Music in Mérida, Yucatan

Author(s): Philip K. Bock

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Latin American Music Review / Revista de Música Latinoamericana, Vol. 13, No. 1
(Spring - Summer, 1992), pp. 33-55
Published by: University of Texas Press
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Philip K. Bock Music in Merida, Yucatan

The late George Devereux once suggested

that, in the study of ethnopsychiatry, "depth equals breadth." By this he
meant that the intensive study of a few individuals (or even of one person)
from a given society could yield information on psychological and social
phenomena that is as valuable as a more superficial study of many in-
dividuals (Devereux 1980: 315). This aphorism may be applied to the study
of music in a number of different ways. Some scholars have immersed
themselves in the works of specific composers or performers while others
have devoted themselves to a musical form (ballad, sonata, concerto), trac-
ing its development, diffusion, and world-wide significance.
Recently, two trends have appeared in ethnomusicology that illustrate
the wisdom of Devereux's remark. Careful investigation of the repertoires
and performance practice of a few individuals, as in Judith Vander's
Songprints(1988), reveals the complex cultural and historical matrix in
which musical knowledge is embedded. On the other hand, studies of ur-
ban music have shown the extent to which surveys of large communities
manifesting multiple musical traditions can reveal the dynamic processes
that constrain individual choice (Nettl 1978; Finnegan 1989).
I travelled to Yucatan on sabbatical leave from the University of New
Mexico to survey urban music in the capital city, Merida.1 The immediate
model for this study was an article by David K. Stigberg (1978) that
described the musical scene in Veracruz-a somewhat larger and more
cosmopolitan city than Merida, but one that seemed comparable in many
ways. I had wanted to visit Yucatan since I first read Robert Redfield's The
Folk Cultureof Yucatan(1941), which sealed my commitment to social an-
thropology; however, fieldwork in central Mexico took precedence (Bock
1980).
Stigberg's essay, "Jarocho,Tropical,and 'Pop': Aspects of Musical Life in

MusicReview,Volume 13, Number1, Spring/Summer1992

LatinAmerican
01992by the Universityof Texas Press

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34 : Philip K. Bock

Veracruz, 1971-72," introduces the reader in an excellent manner to the

main genres and musical groupings that were current during his nine months
of fieldwork. He outlines the demographic and socio-economic context in
which musicians worked, the audiences to which they appealed, and the
processes of technological and social change that were then affecting
musical life in Veracruz. Many of Stigberg's observations apply equally to
Merida and, I suspect, to other cities of comparable size (about a half
million) in Latin America. The displacement of older forms of music by
radio, television, and pop recordings is evident, though some traditional
forms persist in domestic or neighborhood settings. Also, city, state, and
national agencies promote particular styles for tourist purposes and as part
of their concept of nationalism, regional identity, or indigenismo.2
In this article, I will limit myself to what appeared to be distinctive about
music in Merida during the period of my residence (January through
March 1989). I brought to this study my training as a social anthropologist
and a pianist (mainly classical, but with many years performing popular
music with dance bands) and my interest in the distribution of cultural
forms in social space and time (Bock 1986). Coming to Merida with few
presuppositions, I resolved to approach the city through all the kinds of
music and settings available to me, focusing on those genres and per-
formers that seemed to represent the community best, to express its distinc-
tive values, and to predict, perhaps, the direction of social change.

Merida in 1989

Merida is a relatively easy city in which to become oriented; with a few im-
portant exceptions, the streets are numbered-even numbered streets run
north and south while odd numbered streets run east and west. Locations
within the colonias(neighborhoods) are often indicated by Cartesian coordi-
nates (for example, Calle 69 x 70 indicates the intersection nearest the main
bus terminal). The downtown area centers on the cathedral (Calle 60 x 61)
and the main plaza with its surrounding government buildings, banks,
shops, and eating places. The nearby mercadois a locus of retail activity
from early morning to mid-afternoon although some shops sell pirated
cassettes, little music is usually heard there or at the tourist craft market a
few blocks away. Each of the colonias has its own central area with a
church, market, retail shops, and often a movie theater, while some of the
prosperous outlying neighborhoods have shopping centers or even malls.
One's first impression of Merida is of a busy, but exceptionally clean and
pleasant, downtown area served by old and plentiful public transport. Ex-
tending north from downtown is the elegant Paseo Montejo with its luxury
hotels, consulates, museums, and restaurants. A friendly taxi driver helped

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 Music in Mrida : 35

me find a suitable apartment at Calle 14 x Avenida Col6n (in the colonia

Garcia Gineres). The second bedroom of the apartment overlooked the
dance hall of the Merida Lions Club. This was fortunate for research but
less so for sleep, since public or private dances usually continue until three
or four in the morning.
My notes from the earliest days in Merida recall a soundscape in which
birdsong and diesel engines were complemented by car horns and radios,
recorded music, and domestic disputes issuing from private homes. (On the
lack of auditory privacy in Mexico, see Bock 1988:10). Public buildings
and hotels often featured background music of an international "pop" style,
while several types of businesses used music to attract customers or to
create an ambientefor clients. The opening of a new business was generally
advertised with the promise of a granfiesta with many musical groups and
entertainers.
Live music was heard little in residential areas, voices and instruments
occasionally sounded from the streets or the chanting of a novena might be
heard from a home, but spontaneous singing seemed rare. The pipes of the
knife sharpener (four or five ascending whole tones), the whistle of the mail
carrier (sounding a minor third), and the bell-like clang of the ice cream
vendor were the only instrumental signals noted. Some ambulatory ven-
dors of fruits or vegetables also gave street cries, but these seemed more
idiosyncratic than standardized. In retrospect I realize that my notes con-
tain no references to church music. I attended one mass at the neighbor-
hood church and observed a wedding at a downtown church, but have no
record or memory of either organ or choral sounds. This is an unfortunate
omission, especially since Protestant missionaries are making many con-
verts in Yucatan and it would be useful to contrast their musical practices
with those of the Roman Catholic congregations.
It seems clear that music plays a large part in the commercial and
cultural life of the city. The English-speaking tourist or visitor will soon en-
counter a copy of YucatanToday, a vacation guide of maps, advertising, and
useful information about schedules of events. A listing of "Daily Happen-
ings" is also posted at the Tourist Office, including many free cultural and
musical events such as nightly concerts (except Saturdays) and an ongoing
program of varied lectures or discussions. The city government also spon-
sors "Sunday in Merida," which features dances and musical programs at
different parks around town.
Both the Merida city government and the government of the State of
Yucatan underwrite a large number of what Milton Singer called "cultural
performances." On these occasions, the local and regional identities of
Meridanos and Yucatecos are represented, often with explicit reference to
different historical periods and to class or ethnic relationships. I attended
one of these events on a Thursday night at Santa Lucia Park. The serenata

