frmrwusnenD 3 pienso Routledge International Handbook of Contemporary Racisms Edited by John SolomossoniwasseusD 4 exexveew int publshed 2020, by Rowedge 2 ak Squat, Mikon Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 SRN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbs Avene, New York, NY 10017 Routed can pint ofthe Taylor & Fane Grup, a infomebasiee {© 2020 selection and editorial mater, Job Solomos indvidal chapter, the conribute ‘The right of John Solomos tobe identied as the author of the editorial materi nd ofthe thon forthe indvidal chapters, has been aero in accordance with Scions 77 and 78 ofthe Copyright, Degas and Pate Act 1988, ‘All ight scrrved. No pat of ti book enay be spent or reproduced or ued ‘in any form or By any leetonic, mechanel, or other means, now Known Of Inset invented, sneluding photocopying and recording o a 2 informs ora of rtneval item, thos permusion in wong fom the publsher Thadenark rave Produc or corporate names may be tademaths or repisete, usdemats and are wed only fo idenuiesion and explanation withoue intent sntinge. Boh Litany Catling Pabition Date ‘A caalogsetecord forts books avble om the Beis Likely Liar of Gongs: Catlgingn-Publiation Data ‘A catalog seco has Been tequested fo his book ISBN: 976-1-138-48599-0 bi) ISBN: SL 3510473226 (cb) ‘Typeset ia Bembo by Swnles Will, Execer, Devon, UKgoniwaswenso 5 » Contents List of figures and tbls Preface and aceouledgements Notes on the contributors General introduction Tekin Solomos PART! Theories and histories 1. Systemic racism and the white racial feime ‘Sean Blas and Joe R. Feagin 2. Beyond Marxism versus cultural studies: critical theories of racism and political action from migrant workers to Black Lives Matter Zacharias Zoubir and Kari Mer 3 Conceptualising cities and figeant ethnicity: the lessons of Chinese London Lara Henmeke and Qiraline Knowles PARTI Contemporary racisms in global perspective 4 Whitening Citizenship: race, ethnicity, and documentation status as brightened boundaries of exclusion in the U.S. and Europe Tiffany Joveph 5 Rageand racisms: why and how to compare? Graziella Moraes Silea 28 38 53 67soniwaswens0 6 » Contents 6 Latin American racisms in global perspective Peter Wade 7. Hostility to refugees and asylum seekers Tony Kushner PART IIL Racism and the state 8 The racial state Charles W. Mills 9 Blackness everywhere: how the state nnaintains manifests racialized po Marcus Anthony Hunter 10 Cui Bono? Linking political and racial orders David Cook-Martin 11 “Re-whitening” non-white spaces throigh Colorblind narratives Charles A, Gallagher PARTIV Racist movements and ideologies 12. Racist movements, the far ght and mainstreaming. Auutelien Mondon and Aaron Winter 13, The language of walls iNélubion, exclusion, and the radialization of space Ruth Wodak 14 The white supsematist movement in the U.S. through the lens of the matrix-of FaCe Abby L. Ferber PARTV Anti-racisms 15 Afii-ritism as method Mamiéla BojadZijev 89 97 99 110 121 145 147 160 178goniwassens0 7 » Contents 16 Contemporary anti-racism: a review of effective practice 208 Jehonathan Ben, David Kelly and Yin Paradies 17 Anticracism and everyday life 216 Kristine Aquino 18 Formulating a theory in anti-racism activisn 230 Rashawn Ray and Genesis Fuentes PART VI Racism and nationalism 241 19. Nationalism and racism: the racial politics of non-beldnging, bordering and disposable humanities 243 Sivamohan Vallavan 20 Distinctions, dilemmas, and dangers: sociological approaches to race and nationalism 258 Matthew W. Hughey and Michael L. Rosino 21 Nationalism, postcolonial criticism and the state 273 Charles Leddy-Owen 22. Racism, nationalism and the politits béresentment in contemporary England 284 James Rhodes and Natalie-Anne Ea PART VIL Intersections of race and gender 301 23. Intersections of race. Umut Ered gender 303 24 We've joined the table but we're still on the menu: clickbaiting divefsity in today's university 317 Sirma Bilge 25. Racial dijctimination in the ame of women’s rights: ‘On conteniporary racism in Sweden, 332 Mingo AlisiaContents 26 Gendered racializations: producing subordinate immigrant subjects, discrimination, and oppressive feminist and queer politics Anna Korteweg 27 Racial states — gendered nations: on biopower, race, and sex Sarah Bracke, Luis Manuel and Heméndez Aguilar PART Vill Racism, culture and religion 28 Modernity, race and religion Nasar Meer 29. Religious otherness: defining boundaries of contemporary racism Riva Kastoryano PARTIX Methods of studying contemporary racisms 30. Same difference? Researching racism ahd idumigration Yasmin Gunarainam and Hannah Jones 31 Researching racisms, researching/multiculture: challenges and changes to research niethods Sarah Neal PART X The end of racism? 32. Metamorphoses of ratiém, anti-semitism and anti-racism today Michel Wieviorka 33. The beginning and the end of racism — and something in-between Kevin Durrhgin) 34. Humiliation, dehumanization and the quest for dignity: researching. be Philomena Essed mad’racism Indes 344 356 367 369 378 389 391 406 417 419 430 442 456frmrwusnenD 9 pense Figures and-tables Figures 13.1. Press Agency message from the Austrian Freedom Patty about Social housing for Muslim Viennese 18.2. Simple Toulmin argumentation scheme: ‘Ifthe US is nv @adger, a wall will provide security’ 14.1. Visual depiction of the matrix of race Tables 13.1 Types of legitimation (adapted from Wodsk 2018) 13.2 Topoi in Austrian media during the "refsgee cosi¢ (Drawing on Wodak 2018 and, with petnsision, on Lehner and Rhesndorf 2018) 165 166 167frmrwusnent 10 parsuaecen Preface and acknowledgements Producing a Handbook on this scale isa long process and involyés bupport and encoursgement form a range of people, In patticular this volume would not/have.been possible without the various scholars who have agreed to be part of the project. Tlity have chosen to give oxuly of th to sce the volume come to fruition (andbave responded to my various requests with grace and humour. I hope they find the final product as a whole of interest to them. Second, various colleagues in my intellectual étwotks have been supportive of my endeavours over the yeats and have been kind enoughtg engage in on-going conversations that have helped me along the way, including: Ghire Alexander, Leah Baste, Alice Bloch, Eduardo Bonilla-Silvs, Marin Bulmer, Patricit Mill’ Collins, Paul Gilroy, Clive Harris, Michael Keith, Marco Martiniello, Karim MUgi, Yasmeen Narayan, Mitt Song, Samam Virdee and Aaron Winter. My colleagues in the Department of Sociology at the University of “Warwick have been supportive by allowing mé some valuable sabbatical ime to focus on my research and waiting after my period as Head of Department. M Bulmer over the past quarter of a centyty.in editing the journal Ethnic and Ravial Studies has provided me with a unique opportunityto lean about the changing preoccupations and para digms that have helped to shape the study pf race and racism in various disciplines and parte of the globe. I have learned muuch ffonthat involvement and from the meetings that the journal ‘has failtated with both establshePand new generations of scholars. The administrative staff at the journal, Amanda Eastell-Bleakley and Celia Boggust, have been of immense help out this period. At Routledge the support of Gerhard Boomgaarden and Diana C: been important in getting the project set up and in Keeping it going. At home the constant love and support of to me and I hope they don't inind too much the hours in the study. The last stages of produ cing the book have been kilped along by long walks through North London, providing me with enjoyable moments 30 wonder atthe richness of both the city that is my home and the sxurroufidt us. T have learned much about the Parkland Walk, Queen's Wood, Highgate Wood, ind Hampstead Heath in the process and look forward to walking to new: parts of the city, The various trips to watch West Bromwich Albion at the Hawthorns and all over England have-been 2 different kind of distraction, mostly enjoyable, sometimes painful and often moting. Thanks to Max, Lana, Nikolas, Dave and Glenn for being such good se trips and tolerated the presence of an eccentric ‘Prof in their midst John Solomos Crouch End, London June 2019 y collaboration with Martin itine, Nikolss, aud Daniel has been importantfrmrwasnenLD 11 parsuaeen Notes on the contributors The edit or John Solomos is Professor of Sociology at the University of Warwick, He has researched and written widely on the history and contemporary fof ofyrace and ethnic relations in Britain, theories of race and racism, the politce of race, equal opportunity policies, mvlticul- turaliam and social policy, rice and football, and racist miGveménts and ideas. His most recent books are