphasis they receive tend to differ among media, but all
forms of media include information on the principal issues (Lowery, p. 341). In their study of
the coverage of national politics, Shaw and McComb (1997) found that, “For the most part, we
know only those aspects of national politics considered newsworthy enough for transmission
through the mass media” (p.7). Larson (1984) and others have conducted a systematic content
analysis of network news and found no significant difference in the coverage of international
news among the major networks; this research, however, does not include CNN and FOX News.
Gerbner’s content analyses of selected network fall prime-time and Saturday-morning
programming in 1967-68 found that the three networks (ABC, CBS, and NBC) differed in the
amount of violent programming (1969, p. 327). The Media Institute (1983) conducted a content
analysis of evening news coverage of the tax-increase 1982 bill and found that there were
significant differences between the business and economic coverage of CNN and the other
networks while there were no significant differences when evaluating news priority.
The studies that we have reviewed indicated that coverage frames would be affected by a
variety of factors. A crisis situation may lead journalists to assume different roles and news
content may be fundamentally different from coverage under routine. While the findings of these
studies offer insight to the coverage pattern of some important issues and under the situation of a
crisis, there still left much to be understood about media coverage under crisis situations. One of
the major flaws in the frame analysis of the news coverage was that most of the studies examined
the coverage frame from a static view. That is, the coverage frames were considered constant
throughout the covering process. As an event unfolds and news coverage proceeds, the situation
around the news event changes too. It is the journalistic norm to gather information about new
development of the event and change story angle or story focus accordingly. Instead of keeping
invariable coverage frames, journalists could introduce or change news frames to suit the needs.
However, few of these studies looked at the media framing of important events with a dynamic
view by integrating the variable stage of crisis, let alone used more than one television network
in their research paradigm. This study introduces stage of crisis as a key factor affecting the
frame of coverage and proposes that media frames are dynamic instead of being static throughout
the coverage of events and issues.
This study also looks at media functions in a crisis situation involving national interest.
Media are used mainly as source of information in a crisis situation. According to “social utility”
function, media fulfill needs other than the need for information. In the early stages of a crisis,
media could also serve as a consoling and guiding source. As the events unfold, media may
perform their social utility function variably during the different stages of a crisis.
While government sources normally dominate the news coverage of events involving
national interest, with the magnitude of a disaster like 911, the government officials might not be
able to get as much information as they expected and were also searching for information for
taking appropriate action, it is expected that the role of government sources could be weakened
in the early stage of a crisis situation like 911.
The possible changes in coverage frames, media functions and government officials used
as sources were all linked to stage of crisis. No studies were found to look at these key aspects of
media coverage in a crisis from a dynamic view based on stage of crisis. With previous research
supporting the hypothesis that frames develop primarily at the site of the reporter-source
relationship and given the chaotic environment during the first eight hours after 9/11 incident
took place, it is even more compelling to examine what reporters selected for broadcast coverage
in this unprecedented situation, and to what degree stage of crisis affected coverage frames and
media functions in a crisis situation involving national interest.
Based on the literature and previous research, we proposed the following hypotheses:
H1: Media coverage frame changes during the different stages of crisis.
H2: Media coverage shift focus on key issues during the different stages of a crisis.
H3: Media emphasize human interest in a crisis situation involving tragedy more than
other political and economic factors.
H4: Media rely on government sources as well as other sources in a crisis situation
involving national interest.
H5: Media serve as a guiding and consoling source instead of just an information source
in a crisis situation.
The study will also answer the following research questions:

RQ1: Is there a difference in coverage frame among the networks?
RQ2: Are certain sources relied upon more in one frame than another?
Method
This study used content analysis to examine the 24 hours of television network coverage
of the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001. Television
networks were chosen because television has been the dominant medium in informing the
American people about the terrorist attacks and the war on terrorism that followed (Stempel and
Hargrove, 2002). The news coverage of five network stations, ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN and FOX
News, was selected for content analysis. These networks were selected because of their
dominant status in television news coverage in the United States. They also include three
different types of television media: the established wireless television network, cable television
network and a relatively new, independent television network. The first eight hours were chosen
based on the following considerations: 1) the time period contains the most important stages of
the incident, 2) the time period contains the most intensive coverage of the incident, and 3) the
time period reflects changes in media coverage due to the rapid development of the incident.
The news content of the five television networks during the first 24 hours was acquired
through Vanderbilt University’s video library. A total of 2,647 stories were identified from the
24 hours of coverage, including 745 stories from ABC, 612 stories from CBS, 427 stories from
NBC, 657 stories from CNN and 206 stories for FOX News.
The study unit was a news story. A story was defined as a group of studio and field shots
that specifically address one topic or issue and run consecutively. The stories were identified
according to the basic building blocks: anchor reader, voice-overs, voice-overs with soundbites
and packages. Due to the unusual situation, news coverage sometimes ran without clear building
blocks. The following cues were then used to identify a story: when the anchor or reporter
changed the topic and started reporting on a different aspect of the event instead of mentioning
something briefly, and the coverage of the topic ran for a significant amount of time (at least 30
seconds). The actual stories identified ran from 30 seconds to 12 minutes.
The following key variables were coded:
Stage of coverage. The 24 hours of television coverage were divided into six time
periods: first stage, 8:48 am. to 11 a.m., when the disaster struck; second stage, 11 a.m. to 3 p.m.,
when media tried to make sense out of the situation; and third stage, 3 p.m. to 7 p.m., when the
media started to observe the event from a longer term perspective. The first three stages were
consistent with Graber's (1980) suggestions about the stages of crisis coverage. The later three
periods, 7 pm. to 12 am., 12 am. to 6 am. and 6 am. to 9 am. were the extension of stages three.
Content orientation. Determination of content orientation was based on whether the story
consisted primarily of 1) facts describing what is happening; 2) analysis of information, facts or
events; 3) consoling or comforting words to make the audience feel safe and secure; or 4)
guidance about what the audience needs to do.
Coverage frame. Following Entman’s (1991) definition, the coverage frame is defined as
the aspects of a perceived reality identified through a story that makes these aspects more salient
in the news coverage. The frame was identified through the story angle or story focus. For
example, if a story dealt with national security, government policy, or international relations, it
was considered to have a political frame; a story discussing economic impact had an economic
frame; a story reporting about human feeling, human well-being, family or love was considered
to have an human interest frame.

Topic. A topic was identified as the main subject of the story. The categories included:
World Trade Center, Pentagon, safety (concerning future attach), government and U.S. president,
criminal activity and terrorism, personal story, American public, U.S. Arab community, and past
events. In case more than one topic was observed, the topic that received the most attention in
the story was considered its topic. When multiple topics were addressed in one story, the story
was considered an overview.
Key issue. A key issue was defined as a point in question that was of special importance
in the news coverage, e.g., the problems, questions, or disputes discussed in the coverage. When
more than one issue was addressed, the main problem of the story was considered the key issue.
One such issue was the incident itself: what happened, when did it happen and where? Other
categories of key issues included: terrorism, U.S. government reactions, severity of disaster,
rescue efforts, safety concerns, economic impact, victims of the tragedy, Arab community in the
U.S., reactions from Muslims or Arabs outside U.S. and reactions from other parts of the
international community.
Source. A source was defined as a name of a person or an organization associated with
direct or indirect quotes in a story. We coded the types of sources that were associated with
direct or indirect quotes used in a story, e.g. government officials, witnesses, experts, airline
officials or the president.
Seven coders were trained using a unified coding protocol and by following the
procedures prescribed by Daniel Riffe et al. (1998). Ten percent of the coding content of CNN
and ABC was used for an intercoder reliability check. Scott's Pi was used to test the intercoder
reliability for nominal variables. The results of the test showed that intercoder reliability for the
nominal variables ranged from .78 to .96.1

Results
The television networks’ coverage during the 24 hours since 8:45 am of September 11,
2001 appeared to have similar patterns. Major topics that the news stories focused on were
World Trade Center (27.82%), presidential and government activity (14.25%), air traffic and
safety (11.3%), terrorism and criminal activity (9.86%), and the Pentagon (7.18%). Key issues
identified from the stories were: description of the incident (20.63%), severity of the disaster
(15.90%), terrorism (13.41%), safety concerns (12.58%) and U.S. government reaction
(12.01%).
Hypothesis 1, that coverage frames change during the different stages of crisis, was
supported. During the first stage, from 8:45 a.m. to 11:00 a.m., the coverage was framed
primarily as stories about the disaster (56.8%). Other stories were framed as political (14.8),
criminal and terrorism (12.5%) and safety concerns (8.95%). During the second stage of the
coverage, from 11:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m., the coverage framed as a disaster (37.8%) declined
dramatically. Political frame increased during the early stages of the coverage, rose from 14.8%
at 11:00 am to 28.5% at 3:00 pm, but continued to decrease until it reached the level of 12.2%
the next morning. Economy frame emerged in the later hours of the coverage, starting from 0.9
at 11:00 am, rose to 4.1% after the midnight. Safety frame increased significantly from 8.9% in
the earlier stages to 19% the next morning. Criminal and terrorism (11.6%) remained the same.
After 3:00 p.m. stories framed as a disaster (35.5%) continued to decline (Table 1A).
Coverage after 7 p.m. presented a different pattern. Stories with political frame decreased
continuously (from 17% to 12.2%). Economy became an evident frame (from 2.95 to 4.1%).
Safety frame rose to be a dominant frame (from 11.3% to 19%). Human interest frame increased
continuously from 8.8% to 12.9%. (Table 1A and 1B)

