Links

Controversy
CJR causes infighting and moderate defections even on popular policy
Wilkins, 20 (Brett Wilkins, Brett Wilkins is staff writer for Common Dreams., 9-17-2020, accessed on 1-
16-2021, Common Dreams, "Weed Killers: Bowing to Blue Dogs, Democratic Leadership Delays
'Enormously Popular' Marijuana Legalization Bill Until After Election",
https://www.commondreams.org/news/2020/09/17/weed-killers-bowing-blue-dogs-democratic-
leadership-delays-enormously-popular)

"If
you're trying to punt it as a result of a political calculation, I disagree with that calculation," Rep.
Ocasio-Cortez said earlier of the MORE Act. Reps. Barbara Lee (L) and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez are
warning moderate House Democrats not to punt the MORE Act—which would allow states to set their
own marijuana laws—until after the November election. (Photo: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images) Update: This
story has been updated from its original to include developments about the schedule of the vote. In at least a temporary setback to legalization
advocates—and a move criticized as a strategic political mistake by progressive lawmakers—the House of Representatives on Thursday officially
postponed until after the November election a vote on a bill that would legalize cannabis at the federal level and let states decide their own
marijuana laws—until after the November general election. Marijuana Moment reports the bill was not included in a weekly floor schedule
posted by the office of Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) on Thursday. A vote had originally been planned for the week of September 21.
The House is postponing a vote on the marijuana legalization bill that leadership previously said would
likely take place next week. Looks like the MORE Act will have to wait until after the election.https://t.co/gAoaYu4Ny8 — Kyle Jaeger
(@kylejaeger) September 17, 2020 Earlier: Reps. Ocasio-Cortez, Barbara Lee Warn Moderate House Dems Against Punting 'Enormously Popular'
Marijuana Reform Bill Progressive House Democrats, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Barbara Lee, warned their more moderate
congressional colleagues Wednesday against delaying a vote on a marijuana legalization bill that enjoys growing bipartisan support. The House
is expected to vote by the end of this month on the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment, and Expungement (MORE) Act, under which
cannabis would be removed from the federal Controlled Substances Act. This would allow individual states to determine their own marijuana
laws. "This should be seen as a prime opportunity to address a form of systemic racism." —Rep. Barbara Lee The bill was introduced last year by
Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee. Rep. James Clyburn (D-S.C.), the majority whip, said last month that
the measure will "help restore justice to millions by decriminalizing marijuana and expunging records of nonviolent federal cannabis
convictions." The MORE Act has gained some bipartisan support ahead of its anticipated vote. At least three Republicans say they will vote for
it, including Rep. Don Young of Alaska, who told Alaska Public Radio last week that "it's a big vote, and we're going to pass it." Just over a week
ahead of an anticipated House vote on the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment, and Expungement (MORE) Act, the bill continues to gain
traction with an increase in the number of Republican commitments to vote yes and Democratic cosponsors.https://t.co/9sTmebeAhl —
NORML (@NORML) September 15, 2020 However, as Politico reports, the bill's momentum has stalled in recent days, as some Democrats have
been spooked by their Republican colleagues' use of the bill as a weapon of leverage in the struggle for a coronavirus deal. On Monday, Senate
Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) accused Democrats of prioritizing marijuana legalization over Covid-19 relief, and the charge—as
misleading as it may be—has had a chilling effect on some Democratic proponents of the MORE Act. Removing federal penalties for marijuana
looked like an easy win for Democrats two weeks ago, but the momentum has stalled https://t.co/snUeaUAiJz — POLITICO (@politico)
September 17, 2020 Somemoderate Democrats in close races or in more conservative districts are
increasingly worried about appearing too progressive on issues of crime and punishment, according to
Politico. They are already weathering accusations they are too soft on crime and that they want to
defund police—even if the modest police reform bill they support does no such thing. Instead of embracing the
popular MORE Act, the talk on Capitol Hill is now of punting the bill until after the November 3 election. SCROLL TO CONTINUE WITH CONTENT
Get our best delivered to your inbox. "I'd like to get it done," Hoyer said Tuesday of the bill, but adding that lawmakers needed to focus on
coronavirus aid right now. "Other bills are not timely," he said. Some progressive lawmakers and cannabis advocates say postponing a MORE
Act vote would be a big mistake. "If you're trying to punt it as a result of a political calculation, I disagree with that calculation," said Ocasio-
Cortez (D-N.Y.), a co-sponsor of the bill. "This is an enormously popular policy—not just for our base, but it's also very popular amongst certain
parts of registered Republican voters and independent voters." "I think this is a win-win-win policy, and I think that we should be doing this
before the election," she asserted. Cannabis should be legalized & records should be expunged ASAP. It’s strange that the more conservative
step of decriminalization is seen by some as too controversial or “risky.” Each day we postpone is a day we let communities be ravaged &
profiled. It must end. #LegalizeIt https://t.co/axFMm1f3fT — Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (@AOC) September 16, 2020 Lee (D-Calif.), another
MORE Act co-sponsor, agreed, arguing that the bill "should be seen as a prime opportunity to address a form of systemic racism." Lee cited the
bill's increasing popularity, noting that its number of co-sponsors has jumped from 87 to 111 in the past two weeks. Maritza Perez, director of
national affairs at the Drug Policy Alliance, said in an email to Common Dreams that moderate Democrats are "falling prey" to anti-legalization
conservatives. "Moderate Dems are falling prey to Republican attempts to undermine justice for the millions of Black, Latinx, and low-income
individuals disproportionately affected by our country's racist marijuana laws." —Maritza Perez, Drug Policy Alliance Perez said Republicans are
trying "to undermine justice for the millions of Black, Latinx, Indigenous, and low-income individuals disproportionately impacted by our
country's racist marijuana laws." "We cannot force these communities to wait until the moment when it is 'politically convenient,' while they
continue to be robbed of employment opportunities, housing, education, other government programs, and even their children or immigration
status," she stressed. Paul Armentano of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) concurred, saying that "passage
of the MORE Act is essential in order to truly right the wrongs of federal marijuana criminalization, and to once and for all allow the majority of
states that have legalized cannabis for either medical or adult-use to embrace these policies free from the threat of undue federal prosecution
or interference." Not
only does the MORE Act enjoy widespead congressional support, it is also backed by a
wide range of criminal justice reform, civil and human rights, public health, and even some law
enforcement groups. This mirrors growing public support for marijuana legalization; according to
November 2019 Pew Research polling, fully two-thirds of Americans favor legalization, with a majority of
both self-identified Democrats (78%) and Republicans (55%) in support. Marijuana is currently fully legal in 11 states
and the District of Columbia, while an additional 22 states allow legal use of medical cannabis. Five states—Arizona, Mississippi, Montana, New
Jersey, and South Dakota—will vote this November on whether to legalize either recreational or medical marijuana.

