GRABER David, The democracy project. history, Chapltre 3: "The mob begin to think and to reason" ‘The covert history of democracy. ‘As I mentioned a he bgioning ofthe book, most Americans ate unaare thar nowhere inthe Declaration of Independence ‘or the Consiation doesit say anything about she United Stes ‘nig democracy” kn fact, most of those who tok pat in composing those founding documents readily agreed with the * Thesamer ome ofl bine fh oii ie costaon cet ser be Revlon. Sevemeentivcentary Puritan preacher Joba Winthrop, who wrote that "a deicraey is, among mote evil nations. ac. ‘sounted the meanest and worst o al tains of government"? ‘Most of the Fousides learned what they did know about ‘he subject of democracy fom Thomas Hobbes English ans: Jasin of Thucydides" History his accmntof the Peloponnesian War, Hobbes undertook this project, he was caret inform fis reader to warn about che dangers of democracy. As a result the founcers used the word in is ancient rock sense, sasuming democracy to refer to comminalselégovernance through popula assemblis sich asthe Athenian ar as what we would now cll “direct democracy.” One might aay hati was a sytem of rule by General Assemblies, exepe that these assemblies were assumed ro ahvays operate exclusively ‘bythe principle of 51 wo 49 percent majority ral, fies Madi- fo for instance, mae clear in his contributions tothe Federale ise Papers why he fel this sor of Athen democracy was not ‘only impossible ina great nation of his day since i ould not ‘by definition operate over an extended geographical acta but aw activelyundestabi inc he fel hscry shored that. an sytem of dict democracy would inevitably descend ino fae ‘noma, demagaguery, and finally, the seiure ot power by Some eat wing ro restore ordet and control+, A pate democricy, ty which I mean a soci consisting ‘of sal numb of sizes who astenbe and adie fer the goverment in person can admit of no ere for the mischief faction... Heace es that sek democe "cis hve ever been spectacles af eutlence aid conten Sons have eve beon found incompatible with peronal ‘este the rghtsof propery: and have in general bnss sor in cei Hieron they ave been wokent in thee desis Like all the men ie'¥e come to know as Founding Fathers, -Mauison isisred hae his nrefered oem of novernment a “re pale,” was necesanly quite diferent: In a democracy the people mest and exercise the govern met in pean ina repulicthey assemble and adminier ity ti reprosentacves and agents, A demoersey, conse- quently, mt be conned w small spot A republic may Iseenceaded ove a lage min. ‘Now this notion shat eeplics were adminiered hy “repe- sentatives” might seem odds Sest lence since they horcowed ‘the tem “tepublc™ from ance Rome, and Roman senators ‘were not elses they were arismcrats wi hel tei seas by Birerigh, which meant ehey werent really “representatives and agents” of anyone bt themselves. Sill, he idea of repre: sentative bodies was something the Founders bad inner fom the Brith during the Revolution: the rulers ofthe ew ation were precy those who ad neen elected, by a vote of propertysolding mses, to representative assemblies like the ‘Continental Congress, originally mean wo allow limited mien- ste of sl governance uader the authority ofthe king. After ‘the revolution, che immediatly teansferred che power of g>v~ ‘rument fom King George Ito themselves, As ares, the sepnesenmative odes meant to operate under the authority of the ktg would now operate under the authority of che people, however natrowly defined The custom of electing delegates to such hoes ws noth ing mow: In England ie went back to atleast the thirteenth cen- tury. By the tench century, it hed become standard practice to allow men of property to select their parimentary repre- sentatives bv sending in their votes ots socat sei asaly “recorded on sotebed sticks). At that time t never would have ‘occurred to anyon that tis system hal anptig to do with democracy." Elstone were assumed to he an extension of rmonarchicl systems of government, since representatives were in no sense empowered to govern, They did noe eale anything, collstivelyor as individual their ole was to spesk fr (“ee resent” the inhabitants of thei dstrctbofore the sovectign power ofthe king 0 afer advice, ar grievances, and, above all, deliver thee coun’ tases. So while the representatives svete powerless and the eletions rarely contested, the «pstemt of costed representatives was considered necessary according