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36 : Philip K. Bock

started promptly at 9 p.m. with sixteen instrumentalists dressed up in white

(the men wearing soft hats, "Pilipino" shirts, and white trousers; the
women wearing colorful embroidered blouses or dresses) playing several
orchestral numbers. This was followed by two men who recited long anec-
dotes, an excellent trio (see below), and a soloist who sang and played
guitar. Each of these performers was given an elaborate introduction. As a
finale the orchestra played again while a small troupe of dancers, who had
been waiting over an hour, performed ajarana.
Although most of the audience appeared to be local, this performance
was clearly oriented to Spanish-speaking tourists. The introductions and
anecdotes provided an historical context for the songs and dances, catego-
rizing and labeling parts of the performance and assigning meanings to
them in the same way that the plaque in the corner of the park labeled this
space as the site of performances of the "Orchestra Tipica Yucalpeten"
begun in 1942. (See MacCannell 1976:110 for information on touristic
markers and their functions, including the tendency of the marker to
replace the "sight" that it labels or represents.) As I later learned, thejarana
is the regional dance of Yucatan, holding roughly the same position there as
does thejarocho in Veracruz (Stigberg 1978:264f.), although the Yucatecan
form is more highly subsidized.3
A few nights later, the Teatro Jose Pe6n Contreras provided an even
more elaborate cultural performance. This handsome theater, built in 1907
(the height of the Porfirato), has been beautifully restored. There the Ballet
Folklorico de la Universidad Aut6noma de Yucatan (U.A.Y.) presented a
two-hour spectacle, "Yucatan y sus Raices" (literally, "Yucatan and Its
Roots," but by false etymology, also "Its Races"). Presented several times
during the year under the sponsorship of the state Instituto de Cultura, this
show lays out an historical framework within which viewers are invited to
organize their experiences. An extended description of this event will be
useful, I hope, in understanding other performances as well.
The ballet was divided into seven parts, each representing a discrete period
or epocaof Yucatecan history. The curtain rose at nine o'clock revealing an
elaborate tableau with two sumptuously costumed dancers in a "ritual pose"
before a smoking censer; they were surrounded by about thirty other dancers
in less elaborate dress. According to the program this was the "epoca Maya."'
The setting was clearly "jungle" with tropical plants and trees framing the
scene and a three-dimensional model of the main temple at Chichen Itza at
the back of the stage. Some of the costumes and poses may indeed be taken,
as claimed, from the Codex Tro-Cortesiano, but most of the choreography
struck me as unnatural, show-business like, with angular movements and a
great deal of stomping about with legs spread to indicate an "exotic ritual."
The men wore stretch tights or body suits with attached rattles while the
women's costumes were very colorful, covered with sequins or glitter.

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 Music in Mirida : 37

The program listed four dances in this epoch, all part of a "new fire
ceremony." These were the dance of the princes, dance of vestales,dance of
the warriors (involving much posing with decorated spears), and a con-
cluding victory dance. I was not able to identify the music that revealed a
romantic stylistic quality, with drums and flutes prominent. At one point
the warriors blew on conch shells and just before the new fire was ignited, a
male voice delivered an emotional recitation about the glories of the Maya
civilization. This first part lasted about fifteen minutes.
Part two, "The Conquest," consisted of one brief scene entitled "flagel-
lation and doctrine." It portrayed a single Spanish soldier in armor whip-
ping a line of agonized male and female dancers who writhed across the
stage in chains, while a Catholic priest looked on. The program mentioned
300 years of slavery, but the dance represented this period in about five
minutes with little imagination or expense.
Part three, "Spanish Influence" (distinct from the conquest) was a series
of five beautifully costumed dances with authentic music of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries. It was intended to show the creation of a "tercera
cultura" (mestizo), neither Spanish nor Maya. First appeared ajota aragonesa
with a solo singer and sixteen dancers wielding castanets. The setting was
suggested by a large backdrop showing a hacienda gate, though the jungle
was still represented at the sides of the stage. Following a long and lively
dance, the transition "De laJota a laJarana" was shown by a group of six-
teen mestizo dancers who performed ajarana to their own singer. Then both
groups danced together. (The termjarana may originally have been used in
disapproval of the rough style of the peasants; among its meanings are
"binge," "spree," "rumpus," and "riot.")
Part four, "French Influence and the Porfiriato," was set in an elegant
terrace with stone railings and potted plants, though the jungle still invaded
the sides and background. Men in tails and women in turn-of-the-century
gowns and hats danced a series of European ballroom steps with formal
grace and intentional stiffness. Soon a mestizo group entered and repeated
the steps of waltz, shottish, and polka in a freer, more spontaneous mode.
Couple dances alternated with group forms. The suggestion of mutual in-
fluence was subtle and well portrayed. Some of the European dance steps
(for example, "Lancers") were quite complex. The final dance was per-
formed by the mestizo group alone, first in a circle, then in a chain. The
recorded accompaniment was varied, one selection sounded like the man-
dolins of a tuna while others featured violins or brass.
After the intermission, part five showed the influence of Cuban music and
dance on Yucatan, especially in the carnaval.Six dances were presented, again
intermingling couples with group. The genre called danzoncalled for complex
coordination of dance with music, one section showed the mestizos trying to
learn the dance, at first with difficulty, then with enthusiastic success.

