HOW HIGH-STAKES STANDARDIZED TESTS MAY AFFECT DECISIONS

TOWARD COLLEGE FOR BLACK/AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE

CALIFORNIA HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

by

Judy A. Wilson

STEPHANIE WARREN, PhD, Faculty Mentor and Chair

KATHERINE MILEY, PsyD, Committee Member

GERALD THAUBERGER, PhD, Committee Member

Anna Hultquist, PhD, LMFT, CFLE, Dean

Harold Abel School of Social and Behavioral Sciences

A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Philosophy

Capella University

February 2016
 ProQuest Number: 10036354

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© Judy A. Wilson, 2016
 Abstract

In California, students take 112 mandatory standardized tests between pre-kindergarten and high

school graduation. In addition, high school students take high-stakes standardized tests such as

the California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE), the Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test

(PSAT), the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT), Advanced Placement (AP) tests, the American

College Testing (ACT) test, and the college Placement Exam. High-stakes standardized tests are

used to measure academic competency and to predict future academic success in higher

education. High-stakes standardized tests first became an educational challenge to Black/African

Americans in 1966 when, less than two years after winning the right to equal education, the

Coleman Study was done. The Coleman Study’s results showed the initial achievement gap.

The current phenomenological study, guided by critical race theory, examined the lived

experiences of six Black/African American male California high school seniors who had taken

high-stakes standardized tests. The study’s purpose was to find out from the participants

whether or not high-stakes standardized tests influenced their decisions to pursue higher

education. Random purposeful sampling was used to find Black/African American male high

school seniors who had taken high-stakes standardized tests. During face-to-face interviews,

most of the participants reported that after taking so many standardized tests that had no

consequences on their grades, they did not effectively prepare for the high-stakes standardized

tests. The participants’ SAT scores were above the national average, but were lower than many

of their White peers. Their inability to afford SAT preparation courses or private tutors was

cited by the participants as additional reasons for having scores lower than their White peers.

The participants chose to disidentify from their high-stakes standardized test scores which they

felt did not accurately represent who they were as students. Guided by their parents, mentors,
and Black school staff members, the participants determined they would go to college, no matter

what.
 Dedication

This dissertation is dedicated first to my dad, Ejnar Wilbekin. He is not alive for this

particular success, but he had instilled in me the importance of obtaining a good education and

having a good work ethic at a very young age. My mother, Isola Jobity, passed away last year,

but that was not a cause for me to quit. On the contrary, my mother taught me that I was starting

out in life with two strikes against me. The first strike was because I was Black; the second

strike was because I was a woman. She taught me to always fight for what I wanted and then to

be the best at whatever I did. I miss my parents, but I feel their presence in my heart and I know

that they would approve of my work.

I am also very grateful to my husband, Mark, and my children Jewel, Eliana, and

Malachi. You have been my encouragers every step of this journey. I missed a lot of family

time and events, but I knew that all of you understood and supported me. Malachi once told me

that he felt I was setting the bar too high for my kids by going for my PhD. I respectfully

disagree. I have just proven that even with two strikes against you, you can achieve your dream.

Don’t ever give up my darlings. Much love and appreciation to all of my family and friends for

helping make this dream possible for me.

iii
 Acknowledgments

I give honor and glory to my Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ, for carrying me through all of

my course work, exams, and the dissertation process. All wisdom and knowledge comes from

our Father God and I give Him the praise for showing me that “I can do all things through Christ

who strengthens me” (Philippians, 4:13, Holy Bible, New King James Version, 2004).

I especially want to thank my dissertation mentor, Dr. Stephanie Warren, who has guided

me through my dissertation process, which has been replete with many life milestones for me.

She has been a great listening ear and always knew what to say just when I was feeling too

overwhelmed to even think clearly. We have shared many life stories and have found that we

actually have a lot in common. I was blessed to be able to work with her.

I would also like to thank the rest of my dissertation committee, Dr. Katherine Miley and

Dr. Gerald Thauberger. I appreciated all of your input along the way, which caused me to think

about all sides of a matter. I have thoroughly enjoyed my experiences with Capella University

and I am so glad I decided to take this journey.

iv
 Table of Contents

Acknowledgments iv

List of Tables viii

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1

Introduction to the Problem 1

Statement of the Problem 10

Purpose of the Study 10

Significance of the Study 10

Research Design 11

Theoretical Framework 12

Research Question 13

Assumptions and Limitations 13

Phenomenological Research Design 13

Definition of Terms 15

Expected Outcomes 16

CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 17

Introduction to the Literature Review 17

Qualitative Approach 19

Theoretical Framework 20

Literature Review Summary 43

CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY 46

Purpose of the Study 46

v
 Phenomenological Research Design 48

Theoretical Implications 49

Credibility, Transferability, Dependability 51

Strengths and Weaknesses of the Research Design 52

Characteristics of the Larger Population 53

Sampling Procedures 53

Data Collection, Design and Instruments 55

Data Collection Procedures 58

Data Analysis 59

Qualitative Data Analysis Software 61

Expected Findings 61

CHAPTER 4. PRESENTATION OF THE DATA 62

Introduction: The Study and the Researcher 62

Researcher’s Background 63

Description of the Sample 63

Phenomenological Methodology Applied to Data Analysis 65

Presentation of Data and Results of Analysis 66

Research Question 75

Themes 90

Summary 93

CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS OF THE STUDY 96

Introduction to the Chapter 96

vi
 Summary of the Results 97

Discussion of the Results 103

Answering the Research Question 109

Discussion of the Conclusions in Relation to the Literature in the Field 111

Critical Race Theory and the Study Results 112

Limitations 118

Recommendations for Further Study 121

Conclusion 122

REFERENCES 123

vii
 List of Tables

Table 1. Demographics of Black/African American Male High School Senior

Study Participants in California for High-Stakes Standardized Tests

and Higher Education Choices 64

viii
 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION

Introduction to the Problem

Receiving scores that are lower than the average White student-normed scores on high-

stakes standardized tests, including the California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE), the

Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test (PSAT), and the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT), may

discourage Black/African American male students from pursuing higher education. The

achievement gap is the observed disparities in performance on academic standardized tests

between Black or African American/Latino American students and White/Asian American

students (Chambers, 2009). The No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB, 2002) was an attempt by

President Bush to narrow the achievement gap (Odland, 2007).

Many studies have been done regarding the standardized test performance differences of

Black/African American students and White students (McGuinn, 2006; Noguera & Wing, 2006;

Thompson, 2007; Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 2003; Orr, 2003; Rothstein, 2004; Ladson-Billings,

2006). However, the terminology used to define “achievement gap” implies a superiority of

White students over Black/African American students (Chambers, 2009). Factors such as

educational hegemony (Goodman & West-Olatunji, 2010), disidentification, disengagement

(Crumpton & Gregory, 2011), educational inequality (Au, 2009), or socioeconomic differences

(Rothstein, 2004) are not a part of the calculations for the achievement gap. These

aforementioned factors, along with what it feels like for Black/African American male students

who have received lower scores than their White peers, have not been thoroughly examined.

Knowledge of what Black/African American males are experiencing may give further insight

1
regarding lower college enrollment for this group (14.3% of total enrollments) as compared to

other ethnic groups including Black/African American females (U.S. Department of Education,

National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2011).

Undergraduate college enrollment for Black/African American males in 2010 was only

12.5% compared to 62.1% for their White male counterparts (NCES, 2011). By contrast,

Black/African American female undergraduate enrollment for 2010 was 16.5%. While the

percentage of Black/African American male enrollment increased each year since 2000 from

10.0% to 12.5% in 2010, the growth was relatively small. Interestingly, White male

undergraduate enrollment steadily decreased from 69.4% to 62.1% during the same time frame

(NCES, 2011). The reasons behind the low levels of Black/African American male

undergraduate enrollment are of particular concern for the proposed study.

One reason for the low college enrollment of Black/African American males may be the

influence of test scores they achieved on high-stakes standardized tests such as the CAHSEE,

PSAT, or SAT. There is often a large disparity in test scores for Black/African American

students when compared to White students on high-stakes standardized tests (Chambers, 2009).

The achievement gap continues to be a topic of great interest to both educators and the United

States government (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). The achievement gap may be

considered a by-product of high-stakes standardized testing.

High-stakes standardized tests, specifically the SAT, is accentuated as the means by

which college preparedness traditionally is measured. Geiser (2009) suggested that students

ought to be judged on their ability to learn. Geiser (2009) conducted research on the predictive

validity of the SAT, which influenced the College Board to revise the SAT in 2005. The Fagan

and Holland (2002) Equal Opportunity and Racial Differences in IQ, 30 Intelligence 36 (as cited

2
in Freedle, 2006) demonstrated that a verbal intelligence standardized test showed the races to be

equal. The test results have not been acknowledged by statisticians (Freedle, 2006). The

reliability and construct validity of performances on the standardized tests for White students of

lower socioeconomic backgrounds, as well as for minorities, were also questioned by Freedle

(2006). Kidder and Rosner (2002) posited that standardized tests have statistical procedures in

place that serve to perpetuate the statistical differences between the races. Use of the term

“achievement” implies the onus of responsibility for the achievement gap lies solely with the

students and that educators are circumventing any potential responsibility (Chambers, 2009). It

needs to be understood if the high-stakes standardized tests themselves are a major cause of the

achievement gap. It also needs to be known whether continued receipt of lower than normed

scores on high-stakes standardized tests cause Black/African American males to falsely believe

that they do not possess the intellect necessary to pursue higher education.

The Coleman Study

Discussions about the difference between the academic performances of Black/African

American and White students began in 1966 with the Coleman Study (Chambers, 2009). This

report was also referred to as the Equality of Educational Opportunity Study (EEOS). The

United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare commissioned the study to evaluate

the attainability of equal educational options for children of a different color, race, national

origin, and religion (Coleman, 1966). Conduct of the EEOS was in response to conditions of the

Civil Rights Act of 1964. The EEOS contained data from a national sampling of elementary and

secondary schools in the United States, which covered gender, age, racial and ethnic identity,

career and educational goals, attitudes toward learning, socioeconomic background, and attitudes

toward race (Coleman, 1966). The study was comprised of responses to questionnaires and test

3
scores for students from first, third, sixth, ninth, and twelfth grades. The tests reflected students’

achievement and abilities in mathematics, reading comprehension, nonverbal associations, and

verbal skills (Coleman, 1966). The Coleman Study also contained data on principals and

teachers regarding teaching experience, education, verbal ability, academic discipline, salary,

and attitudes regarding race (Coleman, 1966).

Some discussions following the Coleman Study focused on cultural deficiency as the

cause of the disparity between test scores of Black/African American students and White

students (Chambers, 2009). More recent discussions regarding the achievement gap revolved

around topics such as socioeconomic factors, self-perception, racial identity, gender stereotypes,

academic disengagement, structural barriers, microaggressions, parental involvement, and

mattering to others (Clark, 2011; Pershey, 2010; Tucker, Dixon, & Griddine, 2010; Byrd &

Chavous, 2009; Irving & Hudley, 2008).

No Child Left Behind Act

Strong attention was drawn to the achievement gap in 2001 when President George W.

Bush drafted the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), which became law in 2002 (Odland, 2007).

This plan for education reform was supposed to ensure that all public school children in the

United States had equivalent access to high caliber education. The expected result was that

students’ academic achievement levels would increase in secondary and elementary schools

(Odland, 2007). However, NCLB brought with it an increase in accountability for the schools,

districts, and states. All students in grades three to eight were now required to be tested annually

in math and reading (Odland, 2007). Many states (i.e., Alabama, California, Connecticut,

Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, New Mexico, Ohio, Texas, and Washington) have

instituted high school exit exams that test math and English language proficiency. Students were

4
required to pass these exams in order to graduate with a high school diploma. If schools or

school districts failed to meet proficiency goals or to improve from year to year, they might incur

restructuring or other reformatory action (Odland, 2007).

The excessive amount of mandatory standardized testing caused many educators to teach

to the test rather than follow the curriculum (Odland, 2007). There were no uniform state

standards amongst the states, so accountability differed from one state to the next. This caused

problems when students moved to other states with their families. While NCLB raised academic

standards in this country’s schools, it placed the same types of expectations on all children,

regardless of potential or ability (Odland, 2007). The poorer performing students were usually

from minority backgrounds as well as students from indigent families. Students who had

English language difficulties and those with learning disabilities were affected the most (Odland,

2007). An unexpected outcome of NCLB was that the achievement gap widened.

A Blueprint for Reform

President Barack Obama realized that the United States had fallen behind ten other

countries in college completion whereas formerly, the United States was number one in this area

(U.S. Department of Education, 2010). President Obama responded with A Blueprint for Reform

(2010), which made the preparedness of every high school graduate for college and career a

priority for the nation. The blueprint centered on the talents and skills of principals, teachers,

and school leaders providing every child with an education that was world-class (U.S.

Department of Education, 2010). This plan focused on an innovative pedagogic approach in the

nation’s classrooms where each child could be successful and all of their educational needs met.

States would partner with parents, schools, and communities to bring about lasting change,

5
continued growth, and progress. President Obama’s proposed completion of the goals of this

blueprint is the year 2020 (U.S. Department of Education, 2010).

In the meantime, however, Black/African American male students have continued to

experience academic disidentification and disengagement. Many of these students continue to

perform significantly lower on high-stakes standardized tests than their White peers, and to

experience lower rates of college enrollment and completion (Cokley, McClain, Jones, &

Johnson, 2011).

Coleman Study Revisited

Coleman (1972) reflected on the Coleman Study (1966) and posited that educators and

school superintendents believed the difference in student performance had to do with what the

child brought to the school rather than what the school was doing for the child. Towers (1992)

agreed with Coleman (1972) and commented that a combination of a student’s environment,

peers, and the values and attitudes learned at home have more of a dominant influence than the

values and attitudes learned in school. A school’s performance can only somewhat be measured

by its students’ achievements (Coleman, 1972). Coleman (1972) also stated that adult or child

performance of intelligence cannot simply be explained by heritability or genetics. Because of

the extremes in variations of genetics in large racial or ethnic groups, a very sophisticated

experimental design would be needed to answer such questions (Coleman, 1972). Towers

(1992) asserted that the public and students would have more respect for education and educators

if parents instilled the attitude and mind-set in their students that going to school should be

cherished as a gift and that it is a privilege.

Coleman (1972) found the way classroom activity was usually conducted was not

conducive to learning. There was an assumption that learning comes about through the specific

6
sequences of a) exposure to information, b) assimilation of the information, and c) using the

information. Contrarily, Coleman (1972) posited that learning comes about by a) experiencing

an activity through the action itself, and b) generalizing or making inferences from the

experience.

Children who do not perform well on tests involving symbolic processing, such as I.Q.

tests, learn quite well from games (Coleman, 1972). When symbolic language is not used as the

starting point, learning can occur. Unfortunately, high-stakes standardized testing is not usually

administered in a game format. Moreover, it was concluded by Coleman that students’ peers

mattered more than resources because peers influence learning as well as aspirations

(Kahlenberg, 2001). Towers (1992) agreed with Coleman in that very little influences a

student’s achievement in school that is not also influenced by the student’s social context and

background. Mosteller and Moynihan (1972) validated the Coleman Study by stating that the

study accurately reflected American education, and that money did not seem to matter very much

when it came to what happened to the students (Towers, 1992).

Coleman (1972) was hopeful that a lot of attention would be given to alternatives within

education at the secondary and post-secondary levels. Kahlenberg (2001) noted that the

Coleman Report suggested poor Whites and Blacks should attend middle-class Black or White

schools in order to benefit academically; and that poor Blacks would not benefit from going to

low-income White schools. The most recent analyses of The Coleman Report found that an

underlying fact is that academic achievement is foremost the result of conditions that are outside

of the school’s control (Kahlenberg, 2001; Towers, 1992).

7
Psychological Factors

An indeterminate amount of psychological processes and elements such as differences in

values for motivation and achievement, academic identification, and self-esteem may account for

Black/African American underachievement (Cokley, McClain, & Johnson, 2011). Pershey’s

(2010) study results identified a correlation between high test scores and a high level of self-

perception and confidence. Additionally, Pershey (2010) found that students who had low levels

of self-confidence or were dissatisfied with school also did not believe they were capable and

disengagement from school might result. It was noted that high-stakes tests did not identify the

type of support that would be needed to improve academic engagement. Additionally, the

standardized tests did not provide guidelines for developing beneficial pedagogical designs for

improvement of future outcomes (Pershey, 2010).

The CAHSEE

The California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) is a high-stakes standardized test that

was instituted by the California Department of Education as a requirement for graduation. It was

the final piece for the standards-based reform of the 1999 California Public School

Accountability Act (Ullucci & Spencer, 2009).

The PSAT and SAT

Commonly experienced high-stakes standardized tests in high school are the Preliminary

Scholastic Aptitude Test (PSAT) and the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT), now known as just

the SAT. The PSAT is considered a practice exam for the SAT. It is often paired with the

National Merit Scholarship Qualifying Test (NMSQT). The NMSQT is a screening test for a

competition that is held annually for college scholarships and academic recognition by the

National Merit Scholarship Corp. (College Board, 2014). The SAT is utilized as an entrance

8
exam designed to measure college academic preparedness (Rothstein, 2004). Historically, the

SAT outcomes for Black/African American students have been significantly lower than the

scores for White students. One reason for this difference is that the SAT is normed according to

the average performance of White students (Rothstein, 2004).

The structural design of the SAT does not take into account that a number of

Black/African American students live in low socio-economic areas. As a result, many

Black/African American students frequently do not have the same degree of academic

preparedness as White students (Rothstein, 2004). An additional consideration is that many

Black/African American male students experience academic disengagement (Ogbu, 2004).

Black/African American academic disengagement may be the result of a collective identity

developed from an oppositional culture stemming from enslavement, discrimination, oppression,

and the “burden of ‘acting White’” (Ogbu, 2004).

Academic Identification

Academic identification has been deemed to be an essential component of learning

(Cokley et al., 2011). Academic identification is the point where goals and academic

accomplishments constitute the basis of self-esteem. Conversely, academic disidentification may

then be described as a lack of an expressive association between students’ instructional outcomes

and their believed academic capabilities in comparison to peers (Cokley et al., 2011). Pershey

(2010) found a correlation between greater levels of self-perception/confidence and higher test

scores/academic ability.

9
 Statement of the Problem

Continued attainment of lower scores than their White peers on high-stakes standardized

tests may influence Black/African American male high school students’ decisions toward

attending college.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding of the emotions felt by

Black/African American male students regarding their educational experiences with high-stakes

standardized tests. A second purpose was to gain insight into the way high-stakes standardized

tests may have influenced Black/African American male students’ decisions concerning

continuation of their education at the post-secondary level. This study sought to find out from

Black/African American male students if educational structural barriers, inherent in standardized

testing (Henfield, 2012), may have affected Black/African American male students’ psychosocial

and educational development and the implications for their future advancement.

Significance of the Study

Although many laws have been passed, new school programs have been implemented,

and a great deal of research has been dedicated towards eradicating the achievement gap, the

disparity between Black/African American students and White students’ test scores on high-

stakes standardized tests remains (Thompson, 2010). The answer to this dilemma does not reside

in additional testing. The solution may require a fundamental change in pedagogical practice,

which acknowledges that Black/African American male students may have a different learning

acquisition style than White students (Roberts, 2010).

Black/African American male students have many cultural, psychosocial, and economic

issues that need to be understood by educators and counselors as being stressors that inhibit

10
academic achievement (Henfield, 2012). These stressors, combined with goal-striving stress, the

stress of high-stakes standardized testing, and structural barriers, may result in detrimental risk

factors for Black/African American male academic achievement (Henfield, 2012). It is

important to understand the factors that are keeping Black/African American male students from

attending and completing college given that research indicates that without a college education,

Black/African American men are more likely to be unemployed, underemployed, or incarcerated

more than any other racial group (Uwah, McMahon, & Furlow, 2008).

It was anticipated that in-depth interviews with Black/African American male high

school seniors would give the researcher a deeper insight into any emotional struggles these

students may have endured while simultaneously trying to measure up to the standards set by

their White peers (Henfield, 2012). It was hoped that this study’s results would extend the

current body of knowledge by adding to it what it actually feels like to be a Black/African

American male student who has endured the school system to the twelfth grade. Moreover, it

was hoped that the study results would inform as to whether or not high-stakes standardized tests

have an influence on Black/African American male students’ decisions to go to college.

Research Design

A phenomenological research design was used for this study so that the lived experiences

of Black/African American male students who have taken high-stakes standardized tests

including the SAT may be understood from the students’ viewpoints (Mertens, 2010). In

phenomenological research, the participants’ subjective experiences are the focal point of the

study (Mertens, 2010). Moustakas (1994) posited that in a phenomenological study, the

experiences of several participants are reduced to their essences and core meanings (Creswell,

2007). This reduction is important for understanding subjective experiences, which allows

11
comprehension of people’s actions and motivations without making assumptions (Lester, 1999).

Lester (1999) asserted that many humanist researchers rebut the contingency of starting research

without having some preconceptions. Phenomenological researchers are a subjective part of the

research and not just impartial, detached observers. The interpretations of the research may be

used to formulate theory that would inform and, in turn, either challenge or support action and

policy (Lester, 1999). Phenomenology was used in this research study to explore how

Black/African American male students have reacted to high-stakes standardized tests and in what

ways the testing has affected the students’ decisions to go on to higher education.