Hypothesis 2, that media coverage shift focus on key issues during the different stages of
crisis, was supported. During the first stage, from 8:45 a.m. to 11:00 a.m., the key issues
identified were description of the incident (30.65), severity of disaster (17.90%), terrorism
(15.66%), safety concerns (12.98%) and U.S. government reaction (10.07%). During the second
stage of the coverage, from 11:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m., descriptions of incident declined
dramatically (11.34%); severity of disaster (18.52%) and safety concerns (11.34%) remained the
same. The issue of terrorism increased somewhat (17.13%), while U.S. government reaction
(17.59%) and rescue efforts (10.19%) increased significantly. After 3:00 p.m., descriptions of the
disaster decreased significantly and were no longer a dominant issue. Instead, rescue effort arose
as an issue. However, severity of disaster (15.66%) remained high, and safety concerns (12.85%)
increased. Victims of tragedy (4.9%) and economic impact (4.32%) also became more prominent
as issues as the coverage moved to the later stages. (Table 2A and 2B)
Hypothesis 3, that media emphasize human interest in crisis situations involving tragedy
more than other political and economic factors, was not supported by the result of the 24 hours
coverage. About 6.6% of the stories were framed with human interest. The three major frames of
coverage were political (17.9%), criminal (11.9%) and safety concerns (11.8%). About 40% of
the stories were framed as stories of disaster. While these stories may be associated with the
welfare of people, human interest was not found as a major frame of stories during the 24 hours
coverage. Overall, political frame was more evident than human interest in the coverage of the
24 hours. However, as the event unfold and the coverage moved to the later stages, human
interest frame became as evident as political frame and increased dramatically from the earlier
stages. While economy frame also rose in the later stages of the coverage, human interest was
emphasized more than economy frame through the coverage of the first 24 hours. (Table 1A and
1B)
Hypothesis 4, media rely on government sources as well as other sources in a crisis situation
involving national interest, was supported. Two major sources were identified from the coverage:
government officials and witnesses of the incident. About 19.3% of the stories used government
officials as sources, while 10.8% of the stories quoted witnesses. When government officials
were used as sources, the stories addressed issues regarding government reaction and policies.
Key issues associated with government sources included terrorism, government reaction, rescue
efforts and safety concerns. When witnesses were quoted, the stories focused mostly on what
happened at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Key issues associated with witnesses
were recounting the incident and the severity of disaster. While government officials were one of
the major sources in the overall coverage, they were not overwhelmingly dominant as in the
coverage of a crisis involving national interest. Source use became more diversified in the later
stages of the coverage. (Table 3A)
Hypothesis 5, that media serve as a guiding and consoling source instead of just an
information source in a crisis situation, was not supported. Over 80% of the stories were
identified as presentation of facts, while 14.8% of stories were primarily analytical. Sixty-eight
percent of the coverage time was devoted to presentation of facts, while 17% of coverage time
was devoted to analysis. The coverage devoted to guiding the audience in a crisis situation
(1.17%) and to consolation or easing stress and anxiety of audience (2.04%) was negligible.
When looking at the changes of media functions by stage of crisis, no changes were found in the
stories presented as facts. An average of 81% of the stories was presented as facts across three
stages of the crisis. However, difference was found in the coverage devoted to consolation. There
were almost no stories devoted to consolation during the first stage of the crisis. As the coverage
continued, stories of consolation increased from 2.78% in the second stage to 3.5% in the third
stage. Consolation decreased after 12 am the next day. (Table 4A and 4B)
The networks served as an information source rather and a guiding and consoling source
through the coverage of the first 24 hours. Fact presentation remained dominant throughout the
coverage with little changes during the coverage stages. Stories with analysis orientation
decreased gradually. There were more stories with analysis orientation in the earlier stages than
the later hours. There were little changes in the stories that served as a guiding and consoling
source during the 24 hours period.
The data analysis and findings also provided answers to the research questions regarding
the relationship between source use and coverage frame, and the difference in coverage frames
among the networks.
RQ1: Is there a difference in coverage frame among the networks?
There was a difference in coverage frames among the networks. In addition, coverage
frames varied across networks, but did not deviate significantly. Some network stations were
deviated from other stations in one or two coverage frames. Four major coverage frames were
identified. ABC, CBS and NBC had fewer stories framed as political than other networks. While
three of the networks (ABC, CNN and FOX News) had a similar number of stories framed as
criminal and terrorism, CBS (13.6%) had the most stories with the criminal frame, and NBC had
the fewest (9.6%). Wireless networks devoted more attention to the safety frame than CNN and
FOX. While stories with human interest frame did not gain much space from the networks, ABC
(7.5%) and CBS (7.8) had more stories with the human interest frame than other networks.
(Table 1A)
Fox was deviated from other networks in coverage frame. CNN was close to Fox in
several coverage frames. The stories of Fox contained more political frame than other networks,
but contained few stories framed with safety and human interest.
RQ2: Are certain sources relied upon more in one frame than another?
The most frequently used sources were government officials (19.3%), witnesses (10.8%),
and experts (5.8%). Several sources were clearly associated with certain coverage frame.
Government officials (33.7%) and the president (15%) were associated most with the political
frame. The stories framed as disaster used witnesses as the major source (20.38%), with
government officials (13.48%) second. Criminal and terrorism frames used experts (25.71%) and
government officials (21.27%) as the major sources. The sources cited in the stories framed as
safety were government officials (19.49%) and airline officials (9.27%). Government officials
were cited most in the stories framed as political, criminal, terrorism and safety; Experts were
used in stories framed as criminal and terrorism, economy and religion; Witnesses were cited
most in stories framed as disaster and human interest. (Table 3B)
Discussion
The findings of the five network stations’ news coverage 9/11 confirm the functions of
television news during a crisis (Graber, 1980, and The National Research Council Committee,
1978). Media inform, explain and interpret the news event as it unfolded and work as a vital
source for public survival. The results also supported the notion that media frames change as the
news event goes through different stages and the news frames are not static during the process of
coverage. The study also suggested stage of crisis had some effect on media function in a crisis.
Support of H1 is the most important finding of this study, which reveals how coverage
frames changed during the stages of a crisis. Stage of crisis was found to be an important factor
affecting coverage frames. The findings confirm Graber’s observation of three stages of crisis
coverage by media. During the first stage, disaster stories dominated, while stories with political
and criminal frames were still evolving. As the coverage proceeded, the disaster frame declined
and political and criminal frames increased. During the third stage, stories framed as human
interest increased significantly, and issues concerning the environment and economy began to
surface. The findings suggest when an event goes through rapid development, the media
coverage frames are likely to follow with a series of frames dominant in turn at different stages.
The findings on effect of stages of crisis have important implication in frame analysis of media
content. While most of the frame analysis deals with issues not under rapid changes, a dynamic
view of frame changes over time allows frame analysis to reflect the coverage more accurately.
Coverage frames usually do not remain constant. A dynamic view in frame analysis may reveal
more insight on how media frame news events.
Support of H2 reconfirms the importance of the stage in understanding media coverage of
a crisis and is consistent with the notion advanced by previous studies that themes and issues
change over time. Media quickly shift from presenting the terrifying effects to a strategy of
“othering” (Ungar, 1998). The findings of this study demonstrated when the shift took place in
the coverage of a crisis of this magnitude and to what degree the changes took place from one
stage to another. Key issues covered were closely related to coverage frames. The findings also
suggest that coverage of a remarkable crisis is a dynamic process involving evident changes of
frames and key issues as the events related to the crisis unfold. Support of H2 confirms from
anther aspects that media framing in the coverage of a crisis is a developing process with many
facets.
When a tragedy involves human casualties, human interest is expected to be a central