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38: Philip K. Bock

The sixth part showed the conjugacion of Maya, Spanish, French, and
Cuban dance styles in the Yucatan. The six dances included a dance with a
pig's head, a basket dance, and a familiarjarana("Chinito Koy Koy"). In
the finale, groups of between eight and twelve dancers represented each of
the major styles and periods while a narratorspoke in sonorous tones about
"our ancestors." The multicultural message was contradicted, however,
by a passage in the program that referred to the Yucatecan hypocrisy of
welcoming foreigners with humility while acting in a superior way toward
the Maya (mestizo?) sector of the population. Thus when the narrator in-
tones "When will my people be free?," we must ask whose voice is speak-
ing these words and how sincerely.4
The performancejust described seems to be a regional version of the na-
tional Ballet Folkloricowhich many people have seen in Mexico City or on
its internationaltours. The Yucatan ballet also tours widely. Its dancers are
students at the U.A.Y. who receive scholarships in return for their par-
ticipation. Many of these students, together with graduatesof the program,
participatedin a special serenata to celebrate the anniversary of the univer-
sity and the sixth anniversaryof its Ballet Folkloricoon February 24. Held
in the university courtyard, it was an enjoyable evening of song and dance.
After two short speeches and the usual recitation about the past glories of
Yucatan, an excellent trio, Los Maganas, sang several ballads. The Or-
questa Jaranera (with many of the same musicians seen at Santa Lucia
park) played while more than ninety dancers performed. Later, the or-
chestra accompanied Ignacio "Nacho" Torres, a prominent local figure,
who sang several ballads including "Mi Merida." The evening concluded
with a big finale as all the dancers performed a bottle dance, the men
balancing trays with bottles on their heads. Tourists and local members of
the audience seemed to enjoy this lively representationof regional tradition
and could most likely fit its parts into the historical frameworkpresented in
the longer performance.
An allied performance is apparently staged every Sunday afternoon as
part of the "Sunday in Merida" series. On February 12, I witnessed the
BodaMestiza(Mestizo Wedding), beginning at about 1 p.m. in front of the
Municipal Palace (on the west side of the main plaza). A couple dressed in
plain white were feigning marriage; they were accompanied by several
couples in colorful dress (embroidered huipilesand plain rebozos).The
ceremony was quite simple, a narrator explained the various steps of this
"traditional" rural ritual while recorded orchestral music was played.
Although the intention may have been respectful, the effect was of quaint,
happy peasants, engaging in ancient customs with no historical context.
After the ceremony, a small band (drums and cornets) struckup a couple of
jaranas, including the popular "Porque te quiero." A man recited a brief
poem, "Merida en Domingo," in which he spoke of "our jaranas and

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 Music in Merida: 39

bambucos," reinforcing the association of these dance rhythms with

regional identity, and more dancing followed. Sundays in Merida are in-
deed colorful with the open market and serenade at Santa Lucia as well as
music at the zoo, in other parks, and on the main plaza, but it is all spon-
sored by the city government and has a packaged quality about it.5
Many of these events involving city, state, and university sponsorship
are coordinated by Ing. Miguel Perez Concha from the office of Cultural
Diffusion, which handles scheduling and publicity for local and visiting
performers. Sr. Perez, a violinist, is also founder and conductor of the
Chamber Orchestra that, for the past six years, has performed at the
university. I was invited to an orchestrarehearsalthe same night and gladly
participated, playing the keyboard part of a Handel Concerto Grosso and
"Summer" from Vivaldi's "Four Seasons" on the piano, with Sr. Perez as
soloist. This rehearsal and a concert of the same group was the only live
"classical" music heard during my three months in Merida.

ThePopularScene

Perhaps because my stay did not correspond to the main tourist season, I
encountered few street musicians (ambulatores) and only one occasion when
a young man boarded a public bus with his guitar to sing a popular ballad
and pass the hat.
By far, the predominant style of live music heard in the city in 1989 is
what Stigberg called tropical.Caribbean and South American influences
(especially from Cuba and Colombia) are very strong, and a variety of
Latin popular music genres (especially cumbiasand boleros)can be heard is-
suing from large restaurantsand dance halls, startingearly in the afternoon
and continuing through the following morning. Perhaps two hundred ban-
das or conjuntos,with names such as "Marca Registrada," "Censurado,"
and "Sangre Latina," operate in the vicinity of Merida. A typical group is
composed of five to nine performers, some of whom sing. The music is
highly amplified and, besides tropical standardsand recent hits, always in-
cludes some Mexican and U.S. popular standards (such as, "New York,
New York") and a few "rock" numbers.6
Smaller grupos(duos, trios, and quartets) are also common, playing a
similar mixture of tropical and pop. These groups are generally less highly
amplified and appear in intimate settings. Included here are the traditional
trios bohemiosthat perform a limited, regional repertoire, usually with
acoustic guitars and percussion. Such groups may also alternate with the
larger bands in certain settings.
These musicians were found in a number of downtown and dispersed
establishmentsknown as centrostur'sticos.These establishments(which seem

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40 : Philip K. Bock

actually to cater to a local crowd) open at noon and provide six or more
hours of live music and entertainment with free appetizers for drinking
patrons and with food service from a regional menu. They range from
small, neighborhood places such as "La Choza" (The Hut) with its thatched
roof and family atmosphere to the gigantic "Tulipanes" with its double
stage and variety show (dancers and comedians), entertaining a business
crowd during the long afternoon dinner break.
Contrasting with these daytime settings are the centrosnocturnos(night-
clubs) such as "La X'tabay" (which is located above and shares some
facilities with a centro turfstico, "El Tucho").7 These clubs open after nine
o'clock and present alternating bands, at least one of which also plays
background music for a show. An entry fee is charged and some snacks are
served with drinks, but meals are not available. Groups of men often pur-
chase bottles of liquor while couples tend to consume beer or cocktails. The
club I sampled proved to be well worth the expense (15,000 peso cover
charge = U.S. $7) and merits a detailed description.
I arrived at La X'tabay about eleven o'clock. The name refers to a
female spirit that lures men to their death in the jungle. She was portrayed
on the walls of the club in fluorescent paintings, displaying vaguely Mayan
features and long black hair and standing beneath a sacred ceibatree. From
various sources I gather that she is a mixture of the siren figure and the
weeping woman (llorona). The GrupoJosewas playing dance music when we
entered. It is a very good five-piece band featuring a lead guitarist who
sings, a drummer, an electric bass, and two women who sing (one played
the keyboard, the other tambourine). The sound was well integrated and
the repertoire mainly tropical plus some American rock tunes sung in
Spanish (for example, "Gloria"). Each dance tune was continuous with the
next.
The main attraction was the "Grupo Cubaney Show" from Cuba. This
was an excellent band, led by a man who played flute and saxophone; there
were also two trumpets, a trombone, electric bass, keyboard, drums, percus-
sion, and three conga drums (but no guitars). Four showgirls who paraded
in skimpy costumes (each had a brief solo spot), a pair of ballroom dancers,
a marvelous woman singer (Emilia Morales), and several male singers
completed the group. The men sang solos and in various combinations
(duets and backup). Especially notable was Luis Noa, a powerful tenor who
sang in English and Spanish. The first show lasted about forty-five minutes
and was very professional and entertaining. La X'tabay seats perhaps two
hundred persons on tiny chairs at low tables and the atmosphere was
friendly and controlled. GrupoJoseplayed between shows; I left after the sec-
ond one though the dance floor was packed and the Cubaney band was
playing "Juana la Cubana."
There are a dozen or more nightclubs in Merida, some in hotels catering

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 Music in Merida : 41

to a family crowd, others featuring strip shows for single men. They seem
to complement the other kinds of establishments where music can be heard
earlier in the day or where people come primarily to dance (see below). As
far as I could tell, the hours from 4 A.M. until noon are the only times when
live music is not available in great quantity.

