Black and Indigenous Resistance in the Americas From Multiculturalism to Racist Backlash A Project of the Antiracist Research and Action Network (RATAR) Edited by Juliet Hooker Translated by Giorleny Altamirano Rayo, Aileen Ford, and Steven Lownes LEXINGTON BOOKS Lanham + Boulder» New York + LondonChapter Seven Racist Criminalization, Anti-Racist Pedagogies, and Indigenous Teacher Dissidence in the Montafia of Guerrero, Mexico Mariana Mora and Jaime Garcia Leyva ‘The research that we present inthis chapter Focuses on the activites of indigenous Nabua, Na Sevi, and Me'pbaa teachers from the region of la “Monta {the Mountsin), inthe sate of Guero, who initiated an alternative educational projec as part of tei ejection ofthe 2013 educational reforms in Mexico, a reform designed to transform the teining, hiring and evaluation ‘of teachers within the public school system. The teachers argued long with ‘an important sector of indigenous, afo-Mexica, and mestizo teachers, tht this federal reform eeated increasing precarious labor conltins and prio- tized standardized testing, which severely undermined indigenous duc tion programs and weakened the quality of all primary and secondary educe- tion in the country.” That year, dissident teaches ftom the Caordinadora staal de Trabaiadores dela Edcacién en Guerrero (Sate Cooricting Committee of Educational Workers in Guerrero}, CBTEG, in coordination with other teachers unions, primarily in sates with significant indigenous Populations such as Chiapas and Oaxaca, organized direct ations, including marches, mass mobilization, oad blocks, and siting, in oder to pres for the reversal ofthese reforms. Hovever, the group of profesor that we accom panied considered such measures insucin, so they simultaneously began to design and implement altmatve anti-racist edicatonal proposes that ‘were based on loca indigenous knowledges and principles, order to accompany such iatives, we proposed to engage in collsbo- ‘ative, activist research as part of bimonthly tescher workshops organized by aTas eran Mor Sie Garey 2 group of poesia ingeows eit who parti he ci ssoiatn, Kaa Sst, Coto de Est) Aue dela Monaah {Comer of States an SeleDeveopmen fla Monta)” We wee ine {sted nol elaborating era eens onthe ols edueatoal inode! an supporting teaches indesign leave dtc materials a gar of boast anit projets bee onthe slf-erminaon of Na Si Naa rd Mepaa communis, Given tht he nrc ea fol plcs were some ofthe ew subse abancoment tht stemmed frm he 2007 conta reforms on indigenous igs and cle onmidred that colbert wit th Kahn Skits woul rove ‘adequate window to examine the pst comtines an ans eratins Sf almanacs slog ith shits in expensons atonal ‘Pobrano wth sae tine docmetng hw tee ches pai med in he prdton oft own pagal models spr of potenti Faye eis fv te nse he il rch Wo ject using nore han two yea the tt edation wasps wee ree died by be pvr eee rpc te CETEO protests and by acts a xtreme viene, mow nal the September 2014 Feed dapesance offre se from nino, atten tnd roa bockgrounds fom te Fsciela Normal are! Re ro Burgos {ut Tears Coleg Ral i Bago) nested Atzinap, e tri of Tl andthe Je 2013 rprenive pce tions ast soci anzton, youth clletves siden, teacher, indigenous con- ini tories ewsonfomist nds group togeter nthe ‘Movimiento Popedor Gnerornse (Pole Guerrero Moveret) of MPG jar atemped to bea snmp tne el on June 3. 2018. An pweaton coord by meer the Arm. Nos andthe Fedral Po ike enim te sctnmday ext ection of Antoni Vi ts, agen Ns Sasa fo he icra en Dasrrlo Camt rire ge! (achso's epee in era Community Developmen Ite cert Papi Ns Satin Pesogkal Une) Shear ofthe MPG. heaton of Antonio Viva a he dsppesrne of he fry Ace sens Pom Ayowinns ef deep personal pens on ss pli iy commited Sci cients and edited he ined prrites of the Frotnor aay fom the content of the workshops propose, and Yoward Meveotve parton nts rn cblishing petal ay mes se Ts tesa ed sf bon th tale oe gil popsed esearch projet onde not only the daily ple tan of Galea adi etna ptt thera Shp beeen th eduction eins, ste scary ples sn the these rminlono ac and dens a redial indieneus ‘it Criminaaion An Roc Pedapeies, ad Tac Disience 218 ‘eons, sucha la Monta. Although the dissident indigenous teachers also shared spaces with affe-Mexian teachers on the coast of Guerrero, we lacked the capacity to conduct Fieldwork in both regions and were thus un able to ienify how de facto criminalization also affected. afo-Mesican ‘commutes. The evens tat we were able to witness during our Helder. jgeverated important infection point as par of entenched forms of exteme Violence in the region, aggravated bythe ueclared war agains dog tal Fickng ly the federal administration of Felipe Calderén 2006-2012) We ‘observed hat despite the explicit objectives of the Mexican sae to eatin and detain drug taficking networks and organized rime, he milittzation ‘of public spaces in epins such as la Monta rested inthe eonstruction of an ambiguous and ample category of eiminal, which incled dissident n- Aigenous teachers and students. How does thie shift in sate pros modify roceses of rcialization in regions such a la Monta? In what ways do jrent conditions of extreme violence potentially reinforce long-term ex Dessions of strutural racism? And inthis content, what anti-racist posi ites emerge fromthe pedagogies activites inlgenous professors, such as those forming part of Kahus Sisk? These were the questions that we Flt obliged to answer, and yet the ‘halenges to doing so proved significant, particularly because the violent acts experienced in the region—including the repressive measures used agains CETEG members, the forced disappearance of the stent teachers and the murder of Antonio Vivares—ere rarely explicitly recs Cen We argue that the eviminlizaion of students and dissent indigenous teacher, despite a lek of apparent racist