issue. The failure to find support for H3 indicates that human interest may give way to issues
bearing more weight in the process of covering the crisis. The findings confirm Iyengar’s notion
that a relationship between media frames and audience frames is strongly contingent upon the
issue under study (1987, 1989, 1991, 1993). The events of 9/11 had a clear political theme. Three
themes dominated the first eight hours of coverage: what were the political stakes involved, what
actually happened and what was the severity of the disaster. The findings also suggest that the
dominant frames of the coverage are associated with the dominant theme of the incident.
However, as the result of H1 revealed, although the human interest frame was not found
dominant in the coverage, it became evident during the later stage, when the focus of the
coverage shifted and events brought media attention to issues that were less noticeable during the
earlier stages.
Support of H4 revealed the role of government sources in a crisis situation involving
national interest. Government officials were one of the two major sources used in the coverage.
However, the fact that 19.3% of the stories used government officials also suggests that during a
crisis the capacity of government officials as sources is limited in certain aspects. Government
officials may not be able to offer enough accurate information at certain points. Media need to
rely on a variety of sources to provide accurate and useful information. The findings suggest a
weakened role of government sources during the early stages of a crisis situation involving
national interest. The findings are also consistent with Naco’s (1994) argument that media use
different methods when covering an anti-American terrorist act than when covering other foreign
policy issues. The findings indicate that the degree that a variety of sources will be used in the
coverage depends not only on the nature of the incident but also the focus of the coverage.
Graber (1980) proposes that media are supposed to provide guidelines for what to do.
The findings for H5 suggest that in a crisis of unprecedented magnitude, there is a clear order in
priorities of media function, and the need for guidance and consolation is likely to be overridden
by the need for more accurate and informative facts. Thus, providing facts was the fundamental
task of media in a crisis, especially during the early stages. The public became almost totally
dependent on the media for news that may be vital for survival and for important messages from
public and private authorities. The finding regarding increasing number of stories of consolation
during the later stages confirms media “social utility” function and the effect of stage of crisis on
media functions. While media primarily served as a source of information during the early stages
of the crisis, media function of consoling the public became more evident as events unfold. The
finding suggests that media functions in a crisis change are also dynamic during the different
stages of a crisis. As the need for critical information was fulfilled during the first stage of a
crisis, media “social utility” function resumed duty through the coverage during the later stages
of a crisis.
The answers to the research questions are consistent with Lowery’s notion that issues and
emphasis differ among media, but all forms of media include information on the principal issues
(Lowery, 1988). However, the difference in coverage frames is not significant among the
networks. The similar frames in networks’ coverage could be due to two reasons. During a
national crisis, media try to get accurate information and relieve uncertainty and calm people
(Graber 1980) rather than sensationalize events and scoop each other. During the early hours of
coverage, the networks actually shared news footages. The second reason relates to the issues at
stake. Political and criminal frames were the key frames associated with a crisis incident of
national scope. No network could afford to deviate from others at such critical times in informing
the public. The findings suggest that during a crisis of such magnitude, media coverage frames
are less likely to be diverse, at least during the earlier stages of the coverage.
Conclusion
This study examined how five U.S. television networks framed 9/11 incident in their
news coverage during the 24 hours and how stage of crisis affected coverage frames and media
functions as the unfolding events brought media attention to new issues. This study found that
the stage of the crisis to be an important factor in determining the coverage frames and media
functions. Media frames varied during the different stages of the crisis. The human interest frame
did not surface until the later stages of the coverage. The human interest was not found to be a
dominant frame during the 24 hours of the coverage even though the crisis involved numerous
human casualties. Television media used a variety of sources and government officials were one
of the major sources. However, the magnitude of the crisis and the uncertainty limited media in
using government officials as sources and the influence of government officials was found to be
not as strong as they are expected in a crisis involving national interest. Media served primarily
as the sources of information rather than guidance and consolation during the crisis.
Further studies could look into a longer period of the coverage and the impact of other
important variables on the coverage, such as reporter-source relationships and how different
reporting modes could affect coverage frames. Social utility is one of the major media functions
in a crisis. Future studies could examine how media perform social utility function under various
crisis situations. Human interest is considered one of the major aspects of news value and a key
frame of news coverage involving human activity. Further examination of the factors framing
human interest and the relationship between human interest and other frames in the coverage will
provide more insight on how media perform in a crisis situation of a national magnitude that
involves national interest.