Race, Ethnicity and Socal Theory orehcoming, Routledge) and Race and Racism in Britain (4th edition forthcoming, Palgrave Macinillan). His most recent edited book is ‘Theories of Race and Ethnicity: Contemporary Debates ond Penpectives (Cambridge University Press 2015, co-editor with Karim Mui). He iss¢@zeditor of the international journal Ethnic and Racial Studies, which is published in sixgeen issues a year by Routledge. He is also coneditor of the book series on Racism, (Résistance and Socal Change for Manchester £ The Routledge Encylopedia of Race and Raciv Iniversity Press and General Edit Contributors Luis Manuel Hernindez Aguilar iss postdoctoral researcher at the University of Amsterdam working on the project EnCenderi Eope's Muslin Question, He holds a PhD in Sociology from the Goethe-Universty Frankfurt am Main, His most recent publications include (2018) Governing Mucins and lam in Contenporary Genmany: Race, Time, and the German Islam Confer “Institutionahisierung dep afti-nvusinischen Rassias im Seast: Reflektionen uber die Deutiche Islam Konferen2” in. B, Ucar, & W, Kassis (Eds) (2019) Amtimustinisher Rasmus und lomfeindichkeit Minoo Alinia is Associate Pyofessor in Sociology and is currently working as Senior Lect at School of Social Seignces. Sédertém University in Stockholm. She has published on diat- port movements andidentities, gender and violence, racism/nationalism and gender, and intersectionalty. Kristine Aquino/is Lecturer in Global Suudies in the Faculty of Ans and Social Sciences at the University of Technology Sydney, Australi, Her research is broadly concemed with migration, Mulgiculturlism, race and racism. She explores these issues in the « turban everyday life through the use of qualitative and ethnographic methods, She has pub- lished i international journals atch at Ethnic and Racial Studies and Journal of Intercultural Studies. Her first book Racin and Resistance among the Filipina Diaspora: Everyday Anticraio in Australia was published by Routledge in 2018 and explores how Filipino migrants in ext ofsonimasseu0 12 paisumoe "Notes on the contributors ‘Australia experience understand and negotiate racism in their everyday lives, grounding, lager questions about race, citizenship, nationhood and anti-racism in lived experiences Jehonathan Ben is 2 doctoral candidate and researcher at Deakin University Fis work. focuses on racism, intercultural relations and migration. He currently condyetPetinographic research on experiences with work transformations and relationships among Enitsean migrants who live in Melbourne. Sirma Bilge (PHD, Université Sorbonne Noavelle-Pai II) ix Full roféyor of Sociology at Université de Montréal. She founded and directed the Intersectionalgj-Résearch Unit atthe entre des Guader sthniguer der universtés montréshites (CEETUM) from 2005 to 2010 Her current research looks at the neobberalincomporiion of jiinoized knowledges and producers in the westem academy. Her published works, infftbaeh, Engish and Turkish, include widely engaged articles such as “Intersectionalty Und@ne" (Dubois Review, 2013) and ‘Beyond subordination and resstance: an intersection approach to the agency of veiled Maslim women’ Journal of Intercultural Studies, 2010), ay-well as her book Iizoetonay (co-authored with Patricia Hill Collis, 2016) Manuela Bojadiijev is Profesor for Globalized Culkutesat the Faculty of Cultural Studies athe Leuphana University of Liineburg and vice-ditectomof the Berlin Institute for Integration and ‘Migration Research (BIM) at the Humboldt Univetsty of Berlin. The overall focus of her work is researching globalized and digitized cultures. She'® inrétesed in contemporary transformations of mobility and migration as well as of racism, in imtemplay with the current radical changes of work and fe. Addresing these topics, she currently oversees four research projects (nded be the Euro ppean research programmes 112020 and IIERA,*as well as the Volkswagen Foundation and the (German Research Foundation). Additionally, she curates, together with the author Carolin Emcke, ax Berlin's House of World Cultures a online archive on the history andl presence of forced migra tion to Germany (fanded by the Federal Cultural Foundation), Her more notewosthy publications include Turbulente Rander. Neve Pempestiven auf Migrtion an den Grenzen Europas (2007; 2012: a pare of Transit Migration Fésichungsgruppe), Die windige Internationale (2008; 2012) and Rae, Nation, Clas: Rerading a Dialegue for our Tames (2018; with Katrin Kling) Sarah Bracke is Professor of Socidlogy of Gender and Sexuality 2 the University of Amsterdam, Her fields of research include gender, religion (llam and Christiansty), the secular and secular governmentality, and multiculuralion in Europe, with a focus on questions of subjectivity and agency. She is the principle invesigator of the EnGondering Europe's Muslin Question research project, funded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research. She is an executive editor of journals Biography and Religion and Gender David Cook-Martin is Profesor of Sociology and Program Head of New York University ‘Abu Dhabi’, Soca Research and Public Policy (SRP). His work focuses on understanding, ‘migration, facé, ethnicity. law, and citizenship in an international field of power. His most recent project#'examine temporary migration regimes in comparative and historical perspec= tive, and the linkages between political and racial orders. Cook-Martin’s 2013 book Scumble for Citizens: Dual Nationality and State Comperition for Inmigrants (Stanford 2013) won the “Thomas and Znaniecki Prize of the American Sociological Awociation, Culling the Masi: The Democratic Ongins of Racism Immigration Paicy i the Americas (2014) ~ co-authored with David FiezGerald — won the ASA’s Distinguished Scholarly Publication award in 2017sonimasseu0 13 paisumoe Notes on the contributors Kevin Durrheim is a Professor of Peychology at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. His broad interests are in the feld of social psychology of intergroup relations. He has « programme of reccarch related to riciem, segregation and social change which is embedded in the Soath African context in which he works and lives, His publications Qualitative Studies of Silmec(Mbutay & Durcheim (eds) 2019), Race Trouble (Durtheim, Mrose & Brown, 2011) and Rial Encounter (Durtheim & Dixon, 2005, Routledge) have developed from this retearch progratame. Sean Elias studies racial and class group inequalities, imbalances, and injustiéessuch as examin~ ing ways racism operate in social science, identifying social and intellectual Problems associated with the marginalization of critical black social thought, and exposing the-dysfanctional socal world of the contemporary power elite, He is lead author with Joe Ru Feagin of Raval Theorie in the Social Sconces: A Systemic Raciom Critique (Routledge, 2016)-andl is now teaching at Colorado Mesa University while finalizing his ethnographic portaft gad-cultural critique of the power lite who frequent Aspen, Colorado (Routledge, forthcoming) Umut Erel is Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the Open (Guiversty, UK. She has widely published on the intersections of migration, ethnicity, citizenship, racism, gender, clas. Her ‘methodological interests are in creative and participatory"methods for research and engage- ‘ment. She was PL of Participatory Arts and Social Action ny Research, exploring theatre and walking methods for research (http://tiss.open. ac ak/reseatch/projects/pasat) and led the Open University’s contribution to the "Who are We?" Project at Tate Exchange, reflecting. fon migration, citizenship, participation and belofiging across art, activiem and academia hups://www whoareweproject.com for recent ‘publications, see hp://vww open ac.uk/ people/we27 Philomena Essed is profesior of Critcal/Race, Gender and Leadership Studies at Antioch University’s Graduate School of Leadgithip and Change and Affiliated Researcher at the University of Utrecht’: Gender Graduite Program. She hold: a PhD from the University of Amsterdam and Honorary Doctorate degrees fiom the University of Pretoria (2011) and ‘Umed University (2015). In 2011 de'was honoured with a Knighthood in the name of the Queen of the Netherlands, Well-known for introducing the concepts of oeryday racism and gendered radim, Essed also pioneered in developing theory on social and cultural cloning. The now classical 1984 (in Dutch) lledaggs Racisme (English version, Everyday Racism, 1990) was republished in 2018 with additional chapters, Other books include Undentending Everyday Racism, Divenity: Gender, (Color and Culture, and co-edited volumes: Race Cries! Theorie Refugees and the Transformanit of Societies; A Companion to Gender Studies (outstanding? 