CJR splits the Dems, causing fights 

Caygle 18 (Heather, Congress reporter for POLITICO. Before coming to POLITICO, Caygle was a
congressional reporter for Bloomberg BNA, primarily covering transportation but also dabbling in Hill
action on tax reform. 5-17-2018, "Opponents of prison reform bill step up campaign ",
POLITICO, https://www.politico.com/story/2018/05/17/democrats-oppose-prison-reform-bill-595892,
accessed: 1-15-2021 JO)
A cadre of powerful Democrats stepped up their opposition campaign against a bipartisan bill
on prison reform via a lengthy letter Thursday, their latest attempt to stamp out momentum for the
proposal before it hits the House floor next week. The Democrats’ five-page opposition letter, which describes the
bill as a “step backwards,” is just the latest volley in an ongoing battle over how far Congress should
go this year to overhaul the nation’s criminal justice system. The legislation is backed by the White House and could be
the last real chance for a bipartisan success — no easy feat in a contentious election year — but has several key opponents, particularly in the
Senate. Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.), the revered civil rights leader and one of the most influential members of the House Democratic Caucus,
signed on to the letter. Other Democrats
already known to be opposed to the prison bill also added their names:
Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin of Illinois, Sens. Cory Booker of New Jersey and Kamala Harris of California, and
Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee of Texas. “We write to express our serious concerns with the First Step Act, legislation that purports
to reform federal prisons but which would in fact be a step backwards,” they wrote. They go on to say that the bill,
which would provide training programs for prisoners that are aimed at reducing repeat offenses, could
actually have the opposite effect by putting in place policies that are more discriminatory toward
inmates of color. The letter — particularly Lewis’ opposition — could be a significant blow to efforts by the bill’s
supporters to round up support ahead of an expected floor vote next week. Reps. Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) and Doug
Collins (R-Ga.), lead authors of the push for prison reform, have been meeting with members since the bill sailed out of committee last week.
The criminal justice battle has been brewing for months, with unexpected allies joining together on both sides of the issue.
In one camp are Jeffries, Collins, House and Senate Republican leaders, President Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and influential
conservatives, including the Koch brothers, all backing the prison reform push. On the other end are Democrats,
including Durbin,
plus Senate Judiciary Chairman Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and dozens of influential outside groups,
including the ACLU and NAACP, who want to see a more comprehensive bill that also includes front-end sentencing
reforms. But the prison bill’s advocates argue that’s a futile effort given that Trump and Attorney General Jeff Sessions are adamantly opposed
to sentencing reductions. The letter takes several shots at the prison reform proposal, saying that it doesn’t provide enough funding to be
effective and that Sessions, a vocal opponent of criminal justice reform, would have far too much autonomy over the new programs. The bill
has strong Republican support in the House — all but one Republican on the House Judiciary Committee, including several far-right members,
backed the proposal. But the legislation has divided Democrats, particularly members of the Congressional
Black Caucus and the Congressional Progressive Caucus. Lewis’ opposition to the bill could be particularly influential for
Democrats deciding how to vote. But the bill’s authors can also point to several prominent backers on their side, including CBC Chairman Cedric
Richmond (D-La.) and Rep. Keith Ellison (D-Minn.), a leading progressive.
 Political Capital
Successfully stewarding PC now is key for Biden to ensure passage AND bill integrity
Beckman 10, PhD Professor of Political Science (Matthew N. Beckman, Professor of Political Science @
UC-Irvine, 2010, “Pushing the Agenda: Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953-2004,” pg. 66-
67)---sex edited