References
Andsager, J. R., & A. Powers. (1999). Social or economic concerns: How news and women’s
magazines framed breast cancer in the 1990's. Journalism and Mass Communication
Quarterly, Autumn, 76 (3), 531-550.
Gerbner, G. & the Annenberg School of Communication. In R. K., Baker, & S. J. Ball (Eds.)
(1969). Violence and the media. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
Colby, D., & Cook, T. E. (1991). Epidemics and agendas: The politics of nightly news coverage
of aids. Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, 16 (2), 215-250.
Dominick, Joseph R. (1996). The Dynamics of Mass Communication. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Entman, R. M. (1991). Framing U.S. coverage of international news: Contrasts in narratives of
the KAL and Iran air incidents, Journal of Communication, 41, 6-27.
Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of
Communication, 43, 51-55.
Fico, F., & E. Freedman. (2001). Setting the news story agenda: Candidates and commentators in
news coverage of a governor’s race. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly,
Autumn, 437-449.
Gamson, W. A., & Modigliana, A. (Autumn 1993). The changing culture of affirmative action.
Research in Political Sociology, 3, 137-177.
Gonzenbach, W. J., Arant, D. & Stevenson, R. L. (1992). The World of U.S. network news:
Eighteen years of international and foreign news coverage. Gazette, 50 (1), 53-72.
Graber, D. A. (1980). Mass media and American politics. Washington D.C.: Congressional
Quarterly Press, pp. 225-241.