2003 CHOICE award); Cloves, Fakes and Posthumans: Cultures of Replication, (2012), Dutch Racism (2014), and Relating” Worlds of Raciom: Dehwmanisaton, Belonging and the Nemaativity of European Whiteness Q018). Her current focus i¢ on humiliation, dehumanization, cultares of dignity and ethics of care as experience and practice in leading change. Joe R. Feagin jt Ells McFadden Professor and Distinguished Profesor at Texas A&M. University. Among his books are Systemic Raciom (Routledge 2006); and (with Kimberley Ducey) Rati America (4th edition, Routledge 2019). He is the recipient of the American Assoctation.for Affirmative Action’s Fletcher Lifetime Achievement Award and the American Sociological Awociation's W. E, B, Du Bois Career of Distinguished Scholarship Award, Cox/Jobnion/Frazier Award, and Public Understanding of Sociology Award. He was the 19992000 President of the American Sociological AssociationfonasseULD 14 paisumoe "Notes on the contributors Abby Ferber is a Professor of Sociology and Women's and Ethnic Studies at the University of | Colorado, Colorado Springs, and Co-founder and Director of The Matrix Center for the Advancement of Social Equity and Inclusion, home of The Knapsack Institute: Transforming Teaching and Leaming, and che international journal Understanding and Dismay Privilege, the fist and only journal dedicated to examining privilege. She is the authoe/édytor of eight books, including White Man Falling: Rave, Gender and White Supremacy: editonof Home Grown Hate; co-author of Making « Difeence: University Students of Color Speake Out, Prvilge A Reader, and most recently, The Max of Race: Social Construction, Inteectionality and Inequal- ity, Her work bas been widely published in academic journals and mainstieaan news sources. Genesis Fuentes is a doctoral student in the Department of Sociélogy)and the Coordinator of the Lab for Applied Social Science Research (LASSR) at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her research interests are social peychology, gitity, ethnic relations, and policing. Charles A, Gallagher is profesor and chair of the Soci6logy, and Crmunal Justice Depart ‘ment at La Salle University and a Senior Fellow at Yale University’s Urban Ethnography Project. His research focuses on social inequality, race"Felations and immigration and he has published over fifty articles, reviews and books omchese topics. A Fulbright Research, Scholar, Professor Gallagher was housed at the University of Birmingham in the UK where hhe explored attitudes on immigration and Brexit, Professor Gallagher has given over sixty talks on these topics around the country, serv@Pa¥"an expert witness on civil rights cases, and is a frequent media source on these isn65, appearing in the press, television and radio interviews over 150 times, He is cufreftly writing a book on how institutions create self-reinforcing accounts of colous-blindvegulitaranisin that serve to maintain, normal ie and reproduce racial inequality. ‘Yasmin Gunaratnam is a Reader in Socidlogy at Goldsmiths, University of London, She has an interest in critical race, disability; migration and feminist scholarship and in qualitative and participatory methods. Yasmin's Publications include Reseanhing Race and Ethnicity: Methods, Knowledge and Power (2003), Death and the Migrant (2013) and the co-authored book Go Home?: The Politics of Inmigration’ Controversies (2017). Yasmin has edited nine collections and is an editor of Feminist Reviewand the writers of colour digital platform Media Diversified. Natalie-Anne Hall is « doctoral candidate in Sociology at the University of Manchester. Her research focutes on the-tse @f social media to find and share alternative information on contro vvesial politcal copies. Sho has previously worked at HM Inspectorate of Prisons, the former n Departit of Immigration and Citizenship, and UNESCO, and conducted research Laura Henneke’is 2 PhD candidate in Visual Sociology at Goldsmiths, University of London, Her main research interests are the New Silk Road/Belt snd Road Initiative, Chin- ‘ese migration, "and architectures of logistics and transportation. She studied Architecture and. Unban Desiga at Technical University of Berlin and Tongji University Shanghai where she investigated the impacts of transnational traders fiom the Arab world on Chinese urban evelopment in the case of Viws, a city famous for ite wholesale market of small commod= ities. She is co-founder of Present Spaces, a collaborative unit at the intersection of research, design, sociology and urbanism, and an active member of the Cente of Urban andsonmasseu0 15 paisumoe Notes on the contributors ‘Community Reseatch at Goldsmiths where she teaches in visual urban sociology and co- convenes “Infrastructural Explorations, a monthly walking event in diferent locations sround London. Matthew W. Hughey is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Gofihecticut (USA). He alzo holds sflliste positions at Nelson Mandela University (South Affi), the University of Barcelona (Spain), and the Univenity of Cambridge (Exghind). Professor Hughey’s research examines the forms and functions of race and racish and has received ‘wide support and honours, such as the National Science Foundation, Ruel Sage Found- tion, and the Falbright Commission, Marcus Anthony Hunter is the Scott Waugh Endowed Chair in the Division of the Social Sciences, Professor of Sociology, and Chair of the Department 6f Affican American Studies st UCLA, He is author of three books; Black Citymaters: How/the Philadelphia Negre Changed Usha America 2013), Chocolate Cities The Black Map of Avkertam Life (2018), co-authored with Zandra F. Robinson, and The New Black Sociologists (2018) Routledge) Hannah Jones writes, researches and teaches about racisiimiggation control, belonging, and public sociology, and is an Associate Professor of Sociology. af the University of Warwick, She 48 the author of Negotiating Cohesion, Inequality and Change: Uncomfortable positions in loal gover- ‘ment (2013) which won the British Sociological Asociation Philip Abrams Prize for best first and sole-authored monograph in UK sociology. SKEcoedited Stones of Cosmapolten Belonging Emotion and Location (2014, Routledge) with Emma Jackson, and co-authored Go Hom? ‘The Pokitis of Immigration Controversies (2017) With Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Kirsten Porkert, Emma Jackson and Roiysh Saltus Hannab’s next book, Violent Ignorance, is dfe-out in 2020. On Twitter she is @uncomsy. Tiffany Joseph i Associate Professor of Sociology and Interationsl Affairs Progrim at Northeastern University. Her research-and teaching interests explore: race, ethnicity, and ‘migration in the Americas; the infléuce of immigration on the social construction of race in the US, immigrants’ health and:healthcare access; immigration and health policy, and the experiences of minority faculty in/acidemia. She isthe author of Race on the Move: Brazilian Migrants and the Global Recosstciion of Race (2015) and her work has been published in various peer-reviewed journals Riva Kastoryano is 2,reseitch director at the CNRS (National Center for Scientific Research), and Professor at SciencesPo Paris. Her work focuses on identity and minority fasues and more specifially to their relations to states in France, Germany, the United States She was a lecturer abHarvard University 1984-1987, a fellow at the Institute for Advanced Studies (Princetoa), at Wissenschafiskolleg in Berlin, 2t the Radcliffe Insitute for Advanced Studies (Harvard Uy She has been teaching as a visiting Professor at the New School for Social Reseatth/since 2005, Her last book Burying Jihadis (2018) weats the relationship between belonging and territory in globalization, built around the question of transnational nationalis "Hef other recent books are Negotiating Idomities: States and Immigrants in France and Geymany (2002), She aso edited Quelle iden pour UBurope? Le mutiuluraiome a Féprewe (1998 and 2005 for the second edition); Nationalsmes en mutation en Méditemanée Oriontale (Changing Concept of Nationalism) (with A.Dieckhod)) Paris, Eddu CNRS 2002; and Les codes de le diffrence. Religion, Ongine, Race en France, Allemagne et Etat-Unis (CodessonimassenL0 16 paisumoe "Notes on the contributors of Othemess, Religion, Ancester and Race in France, Germany and the United States) (2005) and Tukey Between Nationalism and Globalization (Routledge 2013). David Kelly is 2 Research Fellow and Human Geographer at che HOME Reseaith Hub, Deakin University, His research into housing-related issues seeks to propfdte Indigenous rights and agendas, access and inclusion, and practices of commoning. Caroline Knowles is Professor of Sociology at Goldsmiths, Univetiiffsof London and director of the Brith Academy