nent, has racist and riled implications ‘ter analyzing the so-called Muleitra Ere in Mexico (1989 2006), the Shifts in the state's bio-poitial investments in recet yeas, andthe Kahu Sisik teachers’ lived experiences, in this chapter our answer to the ler question satiate, ‘We first directed our attention 1 the so-called Multicultural Ere ofthe 19905 and 2000s Sas to idem i there were aspects of state-inigenous relation that we, as researchers, Rad insufficiently analyzed, and that never. ‘theless shaped conditions fr curent expressions of ate violence. We note ‘hat by placing the enalytia! lens almost exclusively on muliultal and neoliberal polices, previous scholarship, inchoéing our own, lgely left to ‘he margins the profound estuctring o th scary apparstis tit ocurred uring that sme perio, Inthe fst section ofthis chapter we ths broaden ‘he analytical scope to include tre pilirs ofthe tate—mlticutara, neo liberal, and security pelicies—so sw demonstrate tha n Meno the mult cultural demands of indigenous movements were died by the state, not only because ofthe weakness of established judi frameworks and neo- eraetvist and note poliies that impeded the efective implementation ‘of indigenous rights, but because amore robust security appara activated20 rion Marv an ime Gace Ler roves of eutaton— tat st sty, ae processes of comeing acts Toye not osc ta ave shied pote is ‘ean eranizatins. roving on his ral aren, he ond eon we dec cur weston fo cent aspects of sate formation, ‘Fel enon Steen ie Homie isn {Bienonalsestor anda song bo-pltic vein i the secu par Sse, We ae ha his tlio gonrts bah nist racial ft, Seed howe crimination of iden edges faces in ‘eon suas a Monta, aswell ban explicit rca amy, wise {Prove popular calls er tc sae to sppes teacher demands eer the “Tement ht they area nch f Inia” Inthe dso, we pau to tcfet on ow si i pola (dis)invesnetsareexprinced at sb the lve arcapesed by the Kah Sh aches dng our woes. {We dover ho recent evens of extreme lence fom prt of ng ‘cates tht sett ound acts of umaizaton inthe comm Tis in wich he poss ves eng ie aiid proton of the tes a dnponle nd as deter, fur [ase]. Ply, we reflex hc etcrct impulses conned in the pagal raves developed ‘ihe Kano St poten ofa Molin contest WHATTHE MULTICULTURAL DEBATE RENDERED INVISIBLE THE RACIAL EFFECIS OF THE SECURITY APPARATUS “The asasiaton of Antonio Vivares andthe forced disppearance of the 43 Student teachers ae extemely crue expressions of key shifs in Mexia "ae formeton Just a few years rit the Mexican sate had declared isl ft Teast onthe surface, proudly democratic and muteutural ad advosated in favor of policies to recognize the collective rights of indigenous peoples (excluding fom the discussion affo-Mesian population, whose rights were fot Tomas recounieed in the Menian Constitution unl 2019) and prom hd that the autortran ext of ste repression would remain firmly buries ine past. This sat promise—which resulted from the pressure and the potets of indigenous organizations aod solidarity groups throughout the Enunty-infleneed academie production, whose central coneem became Snalyzng the changing featoesips between indigenous peoples and the Mexican state. During the matical er, numerous stds erty ob Served the impact of muliulural plies and related jr reforms, be- timing with fe 192 federal constiutional efoms to Article 2—that eco ‘ies the mulcultral composition ofthe naton--followed by diverse state Constitutional reforms, nd clmiating with the reform ofthe Mexican Cox: Sttton in 2001, which offered a lukewarm recognition ofthe cultural and Collective right of indigenous peoples (Gimez 2004; Herniader Casilo, ace rinaleton Amat Peo, and Teacher Dsdece 221 Pz and Siera 2004; Leyva, Sped and Burguete 2008; Matiace, Heindndez and Rus 2002; Speed 2006; Valladares do a Cruz and Escamilla Hurtado sf). During hat sume period, various academic suis focused on indie ‘nous organizational processes, especialy afr the 1994 uprising ofthe Z ‘sta National Liberation Amy or EZLN (Baronet, Moca y Stabler Sholc 2011; Blackwell 20125 Burguete Cal y Mayor 2000; Cerda 2011; Forbis 2006; Mattie, Herne y Rus 2002; Marcos 2011). ‘Al the sme time, theft that these muliultural policies overlapped in ‘ime with the implementation of neoliberal reforms lod scholars Yo analyze ‘the uncomfortable and ambiguous inks between bath (Hemmindee Cast Pazy Siera 2004; Speed 2008; Maldonado Got 2011; Newick 2005). Such stitial scholarly production analyzes the intersection of two pillars ofthe ‘ate: neoliberal polices and policies of cultural ecogiton. Based on su jes that quston the apparently inereat antagonism between neoliberaism nd muliculturtism (Goldberg 2002 Hale 2002 such researc highligted. ‘he ways in which censin pois of eecogntin do not challenge neoliberal logis in fac, they ean even reinfore them, ‘Begining in 2006, divese state ations triggered two tends that crim "lize populations in conditions of socioeconomic marginalization diectty slfeting indigenous and afro.Mexican regions. The fist tend, the esi ization of socal potest, Began in the town of Atco, nthe Sate of Meco, in May 2006, withthe ruta repression against indigenous Nahus communal landholders, who hd sucessfully Fought agains the consrcton ofan nt= ‘atonal sport in thir terttory and who sympathized with Zapattion. ‘The second tren is the crminalization of racilind poverty. Hal a year alles the events in Ateneo, Felipe Calderin (2006-2012) inaugurated his ‘mandate with an undeclared war against organized crime and the millariza tion of public secur, which resulted in the dramatic increase in homicide tates and ses of grave human righ violations in largely impoverished re ions of the country. The same state priority continued, though with some Inior variations under the administration of Peta Neto (2012-2018). De spite the fat thar the objective