The theory's foremost contention is that presidents not only can get their preferred initiatives
considered but also can further encourage their passage via agenda-centered and vote-centered
lobbying. By tracking the logic motivating these strategies, as well as the consequences that follow, a
more nuanced view of contemporary presidents' role in U.S. lawmaking has emerged. Although
presidents may some- times engage in knock-down, drag-out floor fights for pivotal voters' support,
such endgame interactions are the exception rather than the rule. More typical presidential-
congressional relations, I have argued, entail bargaining between the White House and congressional
leaders over what alternatives will make it to the floor. If a president can rally leading allies' support and
strike a "deal" with opposing leaders in the legislative earlygame, he [they] not only can circumvent
a costly endgame floor fight but also can actually sign into law a bill more to his [their] liking than
would have been possible by just waging an endgame offensive for aye votes.

PC is key to ensure infrastructure is green and large

Paul 1-16-2021, M.A. with honors in Security Studies from Georgetown University’s School of Foreign
Service (Scott, “Build Back Better Can Be Biden's American-Made Legacy,” Real Clear Politics,
https://tinyurl.com/54ze58an)

The New Deal. The Interstate Highway System. The Great Society. When our nation’s leaders aim high the
names of their accomplishments are enduring, etched in our history books. We continue to enjoy the astounding benefits of many of these

federal programs, from Social Security to Medicare to the fruits of the Works Progress Administration. President-elect Joe Biden’s Build Back Better

plan, with its massive public investment and bold guiding principles, could remake the U.S. economy for
the better, and if enacted it will join that list of national public achievements. Or it could fall short in the way that the 2009 Recovery

Act and 2020 CARES Act did: Allowing many Americans to keep their heads barely above the rising water of economic insecurity, but failing
to lift most to higher ground in a time of immense need. Our incoming president announced his
immediate domestic agenda Thursday in what amounts to a pair of shots in the arm for the American
economy. The first is focused on COVID-19 relief, which should quite literally put more vaccinations in
the arms of the public and money in the pockets of millions of struggling American households. The
second, which Biden plans to unveil in an address to Congress next month, is the framework of Build Back
Better. Fully implemented, this program as described would launch more than $2 trillion in investment in 21st century
infrastructure, clean energy

and domestic manufacturing. It would set the stage for a newly competitive U.S. economy with more equitable
foundations, while turning the tide on the global climate crisis. America the laggard could become America the

leader – that’s the promise behind the Biden plan. But the list of things that could block its enactment is long, and
that list begins with partisanship, political myopia and hypocritical deficit hawks. The proposed price tag on the relief bill is already
drawing some complaints. Build Back Better will be another early test for the new Congress: Can visceral differences be set aside for the greater good during an
economic emergency? Are lawmakers going to dig in, or are they willing to shape an agenda that will over time return dividends in terms of jobs and
competitiveness? Short-term relief is a necessary Band-Aid; long-term investments will be truly transformational. Making them may mean
tax increases and significant borrowing, which many on Capitol Hill have been willing to tolerate for corporate tax cuts and increased defense spending. If they now
fret about the deficit while denying the working class a chance at economic improvement, they will show America their true colors. We all know how hard it is to
convert campaign rhetoric into policy that improves the lives of working people. The good news for Biden is that virtually every corner of the
economy would benefit from substantial public investment in infrastructure, which he campaigned on: From the roads,
bridges, and transit and water systems we must modernize, to the electric-vehicle manufacturing and broadband expansion we must spark. That makes them
popular proposals. And by declaring that Build Back Better will be made in America, the president-elect will further broaden public support and put lots of
American manufacturers to work. Plenty of critics will be dismayed by Buy America domestic preferences in an expansive economic program, especially coming
from a new president who is clearly more globally inclined than his predecessor, but context is important. First, even after four years of “America First” rhetoric, our
country’s procurement markets remain far more open than other major economies that are part of the Agreement on Government Procurement. Second,
significant public investments in the U.S. have been accompanied by Buy America preferences for decades, from Franklin Delano Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan and
Barack Obama. Now is the time for another one. By combining a Rooseveltian level of investment with a Reaganesque “Made in America” appeal, Biden can cement
his legacy as a president who not only brought us out of an epic economic crisis, but also shaped a federal policy that rewarded future generations too. Rebuild

American infrastructure and rebuild American industry. Go big, so that the benefits accrue in working America. Joe Biden
can do this, with the right allocation of political capital. I hope he spends it wisely and
succeeds.