Cities and Infastmature Programme. She holds x Major Leverhulme Fellowship supporting her current research Serious Money’ Mobile Investigation of Plutacatic London. She is the author of many books and atticles concemed with cities, space, ethnicity, migration and mobilities as well as visual and bidgapBical research methods Her most recent books involve collaboration with photographers: Flp-Bkp: A. Joumsey Through Globalsation's Backroads (2014) (wrww-Aipfloptnil,eom). and Hong Kong: Migrant Lives, Landscapes and Journeys (2009) with Douglas Harper, ‘Anna Korteweg is Professor and Chair of Sociology at the University of Toronto Misisesuga Her research focuses on the ways in which the percci¥€d problems of immigrant integration are constructed in the intersections of gender, religion ethnicity and national origin, From this critical vantage point, she has analysed debates sugraunding the wearing of the headscarf, co- called “honour-based” violence, and Sharia law. Curgeit research projects focus on racialization and LGBTQ/gender rights constraction in refllger” politics, the criminalization of migrant satus, and the citizenship implications of refugee sponsorship, Tony Kushner is Professor in the Parkes Insitute for the Study of Jewish/non-Jewish Relations and History Department at the University of Southampton. His most recent books are The Batle of Britishness: Migrant Joumeys since 1685-(2012) and Joumeys fiom the Abyss: The Holocanst and Fored Migration from the 1880s to the Prestnt (2017). He is currently working on a study of a Jewish tiple murderer and, with Dr Aimee Bunting, Co-Presents to the Holoctus. He is coneditor of the journal Pattems If Prguae and deputy editor of Jevish Culture and History. Charles Leddy-Owen is Senior Letturer in Sociology at the Univensty of Portsmouth. Since 2014 he has written numérous journal articles and 2 book — Nationalim, Inequalities and England's Political Predicamemt exploring racists and nationalism in contemporary England, Nasar Meer is Profeyor-of Race, Identity and Citizenship in the School of Socal and Polit- ical Sciences at the University of Edinburgh. His publications include: Ilem and Modernity ( Volumes) (ed, 2007); fntraltualion and Multicalturstism Debating the Dividing Lines (co-ed, 2016}: Citizenship dnty and the Pls of Malicaltwaim: The Rise of Must Consiousness (2015, 2nd edith); Raciizaton and Religion (ed, 2014), Rave and Eiinicty (2014) and Ewopean Mulicultation()) (co-ed, 2012). In 2016 he was awarded the Royal Society of Edinburgh (RSE) Thomas Reid Medal for excellence in the socialsciences, and in 2017 he was clected 3 ¥ Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences CharlesW. Mills is 2 Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at The Graduate Center, CUNY. He works in the general area of oppositional political theory at centred on lass, gender, and race, and is the author of ax books: The Racial Contract (1997); Blackness Visible: Essays on Philosophy and Race (1998); From Class to Race: Essays in White Marviom and Blacksoniwasseu0 17 posure Notes on the contributors Radical (2003); Contract and Domination (co-authored with Carole Pateman) (2007); Radical Theory, Coribbean Realty (2010); and Black Rights/White Wrongs: The Critgue of Racial Liberal- jim (2017). Together with Robert Gooding-Williams he co-edited a special issue"af the Du Bois Review, ‘Race in a “Postracial” Epoch’ (Spring 2014), and together with WalfD-Hund and Silvia Sebastiani, he co-edited Simianization: Apes, Gender, Class, and Race (203) ‘Aurelien Mondon researches and teaches at the University of Bath, Hig #@search focuses predominantly on the impact of racism and populism on liberal democracies-and the main- streaming of fr right politics through clive discourse, His frst book, The Meinsneaming of the Exiveme Right in France and Ausnaia: A Populist Hegemony? was publithed in 2013 and he recently co-edited After Charlie Hebdo: Tenor, Racism and Free Speech Karim Muri is 2 Profesor of Socal Policy at the University of West London. His research focuses on race, culture, and policy and his ltest book is Ragoni~Baliy and Polite: (2017) Some of his other books include, edited with Asma Sayed, “he Transnational Inginaner of MG Vasianji (2018); edited with Jobn Solomos, Theories &f Rage and Eioiity: Contemporary Debates and Penpeives (2013); and edited with Gargi Bhatticharyys, Race Coil Publi Stholaship (Rowledge 2014). With Sarsh Neal, he is sKE-EGtor of Curent Soaaogy. With Sarah Neal he edited the 2015 special issue of Sodslogy"0n ‘Sociologics of everyday lie, and with Giovanni Picker and Manuel: Boatea he conedited a 2019 special issue of Social Hentites on Racial Urbaities’ Sarah Neal is Profesor of Sociology at the Univehsity of Sheffield, Sarah researches and waites in the fields of race, ethnicity, multicultufe, community, belonging and place. Recent publications include Frendship and Diveraty: Clath Ethniaty and Soda Relationships in the City (with C. Vincent and H. Iqbal, 2018) and Lived Experiences of Multiculure: The New Social and Spatial Relations of Divesity (witheK, Bennett, A. Cochrane and G. Mohan 2017, Routledge). Sarah is co-editor of Curent Shslogy and an editorial board member of Ethnic and Raciel Studies Yin Paradies is Chair in Race Relations at Deakin University, He conducts research on the health, social and economit-eflgets of racism as well as anti-racism theory, policy and practice across diverse settings including on the Internet, in workplaces, schools, universities, housing, the arts, and healtheazevettings Rashawn Ray is Axociate Peat®vsor of Sociology and Executive Director ofthe Lab for Applied Social Science Research (LASSR) at the University of Maryland, College Park. He is aso one of the co-editors of Comfets Magazine: Sacology for the Public Formerly, Ray was a Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Mealth Policy Research Scholar 2t the University of California, Berkeley. ‘Currently, he is a Brookings Institute Rubenstein Fellow in Washington D.C. James Rhodes i 4 Lecturer in Sociology and s member of the Centre on Dynamics of Ethnicity (CoDE) at the Univenity of Manchester, His research interess lie in the areas of racism)and gthnicity, urban studies, and deindustiaization. His work has appeared in journals seh a8 Ethnic and Racial Suds, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Urban Geography, sand Soolegy.sonmasseuLD 18 paisumoe "Notes on the contributors Michael! L. Rosino is a PhD Candidate in Sociology at the University of Connecticut, His research centers the role of racial politics in parties: power; public debates; mass media; collective action; and social interactions. Ils work has appeared in Social Cuments, Socilogysaf Rave and Eshniaty, Esinic and Racal Studies, and Deviant Behavior. Fs dsseration research examines how the partapants of a progressive grassroots party in the Northeast engage with isles oF racial and political inequality through their identities, habit, and political strategies. His rt book, Debating the Dug Wars Race, Politics, and the Media is forthcoming with Routledge! IPinvestigates mass and digital media in the debate over drug policy and demonstates the sliluence of political ideologies and identities, the omission of racial justice concerns, the We of implicit racial ‘meanings, and identity construction through racial discount. Graziella Moraes Silva is Asistant Professor in Anthropology an'SoMology at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Between 20L-and 2016 she was at the Department of Sociology of the Federal Univensty of Rio! de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brazil and is stil afliated to the Graduate Program in Sociology and Anshropology (PPGSA) and to the Interdiciplinary Network for the Study of Inequality ANTED) at the same university Grariella works at the intersection between inequalitysstudies and cultural sociology. Her current research projects focus on comparative rage telitions and elite’s perceptions of poverty and inequality. She is one of the authors of Gurg Respect: Dealing with Stigmatiza- fion and Discrimination inthe United States, Brazil and Lael (2016), and Pigmentoocies Ethnicity, Race, and Color in Latie Amica (2014). Sivamohan Valluvan is Assistant Professor of Séciology at the University of Warwick ‘Vallavan bas written widely in the areas of'tagsm and ethnicity, nationalism and cosmopolit anism, and social and cultural theory, more: broadly. Ilis monograph, The Clamour of Nationalism, was published in 2019. Peter Wade i: Profesor of Social Amthrbpology at the University of Manchester, He held a British Academy Wolfion Reseiteh Professorship (2013-2016). His publications include Blackness and Race Mixture (1993)"Race and Ethnicity in Latin America (2010), Race, Nature