Theoretical Framework

Critical race theory (CRT) was the theoretical framework that guided this study. CRT

was used to focus attention on the racism that is embedded in high-stakes standardized testing

systems (Creswell, 2007). Parker and Lynn (2002) posited that there are three main goals of

CRT; (a) presentation of affected participants’ stories of discrimination, (b) recognition of race

as a social construct and contending for elimination of racial subjugation, and (c) to speak to

class or gender differences, or any other areas of inequity that participants have experienced

(Creswell, 2007).

Knowledge about the experiences of the Black/African American male student

participants was gained through semi-structured, open-ended, conversational interviews (Harper

& Griffin, 2011). The interviews allowed the participants to express their subjective opinions

about high-stakes standardized tests. Researcher observations and field notes were included in

the data to present a more complete picture. Participants for the research were obtained from a

sampling of Black/African American male high school seniors from three high schools in

California. The use of three different sites more accurately reflected alterity in the students’

12
educational experiences and added to the credibility and transferability of the data (Creswell,

2007). Random purposeful sampling was employed in order to gain specific knowledge

regarding the phenomena being studied (Creswell, 2007). Responses from the interview

question were compared and grouped into similarities and differences using NVivo 10 software

(QSR International, 2012). The analysis of the responses was then compared to the research

question in order to evaluate if the question has been answered.

Research Question
How have high-stakes standardized tests, including the CAHSEE, the PSAT, and the

SAT, affected Black/African American male students’ decisions to pursue higher education?

Assumptions and Limitations

High-stakes standardized testing in public schools has increased since the inception of the

No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) in 2002. The premise behind the increased testing was that it

would force students to learn (Guzenhauser, 2003). Contrarily, there has been a widening of the

achievement gap (Abbott, 2013). The researcher for the current study recognized the ontological

nature of beliefs of educational administrators about high-stakes standardized testing. The

researcher was interested in finding out from the source if high-stakes standardized tests have

influenced Black/African American male high school students’ decisions on whether or not to

attend college.

Phenomenological Research Design

The phenomenological research design chosen to conduct this study was face-to-face

interviews (Mertens, 2010). The interview design epistemologically was best suited for this

study because it allowed the researcher to try to establish a trusting connection with the

participants (Mertens, 2010). It was hoped that this connection would allow the researcher to

access information from the participants regarding their historical and social experiences with

13
high-stakes standardized tests. Additionally, it was hoped that as a Black researcher reporting

the study results with an understanding of the epistemologies of Black/African American male

high school students, that there might be subsequent changes in theoretical approaches for

educating this ethnic group as well as other minorities (Howard, 2013).

The researcher is very interested in increasing social justice and promoting human rights

(Atweh, 2011). Therefore, it was important to look at possible experiential effects of high-stakes

standardized testing from an axiological viewpoint (Mertens, 2010). The researcher would like

to better understand the beneficence of standardized testing for Black/African American male

high school students.

The researcher endeavored to have a methodological design that enabled the participants’

voices to be heard by allowing them to give an account of their educational experience with

high-stakes standardized tests (Storz, 2008). The population that the sample participants were

taken from was three suburban high schools in California. Twelve was the maximum number of

sample participants sought and was comprised of Black/African American male high school

seniors who had taken the CAHSEE, PSAT, or the SAT. Random purposeful sampling was used

to obtain study participants (Creswell, 2007). Flyers were mailed out to all potential participants

at each school inviting them to participate in the study. Flyers were also placed in various

locations on each campus. The first four qualifying respondents from each of the three high

schools became study participants.

A transcendental phenomenological research design was employed to explore

Black/African American students’ noetic-noematic descriptions of their lived educational

experience with high-stakes standardized tests (Moustakas, 1994). Data was collected through

conversational interviews with one main open-ended question and follow-up discussion as

14
appropriate. The recorded data was transcribed and analyzed using NVivo 10 software.

Significant textural descriptions were used to describe the way participants experienced the same

phenomenon (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004).

A limitation of the study was that Black/African Americans comprise about 3% of the

students in California. Therefore, the population pool from which to obtain a sample was very

small.

Definition of Terms

Achievement gap -- the observed disparities in performance on academic standardized

tests between Black or African American/Latino American students and White/Asian American

students (Chambers, 2009)

Advanced Placement (AP) – college-level classes taken in high school for college credit

(The College Board, 2016). An AP exam is taken in the spring semester for each AP course.

Black/African American – refers to persons whose ancestry is of Black African descent;

persons who were born in Africa, or whose parents were born in Africa, and they are now living

in the United States (Webster’s New World College Dictionary, 2000)

High school exit exam -- a high-stakes standardized test that was instituted by the Department of

Education in some states as a requirement for graduation (California Department of Education,

2015)

High-stakes standardized test – State-mandated tests that are used by educators to decide

promotion, high school graduation, and college acceptability (Horn, 2003)

Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test (PSAT) -- PSAT is considered a practice exam for

the SAT (The College Board, 2016)

15
 Random purposeful sampling – only Black/African American male high school seniors

were contacted to ask if they wished to participate in the study. Volunteer participants came

from that sample (Creswell, 2007)

SAT -- utilized as an entrance exam designed to measure college academic preparedness

(The College Board, 2016)

Expected Outcomes

It was expected by the researcher that the research results would show that high-stakes

standardized tests may have influenced students’ decisions regarding college attendance. It was

not known, however, what the quality of that influence would be.

16
 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction to the Literature Review

Black/African American people in the United States have been embroiled in controversy

regarding their education since the Civil War era when it was against the law in many states to

educate Blacks (Palmer & Maramba, 2011). Keeping slaves ignorant was a means by which to

keep them in subjection. However, the prohibition of education did not deter Blacks from

pursuing it. Many slaves saw education as an instrument for freedom and empowerment (Palmer

& Maramba, 2011).

After the Civil War and emancipation of the slaves, Blacks attended schools that were

segregated, neglected, and had poor resources (Chambers, 2009). When the Supreme Court

decision of Brown v. Board of Education (1954) desegregated schools, Black/African American

students still were not taught in the same classrooms as White students. Blacks continued to

fight for the right to obtain equal education, which they won with the 1964 Civil Rights Act

(Chambers, 2009).

Black/African American students had to adapt to the difference of White didactic

pedagogy (Diamond, 2007). In addition, Black/African American students had to deal with the

daily pressures of discrimination. Less than two years after the Civil Rights Act, Black/African

American students prematurely were subjected to their first high-stakes standardized testing for

the Equality of Educational Opportunity Study (EEOS, 1966), also referred to as the Coleman

Study (Coleman, 1966). The Coleman Study was published in 1966 and showed the first

achievement gap. At that time, the difference in student performance was attributed to cultural

deficits (Chambers, 2009). The subsequent use of the term “achievement gap” implied that

17
White students were intellectually superior to Black/African American students (Chambers,

2009). The term also suggested that Blacks lacked the capability of learning. In addition, using

the term “achievement gap” laid the problem of the acquisition of learning squarely on the

Black/African American students’ shoulders and skirted the issues of any responsibility by

educators (Chambers, 2009).

The prevailing winds of change for the United States public educational system have yet

to ameliorate the stalwart structural and cultural barriers that have perpetuated the educational

disparity between the Black/African American and White races (Horn, 2003). High-stakes

standardized testing continues to be the method of choice for educators and legislators to track

educational performance, such as high school exit exams and the Scholastic Assessment Test

(SAT).

Geiser (2009) said traditionally, it has been viewed that achievement tests such as the

SAT ensured colleges would have highly qualified students. In addition, the traditional view

accentuated achievement and the standardized tests would encourage high school students to take

more rigorous college-introductory courses (Geiser, 2009). However, it has not been

substantiated that standardized tests have increased the learning of Black/African American male

students. It was hoped that the current study would contribute to the body of knowledge by

asking Black/African American male high school seniors how high-stakes standardized testing

had affected their feelings about school and if those feelings had influenced their decision to

continue on to college. The study would fill a gap in the existing literature that seems to focus

either on primary school-aged students or undergraduate and graduate-level students. Also, the

current literature does not acknowledge the lived experiences of Black/African American male

high school students who are high achievers or give voice to their specific cultural needs.

18
 Qualitative Approach

A phenomenological research design was used for this qualitative study so that the lived

experiences of Black/African American male students who have taken high-stakes standardized

tests may be understood from the students’ viewpoints (Mertens, 2010). In phenomenological

research, the participants’ subjective experiences are the focal point of the study (Mertens, 2010).

Moustakas (1994) posited that in a phenomenological study the experiences of several

participants are reduced to their essences and core meanings (Creswell, 2007). This reduction is

important for understanding subjective experiences, which allows comprehension of people’s

actions and motivations without making assumptions (Lester, 1999). Critical race theory (CRT)

was the theoretical framework that guided this study.

Waters and Harris (2009) utilized qualitative methods to find out the early educational

experiences of illiterate adults. Using three specific research questions, the eight study

participants were guided through the interview process. Waters and Harris (2009) noted that

even though similar themes arose from the participants’ interviews, the stories behind their adult

illiteracy were far deeper than what they shared. While most of the participants attended school,

negative experiences at school or in the classroom, coupled with something missing from their

home life or family’s educational history, led to them dropping out of school (Waters & Harris,

2009). Later in life, the participants were all enrolled in an adult literacy program. The

participants mainly expressed that the difference for them was that their teachers cared, wanted

to help, and were not mean to them (Waters & Harris, 2009).

By contrast, Harper and Griffin (2011) used a two-three hour interview process to focus

on the lived experiences of 42 Black/African American male undergraduates from low-income

working-class families attending eighteen high-cost private colleges and universities. Instead of

focusing on barriers to higher education for this student population, Harper and Griffin (2011)
19
examined the different methods these students employed to be able to afford these colleges. A

semi-structured interview technique with some telephone follow-up interviews was used. A

demographic questionnaire, which also asked questions about academic experiences, was

completed before the interviews. Harper and Griffin (2011) reported that 39 out of 42

participants described accounts of White students accusing them of being admitted to their

colleges unfairly because of affirmative action practices. None of the students to their

knowledge had received favorable treatment because they were Black/African American (Harper

& Griffin, 2011).

Warde (2007) employed a focus group interview design with 11 Black/African American

male graduate students. The rationale for using this study design was that in two hours, 5 to 12

participants’ qualitative data could be collected as opposed to only two during individual

interviews. The purpose of the study was to determine what experiences contributed toward

their completion of an undergraduate degree. In addition to having an epiphany about education,

9 of the 11 participants said the most important aspects for degree completion were having

access to financial aid, scholarships, tuition reimbursement, and other resources, as well as

mentorship (Warde, 2007).

Theoretical Framework

Critical Race Theory (CRT) was used as the theoretical framework for the study. Born in

the U.S. legal system and pioneered by Richard Delgado (1989) and Derrick Bell (1988), CRT is

an epistemological and methodological tool used to reveal a higher ontological understanding of

the ways racism and race affect the lives and education of American racial minorities (Parker &

Lynn, 2002). Sampson and Garrison-Wade (2011) postulated that CRT recognizes the privilege,

power, and unequal elements in American society, particularly in education, that affect the

20
education of Black/African American children. Roberts (2010) posited that there are three

primary principles in CRT. CRT emphasizes the need to thoroughly investigate and question the

way the law reifies, proliferates, and normalizes societal racism (Roberts, 2010). The second

principle of CRT is a conviction that White Americans will show concern for the interests of

people of other races only when those interests advance their own welfare (Roberts, 2010). The

third principle of CRT is that there are two divergent explanations of reality, racial reality and

dominant reality (Roberts, 2010). CRT contends that racial reality is considered a subaltern

reality that is usually omitted during dialogues concerning American ethnic communities of color

(Roberts, 2010).

In this research study whose main focus was to examine the educational experiences of

young Black/African American men, it was important to acknowledge the presence of racism

within the educational system (Roberts, 2010). Using CRT as a theoretical framework ascribed

meaning and a realistic employment of the research findings pertaining to ethnic minority

students (Daniel, 2007). Daniel (2007) used qualitative interviews guided by CRT to study the

experiences of 15 Black/African American and Latino graduate education students. Daniel

(2007) found that many of the minority graduate students experienced marginalization, which

also seemed to be a part of their acculturation as social work professionals. Daniel (2007) noted

that most of the professional socialization literature disregards the chronic discrimination and the

reality of inequality borne by minority students in graduate education programs.

Acknowledging the perspectives of the students in their own words gives significant

insight into the quality of life on campus as well as actions that the education programs need to

take (Daniel, 2007). Howard (2008) posited that the analytical lens of CRT avows the

occurrence and perniciousness of hegemony, discrimination, and racism in education. CRT

21
gives a voice to the disesteemed, who seemingly have been silent in pedagogical research thus

far. Moreover, Howard (2008) contends it should be accepted that racism and race issues are

integral pieces of American culture, law, and life. Therefore, it should be indubitably understood

how race has an effect on the educational experiences of Black/African American male students

from Pre-Kindergarten to 12th grade (Howard, 2008).

Acting White

"Acting White," a theoretical term introduced by Fordham and Ogbu (1986), has been

interpreted by some researchers to mean that marginalized Blacks may develop an oppositional

culture that devalues education (Mocombe, 2011; Palmer & Maramba, 2011). Stemming from

enslavement, discrimination, and oppression, the oppositional culture serves as a defensive wall

between Whites and Blacks (Palmer & Maramba, 2011). Wiggan (2008) posited that the

oppositional culture followers sanction Black/African American peers who are high achievers

and accuse those students of "acting White." The idea behind this culture would be the adoption

of an identity and ideology that was in opposition to the dominant White beliefs (Wiggan, 2008).

Ogbu (2004) restated the "burden of acting White" theoretical concept as Black/African

American students not striving to get high grades so they would not be viewed as "acting White."

Accusing someone of "acting White" is one of the most negative denouncements one

Black/African American adolescent can declare to another Black/African American adolescent

(Neal-Barrett, Standulis, Singer, Murray, & Demmings, 2010).

Ethnic/Racial Identity

Ogbu (2004) opined that his theory of collective identity was changed to the oppositional

culture theory by critics that misinterpreted him. Ogbu (2004) posited that a collective identity is

a people's sense of belonging and who they are. A collective identity includes cultural symbols

22
reflecting the people's feelings, beliefs, attitudes, and language. The collective identity persists

as long as the external factors that caused its formation exist (Ogbu, 2004).

During slavery, Blacks were made to act the way Whites wanted them to or the slaves

would be killed (Ogbu, 2004). However, Whites did not require slaves to "act White;" in fact, it

was forbidden. A Black/African American English dialect developed that was branded as

improper, country, and bad (Ogbu, 2004). Blacks were not allowed to communicate in their

native African tongues. In addition, Blacks were not allowed to gather amongst themselves after

the insurrection of Nat Turner (1831) in Virginia. In spite of that, Turner's rebellion increased

Black/African American people's sense of a collective identity (Ogbu, 2004).

Matrenec (2011) opined that developing an identity continues to be a struggle for

Black/African American adolescent males because of racial stereotyping. Often, Black/African

American adolescent males try to establish who they are within their own microsystem.

Matrenec (2011) posited that simultaneously, Black/African American males may contend for

acceptance among their peers and for independence from adults who oftentimes do not

understand them. The concept of race changes at different times and places during the

development of the Black/African American male identity (Matrenec, 2011). In school, race

sometimes manifests in such a manner that it creates a disproportionate learning environment

from the students' viewpoints (Matrenec, 2011). Profound assumptions about a student's

academic ability are linked to the student's race (Matrenec, 2011). Cokley and Chapman (2008)

posited that there is little empirical proof to show a direct connection between ethnic/racial

identity and academic achievement. There is also a lack of information that describes how

ethnic/racial identity is connected to the achievement behaviors of Black/African American

students (Cokley & Chapman, 2008).

23
Oppositional Culture to Engagement

Wiggan (2008) purposed in his study to redirect the focus of researchers from an

oppositional culture to student engagement in order to better comprehend the Black/African

American students' views of achievement. Gaining an understanding of the views of successful

Black/African American students might offer some insight about ways to improve academic

achievement for the larger Black/African American student population (Wiggan, 2008).

Race, Gender Differences, Academic Disidentification

Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, and Cogburn (2008) conducted a study to

examine associations among engagement outcomes, racial identity, and school-based

discrimination experiences of 204 Black/African American boys and 206 Black/African

American girls in 8th and 11th grades. The girls had higher academic outcomes than the boys’

outcomes. However, racism influenced both groups in terms of academic development and

motivation (Chavous et al., 2008).

Evans, Copping, Rowley, and Kurtz-Costes (2011) conducted a similar study with 254

Black/African American7th and 8th grade students from five predominantly Black/African

American middle schools in the southeastern United States. These students gave girls higher

ratings than boys for math/science as well as literacy. The girls gave a lower rating to boys than

the boys gave themselves (Evans et al., 2011). The girls’ self-views for literacy did not mirror

their in-group ratings. All participants gave Whites better academic ratings than Blacks (Evans

et al., 2011). The boys’ competence ratings for boys’ self-concepts and social group competence

did not differ. Black/African American boys’ self-concepts correlated to both race group and

gender competence ratings, indicating that negative academic stereotypes may be more strongly

connected to Black/African American males (Evans et al., 2011).

24
 Crumpton and Gregory (2011) asserted that Black/African American students do see the

need for education. However, Black/African American students may be less engaged in their

schooling if they find what is being taught is not motivating or intrinsically relevant to them

(Crumpton & Gregory, 2011). Davis (2008) posited that the history of Black/African American

culture itself, which was founded in slavery, was fraught with reasons for Blacks to believe they

were inherently intellectually inferior. Henfield (2012) argued that as a result of Black/African

American males being portrayed negatively in the media, they are unfavorably stereotyped and

profiled. An academically successful Black/African American male has to triumph over these

obstacles (Henfield, 2012).

Academic disidentification can be defined as a significant lack of a natural association

between a student’s self-concept compared to his peers and the student’s grade point average

(g.p.a.) (Cokley, McClain, Jones, & Johnson, 2011). According to Cokley et al. (2011), students

who have disidentified are not motivated to perform well and academic performance has no

impact on self-esteem. In Cokley et al.’s (2011) study of 41 Black/African American males and

55 Black/African American females in a Southwest high school, the correlation between g.p.a.

and academic self-concept increased significantly for Black/African American females and

decreased significantly for Black/African American males. One explanation that was given for a

lack of perspicuity of the elemental factors for academic disidentification was a lack of

qualitative research exploring, in depth, the lived academic experiences of Black/African

American male students (Cokley et al., 2011).

Academic Disengagement, Academic Achievement

Some Black/African American males employ a “cool persona” (Majors & Billson, 1992),

which transmits a message of masculinity and preserves dignity, respect, and pride (Palmer &

25
Maramba, 2011). Palmer and Maramba (2011) asserted that cool persona is also an expression

of distrust, anger, and bitterness toward White society. The cool persona may cause

Black/African American males to be apathetic towards advancing socially through education

(Palmer & Maramba, 2011).

On the other hand, Wiggan (2008) found that high-achieving Black/African American

students may experience academic disengagement when pedagogues utilize ineffective, teacher-

centered methods. Teachers who display a small degree of interest in teaching, preparation of

lessons, or seemingly do not care are additional causes of academic disengagement (Wiggan,

2008). Wiggan (2008) reported from his research that some teachers are unwilling to respond to

students who solicit further information or the teachers make the students feel like they are

stupid.

Crumpton and Gregory (2011) acknowledged that many students who enter high school

as low achievers will also leave that way. Many students do not get involved in their class

activities because it apparently has no value for them. This lack of involvement may lead to

disengagement, low academic achievement, grade retention, and perchance dropping out

(Crumpton & Gregory, 2011).

Crumpton and Gregory (2011) stated the meaning of academic relevancy as being

schoolwork that has meaning for the students’ lives. Researchers have not yet established the

psychological processes that may explain the link between engagement, achievement, and

academic relevancy (Crumpton & Gregory, 2011). Intrinsic motivation can lead to a higher level

of excitement about school assignments, better study habits, and better grades (Crumpton &

Gregory, 2011).

26
 Byrd and Chavous (2009) opined that there is a relationship between favorable academic

outcomes and a positive, strong awareness of racial identity. However, Byrd and Chavous

(2009) also found that this relationship differed from one type of neighborhood to the next.

Differences in the relationship of achievement, behaviors, and academic values as they relate to

racial identity are affiliated with the social orientation and socioeconomic qualities of the

students’ neighborhoods (Byrd & Chavous, 2009).

Irving and Hudley (2008) remarked that Black/African American identity has been

formed by a chronology of marginalization and oppression. Blacks/African Americans have

scurrilously been depicted as lazy, incompetent, and aggressive since slavery and the age of legal

racial discrimination (Irving & Hudley, 2008). It is believed by many Blacks/African Americans

that racism is a central part of American culture. Irving and Hudley (2008) found that

Blacks/African Americans expect that institutions founded and controlled by Whites would treat

Blacks/African Americans unfairly. This construct of cultural distrust emphasizes the effects of

discrimination on Black/African American academic motivation (Irving & Hudley, 2008).

Ogbu (1992) noted that African American slaves had their culture and languages replaced

by White culture and language, albeit African Americans were punished if they behaved in the

same manner as White Americans. Ogbu (1992) argued that oppositional language and culture

developed as a means of defining their group’s identity.