Unions, Dance Halls, and Canaval

Two musicians' unions existed in Merida during early 1989. I interviewed

officials of both, introducing myself as a musico from the United States who
was interested in comparing the working conditions in Merida with those I
knew. Observations at the main union, Sindicato Unico de Filarm6nicos de
Yucatan (S.U.F.Y.), revealed dozens of active bands with arranged jobs at
hotels, centros,and dance halls under union auspices. The general secretary
told me that the union has standing contracts with all the major venues in
Merida and that the Union receives six percent of the payroll, half of which
goes to the national musicians' union (affiliated with the C.T.M., a trade
union congress). One of the musicians said that the union is not much help
in finding work, but it is useful in contract disputes (much like the
American locals). The union secretary, Sr. Miguel Martinez Ancona, has
his own band, Censurado,and it seems likely that a network of related and
friendly musicians receive a large share of the market, but this is only
speculation. The most active groups are the tropical bands already men-
tioned. The union does not attempt to control the traditional duos or trios
since, as Sr. Martinez said, "it would not be worth the trouble."
The S.U.F.Y. office is located downtown in an old building with a large,
partly-covered courtyard that also serves as a dance hall. Events in the
many dance halls (salas defiestas) around the city are held on holidays and
Saturday nights (10 P.M. to 3 A.M.) or on Sunday evenings (from 6 P.M. to 11
P.M.). The dances are announced on posters and many dance halls sponsor
particular brands of beer. I attended one such event at the union hall on a
Sunday evening. Three young bands alternated, each performing two
45-minute sets. They were typical tropical bands with electronic guitars,
multiple stacked keyboards, percussion players, and a few horns. All were
highly amplified and, on this occasion, there was a geometric increase in the
number of pairs of speakers (two, four, and eight, respectively) used by the
groups; "Los Tremendos Adventureros," "Sangre Latina," and the best
of the three, "America Tropical."
One bandleader bragged of investing thirty million pesos (U.S. $13,000 )
in the amplification system for his group. The invidious display of loud-
speakers may offer visual assurance of a band's prosperity and popularity,
but the sound is invariably distorted and painfully loud. The working class

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42 : Philip K. Bock

crowd included groups of boys and girls (some of the latter clearly chape-
roned) who seemed to enjoy the music. The invitation to dance is usually
non-verbal and the couple dances in silence except for older married
couples. Beer was available, but few people were drinking and the three or
four policeman present had little to do that night.
The second union is headed by Sr. Alvaro L6pez Gasca, who had been a
business agent at S.U.F.Y. for many years. He claimed to representdozens
of musical groups, the best of which were listed in a newspaper advertise-
ment. His officewas in a smallwalkupjust off the main plaza and he indicated
a dance hall acrossthe streetwherehis groupsperformed,the "Sala de Fiestas
Montejo." Sr. L6pez also spoke of his affiliationwith Sr. Rivas, owner of a
number of radio stations(GrupoRivas),which also providedopportunitiesfor
his musicians.I judged that some of his claimswere exaggerated-one knowl-
edgeablemusician said he had never heard of this second union-but the or-
ganizationdoes exist and is anothersign of the active musical life of the city.
Many of the musical groups that I heard or learned about through the
unions and newspapersparticipatedin the February1989 paradescelebrating
Carnaval. Althoughdisparagedas "muy pobre" by people from elsewhere,the
Merida parades provided an opportunityto witness many groups as they
rolledby on some of the floats(thoughmost used recordedmusic)or performed
on the fixed platformsspread along Paseo Montejo. The floats (carrosalego-
ricos)celebratedthe carnivalqueen and her "ugly king" (reyfeo),neighborhood
queens, civic organizations,businesses,centrosturisticos,and brandsof ciga-
rettes or beer. People in holiday dress and in costume crowdedthe sidewalks
alongthe paraderoutewhile shops, stands,and ambulatoryvendorsdid a good
business in food, balloons, and curios. The parades took place on three suc-
cessivedays, plus one night for regionalcostumesonly; othercelebrationstook
place in dance halls, private clubs, and neighborhood parks.
The ubiquitous song "Baile como Juana la cubana" inspired young and
old, male and female, to dress like a stereotypicalCuban woman or at least
to wear a red bandanna with white polka dots. One informant called it "the
song of the year," and said that the previous year another song, "Toda la
vida," had been equally popular. Every musical group had to be prepared
for requests and I heard the song two or three times each night when a band
was playing at the dance hall behind my apartment. I do not know whether
it attained national popularity, but it could hardly be avoided in Merida or
other parts of Yucatan that I visited.

Mass Mediaand Cassettes

Daily newspapers(Novedades and El Diariode Yucatan)carry advertisements

for the commercial events described above and for special concerts and

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 Music in Merida : 43

visiting shows. Local cultural events, whether university or government

sponsored or privately produced, are most likely to be covered as news
stories and listed in publications directed at tourists. These periodicals,
together with radio announcements and suggestions from acquaintances,
were my main sources of information about the Merida musical scene. It is
quite possible that, during the three months I was there, I missed a number
of events that also failed to come up in interviews or to be mentioned in the
newspaper files that I consulted.
Systematic sampling of radio stations and television programs revealed
that the range of music available through these media was not very great.
At least ninety percent of the musical offerings were tropical, Mexican and
U.S. popular ballads, or "rock," with the ten AM stations programming
varied proportions of these styles. One powerful FM station calling itself
"Estereo Maya" specialized in easy listening instrumentals and interna-
tional popular songs. Two others, "El Romantico" and "Radio Amistad,"
specializedin Latin American popular song, while the fourth intermittently
broadcasted the audio portion of a television transmission, including the
soundtracksof motion pictures often in English. Classical music was en-
countered only on the fourth FM station during a weekly "cultural" pro-
gram, "La hora de Bellas Artes."
Popular magazines such as Ritmo offered some insight into national
preferences in styles and performers as well as providing current slang for
communicating about these matters (for example, the use of padreor
padrisimoto indicate approvalof a particularperformeror song). It was also
clear from listening to the radio that careful imitation was flattering to the
"original" and profitable for the imitators. Local bands often tried to
replicate the instrumentation, phrasing, and vocal quality of exitos(hits).
The larger bands do this with considerable success, though attempts to im-
itate U.S. songs are often foiled by singers with an inadequate knowledge of
English or by overenthusiastic percussionists.
I had only occasional access to a television set but recognized most of the
current genres such as daytime soap operas, game shows, news, prime-time
movies, and national variety shows (for example, "Siempre en Domingo"),
which feature international singers, dancers, and entertainers. The most
useful program was a "showcase" for local bands (presented by the musi-
cians' union) on which a number of different groups were able to display
their appearanceand sound while the phone number of the leader or agent
was flashed on the screen. The groups scheduled on February 18 ranged
from seven to ten musicians each and included the followingbands (all play-
ing tropical numbers): "Los Pika Pika," "Los Mendez," "Los Angeles de
Ritmo," "Los Prismos," "Los Kizahuas" (singing "Pueblito querido"),
"Grupo Gitano," "Los Excentricos," "Los Magos de Ritmo," and "Los
Duran" (the two latter groups were from small towns near Merida). A