to the prevailing medieval egal principe of consent twas felt ‘that while ciders aaacally came feo above, and onlinary sales should have no roe in framing policy, those same or inary subjects could not be held to be bound by orders 19 hic they had notin some broad sense, assented. Tre, after the English Civil Wa, Paciament did bogn eo asserts own “tights to have a say inthe disposal of tx receipts, creating what da fstec called a “Limited monarchy" —bot stil, the American ides. of saying tht the people could actualy exercise sovereyn power, the power once ie Dy Kinks, by yori for reoresentatves with rel governing power, was 4 gentine in novation and mmeitely recognized as such.” ‘The American War of Independence had been foushe in the namé of “the people” and all the framers fle that the “whole body of the people” had to be consulted at some point to male thir revolution legiimaee—bue che entire purpose ofthe Coosituton was to ensure that this form of consultation tras extremely imited, st ehe “hortors of democeacy® ensue, {At the cime| the common assomption among educated people ‘was that there were hre elemestry pritcoles of goverment that were held wo ewst #9 diferent measure, tall known ‘human societies: monarchy, aistocracy, and demoecacy. The framers agreed with ancient political theorists who held that "he Roman Republic represented the most pect balance he- ‘ercen them. Republican Rome had two consuls elected by the Senate) who filled the monarchies! function, «permanent pic cian class of senators, and filly, popular assem with limited powers of tir own, ‘These asemibles selected fom rong aristocratic candidates for magistacies and alo chose ‘wo tous, who represented the interest af the pein class tributes could not vore or oven ease the Senate they sa just outside the doorway) but they were granted yet power over senatorial decisions, ‘Tae American Consirrion was designed 0 achiev a simi Jar balance. The menarcheal function was to be filled by a president elected by the Senate the Senate was meane ro repte- ‘ene me anstocratic interests of wealth, and Congress wa to ‘epésent the democratic element, Ts purview was largely to be ‘confined to rising and spending saone, since the Revolution ‘bad, afer al, been fought on the principle of no taxation without representation.” Popular assemblies rere eliminated altogether, The American colonies, of cours, lacked any he reditaryaristoeracy: But by electing a temporary monarch, and temporary representatives, the framers argued they could ia- ‘ead create what they somtimes explicily calle a kind of “natural aristocracy,” drawn fom the educated and propoted ‘lasses who had the same saber concen forthe public welfare thor chy fle characterized the Roman senate of Cicero and Gincinsatus. I is worthwhile, I thnk, to dwell on this point for a mo- rent. When the framers spoke ofan “atstoeracy” shey wore not using the term metaphorically. They were well aware that they were cteating 2 new political form that fosed together “democratic and aeisocrai elemenss- In all previous European Ihiory, elections had been considered Aristotle had erg ‘ally insistedthe quintessentially aristocratic mode of sleet ing public oficial In elecions, the populace chooses between «small number of asualy profesional politicians who claim co ‘be wiser and more educated than everyone elie and chooses the one th think the host of al. (This is whee “aristocrey"™ Iterally mesns “le of the hes.) Lestons sere ways that setcenarysumies chose their commanders, o nobles vied for the support of future retainers. The democratic approach — ‘employed widely in the ancien world, bu also in Renaissance clus lke Florence vas ltter}, 0 a it was sometimes called, “sori.” Essentially, the peocedare was ta take the names of anyone inthe comminity willing t hold publi office, and then, after screening chem for basic competence, choose their ames at random. This ensured all competent and inverested parties hac an equal chance of holding public off. Wt also rminimalized facionalimy since chore was no pone making promises ro win over key consticuences fone was tobe chosen ‘by lot (Elesions, by contract, fostered ferionals, for obvi ‘us reasons) Tes striking shae while inthe generations immedi ately before she French and American revoiutions dere was a lively debate among Enlightenment thinkers ike Montesqciew and Rousseau on the relitve ments ot elton and Lome ‘hose eating the new revlunonary constitutions inthe 1770s