ofthe unotcal war was odismante or nized erime necvoeks, those impacted are largely from sccioevonomically ‘marginalized zones, including rom indigenous and afo-Mexican regions of the county, seh as from the Cota Chics al the Meniaa of Grete.” Tie exaceation of volenee in recent years, accompanied by the de aco stiminaization of impoverished sectors ofthe population, led us to ask if Dethas there were aspects ofthe state's resirusturing during the decades of the 19905 and 20005 that we had previously failed o pay sulficent tein to Infact, we observed tha an niportant part of academic production onthe ‘multicutral ea left ou of thee analytical framing the security policies of ‘hat period. The few studies hatdid analyze the state secrty apparatus in ind genous regions manly focus on repressive ations take agaist mass2 Marin Mod me Gora yea act rimietion, An Rai Peden and TeacorDiidence 223 Hecoceoe attire Sag hs contenant loge ie Seite snl spr ere Se ce a aaa armani ataaattra Seperate peer aries Colts by ding nds ese sms wan exeson ot Sotees chic re ncaa har ‘yin acts that involved elements ofthe police, the armed forces, and armed mobilizations and politcal organizations (Hernindez 1998; Pineda 1996 ‘Stephen 1999), not therefor tothe security apparatus ite, and there were ‘italy no stuies on the topic in afo-Mexican regions. Cou it be that ‘eens we foeised 50 muh oa analyzing the posible overlaps between trulcutaa and nolierl policies, tht we did nt dotect the changes othe ‘eu pois tat have now figured ently inthe reformulation ofthe ‘Menican sat uring the post thee federal adminsteations? Threspons otis question, we realize that what intially appeared asthe steenlening ofthe sate security apparatus in 2006, actully began during the multicultural er, tn fst atthe very peak of Zapatismo, the aint tion of Eiesto Zell (1994-2000) initiated profound changes to public Security insitioss twas the Zedil adinistation that reorganized al of the state seuity apparatus and created the baselines forthe type of scunit Tati that ltt would figure prominently in stat formation afr 2006, Just ‘few weeks aller faking power, alll prompted congress to approve con- ‘tonal reforms, ineadng als 21 and 73, that regulate the coor tion snd function of every agency responsible for combing crime Similar Iyrthe federal govemment crested new public seurityinstutions, ike the Pula Feral Prevetiva (Preventive Federal Police, PEP, in 1999, that Unf the command ofthe various public scunity isitutins. From the ‘nso, the ranks ofthe PFP included a significant peresntage of members of {he mili) and of the Centro de Investigacion v Seguridad Nacional Center fe Resear and National Security), CISEN, thereby initiating a tendency ‘epretoced by te following tne feral administration omiltarze public eury fnetions (Benitez 2016), a tend thatthe eurent LOpez Obrador ‘ministration (2018-202) seems to be replicating with the eeaion of a militarized National Guaed At the same tie, i 2000, just before Visents Fax (2000-2006) took power, the Mins of Public Security was create in fonder to centralize agencies that had previously farmed pat ofthe Secretaria ‘S: Gobernacion [Ministry for Domestic AM), Seg incung the PFP “ind the National System of Public Security.” According to expt on see ity pois, te combination ofthese fons prepared: “every seeurity and Justceinstton forthe attack on organized evime, whose potential and posible reaches wet already being envisioned” (Lim Malvido 2012, 397. ‘Not ony dd the executive and legislative branches srenglen the secu ity appara during this perio, soi the juny, by way of five Suprema CConee tic de la Nactdn (National Supreme Cour of Justice of SCIN) rulings that legalized the paticipation of the Army in public security fane- ‘on, including the 1996 rung that determined that the armed forces can “panicpate in civil ations in favor of public security, to help evi auto ies wathout @-govemmental declaration 10 suspend individual right {Seminario Juice dela Federaidn y su Gacet 1996). These jul e- Fonms and jarispdenoe laid the Foundation forthe typeof militarization ofEo Merion Morvan Sine Ga Leye rmayoe's oie in Cajniuiapa in March 2018, these cases have been Inge Ty ignored bythe rss tthe stat and national evel "With the above sketch oF lepslative refs judi! rulings and exceu tive branch pres, a8 well as their onthe-ground implications, we have row broadened teal tial ens to include the security apparatus shit pillar of Mexican state formation dung the past wo decdes, By doing 30 fhe can sow offean analyte Fefermulation ofthe socalled mutual tra that seeks fo exphin how radical indigenous demands for recognition ‘wor diluted as they were ineoporaedito the sate apprats. The resulting Tukewarm refrns were thas not ont” 2 result of fairly weak jurcial Fiamework or the nso-developmental fous of policies tagting indigenous populations (Herne Casio, Pazy Sera 2004), by way of the Comin Nacional pare! Deseo de los PachlsIndigncs (National Comission forthe Development of Indigenous Peoples), CDI. thi anetiond fom 2001 tn Lépes Obracdor closed to found the dango Necional de Paeblos Ingen: (Natinal Indigenous Peoples Insitute), INPL in December 2018 Nor wa it only Gu to sti! policies following a neoliberal ratonae for the ecise of autonomy, based on sle-tevelopment and self-employment 1e- Stung fom enfeprenouship (Speed 2008). In ation to these ckmen's Wee cserve that the mltcultral er also set the foundation fr fue sexu ization proces, given tha 8 Buzan, Waver and de Wilde remind, the strengthening ofthe stat security apparatus requires the prodetion of the types of subjects who canbe eiminalized (1998). In te following section, {we analyze such scurization processes in elation tothe distinct bo-poi al dsjnvestments ofthe neoliberal state in indigenous regions suchas the Montat We iden how a disinvestment