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Ayse Kamber

GLOB242-B
12/09/2019
Gender Roles and Fa’afafines in Samoa
Samoa, located in Polynesia, is known with its gender roles and power dynamics at a

point where it can be called a matriarchal society, which can be hard to come across in today’s

world. Samoans, with their distinct gender roles, views on sexuality, societal ranking and values

share a unique culture. However, one of the most unique aspects of Samoa is the concept of third

genders, Fa’afafines, that has been embedded in Samoan culture for centuries. Globalization and

adaptation to western cultures had and have been changing gender roles, relationship dynamics

and traditional roles of third genders in Samoa. This paper will look in to the Fa’afafine in detail

as well as examining gender roles, power relationships, sexuality and social status in Samoa, as

well as looking into the effects of globalization on these concepts.

The gender roles in Samoa regarding men and women are quite complex, including rankings

in society. While men are ranked higher in terms of power in husband and wife relationships,

sisters are ranked higher compared to brothers. The role of sister, or father’s sister are important

status for women and according to Shore (1981) the status holds Feminine power. Shore (1981)

clearly states in his work that “(…) the power that a husband has over a wife is not the same

quality as that a sister has over her brother” (p. 200). The high status the girl holds in the family

is due to the role of sister being associated with family honor and dignity. The daughter

represents family and it is in her hands to protect and enhance the dignity of her family

especially by maintaining a virgin, which is why she is superior compared to sons. On the other

hand, when a woman becomes a wife, she does not maintain the same high status against her

husband. This is due to the woman, entering a new family and being perceived as “weak blood”
(Shore, p. 200) While remaining a virgin is not as important for men as it is for women, the most

important aspect in order to reach a high rank is their marital status, married men are seen in a

higher status compared to bachelor men (Shore, p. 205)

It can be observed that gender roles and rankings stated previously was altered after

Christianity, especially for the women in Samoa. After Christianity, the status of women in

Samoa as a whole was upraised and the role of women became much more important. Mageo

(1996) explains that in pre-Christian Samoa high status girls were dignified remaining virginal,

however missionaries believed that these standards should apply for all the girls in Samoa, which

led to accepting the idea that all girls were high status and to be respected (p. 595) Excepting

every girl as high status and the elevation of their status, caused a decline in the status of the men

after Christianity, also eliminating the distinct power differences related to gender ideologies.

Gender roles in Samoa is embedded in the daily life and traditions including dance styles,

clothing, and language. In terms of clothing, men and women can wear the same color garments,

however the way they dress is different from one another. The wrap-around lavalava must be tied

carefully for men, leaving a large and longer end at the front, while women must not leave a

large end but tuck the ends of the lavalava inside the waist (Shore,1981, p. 206). Gender is also

embedded in sociolinguistics, where different types of language format is associated with male

or female. Shore states that formal language which is considered the “good speaking” is

associated with females, while the bad talking, which is the intimate and informal language is

associated with males (p. 206). It is important to state that in Samoa, the informal language

which is associated with males is used in day to day interactions and preferred language. Shore

(1981) analyzes in his work, two types of chiefs which are the ali’i (high chief) and tulafale, his

orator. He states that ali’i is a female status in terms of passive power, dance style, dressing and
general manners, while the tulafale is a male status in terms utilitarian power, intimate language

and different dance styles (p. 207).

Since the ancient traditions to this day, the most important value for both genders in Samoa is

virginity. For girls and women, it is important to avoid premarital sex and sexual reproductivity

is also crucial. It is also important for the woman to give birth to a male and raise him to be a

high ranked male in the society. There is a double standard for men however, due to them being

granted more sexual freedom including encouraging premarital sex (Shore, 1981, p. 201). Shore

also states that as sisters, the sexuality of the Samoan women is controlled by her father and

brothers which symbolizes the peak of culture (p. 199). Such emphasis on virginity in Samoan

culture is quite interesting, since according to Mageo (1992), “In Samoan, any things is,

potentially, a sexual thing” (p. 445), including day to day conversations, slang and humor.

A very significant aspect of the Samoan culture as a whole and in terms of gender roles is the

third genders of the Samoan society. The unique third genders of Samoa are called Fa’afafine.

Schmidt (2003) defines the Fa’afafine as individuals who demonstrates feminine gender

identities and are biologically male (p.417). According to VanderLaan (2015), from a Western

culture point of view, the Fa’afafine would be identified as transgender, however the Fa’afafine

would not describe themselves as transgender. In Samoan society, third genders are recognized,

and Fa’afafines are not necessarily associated with homosexuality since it varies in sexual

preference for each individual. The word Fa’afafine translates to “like a woman” and does not

indicate that the person is a female, rather that the person has similar physical characteristics of a

woman (Shore, 1981, p.209).