Carson (2009) studied collectivism as an expression of Black/African American racial

identity. Carson (2009) described collectivism as an individual Black/African American’s sense

of connection to the collective as well as a responsibility to the group’s members. Ogbu (2004)

described collective identity as providing a sense of belonging and who they are as a people.

The collective offers members security and safety as well as a separation from outsiders (Carson,

27
2009). In Carson’s (2009) study, collectivism was used by Black/African American college

students to promote academic confidence, which, in turn, assured the students’ survival and

academic success.

As members of a collective, Black/African American students would have a racial

identity and thereby feel enabled to effectively focus on academic goals in spite of stereotyping,

isolation, or a lack of Black/African American faculty, staff, mentors, or role models (Carson,

2009). Eisele, Zand, and Thomson (2009) observed that when Black/African American youth

perceived acceptance by their peers at school, the students had a more positive self-concept.

When males of any ethnicity find gender identity, it was noted that the gender identity could then

be a predictor of academic achievement (Eisele et al., 2009). Eisele et al. (2009) reported that

close relationships have a positive correlation to behavior perceptions, which consequently have

a positive connection to school bonding, which can then lead to academic achievement.

Microaggressions

Sue et al. (2007) defined racial microaggressions as commonplace, brief daily behavioral,

environmental, or verbal hostile communications that are negative, derogatory, and supercilious

racial insults directed, sometimes unintentionally, towards ethnic or racial minorities. Sue et al.

(2007) identified three kinds of microaggressions: 1) microinvalidation, 2) microinsult, and 3)

microassault. Henfield (2011) described an illustration of microinvalidation as being when a

Black/African American student responded disapprovingly to a racist joke, he was told not to be

so sensitive and his feelings were nullified. An instance of a microinsult would be a

Black/African American student being asked by a White student, “How did you make Dean’s

List?” (Henfield, 2011). By contrast, a microassault would be an intentional attack such as a

White person calling a Black/African American person “nigger” (Sue et al., 2008).

28
 Sue et al.’s (2008) study found that microaggressions often happen at school where a

Black/African American person may be treated as intellectually inferior. Microaggressions also

come in the form of a presumed superiority of White communication modes and values or an

assumption that all Black/African Americans share the same experiences (Sue et al., 2008).

Microaggressions against Blacks in a school setting usually come in the form of insults or

invalidation (Sue et al., 2008). Sue et al. (2008) submitted that racial microaggressions reflect a

worldview of White superiority and that view was embodied in U.S. culture, institutions, and

individuals. Sue et al. (2008) asserted that racial microaggressions generate a tremendous

amount of psychological distress and creates disparity in health care, employment, and

education.

Mattering to Others

Tucker, Dixon, and Griddine (2010) posited that student perceptions regarding

interpersonal mattering may contribute to higher levels of psychosocial well-being, lower

academic stress and depression, and higher perceptions of social support and self-esteem. Uwah,

McMahon, and Furlow (2008) asserted that having a connection and a sensation of belonging to

others may influence individual academic self-efficiency. Tucker et al. (2010) described

mattering as the personal experience of feeling special and being noticed by those who matter to

us in life.

Mattering to others at school may avert disengagement (Tucker et al., 2010). Uwah et al.

(2008) added that students’ perceptions of being welcomed, respected, and valued give them a

psychological sensation of belonging to their school. Congruent to this assertion, Carson (2009)

emphasized that collectivism, or a sense of responsibility for and connection to members of a

racial group, may facilitate students’ success.

29
 Tucker et al. (2010) suggested that when Black/African American male high school

students feel they have someone who is listening to them, such as a school counselor, the

students feel that they do matter. It is crucial for school faculty to reach out to students who do

not receive this type of needed support at home (Tucker et al., 2010). In addition, Reddick,

Welton, Alsandor, Denyszyn, and Platt (2011) found in their research that when community-

based programs supported the educational goals of minorities in high poverty areas, students felt

especially motivated to go on to college.

Parenting

Ogbu (2004) proposed that Black/African American high school students should choose

Black/African American friends who have similar educational goals. The students should also

avoid peer pressure that distracts them from their goals. However, it is most important for

parents to continue to supervise the students, monitor school work, and screen their students’

friends (Ogbu, 2004). Robinson and Werblow (2012) reported that single Black/African

American mothers in their study focused on learning about their sons’ personalities,

environments, and how to block negative influences. The single Black/African American

mothers also learned how to traverse the school system so they could foster their sons’

educational progress (Robinson & Werblow, 2012).

Black/African American adolescent males were found to be less positive than

Black/African American females about attending college in a study by Wood, Kaplan, and

McLoyd (2007). Wood et al. (2007) also ascertained that parental expectations mediate the

relationship between adolescents’ self-expectations and their gender. This implies that parental

expectations also play a part in gender differences for adolescents’ expectations (Wood et al.,

2007).

30
 Cartwright and Henriksen (2012) acknowledged that absenteeism of fathers in

households in the Black/African American community has continued to increase over the last

forty years to about 69%. The absence of Black/African American fathers has been related to

delinquency, premature sexual activity, and poverty, as well as meager academic achievement

(Cartwright & Henriksen, 2012). Shillingford and Edwards (2008) contend that students whose

parent has been imprisoned often do not develop positive relationships. These students distrust

peers and adults and may begin to question parental authority (Shillingford & Edwards, 2008).

Some children whose parents are imprisoned can function well at school. However, many

children feel stigmatized, disconnected, and abandoned and have difficulty conducting

themselves well at school (Shillingford & Edwards, 2008).

Mentoring

Cartwright and Henriksen (2012) asserted that young Black/African American men in

their study felt it was important to have a mentor or role model to help teach them about

manhood. Mentorship contributes to positive attitudes about education and less delinquency in

urban areas (Cartwright & Henriksen, 2012). Additionally, empirical investigation by Reddick

et al. (2011) reported that assistive relationships with family, peers, and school faculty helped to

alleviate the complication and distress of the college decision-making process.

Spirituality

Spirituality significantly influences Black/African American male students' lives,

academic outcomes, and career choices (Dancy, 2010). Dancy (2010) argued that Black/African

American male college students have spiritual identities that crisscross over their other identities

of gender, race, and class. Dancy (2010) conducted a study with 24 Black/African American

male students from 12 colleges/universities at the baccalaureate, master’s, and doctoral levels. A

31
theme that was consistent among these Black/African American men was a belief in God as a

source of support and dependency (Dancy, 2010). Secondly, it was found that spirituality and

participation in religious activity served as an anchor for the Black/African American man’s

other identities (Dancy, 2010).

Sociocultural, Economic, Structural, and Educational Barriers

Ladson-Billings (2006) pointed out that it has been 50 years since the Brown vs. Board of

Education (1966) decision desegregated American public schools. However, within the last

decade the public schools seem to have been resegregating. Almost 75% of Latino/a and

Black/African American students attend predominantly non-White schools (Ladson-Billings,

2006). Over two million Latino/a and Black/African American students in the Midwest and

Northeast attend what researchers refer to as “apartheid schools” (Ladson-Billings, 2006). The

highest concentrations of segregated Black/African American students reside in Illinois,

Michigan, New York, and California (Ladson-Billings, 2006).

Many Black/African American students do not identify with academic achievement

because they associate this with White perspectives (Whaley & Noel, 2011). This viewpoint

hinders Black/African American students from being academically successful and is regarded as

culturally incompatible from a European American perspective (Whaley & Noel, 2011). When

Black/African American students do relate to academic achievement goals, it may be construed

by other Blacks as an implication that they prefer the European American perspective over

Black/African American culture (Whaley & Noel, 2011). Stemming from a chronology of

oppressive events, Black/African Americans often do not trust White Americans personally,

socially, or in an institutional context (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010).

32
 Caldwell and Obasi (2010) posited that many Black/African Americans believe they do

not have the same opportunities as White Americans. Black/African Americans, therefore, set

lower educational expectations and depreciate any benefits derived from academic achievement.

The cultural distrust is passed on from parents to their children and out into society (Caldwell &

Obasi, 2010). This distrust causes some Black/African American students to believe that

education was not the way to a secure financial future (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010).

Davis (2008) asserted that Black/African American students in the United States are often

poor economically as well as educationally. Clark (2011) submitted that there is economic

segregation in public schools, which causes economic inequalities within the schools. A

student’s family economic position is important; however, the economic status of their peer’s

family greatly affects academic achievement (Clark, 2011). Research by Bankston & Caldas (as

cited by Clark, 2011) on economic status and academic achievement found that disadvantaged

students who went to school with students from more privileged backgrounds tended to increase

their achievement levels to the level of their more fortunate peers (Clark, 2011). There was some

concern that blending the disadvantaged students with the privileged students would have

adverse effects on the privileged students’ academic achievements (Clark, 2011).

Orr (2003) defined wealth as the worth of the assets of an individual or a family, less the

amount of debt that is owed. Orr (2003) posited that wealth has an effect on academic

achievement because it allows children to be exposed to more culture. Orr (2003) argued that

wealth would be converted into economic capital, which then could be used as cultural or social

capital. Social capital allows parents to be able to contribute to their children’s achievement, as

well as be able to spend more time with them (Orr, 2003). Black/African American families that

have less financial capital may not be able to send their children to high caliber schools or have

33
school-related resources at home. Orr (2003) opined that the inability to enjoy these experiences

because of a lack of capital may cause Blacks to have lower self-esteem, aspirations, and

motivation, which may lead to lower achievement.

Many Black/African American students attempt to gain upward economic and social

mobility through athleticism (Hodge, Harrison, Burden, & Dixson, 2008). Some Black/African

American students seemingly are not aware of the difficulties in becoming a professional athlete

(Hodge et al., 2008). Hodge et al. (2008) expressed concern that sports leaders, coaches, and

educators need to do more to emphasize the importance of academic success. There should be

more of a balance between negotiating the academic system and pursuit of sports. Hodge et al.

(2008) asserted the importance of letting Black/African American youth know that they can be

respected and valued for accomplishments not related to sports.

Education for many Black/African American males means being placed in special

education classes (Whiting, 2009). Whiting (2009) observed that Black/African American male

high school students are less likely to be in advanced placement classes and more likely to be

placed in a vocational track rather than an academic curriculum. Whiting (2009) also noted that

Black/African American females completed high school at a higher rate than Black/African

American males. The Black/African American male students’ overall average on standardized

academic achievement tests is lower than the scores for other groups (Whiting, 2009).

Stemming from the adoption of the cool persona, the Black/African American male

defense mechanism for coping with marginalization, invisibility, and oppression, many

Blacks/African Americans do not share their emotions and feelings with educators (Whiting,

2009). Assuming the cool persona prevents many Black/African American males from

assimilating or having experiences that could broaden their political, personal, and social

34
consciousness (Whiting, 2009). Whiting (2009) posited that these Black/African American

males’ lack of understanding of the social injustices, such as low-level tracking in school or

being targeted by law enforcement, is exacerbated by the cool persona, which creates a vicious

cycle of adverse interactions.

Whiting (2009) acknowledged that many high achieving Black/African American males

often hide their intelligence for the sake of social acceptance. Many educators focus on

Black/African American students’ real or imposed shortcomings because of stereotyping

(Whiting, 2009). This inhibits teachers from seeing the students’ strengths and, therefore, the

teachers have low expectations for them (Whiting, 2009). Gifted Black/African American

students may question their academic abilities or they may begin to disidentify from the

Black/African American culture (Whiting, 2009). Interracial peer pressure occurs when other

students feel threatened by gifted Blacks and they try to sabotage the Black/African American

students’ successes (Whiting, 2009).

Thompson (2010) posited that there are structural barriers in school districts and in

schools whose purpose is to speed up White students and to retard racial minorities. These

structural barriers include 1) curriculum design, 2) organizational factors, 3) facility supports for

instruction, 4) budgetary supports for instruction, 5) equity indicators, and 6) formal assessments

(Thompson, 2010).

When two middle-class students, one Black/African American and one White, start

school at the same basic level of social and cultural capital, the inherent structural barriers in the

school system can predict that the White student will be more successful than the Black/African

American student (Thompson, 2010). Thompson (2010) refers to this as institutional racism.

35
 Thompson (2010) posited that gap analysis is used by educators to examine institutional

racism. An educational gap analysis compares differences in the ways various races and

ethnicities at varying socioeconomic levels attain knowledge (Thompson, 2010). Thompson

(2010) asserted that gap analysis recognizes that our society presumes the structural barriers in

education will limit opportunities to non-White groups. As a result, when standardized

assessments indicate a consistently increasing pattern of an achievement gap, a gap analysis is

used to examine the disparity (Thompson, 2010). The gap analysis, however, does not identify

the cause of the discrepancies when two racial groups have similar cultural and social capitals

(Thompson, 2010).

High-Stakes Standardized Testing

Interestingly, Thompson and Allen (2012) reported that educational reform was boosted

in the 1980s when The National Commission on Excellence in Education (1983) published A

Nation at Risk. The report findings disclosed that U.S. students as a whole were academically

under-performing their peers in other countries (Thompson & Allen, 2012). Au (2009) reflected

that in 2002, the United States Congress passed the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). High-

stakes standardized testing was now a federal mandate (Au, 2009). It was claimed by supporters

of NCLB that the high-stakes standardized tests would allow policymakers and educators to

track achievement gaps, improve upon educational inequalities, and identify problem areas in

instruction and curriculum (Au, 2009).

Au (2009) argued that high-stakes standardized tests changed the schools' educational

environment. Students now have no power to contribute to their own education while teachers

have lost control over curriculum choices (Au, 2009). As a result, students of color have had

36
their histories, culture, and voices structured out by marginalization, which has left students

disempowered and alienated (Au, 2009).

Guzenhauser (2003) argued that an impact of high-stakes standardized testing is that it

changes the philosophy of education, which is one of value and purpose. Guzenhauser (2003)

suggested high-stakes standardized testing brought with it a default philosophy where the focus

is on the high-stakes tests. Guzenhauser (2003) highlighted a growing national concern that

high-stakes graduation exams are the major cause for lower-achieving students to drop out.

Horn (2003) questioned whether high-stakes standardized testing stopped or perpetuated

a cycle of failure. State-mandated high-stakes standardized tests are used by educators to decide

promotion, high school graduation, and college acceptability (Horn, 2003). The high-stakes

standardized tests focus on a myopically-determined set of skills. Teachers focus their

instruction on mastery of these skill sets and exclude other skills (e.g., research project design,

collaboration) that may be important but are not incorporated into the tests (Horn, 2003). In

addition, Horn (2003) posited that special needs students, English language learners, non-White,

and non-Asian students are deeply affected by standardized test scores. The reason for this is

that these tests do not expound upon all of the information required to make life-changing

decisions for the students (Horn, 2003). Horn (2003) advised against using testing at the student

level.

Diamond (2007) examined the link between classroom instruction and high-stakes

standardized testing policies. Diamond (2007) found that middle-class White students are most

often prepared by interactive pedagogy. Interactive pedagogy allows for students to be guided

through their learning processes and having students explain how they arrived at their answers.

37
Students would then be assessed on the thought processes that led to their answers (Diamond,

2007).

Diamond (2007) explained that students of color and low-income students are more often

taught by didactic pedagogy. Diamond (2007) described didactic pedagogy as teacher-led

instruction with lectures and leading questions with singular, short answers (Diamond, 2007).

Students are assessed on the accuracy of the responses that they recite back to the teacher

(Diamond, 2007). School policies often encourage didactic teaching methods in preparing for

high-stakes testing. While interactive learning may be a better learning method, many teachers

find it difficult to change their teaching methodologies (Diamond, 2007).

Mandatory assessments and high-stakes standardized testing have become the purpose of

the dominant method for measurement of student progress (Duffy, Giordano, Farrell, Paneque, &

Crump, 2008). These assessments not only affect the students' future but they also affect

teachers' careers and salaries, as well as schools' status and reputations in the community (Duffy

et al., 2008). An embedded value of standardized assessments is that it is taken for granted,

because of NCLB, that this is the best way to measure student academic achievement (Duffy et

al., 2008).

Caines and Engelhard (2012) posed the question, "How good is good enough?"

Minimum passing scores for high-stakes standardized tests are established by standard setting

panels (Caines & Engelhard, 2012). The standard setting panels define what the minimum level

of acceptable performance for a task is in order to determine the cut scores for an assessment

(Caines & Engelhard, 2012).

Caines and Engelhard (2012) asserted that it is the cut score that divides students into

those who fail the assessment from those who pass. Panelists then make recommendations to the

38
policy-making boards. Caines and Engelhard (2012) reported standard setting to be one of the

most important tasks in the testing process. Black/African American and Hispanic students,

limited English proficiency students, and special education students are often adversely affected

by cut scores. Cut scores are used to determine grade level promotions, graduation from high

school, college admission, certification, and professional licensure (Caines & Engelhard, 2012).

Caines and Engelhard (2012) emphasized the importance of having a broad representation of

standardized test stakeholders comprise the standard-setting panels.

Thompson (2007) conducted a study in a Los Angeles County, CA high school at the

request of the principal to find out reasons for the poor performances of Black/African American

students on standardized tests. Thompson (2007) reported that many of the Black/African

American students in grades 9-12 did not take the tests seriously, saw the tests as a waste of time,

and did not do their best. Also, students interpreted teachers’ attitudes and behaviors about the

tests to mean that the teachers did not take the tests seriously. Therefore, when teachers did not

devote much time to adequately prepare students for the tests, the students assumed the same

attitude that the test was not important (Thompson, 2007).

Thompson (2007) noticed that when students did not see how a standardized test directly

benefited them, such as the California Standards Test (California Department of Education,

2012), some students felt the test would only benefit the school (Thompson, 2007). If a test only

helped the school, some students felt the school did not care about them, so why help the school?

Thompson (2007) communicated that students thought they had to take too many tests, that the

tests did not even affect their grades, and that the tests wasted their time.

39
California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE)

California, along with 25 other states, required a standardized assessment in order to

graduate from high school (California Department of Education, 2015). In the 2009-2010 school

year, 56% of Black/African American male students passed the California High School Exit

Exam (CAHSEE) and graduated from high school (The Schott Foundation for Public Education,

2012). Ullucci and Spencer (2009) argued that the CAHSEE is based on a myth pertaining to the

role of high-stakes standardized testing and faulty assumptions. Ullucci and Spencer (2009)

contend that the California Department of Education (CDE) views high-stakes tests as

reinvigorating. CDE has made improved student outcomes and school success tantamount to

students’ good test performance abilities (Ullucci & Spencer, 2009). Ullucci and Spencer (2009)

posited that high-stakes standardized testing is not a fast remedy for school reform. The CDE's

intent with the CAHSEE was to make the students accountable for passing or failing, which

takes the responsibility for the outcomes off the educators (Ullucci & Spencer, 2009).

Ullucci and Spencer (2009) commented that most adults do not remember standardized

testing as being traumatic and, therefore, view the high-stakes standardized testing in schools as

normal (Ullucci & Spencer, 2009). However, the high-stakes standardized tests today come with

consequences such as being denied a diploma, or low-performing schools having monies

withheld (Ullucci & Spencer, 2009).

Carter, Williams, and Silverman (2008) conducted a study on Black/African American

students in third through fifth grade for test anxiety (TA). TA is characterized by increased heart

rate, distressful thoughts, and/or emotional eruptions during, before, or after a test (Carter et al.,

2008). The study results were consistent with previous studies done with college students,

indicating that TA may be experienced by Black/African American students caused by a fear of

40
negative group membership stereotyping. Carter et al. (2008) posited that the fear elicits anxiety,

which then creates cognitive interference which, in turn, enervates test performance.

Pershey (2010) found that at-risk Black/African American children who had low self-

perceptions of academic competence were also not engaged in school. The students’ perceptions

correlated with their standardized test scores (Pershey, 2010). These students also did not have

confidence in the competency of the schools they were attending, which were labeled by their

school districts as having an “academic emergency.” Pershey (2010) pondered if students’

perceptions would be different if they were not in a school environment that was test-driven.

Fryer and Levitt (2004) conducted a study that showed the achievement gap between

Black/African American and White students began in the first couple of years of schooling.

Fryer and Levitt (2004) suggested a possible explanation for this gap was related to the lower

quality schools that the Black/African American students attended.

The Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT)

Laundra and Sutton (2008) observed that many of the contemporary high-stakes

standardized tests, including the American College Test (ACT), the Law School Admission Test

(LSAT), the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT), the Graduate Record Examination

(GRE), and the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), utilize many of the narrow ideas of intelligence

first introduced in the Binet-Simon Intelligence Test in 1905. Laundra and Sutton (2008) posited

that these traditional conceptualizations foster the beliefs of some scholars that intelligence

differences are not caused by environmental or cultural factors, or by the testing construct.

These scholars maintain that intelligence differences between racial minorities and Whites are

based on hereditary differences and genetics (Laundra & Sutton, 2008). Laundra and Sutton

41
(2008) pondered whether the standardized tests were using measures that were culturally

sensitive or did the tests mirror a Eurocentric, White bias?

Geiser (2009) queried what should be looked for when college admission applications

were being reviewed. Geiser (2009) suggested that there were two possible viewpoints. First,

the traditional view would emphasize academic achievement demonstrated by the students’

grades and college-preparatory coursework (Geiser, 2009). The second viewpoint would judge

students on what they have already learned, as well as their capacity to learn (Geiser, 2009).