inthe educational appara 0 ‘ured parallel to Investment in te secrty apparatus. Both ends had implicit racial effect an tte same ine activated an explicitly eaist rasa tivity that elle forthe suppression of teachers and justified ther criminal Fanon by aceusing them of being “Indians ‘BIOPOLITICAL (OIS)INVESIMENTS AND THERACIST. CCRIMINALIZATION OF THE EDUCATIONAL SECTOR IN INDIGENOUS REGIONS, “The Kalua Sisiki teacher workshops conducted between 2013 and 201S were designed to collectively produce an alternative pedagogeal model based on ‘Naha, Ne Sov and Mepaaepstemologes and as pat of entra fies. We not only actively paticpated inthe design and implementation of ftese workshops but set ou 1 cricallyrelet, Deyond the space ofthe ‘workshops, onthe histori roles played by teachers in these communities, Sita ther, along with their pedagogical project, within indigenous peor ait mination AR Pedgogesand TeacerDsdose 225 ples’ ade strugles for coletve ttl righ. 2 I is important hight tat although the teachers participating in the Kahua Sisk work shops rarely used the terms racism and ant-aism, their eiique of the profoundly dehumanizing practices within eduetonal insitatons, and thet insistence on arming the knowledge-base of their ways of ie as peoples, allowed uso understand the formulation oftheir own pesagogcal models 2s ‘at ofa broader exerise of eldetemination tht is fo sy, as collective fort against the constant plundering of indigenous ontologies and terit- fiend thos a anti-racist paces, The approximately fry teachers that participated in the teacher work- shops are in their majority Na Savi and Nahas, atbough few Me’ phan teaches also paicipted All are orginaly from la Monta oF from the Costa Chica of Goerer, the majority were between thinysfve and fy yeas old when we offered the weekshops, and they were trained in the rormals rrates, or rar tehers college sytem” Dating the same yest that the educational reform took effec, the it series of workshop began vith he objective of strengthening the eachers’ pedagogical kills based ot their own local knowisdes, which resulted inthe produetion of didactic ‘matralsin their native languages "As one of the teachers explained dng fone ofthe workshops, creating sllemative pedagogical modes“ result oF our wil service, and commitment, because we ae ted of beng treated ike objets" rom the onset the participants stated tha it was a privy or hem ‘tw lear to tlize esearch methodolosies—incaling searching in comm nity archives, interviewing elders inthe communities where they teach, and ocumesting local history far collective use—in order to continue stregth- ‘ning local Knowedges and osetlest on how the potentially unset domi- rat educational modes. This collective emphasis centered ot only on teaching their native language (as was their ntl infest), but also om the ove owt tug and stn ths win ear conn se les. The pedagogical proposals of the Kahua Sisk teachers transcend the limits of official intercultural edeaton policies, as implemented by the Coordinacin General de Beacon Inerultra Bling (General Coord ‘ating, Commitee of Inerulura Bilingual Eéveation, CGEIB, which foums pat ofthe Soeetaria de Educacisn Pica (Ministy of Public Edie «ation, SEP, tha is dedicated to “propelling cultural exchange within educa tion, combating discrimination, and developing adequate educational models Jn roars to the multicultural realty ofthe Mexieen nation” including the development of new cutculun and textbooks (Comision Nacional pata el Desarrollo de os Pueblos 2001: $5) While this intercuural model has been hailed frit temp © move beyond the limits ofthe indigenous and bic ‘ural edeatonal system ofthe 1970s Diet y Matoos Cortés 2011), thas been questioned because it maintains a foes on ethnic ultra alter,hence leving to the sidelines the unequal power rolatonships that structure onions of raialized inferiority for indigenous and afr-Mexican peoples {Saldivar 2018), Formulating tht avm pedagogical models, alongwith rede Fining te role of the professor in the Eommunity, seeks fo tansfeem such tacialized relationships of power. The Kali Sisk teachers developed their atvtes when the overall educational system, including aspects that diretly impact ntreulral pro- rams, had suffered sigiican deterioration ater four neoliberal reforms implemented over the course of thre decades. The first form, in 1984, modified the plan of studies forthe url teacher colleges wih he intention (of profesionalizing ful. ut eiminatd the budget and the infrasiuctre ‘netessry to ds, In 1993, the second efor, focused on educational de- Centazatio, limited the possibilities of labor mobility of the graduates ftom the teachers colleges, resting employment enly tthe states where they eamed their degre. The se law recognized the importance of inige ros eduation yet lacked curcular and methotologica framework for is implementation I 1997, the thi edvationa efor modified te course of stay forthe Rural Teacher Colleges" pedagogical medel, which undermined their practie-based leming approach andthe emphasis plced on lexing fazvicutral techniques along wth ofher skills feguted For ural life and instead prioritized stnderdined curu, These fst thre neobiberal reforms severely impacted teacher labor contions andthe possiblity that inva living in conditions of exteme poverty, espowaly peasants and {hose from affo- Mexican and indigenous populations, woud be able o eam a Aligifed living as teacher. Such reforms are not unique to Mexico, but rather form pat of «broader end in Latin Ameria, whee since the 1980, ‘neoliberal educational reforms have pioitzed, among othe aspects: deser= ‘ralzation, soa to render more fice public spending: the modification of ‘ontaetaland labor eatin fr teachers: the dismantling of teacher un ions the evaluation of educational impacts based on standardized