Samoan Fa’afafines differ in characteristic, the lifestyle they pursue and do not follow a

criterion to fit in the gender identity they had adopted. Multiple research talks about and defines
the Fa’afafine as transvestite, however many Fa’afafine does not prefer dressing in woman’s

clothing. As stated previously, engaging in sexual activity with other men is a preference for

Fa’afafines, Schmidt (2003) states that it is common for Fa’fafines to marry women, have

children and abandon their feminine identities becoming an absolute male, or marry women and

still keep their Fa’afafine identity (p. 419). These individuals express their identity in different

ways, and their sexual preferences, preference of appearance and clothing can differ for each

individual.

There are different arguments about the Fa’afafine in the Samoan culture and how it is

perceived. Shore (1981) states that “the fa’afafine represents for males a negative role model”

and “Transvestites serve to demonstrate what Male gender attributes should be by a presentation

of failure, a powerful lesson by distortion or contrast” (p.209). This statement is not accepted by

many, since not al Fa’afafines are “transvestites”, and most importantly because Fa’afafines are

deeply embedded in the Samoan culture and its understanding of sexuality and gender roles.

Fa’afafine is not a new or a contemporary concept, in fact it is a very common occurrence in

families and in society. Even though there are a few discriminating behaviors towards the

Fa’afafine, they are welcomed in the Samoan society. It is common to hear family members

remark on how lucky they are to have a Fa’afafine in the family, as well as the church ministers

emphasizing the value of the Fa’afafines as members of their church (VanderLaan, 2015).

The origins of the Fa’afafine traces back to how gender is constructed in Samoan families.

Fa’afafine identity can be adopted in any age today, however, traditionally it happens at a young

age. Magoe (1992), who had done a research in Samoa states “When there are few girls in a

family, a Samoan boy may be brought up as a girl” (p.450). It is also common for a mother who

have all boys wanting a girl, and the newborn baby is referred to as a girl regardless of the baby’s
biological sex (Mageo, p.540). It can be observed that even though being a Fa’afafine is a choice

for the most part, there are instances where it is the individual’s assigned gender role by their

family, starting from early childhood.

The distinction between genders in the Samoan culture is embedded in the daily tasks and

labor of men and women. Schmidt (2003) states that Fa’afafines are identified at an early age by

means of their interest in feminine labor, and families do not associate this preference in

feminine tasks with homosexuality (p. 419). The interest in tasks is an important indicator of the

third genders in Samoa where the daily tasks are divided into half as masculine and feminine.

Besnier (1993) defines these masculine tasks as heavy work which includes fishing, gardening

and harvesting, and identifies the light tasks such as gathering wood, cleaning and cooking as

female tasks (p. 296). Fa’fafines shows interest in feminine work, as well as excelling in them,

and according to Besnier (1993), they are amazing domestic help, very neat with their work and

almost more womanly then women (p. 297). It can be seen that day to day activities and

distribution of tasks are an important part of assigned gender roles in the society, where the

Fa’afafine falls into female category accordingly.

Fa’afafines are recognized in the Samoan culture and society and in terms of gender roles it

is not possible to specify which gender role Fa’afafine’s role in the society falls into, rather it

should be only looked at as a third gender, not trying to categorize them as female, male or

transsexual. Fa’aafines are unique and each individual adopt femininity in a different way and as

stated previously, they should not be associated with homosexuality. This is not due to the fact

that homosexuality is frowned upon in Samoa, rather because it is a preference and can not be

used to generalize every Fa’afafine. In fact, Mageo (1996) stated in her research clearly

“Samoans also conceive of gender identity as role-based; therefore, personal sexual practices like
homosexuality do not necessarily qualify gender identity” (p. 591). Homosexuality is not

frowned upon in Samoa, so any individual is free to express their homosexual sexuality,

including Fa’afafine. The Fa’afafine are not questioned for their sexual preferences nor

discriminated due to it.

There is not a significant gender stratification in Samoan culture. Men and women can

both receive high status in the society and there is not a significant unequal distribution of power

or resources or right in terms of gender. There are traces of male dominance in the society in

terms of elevating in status and power, however, it cannot be identified as a patriarchal society

since there powerful authoritarian women figures in Samoa and it is completely natural for a

women to be in charge and be in power. In fact, there has been women chiefs in Samoan history

who have been authoritative figures in power for years. In terms of gender ideology, there is not

a category for men and women instead of appropriate dresses. The value of remaining a virgin

deeply embedded in the culture applies for both men and women however men are granted more

freedom. On the other hand, it is not known whether women remain a virgin because they have

to or because they embrace the value of it and want to remain a virgin. In terms labor and tasks,

there are feminine and masculine tasks, however at times women do take over the masculine

tasks and are capable of doing so. It should also be remembered that the Fa’afafine prefer to

excel in women’s tasks however, they can at times do masculine labor if preferred.