Hertzog, J. K. (Autumn 2000). Elite press coverage of the 1986 U.S. - Libya conflict: A case
study of tactical and strategic critique. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 77 (3),
612-627.
Iyengar, S. (1991). Is anyone responsible? How television frames political issues. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S. (1989). How citizens think about national issues: A matter of responsibility.
American Journal of Political Science, 33, 87S900.
Iyengar, S., & Kinder, D. R. (1987). News that matters. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Iyengar, S. & Simon, A. (1993). News coverage of the Gulf Crisis and public opinion: A study
of agenda-setting, priming, and framing. Communication Research, 20, (1), 365-383.
Larson, J. & Hardy, A. (1977). International affairs coverage on network television news.
Gazette, 23, 215-241.
Lowrey, S. A., M. L. DeFleur, (1995). Milestones in Mass Communication Research. (3rd ed.).
White Plains, NY: Longman Inc.
McCombs, M., Shaw, D. L. & Weaver, D. (1997). Communication and democracy: Exploring
the intellectual frontiers in agenda setting theory. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
The Media Institute. (1983). CNN vs. The networks: Is more news better news? A content
analysis of the cable news network and the three broadcast networks. Washington D.C.: The
Media Institute.
Nacos, B. (1994). Terrorism and the media: From the Iran hostage crisis to the Oklahoma City
bombing. NY, NY: Columbia University Press.
Neal, A. G. (1998). National trauma & collective memory: Major events in the American
century. New York: M. E. Sharpe Inc.

Nimmo, D., & J. E. Combs. (1985). Nightly horrors: Crises coverage in television network news.
Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press.
Norris, P. (1995). The Restless searchlight: Network news framing of the Post-Cold War world.
Political Communication, 12 (1), 357-370.
Reynolds, Amy and Barnett, Brooke. (2003). This just in ...How national TV news handled the
breaking “live ” coverage of September 11, Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly,
Autumn, 80 (3), 689-703.
Riffe, D., S. Lacy, & F. Fico. (1998). Analyzing media messages: Using quantitative content
analysis in research. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Scheufele, D. A. (1999). Framing as a theory of media effects. Journal of Communication,
Winter, pp. 102-122.
Schramm, Wilbur. (1965) Communication in crisis. In B. S. Greenber and E. B. Parker
(eds.) The Kennedy assassination and the American Public: Social Communication in Crisis,
pp.1-25. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Semetko, Holli A. and Patti Valkenburg. (2000). Framing European politics: A content analysis
of press and television news. Journal of Communication, 50 (2), 93-109.
Shoemaker, Pamela J. and Reese, Stephen D., 1996. Mediating the Message, Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content, Longman, New York, NY.
Stempel, G., & Hargrove, T. (2002). Media Sources of Information and Attitudes about
Terrorism, in B. S. Greenberg (Ed.), Communication and Terrorism. Hampton Press.
Tewkesbury, D., Jones, J., Peske, M. W., Raymond, A., & Vig, W. (2000). The interaction of
news and advocate frames: Manipulating audience perceptions of a local public policy issue.
Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, Winter, 804-829.

Ungar, Sheldon. (March 1998). Hot crises and media reassurance: A comparison of emerging
diseases and Ebola Zaire. The British Journal of Sociology, 49, (1), 36-56.
Valkenburg, P. M., Semetko, H. A., &. DeVreese, C. H. (1999). The Effects of news frames on
readers’ thoughts and recall. Communication Research, 26 (5), 550-569.

Footnote
1
The actual content used for the intercoder reliability test contained about one hour of the
news coverage from two network stations: CNN and ABC. Intercoder reliability test results: 1)
Stage of coverage .96; 2) Content orientation .94; 3) Coverage frame .80; 4) Topic .82; 5) Key
issue .78; 6) Source .84.