ests; nd incemtvs fo evatzing public education (Lopez Guerra and Flores 2006) Finally 2013, the fourth edvatonal form undermined not only the labor rights of teachers but Tuer promoted standardized performance eva Aatons which diretly debilitated indigenous education peojoes. When the ‘cational efor is appeoved, the Kahua Sisk teachers, along with the fjoity ofthe CETEG members, argued that rater than an educational reform twas a labor reform that exacerbated precarious employment cond tions for tsshing professionals, AC the same time, the standardized evalu tions eliminated from the discussion the svustra deficiencies in which the rural teachers work, especially in indigenous and aie-Mexican regions An- tthe element of ili acim tht the teachers highlighted. Mat the ‘eform does not provide mechanisms to compensate for the historical sho falls in their training oe possiblities for earying ou ther activities inthe act Cinlearon, At Rac Pedaoenand TacerDisience 221 nos eee mane, hens inten the probaly of poor eihaton tal, which col ean joe. Atte sae, el et tm taza proved einen lca eheso reas pligg. ical projets bed on owl om tinge communi Speci ith Kah Seah et he toms) tinted or oy uric coe’ and impose extra couse sets an appoion ‘hey likewise questioned why n some schools English was tue rather than hi native gues Such rtques eco serch tha ents inthe educational reforms a Tendensy to crew singular educational stem, ‘ich undermines he ental components of te ilies eden So tem: eshe fomaton curicalar conn ad scot management (Mend ‘2-Zuany 2018) Despite therefor being repealed bythe oper Obrader ‘miisation in 2019, tee es cote ts ths chap wa tela completed The combined refs to th eduaonal sytem in Meco reflects & ted wy ow vs oat at eee i relod (0 ap invesment In he scary apart, While between 2000-2012 expenditure in education rose only $4 percen, he expends for pubic seuriy increased 34 percent ring the same peo. Tes af exendtes per ait while th cos for public sect shaw an treat of 778 perennation the eee was 31 pact. In ems of State oli, there ret inetne paced inh poet inal oi ites F young people ta in tr eaten. We Conse a hs sane tuonal sateen othe techs of fit pena: ier tha Soch disinvestment woes lab conions, which ines medi pe tones nd unicmins fre capctcs. We consi tht wha 0 seven ier ee ae en nthe Ut Sta Ln ‘Americ (ling Bra Guatemala nie Mapuche terior) die in this volume, whee Sat fem rem js ted on meting plc invent n mga cmmaneo regions, bu her i eect Sta invest tne police felons, sro telex apoaces public secur and wo rein ingens safe dseenda youth i Se scr into, uit th sey es. Th, hee 8 ignment” of sate ineress hed on frei biotic (dis)investments, at 1 shld be noted that he badgetary changes and jr rameworks dese above donot eect tendencls that only gt dienes and sito Meican populations, but rater the general poulaton more bos. Our ineres i 1 understand he ald ete of hese tans ‘As we prev inated, neoliberal reforms hive cal effects be, caute ey reife ineqatis in access t ection fr indignant ate Mexican repos, le atthe sme tine tee same popula ae tered by the armed forces opblic or pvt ery Intons.fact, atlas 0 ofthe disappeared students from Ayotinapa were sldiss tnd police officers before sting tobe teachers, given tha those Were the ‘only options the had to earn a ving (Marchand con Letras 2015) ‘Ate some tie, cuiculom refoens andthe emphasis placed on sta andized evaluations reinforce structural racism. Indigenous edeaton is re ‘eated as tagsting populations classified as "vulprabe groups” termine ty that has Been used since te Caerén administration in publi policies to refer to women, people with disabilities, migrants, as well as indigenous peoples rather than fo Fry inigenows cultural ight. Recent scholarship ies how inthe 2013 educational reform th concepts of “backvard- ‘ned vulnerability” replaced that of “inercultwaliy.” changes which hd ear implications forthe implementation of educations policies, include ing bit allocation, the types of teacher programs avalale, nd the iden- tfeation of popultons who were to benefit rom the educational system (Mendora Zatay 2017) In2016, for example, then Secretary of Education, "Aurelio Nu Mayet, lied he priors of the ew educational agenda, ineldng ations fo encourage equity and itcusion inthe edvetional se tem: “These include 9 great efor. tha We completed slong wih Sedesol [Secretaria of Sovial Development), to combat educational delay [rez [Rol Atthe same time, we announced efor in (emphasis added) speci faincoton tht ated to people with some typeof dsailty and in Indige ‘nos education (Seettara de Educacion Pilict 201). inthis seme, the generalized disinvestment in the educational sector sccentuaes and reinforees stained sat rationale based on the infrioriza- tion of indigenous peoples by reinforcing & supposedly inate vulnerabily ‘The combination of these csinvestmen’ and their subsequent exehsions create conditions fr the eventual labeling ofthese “vulnerable popaions” ‘potential eiminals. As we aniipated above, by procizing the security “appar, state frees equire defining and categorizing the types of subjects that poeiallyeresten the "security of he state The security spparats in tum then produces eriminalied and “eiminaizble” subjects against whom they must act tendency that is aso evident inthe chapter on Mapuche strugles in this volume. Those ators sldolined bythe educational apparatus air the series of neoliberal reforms dissent teachers in indigenous re- {ions and youn people in conditions of rcilized poverty—are some ofthe “roups tht in Guerer have subsequently een labeled as “delinquents” oe potential “criminal,” independent of any affiliations with organized exe {Therefore the activation of tate anxiety wells an implicit racial anxiety that supports the ype of eriminalzation that we observed during eldwork, "The