¢ One World, Rival Theories The study of international relations is supposed to tell us how the world works It’s tall order, and even the best theo illusions and strip away the simplistic b eral h tes. E ates. Eve ara n=Policy del policy de d alot to say. By Jack Sm ”~ that dominate fo ‘orld, the classic theories ha much-cis sticie pag The[ore Wore Hal theories] an B csvearus vant FB rovon sai Michael Barnen i wget be Yooh Rina sear ea ee Boces ) FB ev.cines fe Rye From aneeifere oennaion ecient Theory to Practice omen 1 ns theory alse shapes and sms the thinking of the public intellectuals whe are and disseminate academ the of 2004, for exampl tial f neocon ive thought, columnis s Krauthammer and political scientist F ‘ukuyama, collided ove digms for US. policy in Iraq tion's Middle Fa: tions, Hdealism illuminates the changing norms of International relat sovereignty, human rights, and international jus: tice, as well as the increased potency of religious two intl ideas in politics The influence of these intellects extends far beyond university classroe mmittees. Policymakers and public com invoke elements of all these theories when articulat- these con ss and tenure prual p e Bush admin pal security dilemma ing solutions to gl resident Backing « i George W, Bush promises to fight terror by spread- icy, Krauthammer argued for an assertive amalgam ing FEmOaTEEDW the Midklle East and claims of liberalisin and realism, which he called “demo- that skeptics “who call themselves ‘realist’... have “cratic realism." Fukuyama claimed that Krauthars lust contact with a fundamental in the use of force and the feasibility ica is always more secure when freedom march.” Striking a more eclectic tone, N: rity Advisor Condole change in Irag blinds him to the war's Tack of legitimacy, a failing fa, by diminishing our actu va Rice, a form ‘our realist part al power, and the idealist por appeal a ideas and values.” Indeed, whe: Un 1 oF it, by & ty political science professor, € new Bush doctrine isan at idiment oF eortain ism and Wilsonian liberal theory. Dur presidential campaign, Sen. John Kerry sou Dur foreign policy has achieved ressing for simplistic worldviews, Properly und 28stood, however, their policy implications are sulle multifaceted. Realism instills « pragmatic appre ion of the cole of power hur also warns tha stutes will sofferif they overreach. Liberalism high lights the cooperative potential of matute demoe- ravies, especially when working together through effective institutions, but xendency t0 crusade against ryrannies and the propensity of emerging democracies to collapse into violent ethnic turmoil. Idealism stresses that 3 con scnsus on values mast underpin any stable politica! order, yet italso recognizes thas forging such 2 cor- sensus often requires an ideological struggle wich the potential for conflie. Fach theory offers a filter for looking at a com plicated picture. As such, they help explain the tions behind political rhetoric about foreign policy, liven more important, the theoties act as a powerful check on each other. Deployed effectively, they reveal the wegknesses in arguments thar ean lead 111 misguided polices. 10 noes democracies" IS REALISM STILL REALISTIC? At realism’s core is the belief that international affairs is a struggle for power among self-interested states. Although some of realism’s leading lights, notably the late University of Chicago political se centist Hans J. Morgenthau, are deeply pessimistic about human nature, i isnot a theory of despair: ‘Clearsighted states ean mitigate the causes of war by finding ways to reduce the danger they pose e» each other. Nor is rel: ism necessarily amoral; its advo: cates emphasize that a ruthless pragmatism about pawer can actu- ally yield a more peaceful wor! nor a0 id In iberal democracies, realism is the theory thac everyone loves to hate. Developed largely by Euro: pean émigrés at the end of World War 11, realism claimed to be an antidote ro the naive belief that wternational inst: ad law alone can conception that this new believed had paved the way te war. In recent decades, the realist approach articulated by U.S. theorists, but i still has broad appeal outside the United States as well. The inf ential writer and editor Josef Joffe arviculately xomments on Germany's strong realist traditions reserve peace, a mis- sneratiun. of scholars has been most fully Mindful of che power 1 Furope’s development, Joffe 0 rhe United States “Europe's pacifier”) China's eur rent foreign policy is grounded in realist ideas that date back millennia, As Chiria modemives its econ: omy and enters international institutions such as the World Trade Organization, it behavesin a way that realists understand well: developing its military slowly but surely as its economic power grows, and avoiding a confrontation with superior U.S. forces. Realism gees some thingy right about the post-9/1 world, The continued centrality of military str and the persistence of conflict, even in shis age o economic interdependence, does nut surprise teal: ists. The thoory's mast obvious suceess is its ability t0 explain the United States? ptember 11 terrorist attacks. When a state grows vastly more powerful than any opponent, ret: ists expect thar