Social rank and power in Samoa are not primarily based on gender. The complex relationship

of social rank in society and family relationships differs in terms of relationship dynamics. There

are situations where women are more superior and hold power and there are situations where this

dynamic is reversed. However, in terms of gaining respect, power or status, there is not a certain

limitation or barrier for both genders. Schoeffel and Daws (1987) states “in many societies
gender is a secondary principle in ascribing social rank, as was the case in ancient Polynesia, and

in particular Samoa and Tonga” (p.174). The social rank of the Fa’afafine is not known as well

as the power they hold in different relationships dynamics or in the society. However, it is known

that the Fa’afafine are accepted in the society and are accepted by family members.

Globalization is erasing the distinct lines between gender roles day by day. Today men and

women can excel in feminine or masculine tasks according to their preference without any

limitations and can be more open about their sexuality. Schmidt (2003), states that today,

“While blending into Samoan society, without drawing attention to themselves, and offering the

service to family and community that is expected from al Samoans, these Fa’afafine go relatively

unremarked”. (p. 428) Fa’afafines still maintain their traditional roles in society however, they

are also changing with the modernizing world, becoming more open about their sexuality and

expressing their sexual identity. With western culture being introduced and resulting in

globalization, gender is being reconstructed, including the portrayal of Fa’afafine and how they

are accepted in society today. Schmidt (2003) states the Fa’afafine; between rupture and

continuity walk a fine line, by adopting aspects of western culture through globalization and still

maintaining true, traditional Samoan aspects (p. 429).

Samoa is a society where men and women have equal access to power, resources and

opportunities. It can be considered a matriarchal society rather than patriarchal, which is hard to

come by today. There are specific gender roles that traces back to tradition and origins however,

they are constantly changing and gender is constantly being reconstructed with globalization.

Third genders are also accepted in Samoa, however, Fa’afafines who were once a traditional

third gender figure in Samoan culture is now becoming more of a sexual symbol and is losing its

cultural meaning due to adaptation to western culture.


Globalization is changing the dynamic of cultures, replacing tradition with westernization

or homogenization. It is also changing the dynamics of race, power, ethnicity, mental maps of

reality, values and gender roles. The change of gender roles in Samoa, which has been the same

for years are changing now with globalization and the traditionally accepted Fa’afafine is being

associated with transsexualism which is an acknowledged concept in western cultures. The

effects of globalization can be seen all over the world in each country and culture, but its effect

on gender roles, sexuality and how gender is constructed can specifically be seen in Samoa.
Annotated Bibliography;

Besnier, Niko (1993) ‘Polynesian Gender Liminality’, in Gilbert Herdt (ed.) Third Sex, Third

Gender, pp. 285–328. New York: Zone.

 This article by Besnier talks about the Fa’afafines and provides insight on the third

genders in Polynesia, as well as talking about the concept of gender liminality.

Mageo, J. (1992). Male Transvestism and Cultural Change in Samoa. American

Ethnologist, 19(3), 443-459.

 This article provides information on third genders in Samoa as well as talking about

sexuality and gender in the Samoan culture.

Mageo, J. (1996). Samoa, on the Wilde Side: Male Transvestism, Oscar Wilde, and Liminality in

Making Gender. Ethos, 24(4), 588-627.

 This source compares on contrasts the geder roles in pre-Christian Samoa, and gender

roles after Christianity.

Schmidt, J. (2003). Paradise Lost? Social Change and Fa’afafine in Samoa. Current

Sociology, 51(3–4), 417–432.

 This journal article talks about how gender is constructed in the Samoan culture and the

local life of a Fa’afafine. It also discusses how globalization transforms the lives of the

Fa’afafines.

Schoeffel, P., & Daws, G. (1987). Rank, Gender and Politics in Ancient Samoa: The Genealogy

of Salamāsina O Le Tafaifā. The Journal of Pacific History, 22(4), 174-194.


 This research provides information on ranks and how genders gain high status in Ancient

Samoa

Shore, B. (1981). Sexuality and gender in Samoa: Conceptions and missed conceptions. Sexual

meanings: The cultural construction of gender and sexuality, 192-215.

 This article provides insight on gender roles in Samoa and gives information on sexuality

and how it is perceived in the Samoan culture

VanderLaan, D. P., Petterson, L. J., Mallard, R. W., & Vasey, P. L. (2015). (Trans)Gender Role

Expectations and Child Care in Samoa. Journal of Sex Research, 52(6), 710.

 This article talks about the Fa;afafine and the feminine tasks they adopt.

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