fepresion o teachers snot ew, mc es it Guero, wherein the Monta and Costa Chie, roral teachers have played a determining roe in contemporary siugales, and fr that reason have suffered systematic acts of Sate violence. Lucio Cabs and Genaro Vizgue, both graduates fom the act Comision Am Rai Peas, and Teacher Danese 229 Aztinpa ral teaser calles ame jut wo ofthe penal geil der rom the 96h an 19705, were Bal sas ye my, slog with thr faces tat suppor ci eaptie politea tay reins dine th “iy wa othe. Ate se ne he ence {inn Sara, whos mover else in she ft muna prodet ‘te Communit Pry n 1987, lb the get owe! eure se polis. ‘What sti in their tment isthe way in wich he xii suet is red, wich hen iis is oe ime bee the weigh was placed on olga, wher crimination alee tse lle es” naw eiminalzton og fom being ltd common dling, eines ascites ith egal crne. Til tember dient cache noose somstines etd as they a ie ‘vost poof einml In Ovo 201 he Fede Plce ace or Ider ofthe diet Seton 2 nin othe Coondnadara Naa de Traore del Faewin (Neal Coodnating Comite of Ee foal Worker) CNT in Oras nd nerfed thon oto copter beaker fo maximum-scurty pon. Phtos ten of the monet ae realy snr to thon taken of plc nis xorg leteso op are via elope with he Prsiairia Gamera del Rec Foe Srl Amey Gener, POR ening thom a nao ea 1 aa Sts In tht sense, hog he ss ros actos an asin ere ftveen echo in hose ses wi onan a sient indgenow popsltons Goer, Omac and Chaps and. cas tht tree ational eur dries prin. ‘Whe the eorelaon been the bps eines detailed stone genes an inl raclzton of fhe eile acer, th besones exp act when te stltin of aches th ein inst espns bythe pe demanding the sate le repesne ets tres 1 contin profes Soch pb ees ae parila eit ob Sosa ork Ini arti “The Age of Humana is Eng” Ache Mie aes that the setvation new tcl bared expe Thoigh combination of fcr incoing te tle tat sil neers dla tie Bcome the ae insta ofche concn (bene 201, Aesoding to Msn itl soll network pb spe ox sie uve thems rdeeted he right ence sells o Sevan authors cen ommon seme eth ht meat smo longer neces in sa pce. Av a oul oil networks Boxee a ne. diam hat ea then fa uma ht spires o see eee fd and spp in th ngs he er. Tang Men's aun eh place of epi, we analyte message ta ltd on soll aia 'n201 ering the actos he echr union in ton of te 3013 clsctona erm20 Moran Mion. ome Garcia tee In August 2013, Cris Bravo Regido, a reearcher from the Cano de Investigacn y Doconca Feoninicas (Center for Research and Teaching in Feonomis), CIDE, collected an analyzed the eieaation ofthese messages fon nil networks, specifically those aginst the CNTE in general and the ‘CETEG in particular, The (vous compared rebellious educational labor tion wth being “Indians” which in tm fled contempt Fr thei ves to Sch degree thet some ofthe tweets admited a desire to have these groups xtxminated, slong with thet fails. The commenters view the “Indians” fiom the CETEG as a plague on society, a view thats justified via cultural characteris inscribed onto thei skin, Tn October of 2016, the exhibition Bucara ef Racismo (Face Racism) in ‘the Masco le fa Cina de Mésico (Mexico City Musca), tok sigaiicant hmber of these tweets and placed them in dialogue wih similar messages published on other social networks." We include bere a snapshot of the {ppes of comments 2 sto Jemonstrat their explicitly acs content + Unruly Indians sot asthe teachers fom the CETEG shoul be subdued, repressed for wht heya: savages, mits and bandits” + “Get out of ur ety you damned Ladino Indians [i.e Spanish-speaking) wish they woul take yout Syria as human shies” + "Fucking trash fom the WCNTE believe tha with ther supposed move- tment they are pong to gt attention, would be beter fr then ogo ack to plant cor, fuking nian.” Tian ofthe HONE, go back to bock your own villages. “#HiaersProdutvity 1 sTopeallythy'l bathe them in gasoline and someone will throw a match onthose damned second-ate Indian from the #CNTE™ «+ 5Tetaive late tomy els tomorrow because of his damn gang of stupid Indians fom the CNTE, {wil kil thei children and rape thei bigessed swives (no, bate kl her 00) + “What an enibitrassment these student teachers and professors fom CONTE are they can speak, but with much dificuly «wonder, what ‘an abun of Indians teach [As pat of the muscographic design of the exhibition, the curator César Carilotok the messages, prised tom, and enlarged the eters, He cone ‘verted a series of ndvgual messages into a type of collage that allows the Spear to see how the sum of apparel isolated verbal ats renders vise ible more generalized racist pater in oe." "At the same tine, lef-algned tellecias such as Roger Bara also activate an explicitly sia anit by ering te teachers from the CNTE for having backward ultra values that impede the progress of the nation, Tanguage that echoes ilelogis of mesiaje hat eategorize indigenous pop acs Crinnatcaion, At Rat Pade, and TachrDisience 281 lations as inferior. Federico Nava, researcher fom the Universidad Nacional Autinoma de México (National Autonomous University of Mexico [UNAMD, in his vital column Horzontal, where be publishes the “rit “Mexican alphabe" cites te following comments by Baca in his ent for Mercn a ing by his entry f ‘The CUTE tong te od reli aoa ae hat lowly seepage oo wae at fe Sopp rte pla ano We ae inesing pe of ‘hwnd oon ands of por ech, who ame fam» wes ha ting nl Becoming ett, The ENTE pats ele weigh fot ‘M wor tar scnming. A wor on a fo Guypaing anger ‘5a tharos th dospratin of nee il sx led hee ten. Tey a han bigs tha erstellen whem ed olseovsidec be wrt icrlng oun ben (rae 36) Bara’ commens ee the les ofthe ely of mest by com ing he CNTE to igen popes whose “backer cll cts x far From th preter ln” a ve thee dete ‘isgpear heat 4 wold “at ong” Ate sae tne prsenes ofthe ie sion, an indigo peoples” nsec once ting o exit inthe preset, bcos “danger