s¢ will eventually use that power to expand its sphere of domination, whether for secur yy wealth, or other motives. The United States employed its military power in what some deomed an imperial fashion in large part because it could, Iris harder to explain why che world’s only superpower announced a war against al Qaeda, a nonstate ter- rorist organization. How can eealist theory account for the importance of powerful and violent individ: uals in a world of states? Realists point out that the central bartles in the “war on terror” have been fought against two states (Afghanis verwhelming importance of U.S. oreefull military response to th 1 normally state-ventrie realists and trag)yand In liberal democracies, realism is the theory that everyone loves to hate. It claims to be an antidote to the naive belief that international institutions and law alone can preserve peace. that states, not the United Nations or Human Rights ‘Watch, have les the fight against cerrorism. ge the importance of nonstate actors as a challenge to their assum the theory sull has important things behavior and motivations of these groups, The real: ist scholar Robert A. Pape, for example, has argued at suicide terrorism can by Even if realists acknow strategy for the leadership of nations! Itheration 29Oe ee g sues 3 how [om wore evar taenne J movements seeking t0 expel democratic powers «that ocupy their homelands. Ocher scholars apply standard theories of eonflie in anarchy to explain ethnic conflict in collapsed staces. Insights from politcal realism—a profound and wide-ranging intellectual teadition rooted in the enduring phi losophy af Thucydides, Niccold Machiavelli, and Thomas Hobbes—are hardly rendered obsolete because some nonstate groups are now able to resort tw yjolence. (CPost3))1 developments seem to undercot one of Fealisors cure concepts: cheMbalance of powehy Standard realist doctrine prediets Mar-weeker will ally to protect themselves from stronger ‘ones and thereby form and reform a balance of power, So, when Germany unified inthe late 19th | Liberalism has such a powerful presence that the entire U.S. political spectrum, from neoconservatives te human rights advocates, assumes it as largely self-evident. Vidoetel pesye Givmnt andifonmey landers ‘tain su aligned to counters power Yer ‘Sabinaton af Senior other powers eanihab lenge the United States militarily, and no balat inenalifion i ininent, Reais te sramling tri a wa tol dhs hol nthe eevee of thet theory. Some theorists speculate that the United States’ Eographicdistance-and ie retaively benign ons have tempered the balancing instinct. Coord ice pawin Tend To berry Tne about their mmedige mighbors and cren see the Ur ‘ed States as a helpful source of stability in regions: Lina Oncr esis aateiorarmed 57 US, oso ay Alain sad oo Toa ae Saas ot bance 'hegerony. The Und Sut seed sth tesore offer anigour SVence Cfeoh oreo rman Uso ‘as classic halancing, but century and became elsew actually against eelgrigns wi French and cies oui aor resist JS. Mominan states have tried 10 sin vad constrain the superpower in a web o 30 multilateral institutions and treaty regitm what standard realist theory predict “These conceptual difficulties now! realism is alive, well, and cre hhow its root principles relate to the post-9/1 world, Despite changing config realists remiain steadfast in stress tmust be based on positions of real strength, not : cither empty bravado or hopeful fusions about a world without conflic. In the run-up to the recent Iraq war, several prominent realist signed a pub- tic liter criticizing what they perceived as an exer: cise in American hubris. And in the continuing aftermath of that war, many prominne thinkers called for a return to realism. A group of scholars and public intellectuals (myscit included) even formed the Coalition far a Reals: ic Foreign Policy, which calls for more modest and prudent sett) Its statement of princi Re thar ic move tar empire mast be halted immediate.” The coalition, though politically diverse is largely inspired by reli theory Is membership of seeming: ly odd bediellows— including f Hare and the executive edt tne of the American Conservative mapazine trates the power af international relations theory t ‘cut through often ephemeral political labels and camry debate to the underlying assumprions ations uf power, THE DIVIDED HOUSE OF LIBERALISM ‘The liberal schoo! of international relations theory, whose most famous proponents were German philosopher Immanuel Kant and U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, contends thar realism has a stunt- ed vision that cannot account for progress in relations between nations. Liberals foresee a slow nut inex- orable journey away from the anarchic world the realists envision, as trade and finance forge ties between nations, and democratic norms spread. Because clected leaders are accountable to the people (who bear the burdens of war), liberals expect that democracies will not attack each other and wil repard cach other's regimes as legitimate ané nonthreatening. Many liberals also believe that the rule of law an transparency of democratic processes make easier to sustain international cooperation, especially when these practices are en: ‘nsticutions