and Gultre: An Anthropolagial Perpective (2002) and Rive and Sex i Latin Amenca (2009), Mestize Genomics: Race Mixture, Netionfand Science in Latin America (2014), and Race: An Introduction (2015). His most recent books Degrees af Mixture, Degrees of Predom: Genomics, Multicultual- iam and Race sn Latin. Amerza. (2017). In 2017-2019, with Ménica Moreno Figueroa, he ‘condirected a project on Lat American Antiacsm in « ‘Post-Raal” Age. Michel Wieviorka, is Professor at the Ecole des Hautes Brudes en Sciences Sociales, is the President of the Fofdation Maison des Sciences de Homme (FMSH). From 2006 to 2010, hhe was President 6f the International Awociation of Sociology AIS/ISA, where he created the online en€ydopedia Sociopedia, He hae been a member of the ERC (European Research Council Scientific Council since 2014. He heads the journal, SOCIO (with Laetitia Atléni¢Duault), which he launched in 2013. His research has focused on conflict, terrorism/and violence, racism, anti-Semitism, social movements, democracy and the phe nomena of cultural difference. His more recent books are Bul, Retour au sens (6d. Robert Laffon®)».Antiracstes (64, Robert Laffont) Face au mal (6d, Textuel). He is currently leading an international and multidsciplinary seientie program on violence and exiting violence.sonmassen0 19 paisumoe Notes on the contributors ‘Aaron Winter is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of East London. His research is on the extreme/tar right, with 4 focus on racism, violence and mainstreaming, He is co-editor of Discourses and Practices of Tenoriam: Intenagating Tenor (2010) and more recently, Historical Perspectives on Organised Crime and Terrism (2018). He has published in the journals Ethnic and Racal Studies, Tdnties: Gloal Studies ix Culture and Poly Scislegical Research Online and Women and Peformance: A Journal of Feminist Theory. Ruth Wodak is Emerita Distinguished Professor of Discourse Studies at Léntaster University, UK, and affiliated to the University of Vienna, Besides various other prizes, sle.was awarded the Wigenstein Prize for Elite Researchers in 1996 and an Honorary Doctorate from University of Orebro in Sweden in 2010. She is past-President of the Societs Linguisies Furopaca. 2011, she ‘was awanded the Grand Decoration of Honour in Silver for Services fhe Republic of Austea, and 2018, the Lebenswerk Preis for her lifetime achievements, fiom the Austrian Ministry for ‘Woren's Affi. She is member of the British Academy of Social Seiences and member of the Academia Furopaea. 2008, she was awarded the Kerstin Hesselgrei Chair ofthe Swedish Paria- ment (at University Orebrd) Zacharias Zoubir is a PhD student in philosophy at WhiveBity Paris Nanterre (Sophiapol reseatch center), His research focuses on race, social thegry and the critique of political economy. With Abdellali Hajat, he is also conducting empirical research on the experience of racism in the university space. Ilis latest academic article in English is “Alienation” and critique in Marx's manuscripts of 1857-58 (“Griindiiise"), The European Journal of the History of Economic Thought, no, 25 (5), October 2018.somivasKes0 67 2jenza9n 5 Race and racisms Why and how to.compare? Graziella Moraes Silva Introduction ‘This chapter outlines recent debates in the literature. on comparative race and racisms, with 4 particular emphasis on empitical, crossiational comparisons. Due to the exponent growth of this field, an exhaustive review of all works produced in the past decades is beyond the scope of this chapter. Instead, this chapter focuser on three key issues: (I) the conceptual justifications for the proliferation of comparative studies on race and racism; 2) the historical development, and limitations posed by, studies of comparative race thus far and (3) the emergence of new strategies for comparing race and racisms, with a focus on conceptual and methodological choices. The chapter concludes by discussing remaining chal- lenges to, and potential opportunities for, the advancement of a comparative approach to studies of race and racism, Why compare race and racisms? The central claim of this chapter is that the comparison of race and racisms is central to ‘unpacking the different ways that race is socially constructed and how racisms work across different contexts, Given the high frequency with which versions of the statement “race is 4 social construct” can be found in the footnotes and introductions of academic papers deal- ing with rice and racism, one might be tempted to claim further examination of this topic is runnecessary. Yet, there it much less consensus about the meaning of this academia. Analyzing school textbooks, surveying college students, and interviewing univer- within sity professors across distiplines, Moming (2011) finds that the idea of race as a social cone sa its frequent mention might \¢ focial construction of race is a widely accepted notion in social lead one to believe, The author seruct is more elusive 1 argucr that, although sciences, most scholars have a haed time explaining what it means beyond a vague rejection of cxsentialist-vinderstandings of race, It it also a less accepted notion in other diseiplines, such as biology. In fact, across most disciplines, college students generally rely on essentialist ‘understandings (both biological and cultural) when explaining racialized outcomes (e.g,, why blacks are more frequently professional athletes or the causes of lower birth weight among ). Beyond academia, the growing popularity of genetic Affican American or Asian inf 7Grazilla Moraes Siva tests in search of “racial origins” serves as a tangible reminder that understanding of race as 4 social construct it not at prevalent as most social scientists might assume (Roth and Ive~ ‘mark, 2018) According to Suzuki (2017), one obstacle to the diffusion of the idea of rare socially constructed could be that most studies on race and racism stil rely on a definition of race that is specifically relevant to the United States context and atsume thie national understand ing of race as universal. If Omi and Winant’s (1994) concept of racial formition—and other similar concepts—have been important in pushing forward scholarly (widerstanding of the social construction of race, such concepts might also have wnintentionilly generalized from the historical experience of the United States. This is partially due"tovthe fact that, after ‘World War I, social scientific theorizing about race and racism developed much more con- sistently in the United States than elsewhere, The consequence as Been that, although race thas been studied in the UK, South Africa, and Brazil, the UnitelStates experience is often, taken a: paradigmatic in studies about rice and racialization, ‘The growth of comparative seudies has been, in part, 2 felponse to the perceived ethno centrist of the United States literature. According to Yanrden Bergue (1970), one of the pioneers of comparative sociology of race and ethnicitynthe-only way to overcome the pro- vincialim of the American literature on race and ethnicity is to rely on a companstive approach. Similarly, Fredrickson’s (1989) comparativesstudies of slavery and race were also largely inspiced by the need to put the Americapralleged exceptionalism in perpective, By ‘contrasting the American context to that of other countries, we can better understand the ‘multiple ways in which racialization processes;Work across these contexts and illuminate the shortcomings and national assumptions of exsting theories and concepts. What are the limits fof what can be considered as “race” and ‘afisin"? And what types of comparisons can be made with such multifaceted concepts? The historical development of comparative race relations as a field of study ‘Throughout the 20th century, ehBFost-national, comparative study of race and racisms was dominated by historians, Accosding to Frederick Cooper (1996), comparisons of slavery and discourses of ricial difference cat be found at carly a¢ 1910, One exemplary work is Frank ‘Tannenbaum’s (Tannenbaum, 1992 [1946]) comparison of slavery in the United States and Latin America, Fisst published in 1945, in the aftermath of World War I and escalating attention to rice issues Jn the form of 4 growing civil rights movement, today the book reads as an attempt to°find’a solution to what the author perceived as the problem in the ‘United States. Indeed, Tapnenbaum found 2 solution in Latin America Comparing mofil dicourses about slavery across the Americas, Tannenbaum argued that in English-speaking colonie-—namely the United States—the status of the slave wat that of non-human, subject of neither Church nor State. In contrast, in Latin America, the slaves even if exploited, Yetained an element of humanity as subject of the crown