Geiser (2009) posited that the latter viewpoint is related to the SAT. The purpose of the SAT

when introduced in 1926 was to measure the capacity of a student’s ability to learn (Geiser,

2009). The SAT was thought to be a method for social mobility where promising students who,

despite poor academic performance, disadvantaged backgrounds, or inferior instruction, might

gain college admission (Geiser, 2009). It was also believed that because the SAT was

standardized, it would be a uniform measurement of readiness for college (Geiser, 2009).

Standards for high school grades vary by school. Most importantly, the SAT was a tool

admissions advisers could use to predict college performance (Geiser, 2009).

Rothstein (2004) reported that critics who supported the SAT expressed that any watering

down of the SAT’s role in admissions would result in a less qualified freshmen class. Rothstein

(2004) also submitted that the SAT, when used in conjunction with high school grade point

averages (g.p.a.), controls against grade inflation. The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education

(2000) argued that White students who take the SAT were more likely than Black/African

American test-takers to have completed geometry and to be enrolled in trigonometry and

calculus courses, making them more prepared for the SAT.

42
 Geiser (2009) discussed the SAT’s generalized acceptance over the past years and how

what the test supposedly measured has changed from “aptitude” to “generalized reasoning,” to

the most recent change, “critical thinking.” By the turn of the century, colleges became more

selective about admissions, which opened a debate over traditional measures and the SAT

measures (Geiser, 2009). Many found that the SAT’s claim that assessment of ability was better

than achievement was delusory (Geiser, 2009). Geiser (2009) posited that the SAT is a poor

forecaster of student performance.

Geiser (2009) argued that achievement tests and high school grades were better for

showing mastery of curriculum and predicting college performance. Geiser (2009) asserted that

the SAT adversely impacts minority and poor admissions applicants more than class rank,

grades, or any other measurements of achievement.

An increasing number of colleges and universities have rejected the SAT’s bellwether

status as a predictor of academic success. Many schools of higher education have experienced

an increase in admissions applications since no longer requiring submission of SAT scores (The

Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 2000).

Literature Review Summary

Black/African American male students and the educational system in the United States

have been diametrically opposed since African slaves were first brought to America. The

passage of laws that freed the slaves, allowed Blacks to be educated, and gave Blacks the right to

attend the same schools as White students, have not been sufficient to undo the damage done to

this race of people. Anger and mistrust have never been assuaged because of negative

stereotyping, microaggressions against Black/African American people, and socioeconomic,

43
educational, and structural barriers. These barriers have proliferated the subjugation of the

Black/African American male intellect.

Discrimination against Blacks seemingly has been embedded into the heart of American

culture and its existence has become an accepted fact. High-achieving Black/African American

males who strive to succeed academically find opposition not only from the dominant culture but

also the Black/African American culture as well. These high achievers are often accused of

trying to act White, which sometimes causes them to disidentify with their own race. When

similarly rejected by White students because of a perceived threat, high achieving Black/African

American students may experience academic disidentification. Many Black/African American

male students seek advocacy and guidance from educators or mentors who offer social support

and show the students that they matter to them.

The backlash of the academic achievement disparity between Black/African American

and White students has now become a national priority. The United States' world ranking in the

percentage of students going to and completing college has dropped to tenth place compared to

other leading world powers. As predicted by critical race theory, when change will benefit the

dominant White culture, changes will be made that advance the interests of other races. Many

new laws have been set into motion to evoke a change in the achievement gap status.

Unfortunately, it seems that the vehicle being used to ensure that change, high-stakes

standardized testing, may actually be causing the educational gap to widen.

Black/African American students have expressed being overburdened by the sheer

number of standardized tests they have to take in California. Black/African American students

are often under-prepared for these high-stakes standardized tests compared to their White peers

because of divarication in the types of pedagogy they receive. Black/African American and

44
White cultures have divergent learning acquisition styles, but only the White culture’s style is

accommodated. Additionally, high-stakes standardized testing has been the catalyst for many

Black/African American students to drop out of high school. In order to stop the educational

decline, a serious look at cultural differences in learning acquisition, the overuse of high-stakes

standardized tests, removal of educational barriers, and a restructuring of pedagogic techniques

are areas that need to be addressed. An overview of the influence of these topics on

Black/African American male high school students' decisions regarding higher education merits

further exploration.

45
 CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY

Purpose of the Study

High-stakes standardized testing is a social construct that has been instituted in the

United States’ educational system in an attempt to eradicate the achievement differences between

Black and White students (Horn, 2003). However, standardized testing does not take into

account structural barriers, socioeconomic barriers, cultural differences, or differences in

academic preparedness (Pershey, 2010). It is also important to consider the Black/African

American male students’ relationships with educators and peers, sense of belonging, self-

perceptions, academic identity, expectations of others and self, and academic support (Ford &

Whiting, 2010).

This researcher is interested in understanding potential causes of continued low college

enrollment for Black/African American males. As a result of the No Child Left Behind Act

(NCLB, 2000), the amount of standardized testing has greatly increased in schools

(Guzenhauser, 2003). NCLB (2000) brought with it a default philosophy that implied that high-

stakes standardized testing would force students to learn (Guzenhauser, 2003). Abbott (2013)

pointed out that the incongruity of the aforementioned philosophy is evidenced in the widening

trend of the achievement gap. The research question for the current study asked Black/African

American male high school seniors to describe their experience with high-stakes standardized

tests and to include in their description whether or not these exams influenced their decision

about attending college. The researcher desired to find out firsthand these students’ perceptions

46
about high-stakes standardized tests and if that testing played a role in the students’ choices to go

to college.

Harper and Griffin (2011) conducted in-depth interviews with Black/African American

male undergraduate students who were from low-income working households. These students

were able to raise the funds required to attend costly universities. The majority of the study

participants reported having negative school experiences because they were stereotyped and

accused by White students of gaining entrance to college through affirmative action (Harper &

Griffin, 2011). That study did not focus on those students’ experiences prior to entering college.

The current study strove to have participants from a mixture of socioeconomic backgrounds.

The current study will extend prior research because it will include events that led up to

decisions whether or not to attend college.

In Wiggan’s (2008) study with Black/African American K-12 students, the focus was

drawn away from the negative points of an oppositional culture and redirected towards

understanding the viewpoints of high-achieving Black/African American students. Wiggan’s

(2008) purpose in conducting this study was to identify and investigate the experiences of

Black/African American students that might lead to improved academic achievement across the

country.

Wiggan’s (2008) study did not, however, examine gender differences in achievement.

The participants consisted of seven students, six female and one male (Wiggan, 2008). The

current study focused solely on Black/African American males as their achievement disparity is

greater than Black/African American females. The current study’s participants were six high

school seniors who had taken high-stakes standardized tests and had received the results.

47
 Thompson and Allen (2012) delineated how high-stakes standardized testing has actually

been deleterious to Black/African American students. Thompson and Allen (2012) posited that

high-stakes standardized testing a) increased student lassitude, b) has punitive policies that drive

more students towards the prison pipeline, c) has not led to wide-ranging increases in test scores,

and d) created an educational system that attempts to make schools look unblemished while

students do not learn what will help them to improve their quality of life. It is hoped that the

current study will extend Thompson and Allen’s (2012) research by revealing the lived

experiences of Black/African American male high school seniors regarding standardized tests

and their decisions about attending college.

This phenomenological study aspires to extend prior research findings by addressing the

perceptions of Black/African American male students regarding high-stakes standardized testing

and their overall scholastic preparation. This study differs from prior studies because it obtained

the opinions of Black/African American male high school seniors through face-to-face in-depth

interviews. It is hoped that this study will fill a gap in the literature by describing Black/African

American male high school seniors’ perceptions about high-stakes standardized testing. It is

important to understand how the Black/African American male student’s educational experiences

with standardized testing may have affected him and what he thinks and feels about the pursuit

of higher education.

Phenomenological Research Design

A phenomenological research design was used for this study so that the lived experiences

of Black/African American male students who have taken high-stakes standardized tests, such as

the SAT, may be understood from the students’ viewpoints (Mertens, 2010). In

phenomenological research, the participants’ subjective experiences are the focal point of the

48
study (Mertens, 2010). Moustakas (1994) posited that in a phenomenological study, the

experiences of several participants are reduced to their essences and core meanings. This

reduction is important for understanding subjective experiences, which allows comprehension of

people’s actions and motivations without making assumptions (Lester, 1999). Lester (1999)

asserted that many humanist researchers rebut the contingency of starting research without

having some preconceptions. Phenomenological researchers are a subjective part of the research

and not just impartial, detached observers. The interpretations of the research may be used to

formulate theory that would inform and, in turn, either challenge or support action and policy

(Lester, 1999).

Theoretical Implications

Phenomenology was used in this research study to explore how Black/African American

male students have reacted to high-stakes standardized testing and in what ways the testing has

affected the students’ decisions to go on to higher education. Critical race theory (CRT) was the

theoretical framework that guided this study. CRT was used to focus attention on the racism that

is embedded in the standardized testing system (Creswell, 2007). Parker and Lynn (2002)

posited that there are three main goals of CRT; (a) presentation of affected participants’ stories

of discrimination, (b) recognition of race as a social construct and contending for elimination of

racial subjugation, and (c) to speak to class or gender differences, or any other areas of inequity

that participants have experienced (Creswell, 2007).

Black/African American male high school students with the capacity to go on to college

are not often the subject of phenomenological studies. Using CRT as the theoretical lens in the

current study gives a voice to students who are not often heard in pedagogical research (Howard,

2008). In addition, it is important to understand how racism within the educational system may

49
play a part in the Black/African American male high school student’s academic choices (Roberts,

2010). Each study participant was interviewed face-to-face, which provided firsthand

descriptions of his lived experience with standardized tests as a Black/African American male

student. Many studies have covered the myriad of causes for low Black/African American male

academic achievement. It is important to understand how the Black/African American male

student’s educational experience has affected him personally and what he thinks and feels about

the pursuit of higher education. Employing CRT attributes meaning and a realistic use of the

research findings as they pertain to discovering possible reasons for low college enrollment for

this population (Daniel, 2007). Knowledge about the experiences of the Black/African American

male student participants was gained through open-ended conversational interviews. The

interviews allowed the participants to express their subjective opinions about high-stakes

standardized tests.

High-stakes standardized testing in public schools has increased since the inception of the

No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) in 2002. The premise behind the increased testing was that it

would force students to learn (Guzenhauser, 2003). Contrarily, there has been a widening of the

achievement gap (Abbott, 2013). The researcher for the current study recognized the ontological

nature of beliefs of educational administrators about high-stakes standardized testing. The

researcher was interested in finding out from the source if high-stakes standardized tests have

influenced Black/African American male high school students’ decisions on whether or not to

attend college.

The phenomenological research design chosen to conduct this study was face-to-face

interview (Mertens, 2010). The interview design epistemologically is best suited for this study

because it allowed the researcher to establish a trusting connection with the participants

50
(Mertens, 2010). That connection allowed the researcher to access information from the

participants regarding their historical and social experiences with high-stakes standardized tests.

Additionally, it was hoped that, as a Black researcher reporting the study results with an

understanding of the epistemologies of Black/African American male high school students, there

might be subsequent changes in theoretical approaches for educating this ethnic group as well as

other minorities (Howard, 2013).

This researcher is very interested in increasing social justice and promoting human rights

(Atweh, 2011). Therefore, it is important to look at possible experiential effects of standardized

testing from an axiological viewpoint (Mertens, 2010). This researcher would like to better

understand the beneficence of standardized testing for Black/African American male high school

students.

Credibility, Transferability, Dependability

Credibility was shown when the participants’ responses to the research question and the

way the researcher depicts their points of view correspond (Mertens, 2010). Credibility in the

current study was ensured through the use of triangulation. Triangulation in this study is the use

of more than one data source to bolster the strength of the researcher’s explications and

conclusions. Triangulation was used to show evidence of consistency in the information across

the different data sources (Mertens, 2010). Data was gathered from three sample populations

taken from three different high schools within California. The researcher examined the study

results within each school and also compared any similarities or differences in findings amongst

the schools. The researcher’s notes were also incorporated in the analysis of the data to ensure

accuracy.

51
 Transferability was demonstrated by having a sample size that is representative of the

Black/African American male high school senior population in California. Direct quotes from

the interviews were used as textual descriptions (Creswell, 2007). A structural description of the

situations and conditions was embodied in the rich descriptions from the researcher’s notes. The

interviewees’ attitudes, behaviors, and body languages were also incorporated in the researcher’s

notes (Creswell, 2007). The textural and structural descriptions were combined to formulate the

essence of the phenomenon (Creswell, 2007).

Dependability in the current study was reflected in the step-by-step details of how each

element of the study was performed. The sequential and itemized descriptions will allow other

researchers to replicate the study. It is expected that changes will occur over time in study

results and it is expected that subsequent researchers would document those changes (Mertens,

2010).

Strengths and Weaknesses of the Research Design

One of the strengths of using a phenomenological approach was that participants

willingly and candidly reported their experiences. Additionally, use of a face-to-face interview

technique allowed the researcher to immediately get the participant to dig deeper and give rich

detail about specific instances. Another strength of the research design was that the researcher

was able to see the participants’ body languages and experience the emotion exhibited by them

as they spoke.

A weakness of the research design noted by the researcher was that due to the fact

participants had to volunteer and the participant pools were small, it was difficult to reach the

target number of nine participants. Students who did not have a free period may have had too

many classes to volunteer to participate. The researcher did not pull any students out of their

52
classes in order to be interviewed. Also, many students had sports practice immediately after

school, so that timeframe was not an option for them either.

Characteristics of the Larger Population

California has urban cities, rural towns, and suburban areas (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).

The total population of the State of California was reported as 38,802,500. The percentage of

male persons in California in 2014 was about 50% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).

Demographically, in 2014, California was about 39% White, 7% Black or African American,

14% Asian, 39% Hispanic or Latino, 2% American Indian and Alaskan Native, 0.5% Hawaiian

and Other Pacific Islanders, and about 4% two or more races (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).

Between the years 2009 and 2013, about 81% of the residents age 25 years and above

were high school graduates and 31% of the same group had bachelor’s degrees or a higher

degree (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). During these years, there were about 3 persons per

household with a median household income of $61,000. The number of persons below poverty

level was about 16% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).

Sampling Procedures

The researcher endeavored to have a methodological design that enabled the participants’

voices to be heard by allowing them to give an account of their educational experiences with

high-stakes standardized tests (Storz, 2008). The population that the sample participants were

taken from was three suburban high schools in California. The use of triangulation in this study

ensured its credibility. The selections were made based upon those schools having a

comparatively high Black/African American male 12th grade student enrollment for the 2011-

2012 school year, excluding community and alternative education high schools (California

Department of Education, 2013). The three schools are not extremely different when looked at

53
socioeconomically. California is where the researcher lives and works. However, the researcher

had no connection to any of the chosen high schools.

The researcher sought a target sample size of nine participants, comprised of

Black/African American male high school seniors who had taken the CAHSEE, PSAT, and the

SAT. When the principals of the high schools went through the lists of potentially eligible

students, they found they would have to disqualify several students because those students never

took the SAT. In light of the fact that the sample population was already quite small, the

researcher made a request to the Capella IRB to change the requirements on the research plan to

read, “CAHSEE, PSAT, or SAT” instead of “and SAT.” It was known by the researcher that all

of the students would have taken the CAHSEE and the PSAT, but the SAT was not required.

The researcher did not wish to exclude students who may have taken other high-stakes

standardized tests such as an AP exam, ACT, or a college placement exam. This change was

approved by the Capella IRB.

If any school had less than three volunteers, a snowball sampling technique was

incorporated to try to get additional volunteers. Mertens (2010) recommended a sample size of

six participants for a phenomenological face-to-face interview study based on Morse’s (1994)

comparison of strategies. Creswell (2007) suggested the number of participants should range

between 3 and 10. Wiggan’s (2008) phenomenological study with Black/African American K-

12 students had seven participants. Tucker, Dixon, and Griddine (2010) interviewed nine

African American male students for their study on mattering to others. The current study used

six participants, which appears to fall within the recommended range for face-to-face interviews

in a phenomenological study.

54
 Random purposeful sampling was used to obtain study participants (Creswell, 2007).

This meant that only Black/African American male high school seniors were contacted to ask if

they wished to participate in the study. This became the purposeful sample. Then, only students

who volunteered from that purposeful sample became study participants. The Black/African

American population at each school averaged about 3% of the school’s population. The number

of eligible Black/African American male seniors in each school ranged from 7-12. The sample

pool was quite small; however, the percentage of Black/African American students is equivalent

to the overall percentage of the population of Black/African Americans in California.

Data Collection Design and Instruments

The researcher found three high schools in different areas of California that had the

highest Black/African American student populations. The researcher sent certified letters to the

district superintendents of each school to ask permission to use the school site for the study. The

letters were followed up by emails. If there was no response, the researcher made telephone

contact. Subsequently, several different school districts had to be contacted because permission

was not granted for many schools. Once approval was received from the district superintendent,

the superintendent would contact the principal of the proposed school and ask if it was feasible to

allow the study to take place on the campus. Often, the principals said no. Each of these

responses took a great deal of time to be communicated back to the researcher. Then the

researcher would look for another suitable school site to replace that one. At long last, the

researcher got three schools to agree to allow the study to take place and the recruitment process

began after completion of all Capella IRB requirements.

Mailing lists, labels, and envelopes with the school’s return address were supplied by

each school’s principal for all potential participants. Flyers, along with Capella parental consent

55
forms, were mailed by the researcher to the potential participants in envelopes with their

respective school’s return address. The school’s envelopes were used so that parents would

know that the school was aware of the study and was cooperating with the researcher. The flyers

gave a brief description of the study’s purpose and invited the students to participate in the study.

The parental consent form gave a more detailed description of the study as well as contact

information if there any questions. A $10 gift card was offered as an incentive for all students

who completed their interviews. The flyer had an e-mail address for interested students to

contact the researcher. The researcher had set up this e-mail address expressly for use in this

study. Flyers were also displayed in various locations on each campus. Additionally, the flyer

was placed in the schools’ online newsletters. One high school had a video weekly news report

for which the researcher was interviewed and the interview aired with the other reports. One

school had a “Twitter-type” announcement board for which a short invite to participate in the

study was posted. The first four qualifying respondents from each of the three high schools

would become study participants. If any school had less than three volunteers, snowballing was

employed. Participants who had already interviewed were asked to invite friends or other

students they knew who were qualified to take part in the study.

The researcher worked with school principals, counselors, academic advisors, the faculty

advisor for an African American Club, school secretaries, and registrars to try to get in touch

with as many students as possible. The researcher was able to speak briefly at a meeting at one

high school’s Black Student Union. Three sets of mailings were sent out for each school because

of a low level of responses. If the original mailing labels said, “To the parent of,” the last set of

mailings went directly to the student. If the prior mailings had gone to the student, the last

mailing went directly to the parent. A final event for recruiting was a meeting scheduled

56
specifically for the researcher by an academic advisor to meet with potential participants at lunch

time at one particular school. The face-to-face contact proved to be much more effective than

the mailings. The researcher was able to complete a total of six interviews; one student was a

“no-show.”

The principal of each school allowed the use of a conference room by the researcher in

order to conduct the confidential face-to-face interviews. The researcher scheduled the interview

appointment times by e-mail with the students and included the researcher’s cell phone number

in case the student was unable to attend at the agreed-upon time. The researcher gave students

the exact location of where to meet at the appointed time. Students were instructed to bring the

signed parental consent forms if they were under the age of 18. When students arrived, they

signed an informed consent form and a copy of the signature page was made and returned to the

student.

The informed consent form gave answers to the following questions: Who is doing the

research and what is it about? What does participation in this research study involve? Why are

you being asked to participate? Are there any risks involved in this study? Are there any

benefits to participation? What happens if the researcher gets new information during the study?

How will the researcher protect participants’ confidentiality? What happens if a participant does

not want to continue in the study? Will it cost anything to participate in the study? Will I get

paid to participate? Will participants be compensated for illness or injury? The form detailed

what voluntary consent means, followed by the participant’s printed name, signature, and date.

The form also asked for the participant’s consent to be audio recorded. The researcher signed

and dated the investigator’s statement on the bottom of the informed consent form. The

researcher then asked each participant if there were any questions about anything before

57
proceeding with data collection. The researcher also made certain that the participants (and

parents) had signed, agreeing to be audio-recorded. The forms also indicated that the student

was free to stop his participation at any time for any reason.

Data Collection Procedures

When a participant arrived at the interview site, introductions were made, parental

consent forms collected, and participant consent forms were signed. After the researcher briefly

went over the purpose of the study and explained that no names of the students, schools or

districts, or any identifying factors would be used in the dissertation, the researcher briefly gave

personal educational background information. After any questions the participant may have had

prior to the start of the interview had been answered, the researcher placed a copy of the research

question in front of the participant. The researcher then placed two digital audio recorders in

close proximity to the participant. The second digital audio recorder served as backup in the

event the primary digital audio recorder malfunctioned. When the participant was ready to

begin, the researcher read the research question aloud saying, “Please describe your experience

with high-stakes standardized tests (such as the CAHSEE, PSAT, or SAT) and include in your

description whether or not these exams influenced your decision about attending college.” The

participant then began his response. The researcher interjected follow-up questions as

appropriate to probe more deeply into stated feelings. When the participants seemed to have

covered everything they wanted to say, the researcher asked if there was anything they wanted to

add. At the conclusion of the interview, the researcher thanked the student for his participation

and handed him a $10 gift card. Each interview lasted approximately 45 minutes. The

researcher then downloaded a digital copy of each interview on to a secure computer and later

transcribed the interviews.