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44: Philip K. Bock

similar program, "Tropical Caliente," aired on another channel, perhaps

promoted by the second union, though I was not able to verify this. On
both programs, the groups were distinguished more by their costumes and
stacks of keyboards or speakers than by their musical styles, though some
incorporated more obvious "rock" elements than others and differed in in-
strumentation such as the use of saxophones or several trumpets.
I had not lived in Mexico for an extended period since 1969 and was
struck by the great impact the "cassette revolution" has had upon the
musical life of the people. Inexpensive players and recorders are every-
where, from personal players with earphones to huge "boom boxes" and
car stereos. Most record stores no longer stock original copies but display
covers of the latest LP albums in their windows and, for a fee, produce
cassette copies to order. (The compact disc was just penetrating Merida in
1989.) Songs, both old and new, pass from hand to hand on cassettes dubbed
from other recordings, from the radio, or from live performances. Govern-
ment-sponsored attempts to preserve traditional styles or to record older
performers have increased tremendously due to the availability of this inex-
pensive technology. Low quality "pirated" tapes of popular albums or live
performances sold for 3,000 pesos (= U.S. $1.10) in mercadoshops or on
streetcorner stands. Better quality dubbings cost up to 10,000 pesos at the
record stores.
As far as I could learn, the cassette revolution has few political implica-
tions in Yucatan. Other than promoting civic pride and a sense of regional
distinctiveness by incorporating a few Maya words and references to pea-
sant customs or to the past glories of "Chichen and Uxmal," the locally cir-
culated songs seem devoid of messages, with perhaps the exception of the
New Trova, as discussed below. One cassette, "Merida es Yucatan," a
rather slick, tourist-oriented package produced in Mexico City, mixes nar-
ration about the charm and history of Merida with regional songs praising
Yucatan as the romantic "land of love." The picture on the cassette box
shows a calesa (horse-drawn carriage) with a male driver and two female
passengers, all in mestizo dress, posed in front of the arches of the city hall.
Like the visual message of the Ballet Folklorico, this recorded "cultural
performance" is a self-conscious attempt to construct a regional identity
and should be considered a continuation of the work of earlier painters,
muralists, and writers.

La Trova Yucateca

Most of the songs on the "Merida es Yucatan" recording are drawn from
the traditional repertoire of the romantic troubadour (trovador)and referred
to locally as la trova(such as "Rayito del sol," "Ella," and "Pajaro azul").

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 Music in Mrida : 45

It is this style even more than thejarana that symbolizes a Yucatecan identi-
ty for most Meridanos. Expatriate musicians working in Guadalajara,
Acapulco, and Mexico City often perform these songs for a nostalgic (or at
least sentimental) audience. The usual arrangement is for three males to
sing in close harmony and play as many guitars, or two guitars and percus-
sion. La trova songs may also be sung solo, in duos, or in larger groupings
with drums or percussion added (especially claves, maracas, or the cabasa, a
large gourd rattle with shells attached to its outer surface). Women also per-
form songs of la trovaand there have been some famous female groups, but
most of the songs are written from a male point of view.
This tradition came to my attention in a newspaper article, which men-
tioned a meeting of "Los amigos de la Trova Yucateca" at a downtown
hotel. The ostensible purpose of the meeting was to honor an elderly musi-
cian and teacher, Sr. Vicente Uvalle, who was born in Yucatan but who
has taught for many years at the Teachers College in Mexico City. Maestro
Uvalle had recently been presented with the Guty Cardenas Medal (the
famous popular musician who was also an expatriate) by the city govern-
ment, and this homenajewas one of many such ceremonies that take place
regularly in Merida. The master of ceremonies, Sr. Roberto MacSwiney
Santiago, read a biographical sketch and invited others in the audience to
amplify it. Some cassettes of the honoree's songs were played, and then
with the guitarist (and "curandero de guitarras") Manuel Sanchez,
Maestro Uvalde performed two others. He has written over 3,000 songs
and composed numerous semi-classical works, including a recorded suite
called "Bambuco."
After about an hour of such tribute, a very youthful trio, "Los Angeles,"
performed several songs. The trio was acclaimed as demonstrating the con-
tinuity of the tradition, and mention was made of a concursoof Yucatecan
song held for the second year in the secondary schools and a concert planned
for February 5th. The Amigos de la Trova meet monthly for business
and pleasure, but I also learned that there are daily gatherings (peias) at
noon in another hotel where lovers of la trovacan listen, perform, or learn
songs that may exist only in the memory of older troubadours (Bock
1990).
I began to attend these gatherings regularly, to meet a number of musi-
cians and aficionados, and to gain a sense of the style and its context of per-
formance. Although their numbers have diminished greatly, active trios
still work in Yucatecan hotels and a few groups still wait around the
main plaza in hope of gaining employment at a fiesta, much like the
mariachisin Guadalajara. Indeed, just north of the Merida city hall stands a
special telephone booth marked "Trovadores." People can call on this phone
to order a serenade (usually four songs) or an evening of entertainment.
The older trios specialize in la trova, but all have some Mexican standards as

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46: Philip K. Bock

part of their repertoire (such as "Solamente una vez" or "Amor, amor,

amor," the latter written by a Yucatecan composer).
I soon realized that I would need a teacher if I were to learn more about
this tradition, and I was fortunate that Sr. Carlos Pereyra, who had started
the pena two years earlier agreed to instruct me. He was at first hesitant
because I do not play the guitar, but after some discussion we came to an
understanding. Don Carlos was born in Yucatan in the late 1920s and had
made his living as a musician in Merida and Mexico City until his recent
retirement. As a young man he was one of the original members of Daniel
Ayala's OrquestaTipica Yucalpetenand organized the Trio Merida. During
the mid 1940s he moved to Mexico City where he performed with the trio
Los Caminantesfor over 40 years, many of them at the Hotel Maria Cristina.
Don Carlos had an extensive knowledge of la trova and he was often
sought out at the peia when a lyric or melody needed clarification (though
years of singing the baritone line in close harmony made him occasionally
uncertain of the melody line). I was told by one regular of the pena that I
"couldn't have chosen a better teacher," and in the six weeks that we
worked together I learned a dozen songs (including one of his own composi-
tions, a bambucowritten for a competition).8
One of the songs that every musical organization in Yucatan must play,
whether traditional trio, tropical band, or large orchestra, is "La
"
peregrina. As with other trovasongs, its author and composer are as well
known as its "origin legend." This song retells the tragic story of Felipe
Carillo Puerto, the first socialist governor of Yucatan, elected in 1922. This
charismatic and progressive leader (though married with a family in his
native town of Motul) fell in love with the American journalist Mrs. Alma
Reed, who seems to have returned his affections. When she left Mexico, he
commissioned Luis Rosada Vega (lyrics) and Ricardo Palmerin (music) to
compose a song expressing his love and loss.
In many ways the song is typical of the Yucatecan romantic ballad, both in
the textual imagery and its general form (AA'BC), with an harmonic base
alternating between minor and major. The title literally means "The
Pilgrim" but the imagery emphasizes the connotation of a "migratory
bird" passing through the Yucatan. The rhythm is a bolero-like danza. My
free translation follows:

Peregrina, with your clear, divine eyes,

And cheeks tinted with fire;
Little lady, whose lips are crimson
And whose hair is radiant as the sun:
You left your native places,
The spruces and the virginal snows,
To come and shelter beneath my palm trees
Under the sky of my tropical land.

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 Music in Merida : 47

The little songbirds of my meadows

Trill their songs when they see you,
And the perfumed flowers
Caress your brow and kiss your lips.
When you depart from my palm trees and my country,
Peregrina, you of the enchanting visage,
Don't forget, don't forget my land;
Don't forget, don't forget my love.

Soon after the song was written, Carillo Puerto was captured by the forces
of General Adolfo de la Huerta and together with his brother and several
aides summarily executed. This ended the "socialist threat" to the
Yucatecan elite, but added great sentiment to the song.
The FM station, Radio Amistad, features various trios that play selec-
tions from la trova(and more recent compositions) on its program, "Guitarras
en la tarde." The advertisers seem to believe that the program reaches
an audience. At the same time the performers have a chance to promote
their recordings and appearances (if any), although much of the warmth of
live performances is lost in the chatter.
I had several opportunities to observe performances of trova in different
settings. One was at the downtown Teatro Daniel Ayala where the Amigos
staged a free public concert (again honoring Maestro Uvalde) on February
5. Roberto MacSwinney hosted this impressive and varied evening that
was interesting both for the music and the metamusic,which commented on
itself and on the occasion. The stage was set with a rural hut and hammock.
Recording equipment from a national radio station was also present. Most
of the performers were limited to two numbers, as follows:

*Los Tres Corazones sang "La peregrina" and Sr. Pereyra's bambuco,
"Todo me habla de amor."
*Arturo Vega sang his own compositions "Adi6s amor" and "Cosas
Preciosas."
*M6nica Morena sang an original song she had written for the second an-
niversary of the Amigos and another song about Merida.
*Los Angeles, the young trio previously mentioned, sang "Flor" and
"Merida, Hermosa Ciudad," after which the master of ceremonies com-
mented (rather hopefully): "La trova Yucateca no esta muriendo; ila
trova Yucateca esta viviendo!"
*The Conjunto Magisterial, a quartet from Chetumal (including a doctor
and a professor) sang five brief numbers, always announcing the name of
lyricist and composer; one of the songs, "Sefior Turista," was an invita-
tion to visit Chetumal.
*A male duo performed "A mi Novia" and "Oreja."
*Prof. Jorge Segura recited parts of "La Profecia" and sang "Solo yo."

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48 : Philip K. Bock

Certificates of appreciation were presented to Maestro Uvalde and others;

after announcements, an intermission was taken. Records of trova were on
sale in the theater lobby. Following the break, Don Pastor Cervera per-
formed one of his own songs with great style; he was then joined for two
duets by a woman who is also a composer.
One of the most interesting aspects about the Amigos is their self-
conscious attempt to maintain and promote a regional style in the face of
many challenges. MacSwinney is an able publicist, though I suspect that
the "Museo de la Canci6n Yucateca" of which he writes exists mainly in his
own mind. The regular meetings, the concerts (including one planned for
the "Day of the Troubadour"), and the newspaper articles serve to keep
the public aware of trova, while the daily peia provides an opportunity for
the younger singers to learn the style and build their repertoire.
One commercial space specializes in trovaand on any given night two or
three competent trios can be heard there. El Trovador Bohemio, a small
club located opposite Santa Lucia Park. The night I attended (a Tuesday),
about half of the twenty tables were filled, mostly with local couples. The
trio Los Clarinerosperformed a set including the trova standards "Pajaro
Azul," "Granito de Sal," "Pasion" (G. Cardenas), "Mi Ultima Canci6n"
(P. Cervera), and, of course, "Peregrina." Los Meridanos performed
"Ella," "Pagina Blanca," "Para Olvidarte," and a favorite of mine,
" Beso Asesino," a claveby Pepe Dominguez. In the latter and other classics
of la trovathe poet and composer work together to produce songs that use
familiar elements in unusual and striking ways. As I wrote earlier, the in-
tended setting for these songs is a nocturnal serenade to the beloved or a
solitary complaint in memory of a past love:
Certain images are common: the eyes, lips, and hair of the beloved; the moon;
the scent of flowersin the gentle breeze; the window where the singer offershis
song and leaves his heart. The beloved is compared in delicacy and purity to
flowersor to snow, and the birds sing wherevershe goes. But it is the imagina-
tive use of these conventions that is most highly valued." (Bock 1990:14)

One last example will illustrate the concept of metamusic while showing
the typical urban ambivalence (patronizing admiration) toward the peasan-
try. "La Fiesta del Pueblo" is ajarana by Manuel Burgos that tells of a
village fiesta in which the rockets have announced the beginning of the va-
queria(a type of cowboy dance):
Now the dance hall is full,
The orchestra starts to play;
All the mestizosare happy
Coming to dance with their mestizas.
How joyously beat the drums!
How lovely are the dances of my Yucatan!

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 Music in Merida : 49

The New Trova

Because of my fondness for the singers and songs of the traditional trovait is
not easy for me to describe the next musical movement objectively. I do not
want to adopt the "moldy-fig mentality" (Keil 1966:34) of some of the
Amigos, for if it is to survive as a vital musical force, the trovamust surely
adapt to changing tastes and opportunities. The question is, how much
change or "fusion" with other styles is possible before a tradition loses its
integrity?
Let us begin with an article that appeared in El Diario de Yucatdnon
March 1, 1989. Above the heading, "La musica yucateca no agoniza, cam-
bia de estilo" (Yucatecan music isn't dying but changing its style), ap-
peared a photo of fifteen young people (nine men, six women) with their
mentor, the Mexican pop star, Sergio Esquivel. A boldface blurb beneath
the headline translates as:

It must advance with the times, affirms the singer and composer, Sergio Es-
quivel. 'If Guty Cardenas were alive he would surely write differently from
his former song.' To succeed in the media today one must go to the D.F. and
do what impresses the producers.