and the chureb, Because ofithat, according to Tannenbaum, after abolition, “the integration of the ex-slave into society and polity posed no fundamental problem in Latin Ameries but a very basic one in the United States.” (Cooper, 1996, p. 1123). In order to explain this basic difference, ‘Tannehbaum relied on 2 broader discourse of “Iberian culture,” similar to that mobilized in Gilberto Freyre’s (1934) argument for the existence of racial democracy in Brazil (which can ako be considered—even if not explicitly—a comparative work between the United States and Brazil) 68rnrsasnc0 69 p Race and racisms Although today such ap argument seems overly simplified, sf not irelevant, we should not tunderplay its politieal and academie consequences. Politically, works like those of Tannenbaum and Freyre have encouraged UNESCO to conduct studies in Latin America and have been mobilized in nation-building narratives based on racial-exceptionalism (or claimstof lick of ricism) throughout the region, Academically, the compasison between the Unjt@@ Stites and Latin America (in particular Brazil) became one of the most influential in comparative race revearch, but criticisms ofthis approach crested resistance within, and agains, the field Criticisms unfolded on multiple fonts. Historians such as Charles Boker (2002) have selied on empirical dats based on social indicators (e.g, the higher mortahieates of Brvilian slaves) to denounce the idealized version of Latin American history and davery. Others, such as Eugene Genovese (1969), have focused on similarities across oxntiies—in paricular, ‘Marxist explanations for race and slavery that center on global capitiianly More recently, his- torians such as Frederick Cooper (1996) have denounced the useing exentilism of race snd culture that har served as the basis for these comparisons>"1 willingness to draw direct inferences from the era of slavery to the present, leapfrogging Over a messy history that ly sn between’ (p. 1123), Focusing on differences or exceptionalisms, such comparivons commonly make moral judgments about what comprises better or worse rice selitions, If most early studies echoed Pierre van den Berghe (1976, p. 532) question, “Whysis the United States a more racist society than the Latin American republics?”, expliitwand implicit comparisons in the post- civilrights era increasingly became concemed with the flure of Latin American racial minorities to organize successfully to fight racismy/(Hlanthard, 1998). The underlying assump- tion was one of a similar moral hierarchy of,racialization process across nations that still echoes in more recent works focusing on néfnfative evaluations of nation-building ideolo- ics, multicultural strategies, and resistance strategies ‘These shortcomings have been addressed in par, in later more systematic and less norma tive comparative studies and a shift in focus ftom “nations” 36 cultural entities to “nation- states” with institutions and politcal condhicts. Anthony Marx's (1998) Making Rave and [Nutini exemplary of thie tur, FirstMarx proposes a reframing of the research question driving comparison of processes of Facalzation berween Brazil, the United States and South Atica, The question no longer seeks to explain why there ate racial tensions of racism it Brauil but why Bruzl lacks a history of formal segregation, ach as Jim Crow or apartheid, and what are the consequences of this difference. Second, Marx's explanation for the ditfer- ences does not rely on abstract eutural differences—which are explicitly denied in the first section of the book—but én inititutions, actions, and power. For example, the author argues that conflicts between white élite: were absent in Brazil yet central to the shaping of political alliances in the United State} and South Affica. Third, Marx focuses not only on formal and legal practices but aon the unintended consequences of these practices, In particular, he argues that a lick of egregation policies created obstacles for the political mobilization of black Brazilians afound anti-racist movements While Making Rive and Nation is exemplary of a new approach to the comparison of race and racisms, dls nticisms reflect the continuing challenges of this field. Loveman (1999) argues thaty-evet if Marx clearly states that race i a social construction, the author still largely takes for granted the existence of “whites” and "blacks" across the three sites, making. the book less about how race is made and more about how states manipulate race, Nation- states are also largely taken for granted as the unit of analysis, underplaying the importance of transnational processes and repertoires about rice. Finally, despite taking seriously the pot sibility that racisms can be mobilized differently, Marx still evaluates different strategies based cyrnrgaswc0 70 p Grazilla Moraes Siva fon the assumption that they should look the same in all contexts ox, even more egregiously, develops 4 normative argument about national anti-racism strategies (at discussed in the justi= fication of the project of Moreno and Wade, (td) New approaches to comparing race and racisms Recent works comparing rice and raciams have taken these issues sesioutly. In order 10 adéress them, they have proposed new methods of comparison, including innovative maceo— historical approaches, survey strategies and ethnographic approaches ‘Comparing race-making in state institutions and through. transnational processes Several scholars have fellowed the path of macro-histrical Approaches, focusing on institu tions—especally the sate—as the Key actor of race-making Yet they also incorporate the idea that racial boundaties ate themselves created by the fate) The institutional focus anges fiom formal categorization to more informal networks butwtegardless of the object of ana- Jyss, dhe all analyze historical and changing processes thar tansform the meanings and con sequences of thee categories acros time and space Comparative research on the history of census serves as an excellent example of he potential of these approaches. In pathbreaking werk on cents racial categories in Brasil, the United States, and South Aiics, Nobles (20907 shown how counting (oF not) race is 2 political process that creates and negotiates race af a politcal category. Several authors have examined how laws create save indizeclypeyond official segregation policies and openly discriminatory practices. "The focus on racial fects of race-blind laws (or a rack without races) has been particularly prolific in/Burope, where immigration has brought a wave of non-white residents but the language,of-race i stil largely resisted (Simon, 2017). Compari= sons bave been made regarding how codntrics design and implement policies to promote ‘equality and fight discrimination again raciaized, and mostly immigrant minorities (eg. Kastoryano, 2002; Bleich, 2003)SThe growth of anti-Muslim sentiment has also opened 4 new comparative agenda about the diferent ways in which racism st defined by states and policies for responding to it 6g Bleich, 2011; Katozyano, 2015) Beyond the central role/of nation-states, contemporary comparisons have ako taken ser iously a broader understapdia of race a8 2 global experience extending fiom histories of col= nization, avery, and itamigeation (eg. Gilroy, 1993; Winant, 2001; Reid Andrews, 2004 Goldberg, 2006). In fet a8éent studies have been much more attentive to transnational prom cesses, in particular new seientific ideas about race and Sameworks of multicultural. For example, Stepan (1991) and Wade et al, 2014) have focased on how national ideas about race enter into and are affected by tranmnational scietiie practices auch as old theories ‘cagenicr and contemporary debates on genomics. Loveman (2014) shows that Latin Ameri- can censuses are shaped by transnational ideas of scientific practices and transnational zeper~ toires abouts, while Paschel (2016) analyzes how the wave of new antiacism polices in Latin Americs hae been shaped by allsnces betwoen local and transnational social movements in Bray apd)Colombia. Focusing on Asis, Goh (2008) investigates the impact of racsist policies adopted by colonial powers on current understandings of multiculturalism in Malay- sin and Singapore, Together these works highlight the importance of incorporating there teanunational movements into research, yet without losing sight of variation in their enact= ment across diferent contexts 70frmrgaswc9 71 Race and racisms ‘This body of research on transnational processes has also pushed the scope of the literature beyond the Western experience and revealed a paradox: Transnational processes are, in large part, studied in non-Westem (or Global South) racializtion experiences. In contrast ci zation processes in Europe and North America are more often understood asshaped by domestic and national contexts. In fict, the processes through which racq/i-aégoriated ‘within international organizations and through international relations have remained largely sundertudied (Lauren, 2018; Galonnier and Simon, under review), Comparing race and racisms as the independent and the dependent variable Macro-historical and institutional comparisons provide us impOMant’ insights into how nation-states and teantnational processes construct race, but they/tedudto focus on top-down approaches, telling us litle about the actual impact of race afd racism in shaping unequal ‘outcomes across different countries, Since the 2000s, the groWelNin the number of countries collecting ethnoracial data in their national censuse-—indlf ayteansnational transformation (Morning. 