58
 Data Analysis

Once the researcher completed interviews at a high school site, the researcher transcribed

the audio recordings of the participants’ responses to the research question. The researcher

examined the data using a transcendental phenomenological approach (Moustakas, 1994).

Moustakas (1994) described meaning as being the heart of transcendental phenomenology,

which is designed to explicate the quintessence of a human experience. Husserl (1931) (as cited

by Moustakas, 1994) referred to transcendental phenomenology as being bound in the idea of

intentionality (Moustakas, 1994). Intentionality was described by Husserl as an inner experience

of consciousness and being conscious of a thing (Moustakas, 1994). Husserl posited that the

object of consciousness and the action of consciousness are related intentionally (Moustakas,

1994).

Noesis and noema constitute this intentionality (Moustakas, 1994). An original noetic

experience may have many meanings. However, the underlying initial meaning of the noesis

may be developed and become more expressive. That which appears in consciousness is

actually the phenomenon and it provides the stimulus for the experience and engenders

unprecedented knowledge (Moustakas, 1994). The noema is not the actual object but how an

object appears in a person’s perception (Moustakas, 1994). The perception varies according to

the angle from which it was perceived, when it was perceived, background experience, and what

manner of judging, willing, wishing, and vantage point the perceiver had (Moustakas, 1994).

Moustakas (1994) asserted that everything becomes evident and clear through the intuitive-

reflective process. The researcher looked to see if this intuitive-reflective process was used by

the participants when responding to the research question.

59
 Moustakas (1994) recommended that researchers using phenomenology ask two central

questions: What were their experiences? In what situations or contexts did they experience it

(Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004)? The transcripts of the audio recordings were coded for

different themes found in the participants’ experiences. Moustakas (1994) viewed behavior and

the experience as being inseparable in relation to the subject (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004).

The researcher had to set aside any prejudgments about the study outcomes in a process called

epoche. Moustakas (1994) described using epoche as the researcher looking at the phenomenon

as if seeing it for the first time and not taking any position about the matter in advance. The

researcher described her own experiences with high-stakes standardized testing to her mentor.

The researcher went through these memories until a sense of closure about them was felt

(Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004).

The researcher extricated significant expressions from the transcriptions of the

participants’ interviews that were relevant to the study question in a process called

horizonalization (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004). These non-repetitive significant

expressions were listed in a table in no particular order. The non-overlapping subjective

statements, or horizons, may be entire sentences or a subjective extrapolation (Moerer-Urdahl &

Creswell, 2004). The horizons were used to see the range of perspectives about the phenomenon

and gave distinction to its character (Moustakas, 1994). The researcher reflected on each

horizon’s textural meaning and began to understand the participant’s experience through self-

awareness (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004).

Themes were identified from the analysis of the horizons (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell,

2004). A table was created to reflect themes or meaning units and it listed the evidence from the

participants’ statements. The researcher used textural descriptions to describe the way different

60
people experienced the same phenomenon (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004). Descriptions of

the structures of the phenomenon described in what context those things were experienced

(Moustakas, 1994). The structural and textual descriptions were used to formulate a composite

representation of the phenomenon described as “intuitive integration” (Moustakas, 1994). The

composite description was then used to capture the essence of the meaning of the experiences

(Moustakas, 1994).

Qualitative Data Analysis Software

The researcher used NVivo 10 to assist with coding of the data from the transcripts of the

interviews (QSR International, 2013). The coding process was used as a visual aid for

summarizing data and setting up charts. Using the query tool on NVivo 10 allowed the

researcher to detect any trends (QSR International, 2013).

Expected Findings

It was expected that a phenomenological approach would allow the researcher to unveil

different phenomena that the participants may have experienced in common. Additionally, it

was expected that individual insights of the participants might give a more profound view of

their affectivity for high-stakes standardized tests.

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 CHAPTER 4. PRESENTATION OF THE DATA

Introduction: The Study and the Researcher

The purpose driving this phenomenological study was to find out from Black/African

American male high school seniors if high-stakes standardized tests may be relational to the

reason why this ethnic group of students historically has such a low rate of college freshmen

enrollment. Chapter 4 describes the data obtained from the study participants and how that data

aligned with findings from other studies previously mentioned in Chapter 2. The analysis of the

experiential data gathered from the study’s participants effectively answered the research

question, “How have high-stakes standardized tests (i.e., the CAHSEE, PSAT, or SAT) affected

Black/African American male students’ decisions to pursue higher education?” Additionally, the

data was examined to find out the participants’ perceptions of their experiences with high-stakes

standardized tests.

This chapter provides insight to the participants’ test-taking behaviors as well as the

students’ individual yet often similar educational experiences. The participants’ experiential

responses (or horizons) to the research question and various follow-up questions were placed

into “nodes” or themes developed with the use of NVivo 10 software (QSR International, 2013).

Horizonalization was used to show the range of perspectives within each theme. The data was

not placed in tables. Posting the excerpts under each horizon and theme seemed more effective.

This was followed by the textural meanings of these noetic experiences. Lastly, the noemic

meanings of the experiences for the participants were described in this analytic chapter.

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 Researcher’s Background

The researcher has been an educator for 25 years, both as a teacher and as a high school

guidance counselor. The last 18 years have predominantly involved working with high school

students. Over the course of these years, the researcher had observed student behaviors when

taking the myriad number of standardized tests given in the public school system. It was

perceived that many of the students did not put forth their best efforts for these exams, which

seemed contrary to their normal classroom behavior. As an experienced educational counselor,

it would be beneficial to understand what deterrents exist that may hinder Black/African

American male students from pursuing a college education. As a Black woman, the researcher

found the participants to be at ease during their interviews, particularly when discussing issues

that pertained to Black culture. There seemed to be a knowing in our conversations on cultural

matters that did not need explaining. The researcher possesses a bachelor’s degree in

psychology, a M.S. Education degree in school counseling, and has completed all requisite

course work and comprehensive exams for a PhD in Social and Behavior Sciences with an

emphasis in counseling studies. This study is the researcher’s first experience completing a

phenomenological study.

Description of the Sample

The participants in this study were six Black/African American male high school seniors

from three different schools in California. The ages of the participants ranged from 17-18 years.

There was one other student who was supposed to participate in the study, but he was a “no

show.” The email address and cell phone number he had listed on his application turned out to

be spurious. All participants had taken at least the CAHSEE (California High School Exit

Exam), the PSAT, and the SAT. Not all students took AP classes or AP exams. Three students

63
had not yet taken their placement exams for college at the time of their interviews. One student

was planning to go to an out-of-state university, two others to a California university. The other

three students were going to attend community colleges. The latter three students planned to

later transfer from the community colleges to four-year universities to complete their bachelor

degrees.

Table 1

Demographics of Black/African American Male California High School Senior Study

Participants for High-Stakes Standardized Tests and Higher Education Choices

Part. 1A Part. 2B Part. 3C Part. 4D Part. 5E Part. 6F

Age when
interviewed 18 17 18 17 17 18

# times
took PSAT 1 1 1 1 1 1

# times
took
CAHSEE 2 1 1 1 1 1

# times
took SAT 1 1 2 2 1 4

Highest
SAT score 1460 1620 1590 1680 1540 1670

# AP
exams
taken 0 2 1 1 0 1

Highest
ACT score 0 0 0 28 0 0

Placement
exam taken Yes NA NA NA Yes Yes

Higher Community Out-of- California California Community Community

education college state university university college College
choice university

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 Phenomenological Methodology Applied to Data Analysis

The phenomenological approach was applied to the data analysis process by the

researcher who looked at the participants’ responses to the interview questions for their initial

meaning, or original noetic experience. Then the participants’ follow-up comments were

examined along with the researcher’s notes regarding voice intonation or excitement as well as

body language. As participants went into further detail about a topic, the researcher observed

that the speakers seemed to crystalize their thoughts and opinions as they spoke. The noema of

the experience, or the participants’ perception of the experience, was then formalized. This was

as Moustakas (1994) stated that everything becomes clear during the intuitive-reflective process.

It seemed to the researcher that some of the participants had never given serious thought to the

connectedness of their actions in school while taking high-stakes standardized tests to their

future collegiate goals. These interviews were a noemic, eye-opening experience for the

participants about themselves.

Prior to conducting the study, the researcher thought that SAT scores was the probable

cause for this group of students not attending college. Epoche was used by the researcher to

remain open-minded to whatever the participants had to say. The result was that the researcher

found there were several reasons besides the SAT as to why students would or would not attend

college. However, all of the study participants planned to go.

The raw data, which was the transcribed face-to-face interviews, was separated into

meaning units, or horizons, using the NVivo 10 software (QSR International, 2013), which made

it easier to see the commonality of the experiences across the data set. The researcher did not

find the query tool on the NVivo 10 software particularly useful since standardized follow-up

questions were not used. This particular option seemed better suited for studies with surveys or a

65
specific set of interview questions. The researcher’s notes were included after presentation of

each horizon’s data.

Presentation of Data and Results of Analysis

Interestingly, all of the study participants chose to respond to the research question by

discussing their experiences with each of their high-stakes standardized tests severally as

opposed to giving a global response that generalized all of the test experiences. All of the

experiences were separated into nodes using the NVivo 10 software. These nodes, or meaning

units then became the horizons where the range of the different perspectives could be viewed.

The horizons were the CAHSEE, PSAT, AP, SAT, Placement Exam, Research Question,

Motivation, Other Blacks, Community College, Sports, Parental Influence, Money, Counselors,

Teachers, Mentors, and I Feel. Highlights from each horizon were then examined by the

researcher.

CAHSEE

The California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) was a test that the participants were

not entirely sure what the purpose for it was. It is first given to students after a year and a half of

high school and students will not graduate unless they pass it regardless of subject grades. Some

participants still had questions about the exam even as seniors who had already passed the exam.

For example, Participant 1A reported, “I’m pretty sure the test determines whether you’re going

to graduate or not.” A participant who had to switch from private school to public school

questioned the equity of the exam in regard to socioeconomic status. “Why is it you don’t have

to take the CAHSEE at a private school but you have to take it at a public school” (Participant

2B)?

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 The CAHSEE is given pretty early on in students’ high school careers and does not take

into account that not all students are at the same math and science levels in tenth grade.

Participant 2B expressed, “And there were problems on there and stuff that I was like we don’t

even go over this in our class, my Algebra II class. It’s like why are they showing us this stuff,

and what’s the point of this?” Students are given six opportunities to take the exam and achieve

a passing score on both parts. By the time the students retake the exam, it is expected that they

would have learned whatever they felt previously was not taught.

The CAHSEE is based on eighth grade math and English levels (California Department

of Education, 2012). Not all middle school education is the same in California, so some

participants passed the first time; others had to take the CAHSEE over until they passed both

parts. There was added pressure derived from teachers’ warnings that if they failed, they would

not graduate. Some participants reported, “…the first time I missed by two. But then the

second time I aced it” (Participant 1A). “It was something I could just take and pass; it wasn’t

that hard” (Participant 3C). “And all the teachers would kind of hype it up and say, oh you don’t

graduate if you don’t take it” (Participant 4D). Students who had been better prepared from

middle school said they did not feel the CAHSEE was a difficult exam. One participant opined,

“I mean I felt it was like an elementary school test; it was real easy” (Participant 5E). Others

viewed the CAHSEE as just another one of the many standardized tests that they give students.

This was voiced by one participant who said, “I didn’t see it as much of an influence to me

whatsoever because it was really easy. I thought it was one of those other standardized tests that

they give you that doesn’t really mean anything” (Participant 6F).

Overall, the participants expressed that they thought the CAHSEE was fairly easy and

they did not understand why so much weight was put on this one exam and their graduation was

67
held in the balance. The CAHSEE did not seem to have any bearing on their decisions whether

or not to attend college.

PSAT

The Preliminary SAT (PSAT) is administered to all students in the tenth grade in

California in October of each year. Not all participants understood what the PSAT was for nor

were they all at the same level of preparation. Participant 1A commented, “The PSAT, I didn’t

really know what it was ‘cause I wasn’t into all those tests. I took it and I didn’t know what my

score meant so I basically threw that off.” Participant 4D, who was in a special college prep

class said, “I am also in AVID [Advancement Via Individual Determination], which is kinda

preparing me for college. And so in freshmen year we had already done like the pre-PSAT or

whatever, and all those other warm-up tests in class.” One other participant who prepared on his

own with his parent’s assistance stated,

I was hoping it would be a lot like the CAHSEE, really easy, and I would just blow

through it. It wasn’t that hard but they don’t give you much time so I was kind of scared

for that. And, oh my gosh, the vocabulary words were a killer; especially the vocabulary

words (Participant 6F).

Other participants felt the test was of no consequence as summed up by another participant,

I didn’t really study at all for it. It was just a practice one any way. I took it and I didn’t

do good at all. And I was just like, it didn’t really matter. It’s not the real one anyway

(Participant 5E).

Participants who were given a clear description of the purpose for taking the PSAT and

its benefits adequately prepared for it and found the test to be easy. Those who did not have that

understanding and did not have teacher or parental guidance expected the test to be similar to the

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other standardized tests they were accustomed to taking. For some of these participants, the

cumulative effect of taking standardized tests since elementary school that had no direct effect on

their grades caused them not to take the PSAT very seriously. When they did not score well, the

participants consoled themselves with the thought that it was only a practice exam. The

participants seemed to separate themselves from the test results as if they were of no importance.

They also seemed not to acknowledge that the SAT would require a lot more intentionality in

their studying.

Advanced Placement

Advanced Placement (AP) classes were taken by two participants. One participant had

not yet taken his AP exam at the time of the interview. When asked if he understood that if he

did not score a three or higher on the exam that he would have to take the subject again in

college, Participant 2B replied, “To me, that would be unfair because you already had an AP

class.” Another participant had taken one AP class as a sophomore and passed the exam and then

two AP classes as a junior, but did not take the exams. The reason for not taking the exams had

to do with inconsistency of the teachers’ attendance and a change of instructors to first-year

teachers. He did not feel confident enough in his teachers’ instructions to take the exams. He

stated,

Yeah, but it wasn’t their fault. I got two first-year teachers. They say AP is one class

that no one wants to teach because it is so intense. So I was kinda like a guinea pig for

two AP classes (Participant 4D).

Some participants did not take any AP classes because they had already decided to go to

a community college and only took classes required for high school graduation. They seemed to

feel AP classes were only for those students going directly to a four-year college. Those who did

69
take AP classes did not fully understand that they would have to take the courses again if they

did not score a three or higher on the AP exams. None of the students reported having been

given any instruction from a counselor regarding the benefits of taking an AP class in high

school regardless of their choice of a two-year or four-year college or if they scored a three or

better. There did not seem to be a standard set of qualifications for who can teach an AP course,

which left one participant feeling less than confident in his knowledge about the subjects and in

himself to be successful on the AP exams. It would appear that because the participant felt the

teachers were too inexperienced, he would not be able to study on his own and pass the AP

exams. He, therefore, did not want to try. He did not view this as being a negative on his part,

but rather that he was being used as part of some type of experiment. The noema of the

experiences for these students appeared to be that had they been better informed and had

adequately qualified teachers, then they would have taken AP classes and exams and would have

obtained passing scores. Seemingly, it was felt that it was not their responsibility to find out the

requisite information on their own. Additionally, it appeared to the participants that the schools

did not care enough about them to provide them with the needed information or sufficiently

trained AP teachers.

SAT

The SAT is, for the most part, the gold standard by which many colleges and universities

decide if a potential student would be successful in a degree program at their campuses.

However, some participants questioned the exam’s validity. One participant opined,

For me personally, I got a 1460. I felt like for me it was pretty good. I know I am not a

valedictorian. But then when I got to school and I was sharing test scores, there were

people who have straight A’s who got a 1430 or 1450. That kind of lifted me up a little

70
 bit. I proved my point. I have a 3.0 and another person has a 4.0 and she kind of scored

the same or lower than me. The test is pointless” (Participant 1A)!

Some participants experienced test anxiety about taking the SAT:

So I ended up taking the SAT my senior year, but it was kind of late. So I didn’t really

study for it and I was really nervous and like scared to take it, you could say. But, I

ended up taking it and I took it twice senior year. The first time I took it, I signed up so

late and it was a very bad experience” (Participant 3C).

“I don’t know if I psyched myself out. I don’t know, I just didn’t do as good” (Participant 4D).

Another participant shared:

My AP English teacher, she helped me a lot. We always went over like the vocabulary

and preparing for the essays that were going to be on the test. They were a big help but I

don’t think there was a way that I could truly actually be prepared. I felt like it was

overwhelming (Participant 6F).

For others who had gotten tutoring in preparation for the SAT, the experience was more

positive. “The SAT, in the beginning I started looking at the questions and after a while I felt

comfortable. So I didn’t worry about that one too much actually” (Participant 2B). A participant

who was in AVID shared:

The AVID class had more info on the ACT than for the SAT. I was happy with my SAT

score. I looked at my g.p.a. and it was like 3.1 or something, and where the SAT score

was for a California university civil engineering major, and my scores were above that

level. So I was like, okay cool, even with that score I am kinda like set for getting into a

California university (Participant 4D).

Another participant reflected on his test preparation compared to his friend:

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 I know a friend… we took the prep test at the library and got nearly the same score. Then

the next time he had a tutor to help him. I think he helped him change his work ethic and

how to use his time wisely to get the work done and all that stuff. He got like 200 points

higher than me (Participant 3C).

Some students were aware of SAT prep courses but could not afford them:

There was an SAT prep, but you had to pay for it so I didn’t do that. Anything with

money I didn’t go to it. I think my parents would have allowed it, but I just didn’t want

to put the burden on them for it (Participant 3C).

Those who did not prepare for the SAT just took it because they knew it was needed in

order to go to college. They were somewhat taken aback by the length of the exam, the format

of the questions, and the vocabulary, etc.:

I didn’t know you could bring food. I saw people sitting next to me and they were eating

during the breaks. And I was so hungry doing it. I didn’t know it was four hours long. I

thought it was two hours long, like the PSAT. I didn’t have my calculator because for the

PSAT you couldn’t take your calculator” (Participant 3C).

Most of it, like, there was some stuff I did good on it, but there were some

questions like didn’t make any sense and I didn’t know why they were on there. In my

English class last year, they had vocab throughout the whole year. This year they just

took it out and we didn’t have it any more. The vocab on the SAT was kind of hard and

some of the words I probably would have known if we still had that. They changed the

whole class from last year when it was almost all specifically for the SAT (Participant

5E).

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 Participants who received adequate preparation for the SAT saw it as just another

standardized test and were able to do well. They knew what to expect and had taken practice

exams to become accustomed to the time length, format of the questions, the vocabulary, and the

essays. Those participants who did not receive any preparation experienced high test anxiety and

did not score as well as they felt they should have. A participant who had AP English received a

great deal of help from that teacher in preparation for the SAT. Others experienced that the

senior level English curriculum no longer focused on vocabulary or preparation for the SAT.

The noema for most of the participants included not fully knowing exactly what to expect, while

simultaneously knowing the great importance placed on this exam, caused them to have great

stress while taking the test. Some participants noted that they knew students whose parents had

money for tutors and the SAT prep courses and felt that it was to be expected that those students

would get high SAT scores. Another noema was that these participants seemed to feel at a

disadvantage because they could not afford the outside help and viewed this as the reason why

their scores were lower.

Placement Exam

The Placement Exam is another high-stakes standardized test that most colleges and

universities give to all new students who have not yet earned a Bachelor’s or Associate’s degree.

It is a pass-fail exam that assesses English and Math skills and is used to determine what course

level is appropriate for each student. It may also indicate if remediation is required in some

subject areas. Some participants who had taken the placement exam prior to their interviews

spoke about their experiences:

I think the placement test kind of matures you to see where your levels are for going to

college. But I feel like shouldn’t you have taken enough tests, like the CAHSEE?

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 Shouldn’t they take that to base where your levels are in high school (Participant 1A)?

Yeah, I don’t know, it just made me scared. Because when I started reading more

of the email it said, and I heard it from my teachers too, that if you don’t do well on this

placement test, then you have to take like remedial courses. And that’s more English

which I don’t want. And it’s gonna cost more money too, right (Participant 3C)?

Some experienced that they had forgotten material from freshmen year:

I didn’t do well on the placement test and now I have to take a remedial course in the

summer. It was material that I just forgot. They asked me stuff from Algebra I. I

haven’t had Algebra I since freshmen year. They give you stuff so you can practice, but

let’s be realistic. It’s not going to cover everything and you might not even look at it, you

know” (Participant 1A).

Others had not been advised to take a fourth year of math in senior year:

Where it got to the pre-calculus and trig, that was pretty hard because we couldn’t use a

calculator or anything. But that showed me that I need to know more because I didn’t

even take math this whole year. I took pre-calculus last summer. If I would have taken

math this year, I probably would have been more ready. But yeah, that was the hardest

test that I took out of all of them (Participant 5E).

One participant who had not taken the placement test yet commented, “It’s like every other test,

I’ve just got to be ready” (Participant 2B).