The interview (with two more photos) takes up over half of a vertical page
and continues along the same lines: the old trova has had its day; it is time
for Yucatecan youth, what he calls "the fifth generation," to create its own
music.
Since his return to Merida in 1984, Esquivel has taught a workshop on
songwriting and performance, helping the students to form groups and
make recordings. His goal is to create a high quality, contemporary music
that will keep its roots in Yucatecan tradition but that will be relevant to the
present and yet have a chance of national success. At the same time he
warns against commercialization and mere imitation of popular styles.
Recently, Esquivel opened a downtown nightclub, "La Pefia de la
Trova," to showcase his proteges and their music. He denies that they are
"opposed" to the traditional music but insists that the new generation has
its own style. Even allowing for the somewhat garbled newspaper report,
there is clearly some ambivalence here. The use of the terms "trova" and
"quinta generaci6n" indicates a desire for continuity, but Esquivel stresses
the differences between the styles. Of course, the "old" trova also moved
from highly personal serenades and "bombas" (spontaneous compliments,
also known as "coplas") to highly commercial forms in hotels, broadcasts,
and recordings; but the "fifth generation" seems to want both artistic in-
tegrity and commercial success-a familiar paradox.
Esquivel's Sunday evening television program, "Tiempo de Trova,"

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50: Philip K. Bock

probably reaches many more people than the afternoon radio show,
"Guitarras en la Tarde," but the new style is still taking form. According
to the Diario interview, "We do not have a definite line. The workshop is
searching [en buzsqueda] and we do not want to limit ourselves. What we do
want is that all who listen to the music identify Yucatan in it."
I spent a long evening at the new club, located between the site of the dai-
ly pena and El Trovador Bohemio. The music was very good: varied and
well-presented, mixing male and female voices and guitars with electric
bass, keyboard, and percussion. I heard several groups and soloists,
notably "Quatro de la Quinta" and Felipe de la Cruz. A Mexican friend
indicated that the themes were more current than those of the old romantic
ballads and that she preferred their "realistic" approach to relationships.
To my ear, however, they are similar to Mexican pop styles and I could not
specifically "identify Yucatan" in any of it. Of the twelve songs on my
recording of "New Trova," six are love songs (though some use rather
unusual imagery); three deal with personal issues (solitude, death,
identity); one is a piece of metamusic ("Sangre criolla que se abraza al
ritmo"); one is an homage to the late poet, Guadalupe Trigo; and one (by
Felipe de la Cruz) is sung by a man to his lover's young son, assuring the
boy that: "I want to be your friend, not a substitute father."
At the end of the evening, Esquivel (who had been sitting in the au-
dience) was prevailed upon to sing a few songs, including his national hit,
"Un Tipo Como Yo" (A Guy Like Me). He is a strong performer and has
clearly helped the members of his workshop to achieve a high level of pro-
fessionalism, though it remains to be seen whether their work will attract
even a regional following. The recording mentioned above, "Quinta
Generaci6n: Nueva Trova Yucateca" (1987), contains twelve songs by
members of the workshop. It was issued by the Instituto de Cultura de
Yucatan as part of a series together with several volumes of the Orquesta
Tipica Yucalpeten and solo performances by Pastor Cervera. Esquivel has
arranged some appearances on national variety shows for his students and
at least one recording by a name singer, but I doubt that they will be able to
achieve significant careers while staying in Merida and deliberately
avoiding commercial "pressures."
It is hardly surprising that the old troubadours are not pleased with these
developments. At a meeting of the daily pena on March 3, talk centered at
first on the broadcast that three of the men (Carlos Pereyra, Gregorio
Brito, and S6lomon Rabanales) had made on Guitarrasen la Tardeearlier in
the week. Later, attention turned to the Esquivel interview. Those present
were very negative. Especially outspoken was Arturo Vega who said it was
all nonsense: Esquivel "knows nothing of real trova," and, anyway, "he
had only one hit song." Vega then sang two of his own ballads quite
beautifully, after which a young woman came over and requested a tradi-

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 Music in Merida : 51

tional ballad. The group sang it and she returnedto give thanks, saying this
(informal) group was far superior in her opinion to the successful pop
group, "Timberiche." Thus, there is some evidence for the continuing
popularity of "old" trova and its message that affirms the possibility of
romantic love.

Conclusions
I shall conclude by comparing my observations with those made by
Stigberg on Veracruz nearly twenty years previously. The variation in
history, size, and location of these cities, as well as the passage of time, have
doubtless produced some differences between their musical cultures; yet I
felt that Merida in 1989 was experiencing many of the same changes that
took place in Veracruz a generation earlier. His descriptionof the radio sta-
tions could be repeated almost exactly for Merida. At the same time, com-
pared to Veracruz, Merida seems to be off the main route for travelling
companies of large musical organizations or theatrical production. Thus,
except for national television programs, Meridanos rarely have the chance
to see big name Latin American or U.S. performers.
Stigberg discusses at length the position ofjarochomusic and musicians in
the larger musical life of Veracruz. This music was performed in 1971-72
by a dwindling group of ambulantes in a few settings. It was regarded by
much of the population as a "music of the past" (1978:271), that is, rural,
monotonous, and irrelevant to urban life. Although symbolic of regional
identity-natives of Veracruz often refer to themselves as jarochos-the
music seemed unable to recruit a new generation and creativity in the style
was diminishing. I chose to focus on the trovaYucateca, but a closer analogy
to jarochowould be thejarana tradition. Without government subsidy, this
style might also be nearly defunct; however, due to support for ensembles
that play serenatas and incorporation of the music and dance into the
U.A.Y. Ballet Folklorico, the jarana remains vital.
In Veracruz, as in Merida, the dominant style was tropical. Musicians
were recruited from diverse class backgrounds and, according to Stigberg,
most were literate and had had some formal training. The troubadoursare
also from various classes, rural and urban, but most are liricos,unable to
read music. In Veracruz, tropical orchestras of about ten musicians per-
formed in dance halls (especially two large halls near the beach) and in cen-
tros nocturnos. The conjuntos he observed were somewhat larger than
those I saw in Merida and, except for an occasional organ, the former were
entirely acoustic (1978:294, no. 17). His study neither mentions any style
similar to the Yucatecan trova, old or new, nor does it describe any groups
similar to the Amigos.