2008; Loveman, 2014)—presents an opportunity 0 compare how racialization shapes socioeconomic outcomes across different contexts Such types of comparisons are more common, if not widespread, in economics. These studies lagely converge in identifying statistically significant inequalities across national con texts, even if in different degrees and diverse astotitions. For example, in a recent analyst relying on national houschold survey: in Brazil, ee United States, and South Afica, Gradin (2014, p, 90) finds, [kJven if blacks [operstionalized as prior and pardor in Brazil, Afsican black in South Afica and Affican American in the United States] had the same observed characteristics as whites in these three counties, arsubstintial (conditional) differential would still per~ sist in average incomes, ‘The author shows how racial indeie inequalities are related to different observed demo- graphic characteristics im the three: countries. While educational gaps and regional concentra- tion are the most important drivers of racial inequalitics in Brazil, type of household (e.g. female-headed households) and performance of household members in the lhbor market play 4 more important role in the United States. In South Affica, Gradin found the strongest association between racial and) household characteristics, expecially the educational level Considering these findings Hom a sociological perspective, one can conclude that racializa- sion is happening through different institutional mechanisms, an agenda that could be pur- sued further by sola) stratification scholars interested in how institutions shape racial Inequalities (eg. Telle4, 1992; Moraes Silva et al, under review, Carter, 2012) Nevertheles, delying on official data collected through varied methods and with ditfer- cently constructed categories may create a problem of comparability (Wrench, 2011). This is expecially confeguentil in the case of comparisons of atitudes towards rave, racisms and dit- crimination,in Which the framing of the question can have a strong impact on the patterns of response Cioss-national surveys—although rare due to their high cost—have opened new path for comparison. Compatison that relies on publicly available surveys (¢., Euro- barometer, LAPOP) and include questions about ethnoracial identification or perceptions of racism and discrimination have shown how attitudes about the salience of racism and die- crimination vaty across countries (eg. Quilian, 1995; Bail, 2008; Stacrklé et al., 2010; nrms 72 p Grazilla Moraes Siva Canache et al., 2014), In Europe in 2008, che BU-Midis, financed and conducted by the European Agency for Fundamental Rights, surveyed 23,500 ethnic minorities and immigrant ‘groups throughout the 27 EU member states, as well as 5000 majority people. across ten, member states (EU-MIDIS, 2009). The survey asked respondents about their experiences of iscrimination, their experiences of criminal victimization (including raciilly motivated crime), the extent of any involvement of the security forces in these encounters, their aware new of their rights, and their reasons for reporting (or not) these encounters, In its official report (EU-MIDIS, 2009), the study primarily compares across different ethnoracial groups (Roma, Muslims, Nor Afgicans, Sub-Saharan Afficans, ete) within each country and, due to sampling limits, refine Gom comparing across countries But beyond collecting comparable data, comparing race without taking it seriously at a theoretical concept may conflate different dimensions and meatings of the tem (see Roth, 2017) and reproduce an estentislized notion of rice Aware of this risk, surveys hhave also been used co compare diferent understandings of race of compare rice at a dependent variable (Suzuki, 2017). The Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America (PERLA), for example, has focused on how racial selEidentification can vary depending fon the categories proposed to respondents, The survey analyzes divergence between the selfidentification of respondents and the interviewer's chusifiation of them. It alo atcempts to disentangle racial categories ffom skin color, ideas that are frequently confated. ‘Telles and PERLA (2014) asked interviewers to-rate the skin color of interviewees based. fon a color palette and concluded that, when compared to racial categories, skin color rankings better captured the dynamics of racism int Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru. Bailey, Saperstein, and Penner (2014) advanced the analysis of racial categories and skin color by using data fom the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP), which relied on the same color palette designed by PERLA to expand the measurement of color and racial hierarchies across Latin Amenca. The authors aso added the case of the United States, where a different but comparable ski color measure has been used in the 2012 General Social Survey. As in the este of PERLA, they find that racial categories and color do not always overlap, but they also show that income inequality can best be understood in some countries by using racial categories alone and in others by using skin color, In 4 few countries, including the United States, a combination of skin color and sel identified rice best explains income variation, They conclude that the different ways in which racial categories (and/skin color) are understood impact inequality, complicating cross-national comparisons. of xacial inequalities within Latin America as well as between Latin American and the United States Comparing cultural repertoires of race and racisms Comparstive studies relying on ethnographic and in-depth interviews propose a diferent alternative to understanding how people experience race and racism. By focusing on narrated experiences and observed interactions, these methods can be more appropriate for analyzing how race and tacism work across different settings. An exemplary approach is Exsed's (1991) study of everyday racism based on 55 in-depth interviews with black women in the Netherlands and United States. Analyzing these narratives, Essed shows how everyday micro-processes are linked to distinct macrosocial raciaized steuctuces, Although the authors explicit goal is not to sake a systematic compatizon between the Netherlands and United State:—rather she wes the ‘United States as a frame of reference for analyzing the Netheslands—Txed points to a number of | ‘actors that cause race and racism to be interpreted differently in these two national contexts nrms 73 9 Race and racisms ‘The comparative goal is mote cleatly at the heart of the collectively authored book, Getting Respect, (Lamont et al., 2016). Based on $00 in-depth interviews with working class and middle-class Affican Americans, black Bratilians, and Arab Palestinians, Ethiopian and Mizrahi citizens of Israel, the study seeks to systematically compare how racism—con- ceptualized a experiences of assault on worth and discrimination—is expesiéReed in the United States, Brazil, and Israel, Conceptuslly, the authors propoze that thete experiences can be better understood by focusing on similarities and differences across contexts and along. three dimensions: historical, socioeconomic, and institutional seructures (sith, s those ana~ lyzed in the macto-historical comparative studies previously discussed); Hagional and tans- national cultural repertoires (such ar national myths and empowering ideologies); and groupness (defined as the mix of selfidensfication and symbolic Boundaries towards out- groups, in terms of both race and class), The detailed comparisoil-of Haratives of stigma- ization experiences illustrates how specific experiences ate peybeived at discriminatory icc, as having consequences on access to certain resources) iA centain contests but not in others. This explains, for example, why in survey studief perception of discrimination among black Brazilians is much lower than among AfticinAmericans, despite experien= cing similar, or