Participants who had taken the placement test seemed to be caught off guard by the depth

of the information they had to recall. Many of the participants had a free period in senior year

that could have been used to keep their math skills sharp, but they had not been advised by the

academic counselors about this. The placement test evoked a lot of emotion and anxiety. It

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seemed the participants felt the SAT was the last high-stakes standardized test hurdle and

suddenly, they were faced with one more test, a test they knew little about and were ill-prepared

to take. The thought of having to take remedial courses greatly upset them. The participants did

not seem to make the connection between not studying effectively for the test and, in turn,

having to take remedial courses. It appeared that the participants’ noema of having to take

remedial courses was a statement that they were not good enough to attend college.

Research Question

After having discussed their experiences with high-stakes standardized tests, the

researcher again posed the question, “Did high-stakes standardized tests influence your decision

about whether or not to attend college?” The participants had mixed responses:

I have basically been taking these high-stakes standardized testing kinda my whole

school career starting with the STAR (Standardized Testing and Reporting) testing and

that started in I want to say third grade. … that was just kind of basically for the school

to get money, I guess, for the students that took that test. It didn’t show up on your

grade report or anything. And let’s say you had a “C” in something and you did a good

job on that standardized testing, it didn’t give you that “B.” It was for them to see the

results. And I’ve never seen those results. So it kind of was basically no point of taking

that test. So if you never see the results, you just write A, B, C, D. You usually guess.

Now when you get your results back from your placement test you think, ‘Man, I’ve got

to take all of these classes? I’ve got to cram, cram, cram!’ If they had a class, a placement

test class to refresh you, to refresh what’s going to be on that test and you know exactly

what will be on the test and you study a couple days, I’m pretty sure the amount of

people that have to take remedial courses would go down because they would actually be

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prepared for that. So, no! Taking that test and me going to college is like two different

categories. If I didn’t have to take that placement test, it would have made going to

college even sweeter. But I would have been going to college whether I had to take that

test or not. So I say the tests had nothing to do with me going to college. I feel like they

are not even connected (Participant 1A).

Well, the standardized testing, they were not extremely difficult, it was just

preparing for them. Like the studying and just thinking about all the questions that could

be on there. That was the difficult part, just the stress. But personally I didn’t take it too

hard because I knew that what I was going to do on these tests, it would be good. No, my

mind was pretty set with the colleges I would apply for. And either way, if I had a better

score or a worse score, I would have applied to the same ones or at least tried to. You

never know what happens (Participant 2B).

Yeah, those tests, especially the SAT, definitely influenced my decision about

attending college. Because it made me realize that I don’t know if I am ready for college

yet and if I would even get accepted to colleges. So those tests kind of just opened my

eyes really and showed me that it’s not going to be the same like high school. I think the

tests are going to be a lot harder in college so I am going to have to study a lot more. It

showed me that I am not studying a lot (Participant 3C).

I had been considering out-of-state colleges since I am originally from out-of-

state. When I took the AP class I felt good about it because I was the only junior,

everyone else was a senior. I saw everyone going through their process of graduating.

And I saw their stress levels and everyone was like, ‘if I don’t pass this test or if I don’t

get a three, I’m not going to graduate!’ Or, ‘I’m not going to get into the college I like

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 because this is the test score that I need!’ And I was like, I can’t do that, I need a little bit

safer school. Because if I went to an out-of-state college, I would have needed four years

of science, four years of math, and had like killer scores on everything. And I didn’t

want to have that much stress and to study that much for it. I kinda just want to have in

my head or have the ability to say, ‘hey, I did it, I passed it, glad that’s over with.’ My

ACT and SAT scores were like fairly on the lower end of the range for the out-of-state

college and I didn’t want to risk it (Participant 4D).

Really, the test that most made me feel like I wasn’t ready for college was when I

took the placement test. Because I went to go take that test and that one was where I

really didn’t know any vocab (Participant 5E).

I was disappointed in how I did but I don’t think it influenced me. When other

people told me that they were getting like 1800s and above on the SAT, then I would try

to leave the conversation so I wouldn’t have to admit I got a 1670. I felt like they were

better prepared and that they had more resources than I did. I will admit that I got pretty

lazy at one point. I’ve taken this test four times already; I’m not going to do any better.

Honestly, that kind of did discourage me. Not from going to college because I was pretty

sure yes, I am going to college no matter what (Participant 6F).

While the results of some of the high-stakes standardized tests seemed to affect their self-

esteem, none of the participants stated that any of the tests influenced them not to go to college.

The participants reported how the tests, particularly the SAT and Placement exam, gave them

insight as to the difficulty level of college and that they would have to study a lot harder.

However, for a few, the SAT caused them not to apply to their first choice universities. Some

applied to community colleges with the hope of transferring later to a four-year university.

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These participants believed their scores were not good enough to go straight to a four-year

school. Some had to take remedial courses, which caused them frustration because that meant it

would take longer to be able to transfer to a four-year university and then there would be

additional costs involved. The noema for the participants was that high-stakes standardized tests

raised their anxiety levels and caused some discouragement, but the tests did not deter them from

their goals, even if they had to take a detour first.

Motivation

In spite of some difficulties with the high-stakes standardized tests, all of the participants

were determined to go to college, even if it meant going to a community college first.

Participant 4D commented, “Well when I really started out like freshmen year, I already kind of

had it in my mind from my mom and dad that, ‘you’re gonna go to college and you’ve got to get

that education’.” One participant reflected on the changing times:

So now, you have to go to college. If you have a high school diploma, that’s like

nothing. That’s a normal thing; almost everybody has that. Now you have to go to

college to get a good job. So, I know that and I don’t want to be working in a low-paying

job forever. So, yeah (Participant 5E).

Honestly, I just wanted to go by myself. My motivation was getting farther than

they [parents] did. I wanted to make sure that if I do have a family one day, I want to be

able to provide and give them what I didn’t really get. Also to get my dream job

(Participant 6F).

All of the participants seemed to have a good understanding of why it is important to

their financial futures that they acquire some college education. Whether it was to follow the

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example shown by their parents or to attain a higher occupational level than their parents did,

these students appeared to be determined to go to college.

Other Blacks

Some of the participants spoke about what it felt like when there were not many other

Black/African Americans in their classes, as teachers, or at the placement exam. One participant

responded to the question that asked whether or not there were other Blacks in his classes by

saying:

Not really. I kinda thought, I guess, it’s not necessarily our fault. We [Black students]

kind of expect ourselves to maybe not achieve as much. In my classes, yeah, if I saw

other Blacks, I would have a little more confidence. Sometimes I was a little bit like,

should I really be here right now? Do I really belong in this class? Yeah, if I had seen

more, yeah! Also, in school they don’t teach us about what we’ve done in the past. So I

feel like we’re just naturally kind of discouraged from getting that high in our education.

Ms. X, yeah, I think she is the only teacher I know here who is African American. Oh

then there is Mr. Y. I don’t think he teaches anything but he is one of the staff here. He

has actually helped me a lot. He sent me emails letting us know about going to see a

college. And like they had a meeting a couple months ago. I forget what the event was

called, but it was to get in touch with our roots. We went over to that other high school,

it was a while back. We went over and they had a speech. And that’s what really

surprised me. They talked about all of the past Black achievements that we’ve had. And

a lot of that I had never heard about before. They got all of these Black students together

from the different schools and it was like we all went to that one school. We got to see a

presentation and we got to see some Black college reps that came to talk to us. And,

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 yeah, we got lots of information and they sent us home with papers. And that, if I had

that early in my school career, I bet that probably would have really helped me because

this was pretty late in my senior year (Participant 6F).

[At the placement exam], I just felt like it showed that Black people were not as

connected educational wise, like they are not up there as much as other races. Like it was

really like just Asian kids and Indian kids and White kids; that’s all I’d seen. There were

like only two other Black kids in the whole entire thing, not even in my class, in the

whole test. If there had been other Blacks in the class, oh I would have felt like normal.

I guess like when you’re the only Black person, it felt kind of weird. If there had been

others, it would have been normal. Nothing would have been different, but yeah.

Because when you are like the only Black in the class, you probably won’t be asking a lot

of questions and stuff. Because you’ll be scared to ask questions ‘cause you’re the only

one and you feel kind of weird because you stand out already. But if there’s like other

ones, you’ll just feel in place and you’ll ask questions all the time ‘cause you’ll just feel

like it’s normal (Participant 5E).

The noema for the participants was that if they did not see other Blacks with whom they

could identify, they seemed to lose some self-confidence. Some questioned if they should even

be in a particular class or taking a particular high-stakes test. When there were other

Black/African American students in the class, the students felt more at ease to participate in

class, ask questions, and felt welcomed. The collective identity gave them that sense of

belonging. Having Black/African American teachers would have served as role models for

getting a higher education. Another noema was expressed that if the curriculum included

information about Black accomplishments or things the students could relate to culturally, there

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may not have been as much academic disidentification. The students seemed to feel they might

have been better equipped to see the relevancy of their education to their own lives and felt

encouraged to learn more. When the researcher had asked participants if they knew any other

students who met the study criteria and might like to participate in the study, only one participant

was able to comply. The others all said that they did not really have many Black friends at their

schools. When asked why not, the participants said that they did not really know why. The

researcher perceived from this response that not all Black/African American students were like-

minded with the participants in terms of getting ahead through education. The participants,

therefore, probably associated more with students of other races.

Community College

One participant rationalized:

I didn’t score what I wanted on the SAT; that kind of discouraged me. Not from going to

college because I am going to college no matter what. Even if I have to go to community

college first, I will do that. But yeah, it did kind of discourage me from getting into a

higher college. I’m debating whether to go to community college just for the sake of

staying here and then going to my first choice college because I didn’t get into that. I

wanted to go to a state university or an out-of-state university actually, because I got an

interview with them. So, I’ll see if I can transfer there after I do a year or two of

community college. Or, I will just go on to… I got accepted into an out-of-state college

too, which is a historically Black college. I was thinking maybe I should just go there.

I’m in the process of doing that right now. I’m going to see how much financial aid I can

get (Participant 6F).

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 Other participants commented:

I just wanted to save money. You know I also don’t think I am college mature

yet, you know, just getting ready for that college atmosphere. I will save my

parents money and they will find a nice spot for me to stay when I leave. This

will just prepare me. So when I get there it won’t be a shock to me (Participant

1A).

At first, I was going to a California university or something because I have

a good g.p.a. But the only reason why I didn’t go there was because of football. I

want to go to a real big school. When I went to the community college, there

were a lot of Black people up there so I won’t feel really weird (Participant 5E).

For some participants, the choice of going to a community college was the result of not

scoring high enough on the SAT to go to their first choice colleges. The participants did not

even try to put in the applications because they did not want to experience the rejection. Other

students were trying to save money for their parents by taking their general education courses at

the community college level. Not having enough money for college was an issue for most of the

participants. One student expressed not feeling mature enough yet to go away to college.

Whatever the reason for starting out at the community college, all participants expressed the

desire to finish up at a four-year university.

Sports

Some participants made their decision about a particular college based on their desire to

play sports:

The only reason I didn’t go there was because of football. I want to go to like a real big

school. But if I went to a California university and then tried to go to a big school, I

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 would have had to sit out for a year and I didn’t want to do that. So I knew if I went to a

j.c. [junior college], I could play and then I could just go straight to a big school and play

(Participant 5E).

Participant 3C shared, “When I run, I feel great. I feel great. Well, the running is good exercise,

you’re out in the fresh air, it clears your mind.” Participant 1A elaborated on his choice of a

community college and stated, “Also, I plan on playing sports there. I feel like if I can get a

scholarship playing football, that’s my college tuition at the 4-year paid for right there.”

The participants who were interested in playing sports in college wanted to do so because

of a love of the sport. Sports was not their end goals in terms of a career. The sports seemed to

serve as a mechanism that held the participants’ attention and allowed them to de-stress while

accomplishing their academic goals. One participant planned to use the sport as a means of

financing his education and go on to his career as a fire investigator (Participant 5E).

Parental Influence

All of the participants expressed having been influenced by their parents when making a

decision to attend college. Some of the participants shared:

Yeah, my parents went to j.c. too. They showed me that if they could do it, I can do it.

We have the same blood, you know, we think alike. Yes, I know the number of people

who don’t graduate is higher than people who do graduate. It just depends on what type

of person you are. It doesn’t mean because they did not graduate that I will not move on.

You know what I mean? I know what I have to do. My parents showed me the way and

they are going to support me (Participant 1A).

I think it is a result of my parents because they push me to do better. They push

me to get good grades. If I would get a “C,” they were always like, ‘you could get that

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 up’ and I would get something taken away or lose some privileges. So that was my

incentive to get good grades, so I could keep all my stuff or to maybe I could get more

stuff. Like if I got straight A’s, then I could get like a prize (Participant 2B).

So after I took the SAT, I applied to colleges in November. I ended up getting

accepted to a couple colleges, but I had to stay here because my parents did not want to

pay as much. So I’m going to a California university. They didn’t want me going to

community college either because they’re not too fond of them. So, I had to either go to

a California university or go to work. I ended up choosing a California university

(Participant 3C).

All of the participants seemed to have a great deal of support from their parents who

encouraged them to strive to go higher in their education. Some participants had extended

family members (grandparents, aunts, and uncles) who were involved in their education and gave

encouragement by being real-life examples of what could be accomplished through

perseverance.

Money

Money played a role for several participants in regard to preparation for the SAT as well

as for choice of colleges. One participant expressed:

Personally, coming from me I think that yes, if I had the resources to do an SAT prep

class, it kinda would have made a difference. Because if you’re gonna pay that much

money for a class, I’m pretty sure they would have shown you what was going to be on

that test. It’s all about them showing you what it looks like (Participant 1A).

Participant 3C shared, “Anything with money, I didn’t do it. I think my parents would

have allowed it, but I just didn’t want to put the burden on them for it.” Also, Participant 6F

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confided, “I’m going to see how much financial aid I can get from the out-of-state college,

because that’s also a big issue, financial aid. We’re kind of under-funded right now with getting

me into college.”

Most of the participants seemed dependent on their parents financing college for them.

The researcher noted that none of the participants mentioned getting a part-time job to help with

funding for college. While the participants may have been graduating from high school, they did

not appear to have the maturity level to think about ways to become independent or to

supplement their own financial needs. Perhaps remaining in school fostered parental

dependency.

Counselors

The researcher asked participants if they had received any assistance from the school

counselors to help with their decisions about college. Some responses were:

Well, when I went to the counselor, I already knew what I was going to do. The only

time that I could remember going is when I went to the counselor because I am starting

school in the summer. It starts June 15th. They made me do all these things like filling

out all of my papers and stuff, since I was still in high school and I wasn’t 18 yet. I had

to get all this stuff like I was a kid still. So I had to go to the counselor. I had to choose

my classes and I had to get it signed by her to say like ‘okay he’s good enough to be in

these classes.’ So I had to get all those signed by her and she said the other ones I chose

were good. And that was all I had to do. The counselor never told me about other

colleges, other options, or scholarships that might be available at four-year schools.

Never, no (Participant 5E).

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 They provided you with a Naviance account and they have a [computer] program

where they actually search colleges and they match you and your major. So that’s how I

came up with those. But, in terms of actual one-on-one help, I didn’t get much

(Participant 6F).

None of the participants expressed getting any specific help from their school counselors

at any point in their high school careers. None of the participants were aware of how to apply for

grants or scholarships at four-year colleges. No participant mentioned that a counselor sat down

with them to help with choosing a college, a major, or how to get financial aid. One participant

had been put on a career track as opposed to an academic track. This participant’s noema was

that he felt this hurt him because he did not have the courses he needed to do well on the SAT or

his placement exam. Being on a career track did not line up with the participant’s future goals.

Teachers

The researcher had asked participants if they felt they had gotten any support from their

schools or teachers to help pass the high-stakes standardized tests. Participant 3C stated, “Some

classes actually taught like to help you do better on the test.” Participant 2B replied, “All of my

teachers helped me throughout all of high school and middle school. So I didn’t really take it too

hard. When I got in there [to the test] it just got easier.”

One participant shared his experience with a particular teacher:

So I took AP Economics and I was kind of thinking on the first test; funny thing. The

teacher said, ‘You can either take a donut, and she had a tray full of donuts, or you can

take the test.’ So everyone was thinking ‘take a donut.’ I was just awake enough to be

like, ‘Food!’ So I was like, there’s something else to this, I can tell; but I took the donut.

Then the kid in front of me turned around and said, ‘take a look at the shape of the

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 donut.’ Yes, so I started off the first day of class with an “F” because it was the first test.

But then I worked my butt off for the next month and got it up to a “B.” I was like okay,

I feel confident and I understand the concepts (Participant 4D).

Most of the participants felt their teachers were supportive of their academic success.

One participant’s noema was expressed as his feeling like a guinea pig because unqualified

teachers had been hired to teach two of his AP classes (Participant 4D). He did not fault the

teachers for that, however.

Mentors

The researcher asked the participants if they had any mentors or role models to help them

decide about college. Participant 2B disclosed, “My uncles, because they both graduated college

and they’re both really smart. And I want to be like them. One of my uncles is a computer

programmer. Actually, I am into computers.” Other participants shared:

The role model I have I just got in my circle of friends in the last year right before senior

year had started. I didn’t know his story really until these last few months. He actually

just graduated from a California university in civil engineering. He knows all the

teachers and the course work so he knows just how things will be. He did the j.c. for 3-4

years and then went to a California university for 3 years. So 7 years of school when he,

looking back, probably could have gotten it done in 4-5 years (Participant 4D).

Oh yeah, my aunt. She got through all of it. She went through college; she had

all of her priorities straight. She didn’t get strayed. And she’s got a really nice house

now. She got married. She’s always helped me like keep focused and keep on track

throughout my education. So I see her as my main role model (Participant 6F).

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 Most of the participants had chosen positive role models who could help them get

through college and headed towards their careers. The noema for the participants was that they

saw qualities in these persons that they wanted to emulate and the role models were willing to

assist them on their journey.

I Feel

All of the participants reflected on various educational experiences:

So I felt kind of like since I am going to [career training] and I only have like three

classes here and I don’t have a math or science class, I didn’t have someone to keep me

up on the math or sciences. So I felt also it might have hurt me there. I was recalling it

for the tests, but not like I would have recalled it if I was still in the class. It might have

hurt me (Participant 4D).

This participant was under the impression that going to career training would be beneficial to

him when seeking a career. It was not explained to him by a counselor that he would have

shortcomings when taking his exams for college. The noema for Participant 4D was that he

seemed regretful.

Another participant’s comments:

Well, I always think I could do better. There is no doubt about that. But, I knew my

score wasn’t too bad. I don’t know, maybe it’s my mentality. Like whenever I do

something, I think it could have been done better. It could always be better. Like with

testing, if I don’t get a 100%, it could be better (Participant 2B).

This participant seemed to get good grades and had positive things to say about his schools and

teachers. However, he never felt what he accomplished was good enough. Participant 2B’s

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noema seemed to be that he felt that he did not measure up somehow, particularly when

comparing himself to other students.

Another participant offered his insights:

So affecting going to college, some kids might say they want to go to college, but there’s

this big test you gotta take. Coming from an African American male, you know, we

don’t like to take tests, and they think, ‘you’ve got to sit here for a long time rather than

being at the mall or doing something.’ That’s just from my personal experience. So they

might kind of shy away from college because they have to take this big placement test

and they think, ‘I’ve got to take this placement test? Nah, I’m not going to do good.’

They say all kinds of foolishness and think, ‘I’m not going to do good.’ It’s just, you

know, it’s just like a thought. It’s just society. Over time, we have been like, I’m pretty

sure that, I’m not going to say all African American people, but most African American

men, they have had some type of struggle. Not all struggle, but some type of struggle in

school. And that struggle probably put that [thought] in their heads. And they’re

thinking college is a whole other step. So when they say college placement test they’re

thinking, ‘Oh this test is going to be crazy. You know what I mean, stuff I’ve never seen

before; college material. I’m not going to do well so I am not taking the test.’ But if you

don’t take the test, you can’t go to college. ‘Well, I guess I’m not going to college then.’

(Participant 1A).

It would seem that Participant 1A feels that while Black/African American male students may

express a desire to go to college, they are tired of the battle to attain an education. Not having

been adequately prepared to take high-stakes standardized tests in the past, Participant 1A

suggests that these young men are automatically thinking they will not do well. Rather than risk

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going through possible failure, Participant 1A feels that many Black/African American males

just don’t go to college. The noema here would be that the fear of failure seems to be more

tangible than the possibility of success.

Themes

Three themes were derived from the compilation of the six interviews: Measuring Up,

Academic Disidentification, and Why I Am Going to College.

Measuring Up

The participants pointed out that they had been taking standardized tests as far back as

they could remember in public school. Since the tests and the scores were not discussed with the

participants, and the tests had no effect on their subject grades, most of the participants were not

serious-minded when taking them. They would often guess at the answers or fill in any letter

box just to get finished. It was reported by the participants that the accumulated effects of

mindlessly taking what they thought were meaningless tests was that when the participants had

to take high-stakes standardized tests, they were lacking in study skills, test-taking skills, and

time management skills.

When the participants compared their scores with the scores of their peers, they often felt

they could have done better and tried to hide their scores. A few participants thought that if their

parents had the money for tutors or to go to an SAT Prep course that they would have done

better. Notwithstanding, the noema for the participants was that they still believed their scores

were decent enough to continue with their plans for further education.