Table 1A Percentage of Coverage Frame in Television Networks 24 Hours of Coverage (N = 2647)
Network
Coverage Frame Total
ABC CBS NBC CNN FOX
Political 15.6 17.2 15.9 20.2 25.2 17.9
Economy 2.3 3.6 2.8 1.8 1.9 2.5
Criminal 11.9 13.6 9.6 11.7 12.1 11.9
Environment 1.1 0.3 0 0.2 1.0 0.5
Safety 14.2 12.3 13.6 9.1 6.8 11.8
Human Interest 7.5 7.8 4.7 6.2 4.4 6.6
Religious 0.7 0.5 0.9 1.1 0.5 0.8
Disaster 35.6 36.3 46.1 40.9 42.7 39.3
Other 11.1 8.5 6.3 8.7 5.3 8.7
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Table 1B Percentage Changes in Coverage Frame during Different Stages in Television Networks 24 Hours of
Coverage (N = 2647)
Coverage Stage
Coverage Frame Total
8-11am 11-3pm 3-7pm 7-12 pm 12-6 am 6-9 am
Political 14.8 28.5 22.2 17.0 12.6 12.2 17.9
Economy 0.9 1.9 1.6 2.9 4.1 3.7 2.5
Criminal 12.5 11.6 10.0 13.5 12.0 11.2 11.9
Environment 0.4 0.2 2.1 0.2 0 0 0.5
Safety 8.9 11.3 7.7 11.3 14.5 19.0 11.8
Human Interest 1.3 2.3 7.2 8.8 8.3 12.9 6.6
Religious 0.2 0 1.4 0.8 1.5 0.3 0.8
Disaster 56.8 37.5 35.5 36.5 36.5 31.2 39.3
Other 4.0 6.7 12.1 9.2 10.5 9.5 8.7
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
Table 2A Percentage of Key Issues during the 24 Hours by Television Networks (N = 2647)
Network
Key Issue Total
ABC CBS NBC CNN FOX
Description of incident 21.61 18.63 26.23 19.94 13.59 20.63
Severity of disaster 14.77 18.46 15.69 14.16 18.45 15.90
Terrorism 10.87 14.38 13.82 12.63 21.36 13.41
Safety concerns 16.24 13.40 11.94 9.28 8.74 12.58
U.S. Government reaction 10.60 10.46 11.24 13.55 18.45 12.01
Rescue effort 10.87 7.35 9.13 12.48 8.74 10.01
Victim of the tragedy 1.61 3.43 1.41 5.48 2.43 3.02
Muslim or Arab 2.68 0.98 3.75 2.28 1.46 2.27
Economic impact 2.15 3.59 2.58 1.83 1.94 2.46
International reaction 1.21 1.96 1.17 1.83 0.49 1.47
Arab community in the U.S. 0.27 0.16 0.00 0.15 0.00 0.15
Other 7.11 7.19 3.04 6.39 4.37 6.08
Table 2B Percentage of Key Issues in Networks Television by Stage of Crisis (N = 2647)
Coverage Stage
Key Issue Total
8-11am 11-3pm 3-7pm 7-12 pm 12-6 am 6-9 am
Description of incident 30.65 11.34 20.09 15.20 26.13 19.32 20.63
Severity of disaster 17.90 18.52 16.59 15.20 14.85 11.19 15.90
Terrorism 15.66 17.13 15.66 14.42 11.09 11.19 13.41
Safety concerns 12.98 11.34 12.85 8.97 13.53 17.97 12.58
U.S. Government reaction 10.07 17.59 13.08 14.04 7.89 9.15 12.01
Rescue effort 5.15 10.19 6.07 14.04 9.77 16.27 10.01
Victim of the tragedy 1.57 2.31 4.91 4.48 1.13 4.41 3.02
Muslim or Arab 1.79 2.78 3.74 1.17 2.07 2.37 2.27
Economic impact 0.89 1.39 1.64 2.92 4.32 3.39 2.46
International reaction 0.45 1.16 1.64 0.78 3.20 1.36 1.47
Arab community in the U.S. 0 0 0.23 0.58 0 0 0.15
Other 2.91 6.25 8.64 8.19 6.02 3.39 6.08
Table 3A Percentage of Source Used in Television Networks 24 Hours of Coverage (N = 2647)
Network
Source Total
ABC CBS NBC CNN FOX
Airline Officials 2.1 2.9 2.8 0.9 1.5 2.1
Arab Group 0.1 0.2 0 0 0.5 0.1
Business 0.7 1.0 0.5 0.2 0 0.5
Expert 3.8 8.5 7.5 5.6 2.4 5.8
Government Official 20.0 16.0 21.5 20.4 18.0 19.3
International 2.0 4.1 3.5 5.0 0 3.3
Non-Arab Group 0 0 0 0 0 0
President 5.6 12.4 7.7 3.7 1.5 6.7
Relative of victims 1.7 3.4 0.9 1.7 0 1.9
Witness of the incident 9.1 13.2 12.9 9.3 10.7 10.8
Other 18.1 18.6 16.4 10.8 1.0 14.8
Table 3B Percentage of Source Use Associated with Coverage Frame of Television Networks (N = 2647)
Coverage Frame
Source Total
Political Econ’y Criminl Environ Safety HumInt Religi Disaster Other
Airline 0.42 0 1.59 0 9.27 1.15 0 0.96 3.04 2.08
Arab Group 0.21 0 0.32 0 0.32 0 0 0 0 0.11
Business 0 11.94 0 0.32 0.57 0 0.19 0.87 0.53
Expert 5.49 8.96 25.71 0 3.51 2.30 5.00 1.44 4.35 5.82
Gov official 33.76 4.48 21.27 23.08 19.49 5.17 5.00 16.81 13.48 19.27
International 9.07 4.48 5.71 0 0.64 1.72 30.00 0.58 3.04 3.32
President 14.98 4.48 3.49 0 2.88 1.15 0 7.40 2.17 6.72
Relative 0 0 0.32 0 1.28 18.39 0 0.77 1.74 1.85
Witness 0.63 0 3.17 7.69 1.60 13.22 0 22.38 5.22 10.84
Other 8.02 11.94 17.46 7.69 23.32 27.01 35.00 12.58 13.91 14.81
* Percentages reflect how each source was used in the number of stories where the source was identified. Sources
were not identified in some of the stories and thus total frequency does not add up to 100 percent.
Table 4A Percentage of Story Primary Orientation by Television Networks (N = 2647)
Network
Orientation Total
ABC CBS NBC CNN FOX
Analysis 14.23 14.05 16.39 11.57 25.73 14.77
Consolation 1.88 2.45 0.70 2.13 3.88 2.04
Fact 82.15 82.35 82.20 84.02 65.37 81.37
Guide 0.67 0.82 0.47 1.98 2.91 1.17
Other 1.21 0.33 0.70 0 1.94 0.68
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Table 4A Percentage of Story Primary Orientation by Stages of the Crisis (N = 2647)
Coverage Stage
Orientation Total
8-11am 11-3pm 3-7pm 7-12 pm 12-6 am 6-9 am
Analysis 17.23 21.30 14.25 12.87 11.84 10.85 14.77
Consolation 0.89 2.78 3.50 2.92 0.75 1.36 2.04
Fact 79.19 73.61 81.26 79.19 85.71 85.76 81.37
Guide 2.24 1.62 0.93 0.97 0.56 0.68 1.17
Other 0.89 0.46 0 0.19 1.32 1.36 0.68
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