even higher, levels of socioeconomic raciab-thequalities. In addition, the authors explore why different ideal and actual respofitee to racism are chosen, despite 2 widespread recognition of racial stigmatization across all cases. Finally, adding the case of Israel to the traditional Brazil versus United States comparison highl standing race at skin color, ethnicity, national Mlentity or religion can change the way racism is interpreted and resisted. The exclug6m\through blackness—as in the case of Affican Americans, black Brazilians and Eshjopian citizens of Israel—has 2 long shared. history and a vast repertoire of interpretation’ and resistance, In contrast, the exclusion through ethnicity or culture may be perceived as localized, specific or naturalized through the often elusive goal of integration, as illutrated by the case of Mizrahi citizens of Israel, The case of Palestinian citizens. of Israel evidences racialization, coupling, reli- gion and national identity. in which lethnbracial boundaries are perceived as more rigid and hard to cross or question. The growing importance of nationality and religion coupled with a context of growingecurization of national borders and restriction of citi- zenship may make the Palestinian case particulaty illustrative of new forms of exclusion- ary raciaiztion, While Getting Respet idettific® the importance of transmational narratives in. shaping national experiences of race, Particularly in Brazil and Istael, other recent studies have focused more explicitly on the growing transnational dimension of race, Roth's (2012) comparison of the racighechéinar of Dominicans and Puerto Ricans who migrated to the United States versus those who stayed in their home countries shows how these schemas ‘migrate from one cothuy to another. The author finds that these “race migrations” have twansformed undersiitidings of race not only in the home countries but also in the United States. Along the/same lines, Joseph's (2015) detailed account of changes in the racial rep certoires of Brazilian immigrants in their comings and goings ftom the United States shows how changing anderstandings of rice wansform the way racism (and antictacism) ae experienced. ‘More conéeptually, recent works comparing national repertoires of race brought “cul- ture” baflninto the seudy of racalization processes but abandon essenti understandings of culture, Instead, such works analyze “culture in action,” focusing on how different cultural repertoires frame both the social construction of race and resistance to racilization and racisme wed and nationalistic BBrng 74 9 Grazilla Moraes Siva Concluding remarks Although not exhaustive, this chapter has presented a broad review of multiple, comparative approaches to the study of race and racisms in social science research. Te has agued that comparison of race and rics has along history in the socal sciences, but st banoften been accused of filing short in its conceptualzstion of race and national dilfrendes. [As reviewed in this chapter, recent works on comparative race relatons have relied on diverse conceptsal and methodological approaches that have addressed prior sBortcomings in multiple ways. Macro-historical comparigons have taken seriously the ides of hovr constructed iferently by sate institutions and tanssational proceses, Statistical models and surveys have been mobilized to examine how race and racisms shape socioeconomic staifi- cation across different contexts and, as concepts, ae perceived dilfeenty across counties nll, in-depth interview studies and multisite ethnographieyhave analyzed how race and racism are shaped by everyday interactions and boundary-making, which are dhemelves shaped by national and teansnational cultural xepertoices, Despite the abundant berate, 4 suber of challenges and opportunities remain for future rsesec. First, and pechaps most imporanly, the comparative study of race and racsms always car- vies with it the risk of esenilning race. Although a degiee of analytical abstraction is nece sary to define a comparative unit of analysis, we should be careful not to take racial categories a: proxies for racial groups (for an important discussion on ths topic see Loveman 1999). The groupness of racshzed groups is iuelfakey variable to understanding how race and racism work across diferent societies (Lamabtiet al, 2016). Receat works comparing hhow these boundaries are challenged, for extmple, though diferent understandings about rmultirscial or mixederace identities (eg. TRosipton, 2012), mukiracal relationships (Osu 2013), oF the experiences of those convertedlfo Iam (Galonnier, 2013) open an interesting line of inquity about how racial boundasies work in diferent ways across diferent contexts ‘The second challenge is the fipside ofthe reification of race—the risk of constricting comparisons between apples and orasges\The ies of racism without rice contiibutes to the ‘understanding that race is not inherently linked to any specific characteristic, such as skin color oF phenotype. It ako creates challenge of drawing the limits of what constitutes rcislzation, Docs st make sense to: compare groups bused oa their language, immigrant status, religion or phenotype? Thevanswer, of course, depends on the types of rerearch guci= tions proposed in the compstijon/ More attention to comparative studies of dominant iden tities, for example—auch saiexperiences of whiteness and white privilege—might help us find 3 common unit of ali acros diffrent cases “Thied, there is alwayisk of relying on comparisons to emphasize the exceptonalty of tells, groups, o coubtng, and to create moral hierarchies among them. For example, the ‘rowing focus on skieolor in the Americas has advanced an argument that racial categorics such as black, meftigornd indigenous have limited explanatory power (Telles and PERLA, 2014; Monk, 2079). Focusing on skin color a a more objective measure, however, also risks reducing ricialzation to phenotype, without developing a clear concept understanding of what shin cBlor tells us about race of acknowledging the relationaty through which skin color is expetienced. When it comes to the “goups” analyzed, the focus of comparative research Bg een largely on the experiences of people of Aftcan-descent, and more recently Masking. This focus sisks overgeneralizing these experiences and underestimating other expevientes of racalization or the multiple interectionalities that shape them. Finally, the continuous emphasis on the United States asa paridigmatic—or, alternatively, exceptionsl— comparative cae threatens to bias our understanding of how race and racisms work. In ft, rzirnrsaswa0 75 p Race and racisms most of the work on comparative race and racism is still produced in the United States, although a growing number of transational collective projects have been produced in recent years (e.g. Lamont et al, 2016; Figueroa and Wade, (p.d.); Telles et al 2014). In spite of these risks, comparstve studies on race and racism remain an important tool to ‘unpack the diferent ways that ace is constructed, As shown in this review, rece saies have proposed interesting ways to conduct comparstive research that take stock of these challenges snd address them through creative research strategies. This is certainly a growing and resourceful field of research “in the making” not only through emerging analytical approaches but also new cempizical developments, Race and racist ae currently being transformed though transnational processes that not only reproduce racism but also create new anti-racist alliances. Transnational formal and informal anti-racist associations and forums as well as interpational migrations are interesting points of reference to empirically analyse those isues. In Adtion, itis important co take into account how these transnational processes ate experienced and translated in local dite putes not only to recognize discriminated identities but also to make visible dominant (and vss ally invisle) ones. In other words, comparing race and radiaiv-also means comparing the different ways in which racial privilege is constructed, reproduced! and challenged. Filly, in comparing race and racisms studies can algo be more attentive torhow these concepts are trant= formed through different and localized intersectionalitieg With ‘clas, gender and sexuality. In fact, comparing the different ways these categories interiee eros: different contexts, as well 3s the different political alluances they perform, would beg great tool to move forward provessual snd dynamic andertandings of rice and intersectionaliy. In short, the best way to deal with the perils of comparative research on race and racigfiTis Comparing more and in creative ways, References Buil. C.A. 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