Academic Disidentification

Academic disidentification is when there is a significant lack of natural association

between a student’s self-concept compared to his peers and the student’s g.p.a. This causes the

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student to not be motivated to perform well. The student’s academic performance has no impact

on his self-esteem (Cokley, McClain, Jones, & Johnson, 2011). Some students expressed how

being the only Black student in a class caused them not to ask questions or participate because of

a fear of standing out. They silently questioned if they even belonged in certain classes when

there were no other Blacks. If there was even just one other Black student, the participant would

feel “normal” and have a sense of belonging and connectedness.

They were reticent to speak to the teachers after class like other White and Asian students

who went up to the teachers’ desks after class and had conversations about the subject matter.

The participants also noted that these students were the ones who always got the “A.” However,

the noemic experience that participants shared was that they did not feel that connectedness with

the teachers to be able to do that. Most of the participants did not have any Black teachers.

The participants also expressed noemically a desire to learn more about the history of

Black people and their accomplishments in the world. This would have given them something to

feel proud about and possibly they would have strived to learn more and get higher grades. One

participant felt that he had good teachers in middle school and high school who always helped

him. He was placed in AVID, which helped him to prepare for the CAHSEE, PSAT, SAT, and

Placement exam. He expected to do well on all tests because he was given practice exams prior

to the real tests. This participant was informed about what to expect on the tests, how to study,

and how to manage his time during the tests. He had a very positive outlook about his upcoming

placement exam. He was the exception.

Most of the participants did not put any effort into preparing for the CAHSEE, even

though they knew failure of this exam would mean they could not graduate from high school. In

light of the fact that this exam is based on eighth grade level math and English language skills, it

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appeared to be really easy, which caused some of the participants to seemingly have a false

confidence about their academic adeptness. The PSAT was billed as a practice exam for the

SAT and, therefore, considered by the participants not to count for anything. With the exception

of the AVID student, not much preparation was done for this test and the participants viewed it

as “just another standardized test that doesn’t really mean anything.” The participants who did

not score well on the PSAT did not concern themselves too much about it because it wasn’t the

“real one.”

Most of the participants tried to find ways to prepare for the SAT on their own. They

knew about SAT Prep courses that were being offered, but most did not have the finances for

that. They tried to do their best; one participant tested four times. When the participants did not

achieve the scores that they hoped for, they readjusted their dreams and decided to go to a

community college first or a California university. This route alleviated the issues surrounding

SAT scores, finances, and not being mentally ready to move far away from home. The

participants were, however, totally unprepared for the Placement exam, which required them to

remember things learned in freshmen year of high school and had not been reviewed. The

vocabulary words on the Placement exam left the participants more dumbfounded than the

vocabulary on the SAT. It was the Placement exam which seemed to finally break through to the

participants’ self-concepts. They “didn’t do good.” The participants realized that it was up to

them to make a change, study harder, and work harder to achieve their goal of a college

education. The noema of having to take remedial courses could not be denied and it impacted

their self-esteem.

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Why I Am Going to College

The participants could easily have become discouraged at any time from going to college

during their high school careers. They did not achieve the scores that they hoped for on the high-

stakes standardized tests. They did not receive any one-on-one guidance from school counselors

who merely referred them to a computer program for choosing a college, major, and career.

Most of the participants were relying on the information given to them by their self-chosen

mentors to guide them on the right paths to take. All of the participants were keenly aware of the

necessity of a college education in order to attain their dream jobs and not get stuck in a low-

paying dead-end job. Each school had Black/African American (non-faculty) staff members

who encouraged the participants. Additionally, the staff members shared with the participants

whatever information they could find about renowned Blacks/African Americans, as well as

information for Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs).

A common denominator for all of the participants was the fact that their parents,

grandparents, aunts, and uncles pushed them, guided them, and continually encouraged them. At

no time was it ever a question in the participants’ minds if they were going to college. Many of

their parents had gone through or were current students at community colleges, serving as prime

examples to their sons. The participants’ noemic conclusion was, “If they could do it, I can do

it.”

Summary

The research question to be answered was, ‘How have high-stakes standardized tests (i.e.,

the CAHSEE, PSAT, or SAT) affected Black/African American male students’ decisions to

pursue higher education?’ The participants’ responses covered numerous topics that reflected

their perceptions of high-stakes standardized testing as well as their overall educational

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preparation. Standardized tests that were taken by the participants since elementary school

appeared to have no bearing on the participants’ grades, so the tests were not taken seriously. As

a result, this indifference to standardized tests accumulated and the participants did not

adequately prepare for the high-stakes standardized tests. Some participants felt that their

previous standardized test scores and their subject grades should have been sufficient evidence

for their qualifications for college. However, when the participants did not score well or as high

as they would have liked on the high-stakes standardized tests, they did not change their minds

about going to college.

Lack of finances to cover the cost of a tutor or for attending SAT Prep classes was

offered by the participants as a contributing factor for lower test scores than their peers.

Additionally, some of the participants confided that they did not spend a lot of time studying for

the exams. The participants seemed to disidentify from that fact. Participants shared that not

having many classes with other Black students, not having Black teachers, and not learning

anything about Black accomplishments, history, or culture caused them not to feel motivated

about school in general.

All of the participants will attend either a community college, California university, or an

out- of-state university. These were not necessarily their original choices for college. After the

participants received their SAT scores, they made adjustments to their plans, which included

transferring to the four-year university of their choice after two years. For most, these new

choices were also a way to help their parents save money on tuition costs.

For the most part, participants did not receive adequate or effective guidance from their

schools’ academic counselors in regard to senior year course selection, or for choices of college

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majors, schools, or careers. These potential limitations were overcome by the participants who

each chose role models who could help them get through the college process.

Irrespective of the participants’ dislike of taking high-stakes standardized tests, they all

were able to get through the tests, graduate from high school, and go on to college. The parents

of the participants seemed to be the most motivating factor for this accomplishment. They led by

example.

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 CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS OF THE STUDY

Introduction to the Chapter

High-stakes standardized testing can be considered a precursor to advancement to higher

education. However, the preparation for that testing and the guidance counseling that should be

attainable by all students in order to cultivate college readiness is not standardized. Historically

speaking, after nearly 50 years since the authorization of the first high-stakes standardized

testing, the Equality of Educational Opportunity Study (EEOS), also known as the Coleman

Report (1966), the outcomes of most high-stakes standardized tests remain the same. Many

Black/African American students are still scoring significantly lower than White students on

these types of tests. Nevertheless, Black/African American students continue to pursue “the

American dream.”

The Black/African American male participants in this study were asked to describe their

experience with high-stakes standardized tests and to include in their description whether or not

these exams influenced their decisions about attending college. The study results showed that the

high-stakes standardized tests did influence the participants, but not in the manner expected by

the researcher.

The purpose of this chapter is to evaluate the research results and to disclose the

researcher’s interpretation of those results. In this chapter, the researcher has proffered the

meanings of the noesis, the object of consciousness, which, in this instance, is high-stakes

standardized tests, and the noema, how an object appears in a person’s perception (Moustakas,

1994). Next, the study results that were derived from each of the themes were interpreted by the

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researcher and discussed. This is followed by a discussion of conclusions as they relate to

previous literature discussed in chapter 2, as well as current literature in the field. An

explanation of the limitations of this study was provided. Next, recommendations for further

study were suggested followed by the conclusion of the dissertation.

Summary of the Results

The high-stakes standardized tests taken by the participants in this study included the

CAHSEE, PSAT, AP, SAT, and the Placement exam. All of the participants passed the

CAHSEE (California High School Exit Exam), which was a requirement for graduation. None

of the participants felt that exam had any bearing on their decision about attending college

because they felt it was too easy and did not require any studying. Each of the participants had

taken the PSAT (Preliminary SAT) because it was given to all sophomores in the state on the

same day at the same time. Only the AVID (Advancement Via Individual Determination)

student reported preparing for that exam. Most of the other participants reported not being

totally clear about the purpose of taking the PSAT. They assumed it was like all of the other

standardized tests they took year after year and that it had no bearing on their grades or academic

future. Since this test did not count towards graduation, most of the participants did not take

their PSAT results seriously and considered it to be simply a practice test. Therefore, it had no

influence on the study participants’ decisions toward college.

The noesis of the CAHSEE and PSAT for the participants was that these were just two

more standardized tests. The noema of these tests was that they were perceived by the

participants as just another step they had to take to get closer to graduation from high school and

go on to college. It did, however, show them that they needed to study and prepare themselves

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for the SAT. The participants found various avenues to achieve this preparation, albeit, in most

cases, it was not sufficient enough to effectuate the desired test results.

Four of the participants had taken AP exams. One participant received a passing score on

an exam taken in his sophomore year. The other results were not yet known. One participant

took two AP courses but did not take either of the exams because he felt the first-year teachers

had not adequately taught the classes to give him the confidence that he would pass with a score

of three or higher. The significance of taking an Advanced Placement course implies the

students’ intentions to go on to college. The noesis of the AP courses for the participants was

that this was more like what college would be all about. The noema was that the participants

questioned whether they should even be in the class because of the lack of other Black/African

American students. They then questioned their own ability to perform well enough on the AP

exams to pass.

All of the participants took the SAT. The AVID student had taken several practice tests

and received SAT tutorial assistance in his AVID class to prepare him for this exam. Two

participants went to the public library to take practice exams, yet did not receive tutoring. Two

participants were tutored by a football coach. One participant admitted that he did not really

study for the SAT at all because the mere thought of the test scared him. Four participants took

the exam once, one participant took the exam twice, and one participant took the exam four

times. The participants’ highest scores ranged from 1460 to 1680. While all of the participants

had hoped to get higher scores, none of them changed their minds about going to college.

However, half of the participants did make changes from their first-choice colleges.

It was noted by the researcher that when given a list of potential study participants by

each school’s principal, there were several students on the list who stopped taking high-stakes

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standardized tests after the PSAT. None of those students volunteered to participate in the study.

The researcher asked the guidance advisor at one school why these students did not take the

SAT. The reason students gave most often was that they had done so poorly on the PSAT, why

bother to take the SAT. These students either chose to go to a community college or went on a

career track in order to get training for a job skill.

It did not appear to be taken into consideration that these students who stopped testing

after taking the PSAT were unprepared for the depth of the PSAT, nor were they given ways to

improve their scores or encouraged to take the SAT. Perhaps because there is an out-of-pocket

cost involved with taking the SAT (even though a counselor could have given them fee waivers),

finances may have been an issue. Additionally, oftentimes, the students would have to travel to a

school other than their home schools early on a Saturday morning in order to take the test. Lack

of transportation may also have been a problem for them.

Based on the results of the SAT, the participants’ noetic experiences were to make a

decision on whether to go to their first choice university, to a university with a lesser status, or to

a two-year community college with the hope of transferring to a four-year university. At no

time, however, did their test scores deter the participants from going to college as the researcher

thought might have been the case prior to doing the study. Instead, the participants found

alternate routes to achieve their goals. Each participant unwaveringly continued on to the next

step in the process, the Placement exam. Some participants seemed to be taken aback by the

Placement Exam and the results, which included having to take remedial courses. One

participant saw the Placement exam as a probable cause for many young Black men deciding not

to go to college. Yet nothing seemed to hinder the study participants.

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 The noema of the participants’ experiences, when everything became crystalized, seemed

to be after receiving their SAT scores and realizing that these high-stakes standardized tests

stood between them and their dream jobs. Taking standardized tests had become a formality that

held no real value for most of the participants. However, the participants learned how to

navigate these obstacles in order to continue their forward progression towards their goals. The

participants remained as disconnected from their test results as they had been with most of their

educational experiences. They saw no point to these tests because they felt the exams did not ask

about or reveal who a test-taker really was as a person. The participants felt the tests did not

allow the administrators to truly see the participants’ potentials for the college majors or the jobs

they wished to obtain. Additionally, the participants did not see any connection between what

was asked on the high-stakes standardized tests and what they wanted to glean from their

education.

The study findings indicate that the participants’ preparation for any of the high-stakes

standardized tests was generally inconsistent and not properly supervised, with the exception of

the AVID student. The reason given most often for not obtaining effective preparation was

economic insufficiency. The participants’ parents could not afford the specialized SAT classes

or a tutor like so many of their White peers were able to do. Additionally, the majority of the

participants did not get the help they had anticipated from their classroom subject teachers to

prepare for the SAT. However, the AVID student felt he was adequately prepared by his

teachers for every high-stakes standardized test that he had to take.

AVID is a system that prepares students in middle school and high school for college

(Huerta & Watt, 2015). The students in AVID are considered to be mid-range in ability. They

are most often the first generation in their families to attend college. AVID students take

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rigorous course loads and Advanced Placement classes for college credit. The AVID students

receive social support and extra academic support that strengthens their academic skills as well

as their social skills. The purpose behind AVID is to ease the students into postsecondary

school. AVID is an elective course where the students also gain knowledge about scholarships,

college entrance requirements, and financial aid (Huerta & Watt, 2015). Consistent with these

themes, the AVID student participant clearly was more effectively prepared to go on to college.

None of the students reported having received any advice from an academic counselor to

help with senior-year course selection, college majors, or university options. It is customary for

high school counselors to advise college-bound students to take the most rigorous course load

they can handle in their senior year because the prospective colleges make note of that. In

addition, the more difficult courses prepare the students for the type of workload that is expected

at the college level. Had the participants been advised that their math and vocabulary skills

could be honed for the Placement exam by taking another year of math and a more advanced

English course, the participants may not have had to take so many remedial courses.

There did not seem to be any consistency at any of the schools as to how counseling

information was disseminated. Most of the Black/African American male participants had never

gone to see a school counselor at any time during their high school careers. Some of the

participants did not know who their counselor was or what that person could do for them. When

examining the impact of not having proper academic guidance counseling with the participants,

the researcher observed the participants’ crushed expressions. It seemed the participants felt they

would only go to see a counselor if they were in some type of academic trouble.

While it is possible that announcements were made over the public address system

regarding information for assistance with SAT study preparation, college choices, and financial

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aid, the study participants consistently did not get one-on-one face time with their counselors nor

did they receive any materials about colleges or financing options. This caused the researcher to

question if these things were selectively given to certain students and withheld from other

students.

Most of the participants had to overcome being the only Black/African American student

in their Advanced Placement classes and at their Placement exams. The participants disclosed

how at these times they did not speak up in class or ask questions for fear of standing out even

further. The participants’ perceptions of interpersonal mattering at these times seemed to have

contributed to higher academic stress and lowered social support and self-esteem (Tucker,

Dixon, & Griddine, 2010).

Most of the participants did not associate with other Black/African American male

students on campus. The researcher perceived that if the participants felt the other Black/African

American males had different educational goals from them, this would not be a good association

for them. Therefore, many of their school friends were from other races and the participants then

risked being classified by their Black peers as “acting White” (Wiggan, 2008). However, the

lack of a Black collective in the classrooms took away the participants’ sense of belonging and

caused them to question their own abilities and if they were qualified to be in advanced classes.

Whatever encouragement or knowledge about college that the students did not receive

from their teachers or school administrators, the students got from their parents and mentors.

The researcher became intuitively aware that this unconditional support system seemed to buoy

the participants above the disappointing high-stakes standardized test scores and launch them

towards their goals for higher education.

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 Discussion of the Results

The researcher began this study in hopes of finding the reasons why the number of

Black/African American male high school graduates enrolling into college was so low as

compared to other ethnic groups. It was surmised that high-stakes standardized testing in high

school may have been the cause of this differential. As reported by school principals, guidance

advisors, and the study participants, for some young Black men, the high-stakes standardized

tests indeed caused them to no longer pursue a college education. Some of these students gave

up their pursuit after taking the PSAT in tenth grade.

Measuring Up

There have been many changes to the SAT over the years to remove the structural

barriers that are inherent in the exam (Geiser, 2009). However, the researcher postulates that the

accumulated outcomes of all the standardized tests taken before the SAT gave some of the

participants a false sense of security about their abilities to pass the SAT and Placement exam.

Nonetheless, for the study participants, these tests were viewed as just another hurdle to clear in

their relentless forward momentum through the educational pipeline. Upon examining the study

results, it became obvious to the researcher that there were other factors at work beyond the

students’ academic acumen.

One participant reported that for two different Advanced Placement classes, he was given

first-year teachers. A first-year teacher would just be learning how to comfortably teach a

regular high school course and probably would not be equipped to handle the volume and rigors

of teaching a college-level course in a manner that high school students would feel prepared

enough to pass the AP exam. It is difficult to understand why such a high-level course would be

given to new teachers who are learning competency in their regular instructional level. The

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school’s choice to put lesser-qualified teachers in an advanced class does not show a lot of regard

for the students who also have to pay between $55 and $92 in order to take the AP exam. The

student lost out when he felt under-prepared to take the AP exams.

Racism. Racism has been intertwined with education in the United States since the Civil

War era (Palmer & Maramba, 2011). During that time, Whites used prohibition of education for

slaves as a way to keep them in subjection. Blacks, on the other hand, sought education as a

means to obtain freedom and empowerment (Palmer & Maramba, 2011). While the overt

circumscription of the Blacks’ education was overturned by the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the

researcher has found that there appears to be a continuance of educational disparities for Blacks

that have not been avowed. The perpetuation of these educational rubrics have served a similar

purpose of marginalization in that it keeps the Black/African Americans from being empowered

and obtaining true educational, social, and economic freedom.

Racial Identity. An important aspect in the acquisition of learning is that the learner is

able to identify in some manner with the material that is being taught (Ogbu, 2004). Learners

need to be able to establish a sense of self and how they fit into the microsystem of their

classroom and school environment (Matranec, 2011). The overwhelming majority of the subject

matter that Black/African American students are taught and tested on is based predominantly on

White culture, history, language, social beliefs, and attitudes. The White cultural symbols are, at

times, dichotomous to those of Black/African American culture. As long as the educational

system does not include in its curriculum information that makes known who Blacks were

before, during, and after slavery, does not proclaim the medical, industrial, and scientific

contributions of Blacks, nor tout the pulchritude of Black art, literature, dance, and music, then

Black/African American students cannot effectively establish a sense of belonging in that

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system. Without that sense of belonging, there is no real motivation to become acculturated to a

system.

When one participant was taken in his senior year to a special outing where many other

Black/African American students from other high schools gathered to hear about Black history,

Black achievements, and Historically Black Colleges and Universities, he felt proud and wished

he had learned about all of that sooner in his educational career. That one experience was pivotal

for him. He felt if he knew these things sooner, he most likely would have been more motivated

to apply himself to his school work because he would have known that it is possible to be Black

and successful. Without a sense of belonging in the learning environment, it would seem the

Black/African American students have not assimilated all of the information presented to them

by classroom teachers. On the contrary, the researcher espied it to be more a matter of academic

disengagement than a lack of academic achievement (Wiggan, 2008).

Academic Disengagement and Academic Disidentification. Academic disengagement

for Black/African Americans is also the result of teaching practices that seem to ignore the

Black/African Americans’ learning acquisition style. A didactic pedagogic style of teaching

usually consists of teacher-led lectures followed by leading questions with short answers

(Diamond, 2007). This method of teaching is often a matter of school policy in order to prepare

students for high-stakes standardized testing. These test results also affect teachers’ careers and

the schools’ status and reputation in regard to measurement of academic achievement (Duffy et

al., 2008).

The study participants often found their classes to be boring and they would disengage.

Black/African American students learn more effectively with an interactive teaching style

(Diamond, 2007). One participant expressed how engaged he became when one teacher shared

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some of his life experiences and the students were able to connect the subject matter to real life

experiences. The participant commented that he would never forget those life-experience

lessons and would probably use that information the rest of his life.

The research findings seem to indicate that at some point in our educational history, the

high-stakes standardized test scores became more important than the amount of intelligence that

is actually being gained by the students. In 1985, the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD) ranked the U.S. in second place in the number of students entering and

completing higher education. More recent OECD Education rankings show the U.S. ranked as

22nd in the world for upper secondary graduation rates in 2011 (Sign of Our Times, 2013).

Inequality of Academic Guidance. A consistent factor that stood out for all of the

participants at all of the high schools was that none of them had received any academic guidance

from a counselor during their high school careers. If a participant had any interaction with a

counselor, it was minimal. Participants were told to go to a computer program to figure out what

they should do about college. There was no one-on-one guidance to help answer important

questions, particularly questions about how to fund college. Participants were not informed that

it was best practice to take the most rigorous course load possible in senior year with a fourth

year of math in order to be prepared for the placement exam, as well as the arduous workload

they would encounter freshmen year of college.

One student was not asked if he had planned to go to college and he took only three

academic courses his senior year. The other half of his school day was spent at career training.

He had been placed on a career track which, to his regret, set him back even further in his

preparation for his college placement exam. Had these participants received the same academic

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guidance as their White peers, these high achievers would have been better prepared for their

most important high-stakes standardized tests.

The participants had become so calloused towards the constant testing that seemingly had

no effect on their grades or educational future that when the high-stakes tests came, for the most

part, they were grossly under-prepared. The repetitiveness of the previous tests caused the

participants to falsely believe that the SAT and Placement exam would be just like all of the

other exams; their noema. Proper guidance and instruction would have helped them to

understand the reality or noesis, but this crucial information was withheld.

Most of the participants had only a brief introduction to Historically Black Colleges and

Universities late in their senior year. This information was given to them by other Black/African

American staff members, not the counselors. The knowledge about universities where many

high-achieving Blacks would come together to learn about their history and culture as well as

cultivate their academic aspirations would have been extremely encouraging during the earlier

years of high school. Just knowing there was a way to be around other Blacks and to be taught

in the manner that was most appealing to their learning acquisition mode may have been a

motivator for them to strive harder.