forte re of soci), since te main emotion that eves tr acon “resentment” The a tent fens the reader tence thet they shld be contained ane Pressed the saeimorferto ates icy While’ in the scion. we atalyzd. the nial effets of ste (asinvesonent nwa lows, we dese how the ald estat ing ofthe Mesian stat, slang wi iv expt and pict cms txparsned on 4 abt level aimed to the ved ep coors eters who pcpidinth Ka Sit worn LIVED EXPERIENCES OF RACISM AS A DEHUMANIZING FORCE IN LA MONTANA Ta Novant of 2016, Sahay Cha an Ott Ne Se ches at parla Kan Slee Caton pope ese Ue cising ee of sion Bere faces a he hd Cha step afer oh nse fo oe truntns te cu Cor Carole at of aos Sih fl we or ving unig nrc wee mid subi ooupgnyoTet c San e psicon of te een ite ies pope Coty se ek Sn Anta anoptpa ft weedia exo atthe tein of te wench entry and who tenga o wae ae ec ofthe ge a6 of te MRE ete pent comer hmg a sate f ea poppe of se are sed neal pop Mexican ger Dua te wg Carlo expind nate oesine oie neta Sins whe ote rng, pbli css Fees th iter S205 Yon nt ens Consign he se Ba the con of tert sca cost oa nl denoting es aes tAlbres ace een apelin Intel” ped wea tera Ath cari et ht ‘Son uli i tation tera song tors one Ge ‘tinge ning om on noma in oe ac RES tse ot aw Seite etsy nae can seein sac ey spon he expe eye SECS ore ks st rhs yr Seo, a ee of sus vers ted ha he ha treo tha the cee My tn ele noe Desa ee dort ex bat Sor te i ha, We et ese In a omer, ‘Sc ver a he mean ys ent he ane which Be spon tea be wet here aes eae note same Bcase we do tellnein codon af That's why he et aa Regis sd er the nas wc te hn an that ose in oerme fetient ux na hy ee he Fe The diferent ways in which each of those present conceived racism—be it With the intention of dsmanting the commorsease ntion that biological {ferences hat produce aces doin fet exis; ecognizng tht tis declare tion doesnot necessarily make racism visible; or emphasizing racim's ef feet telects the cena challenge of rendering visible how racism histor ely tuctures Mexican society In this section, we respond to this ehllenge by focusing on how the Kalua Sisik teachers deserve and interpret how they lve the eects of racism especialy in contexts of exreme Violence. Eventhough they reflect the historical continuity of sate violence against Nahuas, Na Savi, and "Me’phan communities, ats sucha the disappearance of the forty-three st flercleathers fom Ayotzinapa andthe assassination of Antonio Vives ite tensity the racial implications of violence, expressed in the ways the Kaha Sisik tsochers described how such acts made them feel as if they were “waste deserfion:” a if they “were ot human.” “worthless.” In ode 0 ‘ap out these racial effets, we dre from te theoretical eonttutions of ‘asst Cimon, At Rc Pda, nd Teche Disdence 283 scholars such as Christen Smith shat ace the raialized implication ofa of extreme violence and thee afiemnath, in her case in the context of extrajuc- cial executions commited by the police in Black communities in Brazil (Saith 2016). Smith argues thatthe impacts ofa killings not reducible to the act isl, but rather leaves profound consequences, or sequelae, inthe lives ofthe families ofthe vet and tee communities. consequences that sccumulte overtime and fe with historical raialized conditions of soc ‘economic marginality, Te genocidal racism against lack populations is rendered evident though the accumulated subjective effects that push entre lio-Brazifn communities toward conditions of premature socal and iar logical death, hs sense, stuctral elements are registred on the bod inthe form of diseases, sadness, or depression -infelings of inferiority, in the Ways thatthe Mie teacher inthe museum tour deseribed how racism is fie Rendering racism visible trough a mapping ofthese subjective effets poses a challenge to the oflenimes contadistry ways that indigenous end afo-Mexican pital actors interpret thir social reality, Sach ite casein ‘he Moatata of Guero, where dissident activities in diverse publ spaces sch a8 mares, mass mobilizations, and foruns, tend to center on socialist Aiscourses that emphasize clas tus. ei dieu o break through this ‘more traditional Marxist-Leninist barter so as to listen to the ways thal members of these organizations deserbe the role that rein payin thet lived experiences. Even though his tendency to privilege class ieologes in public spaces is parieully evident in Guereo, ts nat unique to the state In fact review ofthe documents produce by Ky indigenous organizations uring he lst two dead, suchas those ofthe EZLN and of the Congreso ‘Nacional Indgena (National Indigenous Congress), CN, demonstrate that "rely asthe er racism been used to describe conditions of oppesson and exploitation to which they have Been subjected In fst, it ws not unt the ‘Teel insurgent, sub-commander Moises, took the military command ofthe rebel army in 2014; and Marichuy, a Naha woman fom the National Ini ‘enous Congres, accepted being the spokeswoman ofthe organization's Cor cao Inigena de Gobir (nigenetis Governing Cou C1G, as pat oF ‘nitive to register her as an isependent candidate for the 2018 pris ential lectins, hat the tenn racism Becomes par oftheir public diseourse In fac, one ofthe fst occasions tht the FZLN used the tem racism was in "November of 2015, when sub-cornmander Moises refered tothe racist re sponses fom Mexican imellctuals to the proposal to have an indigenous Sources, With hse i ind, we read togeter to ist paragraphs ofthe ‘ext here Fanon deseribes soca stage Toward nw haar . Undetaning anone ren» Our oe fronen Marin] teen son Race pee To undestand Iolove Whatdsrs mn nat What dbs kaa wan? Ae ipeota man Theo eo of song eases Serle and ad Fenn oer ake ecliy whe aude pet ca born Imes the Bick an che casper ‘Sst ae (anon 167 ‘We thought tha the discussion amonast the teachers was going to center on the concept of as on