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52 : Philip K. Bock

Stigberg's category of "pop" music includes Spanish language ballads

and English language rock, both entering the Veracruz soundscape
through AM radio and television. In Merida I heard mainly Spanish
language original rock and "covers" of Euroamerican groups, as well as
"Mecano," a very popular rock group from Spain. As noted above, the
tropical bands all had some "pop" numbers in their repertoiresand a few
showed rock influence in guitar and drum playing, but there was nothing
approaching a true fusion of styles and there were few traces of a rock sub-
culture (compare Stigberg 1978:287). When the Michael Jackson film,
"Moonwalker" was shown in Merida it attractedonly a small teenage au-
dience.
Stigberg analyzes his material using notions of rural/urban contact and
of change mediated by radio, television, and recordings. These concepts
are also valid for Merida, but should be supplemented by a recognition of
regional, national, and cosmopolitan identities that accompany each style.
The major forms discussed may be ranged as follows from parochial to
universal:
PAROCHIAL jarana I trova/new trova | tropical | pop/rockUNIVERSAL
I use the terms "parochial" and "universal" with reference to McKim
Marriot's processesof interactionbetween "little" and "great" traditions in
India as adapted by Redfield (1956:54-55) for more general purposes. That
which is parochial in one generation may be "taken up" by the great tradi-
tion and given more universal meanings, while elements of the great tradi-
tion may undergo parochializationby being integrated into local cultures,
their origins forgotten and meanings changed. Towards the middle of this
continuum we have an area where syncretism may be consciously practiced
and various fusions of styles regularly occur. I further suggest a continuum
of emotional tones (from left to right) that might be labeled nostalgic/
romantic/ironic. The absence of explicit political music in either Veracruz
or Merida may be significant, as compared with the nuevacancionor nueva
trovafound elsewhere; however, it could also be due to the researchers'
oversight in both cases.
To the extent that audiences for these musical styles differ along age or
class lines we have evidence for changes in values, though not necessarily
for value conflicts. The only clear exception is the opposition of old to new
trova in Merida, with the former apparently maintaining its position while
the latter seeks both to claim continuity and to attract a new audience.
Nothing like this was reported for Veracruz, and it was most likely absent
in the Merida of twenty years past.
The picture of Merida that emerges from a consideration of its contem-
porary musical styles and performancesis of a community that expects (and
receives) a virtually continuous flow of musical events for listening, danc-

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 Music in Meida : 53

ing, and watching (in the form of government-sponsored spectacles, in-

cluding Carnaval). There is a large pool of musical talent in Yucatan, but it
would be difficult to predict what styles will most attract young musicians.
Although many job opportunities are open to those who perform tropical
styles, technological change has greatly increased the capital investment
necessary to organize such a band and competition is very strong. Some
young people are still attracted to trova, perhaps because a good voice, a
guayabera (shirt), a guitar, and a pair of claves are all that is required. To
others, the "new trova" promises a fusion of styles with some chance of
commercial success but, as yet, with little political content (cf. Benmayor
1981:13 on "nueva trova" in Cuba).
It can, of course, be argued whether the mass media are makers or mir-
rors of popular taste-probably both-and Meridanos have a fairly large
range of music broadcast every day. They may identify most strongly with
the persistent cumbia beat of the many tropical recordings and live perfor-
mances on the air; but they still have the option of listening to ballads in
nostalgic trova or romantic "pop" styles, or of hearing Euroamerican rock
with its messages of love, sex, and aggression. To understand how in-
dividuals and groups use these forms to discover, construct, or express their
own feelings and identities is the next challenge that faces students of urban
music.

Notes

1. Many people helped with this study, none more than my wife, Barbara.
Thanks are also due Don Carlos Pereyra Contreras, Ing. Miguel Perez
Concha of the U.A.Y., Ing. Elsy Yolanda Lara Barrera, Director of the
Central Library, Lic. Carlos E. Boj6rquez Urzaiz, Director of the
Faculty of Anthropological Sciences, U.A.Y., Sr. Miguel Martinez An-
cona, Secretary General of S.U.F.Y., and Srta. Mercedes Noriega.
Srta. Adriana Ramirez de Arellano assisted with the transcription and
analysis of the new trova songs.
2. The notion that the state should encourage (and discourage) certain
forms of music goes back as far as Plato's Republic. The European na-
tionalist folklore movements further illustrate the state's tendency to co-
opt regional styles for its own purposes, while ethnic pride movements
frequently react against such attempted hegemony. In Guatemala, the
state has recently undertaken a major project to document the music of
the Kekchi Maya and other indigenous peoples-the same peoples who
are threatened by its genocidal policies! (AlbuquerqueJournal, 14 July

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54 : Philip K. Bock

1991, GI). In Yucatan, the situation seems more benign; however,

remembering the persistence of "talking cross" rituals among rural
Mayans for a century after the War of the Castes, one wonders whether
some of these activities might not backfire someday.
3. The jarana of Yucatan and the jarochoof Veracruz are apparently
equivalent (socially, if not musically) to thejarabein the state of Tabasco.
All three may be derived from thejota, at least rhythmically:they are in
triple meter with an alternation between 3/4 and 6/8 sections. And all
three names, like the assumed origin of rumba from rumbo,carry con-
notations of a binge or spree, or of dancing with abandon.
4. It is difficult for an outsider to judge the balance of hypocrisy and
sincerity in particularcases, but a patronizing tone is present in even the
works of professional indigenistas.The nativist romanticism of authors
such as Antonio Mediz Bolio (1987) often ends by making its subjects
appear childlike and pathetic.
5. The Banda Continental, a S.U.F.Y.-affiliated tropical orchestra was
playing this day at Santa Lucia; it was composed of four trumpets, five
saxophones, a drum set, congas, a rasp, electric bass, and keyboard.
Selections included the mambo, "Patricia" and several members of the
group sang.
6. I was told that some younger groups are mainly rockeros, but never en-
countered them in public settings. Also, some older marimberos and at
least one mariachigroup perform in and around Merida; I heard them
only at city-sponsored fiestas in the parks.
7. There are also a number of "discos" where the patrons come to drink,
meet, and dance. The luxurious Holiday Inn features a discotheque for
teenagers, as well as a lounge with a duo or trio.
8. The most comprehensive information about Yucatecan song is in a rare
two-volume work by the late Miguel Civiera Taboada (1916-1987), Sen-
sibilidadYucateca enla CancionRomantica,published by the State of Mexico
in 1978. Civiera was a historian and archivist who wrote more than a
dozen books. The 1978 book is a useful compilation of songs, programs,
and reminiscences about the great Yucatecan composers and singers. He
was also responsible for adapting Mediz Bolio's Landof thePheasantand
Deerfor the "Light and Sound" show at Uxmal.

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