Sports. Many Black/African American males pursue a college education with the intent

of making it onto a sports team. Their goal then would be to get picked up by a major league

team and make that sport their career. Conversely, the participants in this study who were

planning to continue with their chosen sport were going to do so because of their love of the

game. If they could leverage that sport into a scholarship towards the cost of their four-year

transfer university, the participants felt that would make things easier for their parents. All of the

students had vocational goals that had nothing to do with sports. The researcher observed that

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these participants were not interested in any of the trite pathways many young Black men often

take. They wanted a career with a long-range future that would allow them to have a family and

a nice home; the American dream.

Going to College. One of the purposes of high-stakes standardized tests back in 1966

may have been to show that Black/African American students were not as educable as their

White counterparts. Structural barriers were integrated into standardized tests, such as the SAT,

which were designed to further hinder the upward mobility of Black/African Americans, other

minorities, and the poor (Geiser, 2009; Laundra & Sutton, 2008). Notwithstanding, the

participants in this study found ways to somehow get past the barriers built into the high-stakes

standardized tests. They brought other racial groups into their microsystems to establish new

collective identities and have a sense of belonging which, in turn, influenced their academic self-

efficiency (Uwah, McMahon, & Furlow, 2008). The participants were able to successfully get

through all of their high-stakes standardized exams.

Furthermore, the research indicates that the study participants took the knowledge and

experiences gained by their parents and mentors and maximized this information to catapult

themselves to the next level beyond high school. The influence of parents and mentors on the

participants as role models gave the participants the impetus to keep striving towards their goal

of a college education, even if it seemed like there were not many other young Black men going

with them. Not only did the participants feel college was an important and necessary next step,

but they also strongly believed that if their parents could make it, so could they.

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 Answering the Research Question

The research question to be answered by this study is, “How have high-stakes

standardized tests (i.e., the CAHSEE, PSAT, or SAT) affected Black/African American male

students’ decision to pursue higher education?” The researcher found that the high-stakes

standardized tests affected Black/African American male students in various ways. The original

way that the research question was worded and sent out in flyers to prospective volunteers gave

the example of high-stakes standardized tests as being the CAHSEE, PSAT, and SAT. It was

assumed by readers of the flyers that participants would have to have taken all three exams. This

would have disqualified many potential participants from an already very small sample

population. Capella IRB approval was obtained to change the conjunction from “and” to “or” in

the research question. This one-word change made many more students eligible to participate in

the study and thereby increased the size of the sample population. However, this also

demonstrated that a high-stakes standardized test, the PSAT, had discouraged a large number of

Black/African American male students from pursuing a two-year or four-year college degree

while they were yet sophomores in high school.

Conversely, further analysis of the research results seemed to indicate that the study

participants progressed through the educational process unencumbered by the high-stakes

standardized test results. The participants separated themselves from those test scores because

they did not feel the scores were truly representative of who they were as a person or a student.

The participants took the exams because it was a requirement for college, but at no time did they

feel the exams would prevent them from going to college. In certain instances, the test results

caused the participants to rethink their first choices in colleges. Even so, the participants

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considered transferring to their primary choice colleges after attending a smaller institution first

and improving their scholastic abilities.

For most of the participants, the high-stakes standardized tests did influence the way they

would approach future college course work. The tests caused the participants to see the level of

scholarly aptitude that would be required in the college environment. In these instances, the

high-stakes standardized testing had a productive influence on the participants. The fact that

many of the participants had to take remedial courses based on their college Placement exam

results might be viewed as a wake-up call for them. The participants acknowledged that they

could no longer disengage while in class because this was the pathway to reach their goals.

Overall, the study results showed that the participants found ways to bypass the structural

barriers that were meant to discourage them from going to college. Equipped with a high self-

esteem, directionality from parents and mentors, and a long-range plan, all of the study

participants made the decision to go to college irrespective of their high-stakes standardized test

scores.

Unfortunately, due to the nature of a phenomenological study requiring that participants

volunteer, the only respondents were high-achieving Black/African American males. It would

have been beneficial to the researcher to hear from students who gave up taking high-stakes

standardized tests after taking the PSAT and CAHSEE in tenth grade. While the contravening

influence of the standardized testing is clear, the verbal input from these students would have

given more depth of knowledge. Additionally, it would have been interesting to hear the

rationales of students who took the SAT yet chose not to pursue a college education. Based on

the data that was gathered, the researcher can only speculate the reasons for not attending college

such as lack of finances, fear of not fitting in, low self-esteem, or improper guidance.

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 Discussion of the Conclusions in Relation to the Literature and the Field

The current phenomenological study’s results showed that high-stakes standardized tests

did influence the decisions of Black/African American male high school participants when

deciding whether or not to go to college. The study results strongly confirmed the findings from

the majority of the previous research discussed in the literature review in Chapter 2, such as,

having a collective identity (Ogbu, 2004); establishing a Black/African American identity within

their own microsystem (Matrenec, 2011); academic disidentification (Cokley, McClain, Jones, &

Johnson, 2011); academic achievement (Crumpton & Gregory, 2011; Byrd & Chavous, 2009;

Irving & Hudley, 2008; Carson, 2009; Eisele, Zand, & Thomson, 2009); microaggressions (Sue,

Capodilupo, Torino, Bucceri, Holder, Nadal, & Esquilin, 2007; Henfield, 2011); mattering to

others (Tucker, Dixon, & Griddine, 2010; Uwah, McMahon, & Furlow, 2008; Carson, 2009);

parenting (Ogbu, 2004; Wood, Kaplan, & McLoyd, 2007); mentoring (Cartwright & Henriksen,

2012; Reddick, Welton, Alsandor, Denyszyn, & Platt, 2011); and sociocultural, economic,

structural, and educational barriers (Ladson-Billings, 2006; Whaley & Noel, 2011; Caldwell &

Obasi, 2010; Clark, 2011; Orr, 2003; Hodge, Harrison, Burden, & Dixson, 2008; Whiting, 2009;

Thompson, 2010).

An exception in the research results compared to the literature review would be the

discussion on spirituality. None of the participants spoke about spirituality possibly because of

the interviews taking place on public school campuses where religious practices are not often

spoken about individualistically. Another exception in the research results compared to the

literature review was that none of the participants reported having a parent who was incarcerated.

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 Critical Race Theory and the Study Results

Critical Race Theory (CRT) was chosen as the theoretical framework for this research

study. There are three primary principles in CRT that were asserted by Roberts (2010). The first

principle is that CRT emphasizes the need to thoroughly investigate and question the way the

law reifies, proliferates, and normalizes societal racism (Roberts, 2010). The second principle of

CRT is a conviction that White Americans will show concern for the interests of people of other

races only when those interests advance their own welfare (Roberts, 2010). The third primary

principle is that there are two divergent explanations of reality, racial reality and dominant

reality. CRT contends that racial reality is considered a subaltern reality that is usually omitted

during dialogues concerning American ethnic communities of color (Roberts, 2010). A prime

example of why CRT principles are needed is the No Child Left Behind ACT (NCLB) passed by

the U.S. Congress in 2002 (Au, 2009).

NCLB made high-stakes standardized testing a federal mandate (Au, 2009). It was

touted by policymakers that the standardized testing would identify problem areas in instruction

and curriculum, improve upon educational inequalities, and track the achievement gaps (Au,

2009). The bipartisan education reform plan was supposed to ensure that every child in public

school had equal access to high-quality education (Odland, 2007). In addition, California

students in grades two through eleven endure the annual Standardized Testing and Reporting

(STAR) program, which began in 1997 (California Department of Education, 2012). The

Common Core State Standards (CCSS) for English-language arts and mathematics were adopted

into the STAR program in 2010. The content standards for history, social science, and science

were adopted in 1998 (California Department of Education, 2012).

112
 None of this testing ever had a direct impact on the individual participant’s grades or

ability to learn the subject matter. What the current research study shows is that the indirect

influence of taking so many seemingly inconsequential tests year after year became prosaic for

the participants. When it came time to take high-stakes standardized tests in 11th and 12th grades,

the aggregation of the prior standardized tests seemed to incite participants to perform at less

than peak levels. Furthermore, the constant testing did not cause the participants to identify with

the subject matter. In fact, it caused further disidentification from the subject matter as well as

the test scores.

It was believed by policymakers that the standardized tests would somehow force

students to learn (Duffy et al., 2008). As long as the content standards repeatedly ignored the

participants’ needs to learn about Black/African American culture, history, and social science,

there would be a limited degree of acculturation. No matter how far removed today’s

Black/African American students may seem to be from their historical roots, they still have an

innate need to know where they came from.

The participants in the study were not averse to learning about White American culture.

However, the participants felt their cultural roots, history, and accomplishments were just as

important. While it seems almost impossible to separate the two American cultures, which are

so deeply intertwined that they are like a binary construct, doing so has caused the Black/African

Americans’ culture to become invalidated. Black/African Americans came to America as

involuntary immigrants and race became their dominant identity (Berry & Candis, 2013).

Gender, nationality, class, language, and sexual orientation are secondary to the dominant factor

of race. Race influences our experiences (Berry & Candis, 2013).

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 When the participants and other students do not see anything in their history books about

Blacks except what happened during slavery times, the impact of this cultural gap on the

Black/African American students is low self-esteem, loss of identity, and lack of role models in

history. Additionally, there is a disconnect from Black cultural traditions, values, beliefs, and

customs (Berry & Candis, 2013). The White students also know only what they have been

taught about Blacks as slaves in school unless somewhere in their educational process or at home

they are taught otherwise.

If White students are not taught that Black/African Americans are sentient beings who

are capable of learning and achieving just as they are, the cycle of prejudice, microaggressions,

educational hegemony, and attempts at subjugation will proliferate. Withholding this

information about Black culture can be viewed as a means of keeping Black/African Americans

in subjection. If they know nothing, and think they came from nothing, they will probably

amount to nothing. The researcher fails to see how these negative actions can benefit anyone.

The manner in which Black/African Americans are treated is closely watched by other minorities

in the United States as well as by the world.

High-Stakes Standardized Tests

In a study where Black teacher candidates had to take the PRAXIS I exam, participants

reported that their perceptions of and experiences with standardized tests were mostly negative

because of their lack of knowledge of how to take those types of tests (Graham, 2013). The

participants also reported that people who were able to access individual tutors, test preparation

sessions, and testing materials were destined to perform better on tests than those who were not.

These participants also felt there were secret institutional practices in place to keep students who

were not knowledgeable about resources that would help improve their test performance on

114
standardized tests marginalized (Graham, 2013). The participants in the current study were not

aware of resources offered through their schools and/or they lacked the resources to pay for the

assistance. Graham (2013) posited that U.S. educational systems reward individuals who have

finances and punishes the students who lack funds or who are not aware of how to use them.

The participants in the Graham (2013) study also contended that standardized tests are

incapable of eliciting or revealing information about a person’s “real self” (Graham, 2013). The

Black/African American male participants in the current study expressed similar sentiments.

Many of the participants felt that the standardized tests were pointless because the high-stakes

standardized tests did not show who they really were as potential college students. The tests also

did not ask the participants anything in regard to their future career aspirations. Another

similarity is that the participants were not aware of test resources offered by their schools nor

could they afford to get individual tutors or use outside resources to prepare them for the high-

stakes standardized tests and improve the outcomes. It is not known by the researcher if it was

institutional practice to keep the participants of the current study from seeing their academic

counselors about available resources, yet somehow, none of them knew anything about such

things.

Most of the study participants felt they were somewhat prepared to take their high-stakes

standardized tests, but they had no way of knowing how much preparation was good enough.

Caines and Engelhard, Jr. (2012) addressed this issue in their study on the judgments of

standard-setting panelists. The internal study examined if the judgments were based on personal

characteristics such as race/ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status, and geographic region. The

panelists determine the cut scores, or passing scores on assessments (Caines & Engelhard, Jr.,

2012). The panelists’ recommendations are then sent to the policy-making board in the

115
educational setting who then decide what scores are good enough for admittance to or

progression through an educational institution (Caines & Engelhard, Jr., 2012).

Changes can be made to cut scores, which then can have negative consequences for

students. African Americans, Hispanics, special education students, and limited-English

proficient students are often the most negatively affected by established cut scores (Caines &

Engelhard, Jr., 2012). Establishing cut scores on high-stakes standardized tests, as if all students

in all schools received the exact same level of education and opportunities for learning, is not

only unfair, but it is also unrealistic.

The White House to Limit School Testing

The Obama administration announced on October 24, 2015, that it planned to call for a

cap on assessments in public schools down to no more than 2% of classroom instruction time

(Zernike, 2015). The administration has asked Congress to reauthorize federal legislation

governing public schools. This move came about after a two-decade push for accountability that

began with the Bush Administration’s No Child Left Behind and continued with President

Obama’s Race to the Top (Zernike, 2015). These programs came to be when both Republicans

and Democrats felt higher accountability and expectations could raise the performance levels of

American students. This move was prompted by the fact that American students have

protractedly lagged behind their counterparts in other countries by international measures. In

addition, it was thought this would close the achievement gap (Zernike, 2015).

A survey by the Council of the Great City Schools, which represents 70 large urban

school districts, was done to determine how much testing actually takes place (Zernike, 2015).

The survey found that 112 mandatory standardized tests are taken between pre-kindergarten and

high school graduation. This averages to be eight tests a year and takes up about 20 to 25 hours,

116
which is 2.3% of instruction time. This does not include Advanced Placement exams, ACT, or

SAT exams (Zernike, 2015). Furthermore, the National Assessment of Educational Progress

found no evidence that spending more time taking tests improved students’ academic

performance. The Obama administration will issue “clear guidance” on testing that should

make tests “fair” and “worth taking” in January 2016 (Zernike, 2015).

What Does It All Mean?

The research findings in this study, for the most part, aligned with previous research in

the field. The study participants each encountered very similar experiences even though they

were from different schools, and lived in different parts of California. All of the participants

knew their identities as young Black/African American men. The difference for the young men

is that they all seemed to be seeking a paradigm shift in the way young Black/African American

men are viewed and generally stereotyped. They were not interested in becoming a part of the

all-too-familiar statistics. Instead, they were seeking ways to ensure upward mobility and

financial security for the future through education.

The study participants dealt with boring, seemingly irrelevant classes with academic

disengagement and disidentification. Because of the low number of Black/African American

students, the participants often were not always able to form a collective identity with other

Black/African American males. Instead, the participants learned to form collectives with

students from other racial groups. They often suffered microaggressions but took a lot of things

in stride. The participants did not get the academic counseling assistance they should have

received to assist them with preparing for college. They all struggled through high-stakes

standardized tests without the benefit of paid tutorial help because of a lack of finances. These

things did not once deter their efforts to move forward in their plans for a college education.

117
Each of the participants knew with all certainty that higher education was the best pathway

towards getting their dream jobs and having a financially secure future.

What stands out the most about this is the way the participants achieved their goal. The

institutional and structural barriers designed to hold back the progress of minorities while

propelling Whites forward in education were virtually ignored by the participants. They were

able to complete all requisite high-stakes standardized tests, but then they refused to be defined

by the results of those tests. The participants felt the tests did not show who they really were nor

asked about things that pertained to future career choices. Therefore, they disidentified from the

high-stakes standardized tests. This allowed them to maintain their high self-esteem and to

continue on in their noema of their educational status.

Limitations

There were several limitations that were encountered by the researcher while attempting

to recruit volunteers for the study. These limitations included: a small sample population size,

getting approvals from the school districts as well as the high schools, having to rely on

volunteers, the use of snowballing as a means of getting additional participants, and

generalizability.

One major limitation in doing this phenomenological study was the small sample

population size. The recommended size of a sample for a phenomenological study ranges from 3

to 10 participants (Creswell, 2007). Black/African Americans account for about 7% of the

population in California. Some high schools in California have around 3% or higher total

Black/African American student population, but many of those students were female. Other high

schools had such a low number of Black/African American male students that it would have

been highly unlikely to obtain a sampling from them. It was a process finding high schools with

118
a large enough Black/African American male senior population. However, when the researcher

observed that many salient points already had been covered by the participants that had

volunteered during several months of recruiting efforts, it was decided to conclude the search

with six participants as recommended by Mertens (2010).

Another huge limitation that was encountered was that once districts and schools were

identified, approval had to be obtained from both the school district and the prospective high

school. This dual approval system was used as a means of ensuring that the participants in the

study were fully informed and that no one was made to participate against their will (Glicken,

2003). The approval system also informed the participants and their parents that the school

districts as well as the high schools were aware of the study and that the researcher had obtained

permission to do the research (Glicken, 2003).

The timing of the search for sample participants coincided with the shooting death of

unarmed, 18-year-old Michael Brown on August 9, 2014 by a White police officer (Katz, 2015).

Michael Brown was an African American male who lived in Ferguson, MO. The shooting

caused great unrest in Ferguson, MO, which then became widespread in other major U.S. cities

with large Black populations. A couple California cities saw their fair share of demonstrations

and looting for several weeks after the incident. However, there were no such demonstrations

anywhere else in California. Despite that fact, when multiple school districts and high schools in

California were asked for permission to interview a maximum of four high school Black/African

American male seniors for a doctoral study, they took weeks to respond. When the responses

finally came, they had very creative reasons why their schools could not participate. There was a

lot of public unease and general mistrust in minority communities which may have guided the

negative responses for participation (Katz, 2015).

119
 A third limitation of the study, as mentioned previously, was the fact that the researcher

had to rely on volunteers as participants because of the use of random purposeful sampling. This

was an expected limitation due to the research design. Random purposeful sampling required

that the participants solicited for the study be from a very specific sample pool and that the

participants agreed in writing to participate (Creswell, 2007). Students who decided not to go to

college did not volunteer, so that side of the conversation is missing.

A phenomenological study does not allow the researcher to directly approach specific

potential participants or coerce them to participate (Creswell, 2007). It would have been very

beneficial to hear directly from those students the reasons behind their decision not to even try to

go on to higher education. It is possible that because the initial wording of the flyer that went out

to all students in the sample population was worded to say eligible participants should have taken

the high-stakes standardized tests such as the CAHSEE, PSAT, and SAT, that many of these

students opted out. They may not have bothered to read the new flyer where the wording was

changed to “or SAT.” They most likely already felt they did not qualify.

Another limitation was that the recruitment method chosen to get additional participants

was snowballing. This was an unexpected limitation. Snowballing is when current participants

recommend others who meet the study requirements (Mertens, 2010). Many of the participants

reported they did not have a lot of Black friends at school. The Black/African American male

population at each school was not very large and not all of those students met the study criteria.

For these reason, only one participant was able to bring a friend. It was hoped that there would

be more of a snowballing effect, but it did not happen. Therefore, the final number of volunteer

participants was six.

120
 Generalizability refers to the applicability of a study’s research findings beyond the

original research (Glicken, 2003). It is highly unlikely that the results gained from this study’s

sample would be exactly the same in a similar study done in another part of the country (Glicken,

2003). However, the study results may be an indicator of a possible change in the way

Black/African American males are viewing high-stakes standardized tests and their perceptions

about their ability to be successful in college.

Recommendations for Further Study

It is recommended that some additional research be conducted with Black/African

American male high school students in order to further understand the educational barriers that

may be hindering some of these students from going to college (Glatthorn & Joyner, 2005).

Another recommendation for further study would be to conduct a study to find out from

students who chose not to attend college why that decision was made. A follow-up to that study

could then be a longitudinal study to compare the vocational outcomes of Black/African

American male students who opted out of college to the vocational outcomes of Black/African

American male students who did go to college. A longitudinal study would examine qualities of

the Black/African American males at different times. This type of study is longer but beneficial

when examining social changes (Neuman, 2006). It turned out that every participant in the

current study chose to go to college. It is important to know why other Black/African American

males who may be qualified to attend college are opting out. That information may lead to

reforms in the way high school academic counseling is delivered. It may also open up

opportunities for advancement for many more young Black men.

A final recommendation for further study would be to conduct an ethnographic study

with Black/African American male students who have decided to go on to college despite their

121
high-stakes standardized test scores. An ethnographic study would show how the Black culture

operated instead of trying to understand a specific problem (Creswell, 2007). It might prove to

be very informative to follow up with students who have pushed past the barriers and see how

successful they were in achieving their dreams. The study would also reveal barriers

Black/African American male students may be encountering in college which may, in turn, result

in a lower rate of college retention.

Conclusion

High-stakes standardized tests have been a structural barrier to educational advancement

for Black/African American males for nearly 50 years. A finding during the research process for

the current study indicated that for many Black/African American males, high-stakes

standardized tests continue to be a hindrance. However, the research study results show that

there are other young, Black/African American men who have decided not to be defined by the

results of one test. These young men have a firm grasp on the reality of their situations and

realize that education is truly the key to obtaining their life goals and dreams. They have chosen

wise mentors to guide them through the educational pipeline. They have used the high-stakes

standardized tests as indicators of how to proceed to the next level of education. They have

learned how to form collectives at school with other racial groups, which also helps them to

grow socially. While the study participants still had to endure inequalities and microaggressions,

they have also learned how not to internalize these negative things to the extent that they become

total roadblocks. These Black/African American male students are evolving into young men

who believe in themselves and who wish to be recognized for their abilities and capabilities and

not for what a biased test score categorizes them to be.

122
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