the notion ofthe black man, or on paral rections fon the indigenous man (and yes, the discussion centered mainly on men). However, he collective interest ture to a different starting point than what ‘ve had imagined, rather than on consrtions of inferiority based on skin ‘ol, tate concep ofthe "zane of ronbeing” ‘Paricipants quickly began discussing how such 2 “zone of nonbing™ inbited by indigenous communities and “moreno (a word that in Gucre ro fused fo rele fo afo-Mexican communities), a space constiued by the ion Ant Rac Pedopois,dTacerDitsiense 235 impact of racism on the socal ie ofthese populations. In his sense one of ‘he teachers eet Weve teri tat rr fori Tht wt ca a exphtton 40 To ser anasto ans Welter toating because the na tf nny td we ee jc ain ism wrk, he ony bs ac feed yg tethers whe oe "eet eh Ai na ah eh nd ae ee The indigenous professors were scion io analyzing te sil ely from a Marist pspetve ofa est fom a is tased poston. BY preaching he sujet of ris the “zone of el ihafoxts on nt ais desert 9 scion af wht he prepa teachers ese ther stu as analy towat elections ov how is eae with the fet of acim, They descr how in tr communis adn thos of hie sade ‘ving wth ignition exiting dally siuggle guest endions af pov ny tht pnih the fr bing igen. Tey referent the profound toxin ta th member of et eormucisfeton daly bai secare the basi material eed for survival. ler teacher ln deseibed th a bigueus sesponses of fain when they ar inthe presence of ple fine se orp party ofl mat aos telat be tween selection nation oii rer pion Of power inept op ay 9 fee dp ow afin ido pli exchanges and fr As te day prosese, {he teaches so deste a profound sadness and figs of wordless fctings ha hey ssid with he dps of he pope knot ses an terre, etn in he npoversimen ofthe ios They fnpaszed that tse diverse expeais of rural oppression Make the il ess human in lato to mss or whi peopl. fo imorera, te eaionships they exresed nee more empen, Although Imany placed ao-Mexican communis in the sane zone of dchumanie en sy hae iin cain wi a Spoke ofthe varios ferns of tension btwean the two gre (lack end indigenous), wil athe sane ne ecogeiing tha the ao Mee op lon nh couriry haben age pt iene and agate by he es osc. The ches also steed thei telletons toad he intmaliton of ris, focusing aly on ow rai leaves dspyenenched imps ‘cross generations. Thi spect wa elvan totam th was conan theme not ony ought te workshop, Bt in sbsement Kahn Skactivities. On diferent occasions the teachers epee referred to how the tffeis of ais “insert themselves i he heads and ears of our people” to Such « depse that they act as if "they deserve tobe inhabiting the zone of ‘one, tha they should do everything possible w not be treated Tike they live in that zone, anciding denying thee own Ment. In tis vein, Salvador explained tha: ‘Te indo ects alla ac he Pit ha hy ae ini Shem an begin eo Ta teal rac wha mas he {ther Mane ese rt bes Rt Wor, he each Blame ‘Sets fosh ih ole homies instead of iecting 0 se ‘fara be has of tions thw ot vay se acs, fel oF elec. anderdice nin, is won hight the fot sat ss isp a par becuse Mae dopa ono seg a tes oot the aren of the chien ethical aera mo that ad is nstons At tse te rca oedema ns thar eject edo of mange cae cones inate the tena ally Je that chanced hgh cla whe ia Ths caents ae expe by Poker Claas comment hanks tothe ech aay ane can ya sar arose te hy hk hat ey seria ty ble tne tbe sprint thers he onan: ey thik thy rents gen” Sl ements fe ‘tte up fefetion dui workshops on the resco evar meuaje and hi promise of ia ison rough cll whi {hing een sens ous an vt th and the ection Sn ctectve taco peopl inn he KetnSs profes. The secon hy ofthe Nove 2014 wrk Bogan whe news hat tx mars rvs hal oon cscovered ear the fon of Pudo Veh ‘lta ity whee te stadt chor fom Ayn si dot September 36 ofthat ear The pov gt te main Mean Tevion ha, Tvs pred he nom. Dstt Prorat Ge nD ute Rop fing the sit mpedie ace bythe es ad the tins" fin reporter agin Léger Dtgn anounced th Hl ‘ld tat teats fur wort of norman Re ao sated a arc th tc remais war un, sit ietsaon a ily, Te faowing moming, Witte to ay mor fain, ro hats tom apart hy sadness ane feting fsbo pte, we st the Sto uta the workshop, Some oh chs ved eas ot sa Insal roups speaking et lve sh hey teach in the most eed ‘goat ate sme an of te profess preset taht cles fn We ‘vet Crinaaion At Rac Pedagogy, ond Teach Disldoe 287 ‘communities where the normalista wer from orgy and they wee thus personaly alected ty the news. ‘We began the day’ reflecting on why they though these normals were iets of a forced disappearance. We related the question tothe previous {ays discussion on the “zone of nonbeing” Ie was event that the ats in Tauala represented an infection point that modified the composition of tit one that they saw themselves inhabiting. Although it wae not theft ime ‘that barbaric acs against teachers and sudenis inthe region had occured, there had never sn a massive act of disappearance, an! less 30 with the utortes being clesly responsible. At the same time more than seving it as an exception, they pled the ack agains the siden as prt of more tener tacks against indigenous people and pessins because: “the Way ‘hey criminalize us i o eliminate Us a indigenous, as lower-class people, and... hscause we ae an obstacle fr them, for thei profits The eleniers saw the wealth in ou regions so hat continues, They want to deprive ti, nd they want us to Blame ourselves. They se us as monsters thi Kill ech “other.” During the conversitin, i was evident thatthe teachers comected ‘hese mos reent ais of violence to processes of longue dire fo the dspos- session oftheir ves, knowledges, and wrtories as par of continuing eo. ceses of colonization, an that in tur ace usted in dominant publi opin fon besause native peoples are represented as populations far removed fom