ContentServer - Asp 5

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

ContentServer - Asp 5

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Running Head: Media Frames and Functions

Stages of a Crisis and Media Frames and Functions:

U.S. TV Networks Coverage of the 9/11 Tragedy during the 24 Hours

A paper submitted to Journalism Studies Interest Group of

International Communication Association

For consideration for presentation

attack, human interest, content analysis

Stages of a Crisis and Media Frames and Functions:

as the unfolding events brought media attention to new issues.

Media Reliance and Functions in a Crisis

functions during a crisis: 1) warning of predicted or impending disasters; 2) conveying

media can provide them in the absence of other human beings.

produced with more time to check for violations of journalistic conventions.

Media frame of crisis

audience’s understanding or interpretation of issues, stories or events (Lowrey, p. 327). By

to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or

agreement on the nature of the story between the two is assumed.

containment or calming approach when “dread-inspiring events are developing in unpredictable

and potentially threatening ways” (Ungar, 1998, p. 36).

constraints, pressures of interest groups, journalistic routines, and ideological or political

doctors to present them with evidence of news” (1991).

Gerbner’s content analyses of selected network fall prime-time and Saturday-morning

the coverage of events and issues.

in the early stage of a crisis situation like 911.

media functions in a crisis situation involving national interest.

other political and economic factors.

involving national interest.

The study will also answer the following research questions:

RQ1: Is there a difference in coverage frame among the networks?

seconds). The actual stories identified ran from 30 seconds to 12 minutes.

The following key variables were coded:

consisted primarily of 1) facts describing what is happening; 2) analysis of information, facts or

guidance about what the audience needs to do.

to have an human interest frame.

was considered an overview.

Source. A source was defined as a name of a person or an organization associated with

officials or the president.

nominal variables ranged from .78 to .96.1

continuously from 8.8% to 12.9%. (Table 1A and 1B)

stages of the coverage. (Table 3A)

source during the 24 hours period.

among the networks.

RQ1: Is there a difference in coverage frame among the networks?

most in stories framed as disaster and human interest. (Table 3B)

more insight on how media frame news events.

Support of H2 reconfirms the importance of the stage in understanding media coverage of

When a tragedy involves human casualties, human interest is expected to be a central

Support of H4 revealed the role of government sources in a crisis situation involving

involves national interest.

Quarterly, Autumn, 76 (3), 531-550.

of aids. Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, 16 (2), 215-250.

Entman, R. M. (1991). Framing U.S. coverage of international news: Contrasts in narratives of

Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of

Communication, 43, 51-55.

news coverage of a governor’s race. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly,

Research in Political Sociology, 3, 137-177.

Quarterly Press, pp. 225-241.

University of Chicago Press.

American Journal of Political Science, 33, 87S900.

of agenda-setting, priming, and framing. Communication Research, 20, (1), 365-383.

Gazette, 23, 215-241.

White Plains, NY: Longman Inc.

the intellectual frontiers in agenda setting theory. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.