Updated December 1, 2020
Defense Primer: Hypersonic Boost-Glide Weapons
The U.S. Department of Defense is pursuing two types of
hypersonic weapons technologies: boost-glide systems that
place a maneuverable glide vehicle atop a ballistic missile
or rocket booster, and cruise missiles that would use high-
speed, air-breathing engines known as scramjets to travel to
hypersonic speeds. This In Focus addresses only the first of
these technologies.
The Pentagon’s FY2021 budget request for hypersonic-
related research is $3.2 billion—up from $2.6 billion in the
FY2020 request—including $206.8 million for hypersonic
defense programs. This increased funding and statements
from Pentagon officials demonstrate growing support for
weapons that could attack priority targets promptly and
with improved accuracy without facing defeat by an
adversary’s air or missile defense systems. Pentagon
officials have also expressed concerns about advances in
hypersonic weapons technologies in Russia and China, and
on the potential threats to U.S. forces, allies, and territory.
Characteristics of Hypersonic
Glide Vehicles
Hypersonic glide vehicles (HGVs), like all weapons
delivered by medium- and longer-range rocket boosters, can
travel at speeds of at least Mach 5, or about 1 mile per
second. The key difference between missiles armed with
HGVs and missiles armed with ballistic reentry vehicles
(i.e., those that travel on a ballistic trajectory throughout
their flight) is not their speed, but their ability to maneuver
and change course after they are released from their rocket
boosters. In addition, although it is not necessary, many
concepts for the delivery of HGVs presume that the
boosters will launch along a flatter, or depressed, trajectory
than standard ballistic missiles, and will release their gliders
at a lower altitude of flight (see Figure 1).
Figure 1. Flight Trajectory of Ballistic Missiles vs.
Hypersonic Boost-Glide Weapons
Source: CRS image based on an image in “Gliding missiles that fly
faster than Mach 5 are coming,” The Economist, April 6, 2019.
Taken together, the HGVs’ novel trajectory and
maneuverability in flight would complicate a U.S. effort to
https://crsreports.congress.gov
detect, track, and defend against an attack. The United
States would likely detect the booster’s launch, as it would
for the launch of any ballistic missile, but it would not be
able to predict the HGV’s flight path. In addition, although
an HGV launched by a rocket booster would reach its target
far more quickly than a warhead delivered by an aircraft or
subsonic cruise missile (in minutes instead of hours), it
would not travel faster than a ballistic reentry vehicle.
However, it would be more difficult to predict the intended
target and to direct missile defense interceptors toward the
attacking HGV.
Hypersonic Boost-Glide Programs
United States
When the United States began to assess the military utility
of hypersonic boost-glide weapons in the early 2000s, it
sought to develop longer-range systems that could reach
deep into an adversary’s territory to attack defended,
hardened, and time-urgent targets. (For an overview of the
history of U.S. programs, see CRS Report R41464,
Conventional Prompt Global Strike and Long-Range
Ballistic Missiles: Background and Issues, by Amy F.
Woolf.) More recently, the Pentagon has increased funding
and accelerated development programs for shorter and
intermediate-range boost-glide systems that could conduct
prompt attacks against heavily defended targets in regional
conflicts. The Department of Defense (DOD) is developing
hypersonic weapons under the Navy’s Conventional Prompt
Strike program, as well as through several Air Force, Army,
and DARPA programs. (Details on these programs can be
found in CRS Report R45811, Hypersonic Weapons:
Background and Issues for Congress, by Kelley M. Sayler.)
Unlike Russia and China, the United States is not
developing HGVs for use with nuclear warheads. As a
result, U.S. gliders may require greater accuracy and will be
more technically challenging to develop than nuclear-armed
Chinese and Russian systems.
Russia
Russia’s HGV, known as Avangard, is equipped with a
nuclear warhead and deployed on SS-19 long-range land-
based ballistic missiles. While SS-19 missiles can carry six
nuclear warheads on a ballistic trajectory, reports indicate
that they will deploy with only one Avangard HGV.
Avangard reportedly features onboard countermeasures and
will be able to maneuver in flight so that it can evade U.S.
ballistic missile defenses. Russia conducted successful tests
of Avangard 2016 and 2018. On December 27, 2019, the
Russian military announced that it had activated two SS-19
missiles equipped with Avangard.

Russia views the Avangard system as a part of its nuclear
retaliatory capability, ensuring that Russian missiles could
penetrate U.S. ballistic missile defenses. According to the
Pentagon’s 2019 Missile Defense Review, the United States
relies on nuclear deterrence, not ballistic missile defenses,
to counter Russia’s long-range missile forces. Nevertheless,
in March 2018, President Putin stated that Russia had
pursued HGV technologies in response to the U.S. 2002
withdrawal from the 1972 Anti-ballistic Missile Treaty.
Some U.S. analysts, however, have noted that Russia could
use the Avangard as part of a first strike, even in the
absence of U.S. ballistic missile defenses, to attack critical
targets quickly. Others have assessed that Russia is likely to
deploy Avangard in small numbers, so it will add little to
Russia’s existing nuclear force structure.
China
China has developed an HGV known as the DF-ZF
(previously referred to as the WU-14) and has tested it at
least nine times since 2014. U.S. defense officials have
stated that the HGV may be capable of performing
“extreme maneuvers” during flight, which would allow it to
evade U.S. ballistic missile defenses. Unclassified reports
indicate this glider would likely be equipped with
conventional warheads, and when mated with the DF-17
booster, could travel to ranges of 1,800-2,500 kilometers.
China is also developing the DF-41 long-range
intercontinental ballistic missile, which, according to a
2014 report by a U.S. Congressional Commission, could
carry a nuclear hypersonic glide vehicle. General Terrence
O’Shaughnessy, then commander of U.S. Northern
Command, seemed to confirm this assessment in February
2020, when he testified that “China is testing a [nuclear-
armed] intercontinental-range hypersonic glide vehicle …
which is designed to fly at high speeds and low altitudes,
complicating our ability to provide precise warning.”
Some contend that China has prioritized HGV development
to counter “specific security threats from increasingly
sophisticated U.S. military technology.” This includes both
U.S. hypersonic weapons that could threaten strikes against
China’s nuclear arsenal and supporting infrastructure, and
U.S. missile defense deployments that could then limit
China’s ability to conduct a retaliatory strike against the
United States. In this framework, nuclear-armed HGVs on
long-range missiles would ensure that China had the ability
to retaliate after a U.S. attack, even if the United States
were to expand its ballistic missile defense capabilities.
HGVs on medium-range missiles would aid China’s efforts
to threaten U.S. assets in the Indo-Pacific region,
particularly when faced with growing U.S. regional missile
defense capabilities.
Arms Race Dynamics?
Many analysts have characterized the ongoing U.S.,
Russian, and Chinese development of HGVs and boost-
glide weapons as an arms race because each nation seems to
be competing to be the first to deploy these systems. Some
argue that the United States is falling behind in this contest
because Russia and China have both displayed operational
systems. Others argue that the United States is leading, and
may be escalating the race because it has accelerated its
https://crsreports.congress.gov
Defense Primer: Hypersonic Boost-Glide Weapons
programs and expanded them to include short-, medium-,
and long-range systems.
When asked about this dynamic in February 2020, Admiral
Charles Richard, the commander of U.S. Strategic
Command, noted that there “is a competition, just like any
other military competition.” But he did not characterize it as
an arms race. He noted that the United States was
developing technologies needed to meet U.S. national
objectives, and he noted that he expected the United States
to be successful in meeting its security goals. Others have
noted that the same is true for Russia and China; each is
developing HGVs to meet their own security interests, not
to counter or match the U.S. development of HGVs.
Specifically, both seem to be responding to concerns about
U.S. ballistic missile defense programs.
Game-Changing Technology?
Some analysts have asserted that the speed, accuracy, and
maneuverability of hypersonic boost-glide weapons will
fundamentally change the character of warfare. Former
acting Secretary of the Navy Thomas Modly made this case
in January 2020 when he noted that these technologies
“have already changed the nature of the battlespace” and
that they “can destabilize the global security environment
and pose an existential threat to our nation.” Others
question this assessment. They note that boost-glide
systems can reach their targets more quickly than other
maneuverable systems, like aircraft and subsonic cruise
missiles. But adversaries armed with ballistic missiles have
long been able to attack U.S. forces, allies, and territory,
even without maneuvering warheads. Consequently, they
argue that there is nothing new about the threat from
nuclear-armed HGVs, when compared with other nuclear-
armed missiles, and nothing existential about a threat from
conventionally armed HGVs.
Crisis Instability?
Boost-glide systems could accelerate the pace of warfare
and create incentives to strike first in a crisis. If the United
States and potential adversaries develop these systems to
strike promptly against high-value targets protected by
missile defenses, each side may believe it has to strike first,
and strike fast, to achieve its objectives. This dynamic—
often referred to as crisis instability—could provoke the
start of a conflict even if neither party to the crisis initially
planned to strike first.
DOD is seeking to address the potential threats posed by
hypersonic boost-glide weapons with programs developing
defensive systems to track and engage them. Experts
disagree on the cost and technological feasibility of this
approach. Policymakers may also consider mechanisms to
ban or limit the deployment of these weapons to avoid the
crisis instabilities created by their short time of flight. On
the other hand, nations might be unwilling to agree to limit
these weapons without corresponding limits on missile and
air defenses.
Kelley M. Sayler, Analyst in Advanced Technology and
Global Security
Amy F. Woolf, Specialist in Nuclear Weapons Policy
 Defense Primer: Hypersonic Boost-Glide Weapons

IF11459

Disclaimer
This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan shared staff to
congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and under the direction of Congress.
Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other than public understanding of information that has
been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the
United States Government, are not subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be
reproduced and distributed in its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include
copyrighted images or material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you
wish to copy or otherwise use copyrighted material.

https://crsreports.congress.gov | IF11459 · VERSION 3 · UPDATED