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Philosophy, being the study of the fundamental nature of knowledge, reality, and
existence, has developed through the days. Its earliest history can be traced from Pythagoras,
who was believed to be the first person to coin the word “Philosophy”. With each point in time,
from Pre-Socratic Period up to Contemporary Period, many philosophers rose up to their fields
of expertise with their many theories and beliefs. This paper will focus on three of the famous
philosophers from the Modern Period, namely, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant and
MODERN PHILOSOPHY
The question of when the Modern Period started and ended is often disputed among
historians. Modern Philosophy is marked by the development of science and art in which the
Catholic church is beginning to lose power in a Europe that is developing intellectually and
emotionally. As a result, the same intellectual spirit that saw the ancient Greeks questioning
mythology and asking deep questions returned. Modern philosophy, thus, consists of a mix of
new approaches to philosophy fueled by science, rejections of religious teachings and, on the
other hand, defenses of religion based on the new evidence. The modern philosophical era also
saw the revival of epistemology as one of its central features, as new forms of science brought
forth the question of whether or not empirical data is a suitable source of knowledge.
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
Political Philosophy is the fundamental study of the questions about the state, politics,
justice, liberty and laws. It is an ethical code, applied to a group of people, the set-up of a society
and how one should act within a society. Political Philosophy asks questions like: “What is a
government?”, “Why are they needed?”, “What are the obligations of the government?”, “What
duties do citizens owe a legitimate government?” and many more. Among the Political
influence on the progress of the Enlightenment throughout Europe, as well as the French
Revolution. His notable works are “The Social Contract” and the “Discourse on Inequality”.
Rousseau described the Social Contract as an understanding between all individuals. This
study was in line with the philosophy of John Locke. However, he believed the contract should
exist as an agreement between a ruler and the people. On the other hand, Rousseau argued that
the contract should exist only between the people themselves. He argued that when all
individuals, within one state, give up their natural liberty, their combined individual wills will
form a General Will. The General Will will then act as the true absolute power, allowing the
people of the state to openly participate in state affairs. Rousseau then concluded that the former
government became secondary, as people in leadership roles were only considered delegates of
the general population. As a result, the General Will would successfully ensure all individuals
had a sense of membership within their state and participated openly within the state’s
interactions.
Rousseau - Kant - Hegel
written. Rousseau describes the ravages of modernity on human nature and civilization
inequality are nested according to the Genevan thinker. In terms of methodology, Rousseau
traces the journey of humanity from its origin (but outside any religious context), the paints in
his state of nature to better understand how humanity, decadent according to him, got there.
Rousseau distinguishes two types of inequality: natural (or physical) and moral. The natural
inequality stems from differences in age, health, or other physical characteristics. The moral
inequality is established by a convention of men. Rousseau will therefore explore the origin of
this convention. To achieve this, Rousseau uses a thought experiment, the state of nature, which
Rousseau concluded that man is naturally good, but he has been corrupted and perverted
by society. Society may be the “original sin”, but it is in the society that man may find
redemption. He cannot go back to his primitive state, thus he must define himself. Together with
his fellowmen - who all have potentialities for good and bad - they form the moi commun of the
“collective self whose will creates right and justice that supersedes the individual conscience in
ROQUE, JR., JOEL RUIZ BUTUYAN, ROGER R. RAYEL, GARY S. MALLARI, ROMEL
vs.
FACTS: These seven (7) consolidated petitions for certiorari and prohibition allege that in
issuing Presidential Proclamation No. 1017 (PP 1017) and General Order No. 5 (G.O. No. 5),
that respondent officials of the Government, in their professed efforts to defend and preserve
democratic institutions, are actually trampling upon the very freedom guaranteed and protected
by the Constitution. Hence, such issuances are void for being unconstitutional.
ISSUE: Constitutionality of PP 1017 and G.O. No. 5 Doctrines of Several Political Theorists on
RULING: Jean-Jacques Rousseau also assumed the need for temporary suspension of
The inflexibility of the laws, which prevents them from adopting themselves to
circumstances, may, in certain cases, render them disastrous and make them bring about,
at a time of crisis, the ruin of the State... It is wrong therefore to wish to make political
allowed its law to lapse... If the peril is of such a kind that the paraphernalia of the laws
are an obstacle to their preservation, the method is to nominate a supreme lawyer, who
shall silence all the laws and suspend for a moment the sovereign authority. In such a
case, there is no doubt about the general will, and it clear that the people’s first intention
Rosseau did not fear the abuse of the emergency dictatorship or "supreme magistracy" as
he termed it. For him, it would more likely be cheapened by "indiscreet use." He was unwilling
to rely upon an "appeal to heaven." Instead, he relied upon a tenure of office of prescribed
However, the provisions of PP 1017 commanding the AFP to enforce laws not related to lawless
In addition, the provision in PP 1017 declaring national emergency under Section 17, Article VII
of the Constitution is CONSTITUTIONAL, but such declaration does not authorize the President
Rousseau - Kant - Hegel
to take over privately-owned public utility or business affected with public interest without prior
legislation.
G.O. No. 5 is CONSTITUTIONAL since it provides a standard by which the AFP and
the PNP should implement PP 1017, i.e. whatever is "necessary and appropriate actions and
measures to suppress and prevent acts of lawless violence." Considering that "acts of terrorism"
have not yet been defined and made punishable by the Legislature, such portion of G.O. No. 5 is
declared UNCONSTITUTIONAL.
IDEALISM
Idealism is the study of metaphysical and epistemological doctrine that ideas or thoughts
make up fundamental reality. Essentially, it is any philosophy which argues that the only thing
actually knowable is consciousness (or the contents of consciousness), whereas we never can be
sure that matter or anything in the outside world really exists. Thus, the only real things are
mental entities, not physical things (which exist only in the sense that they are perceived).
IMMANUEL KANT
Kant (1724-1804) is considered the most influential thinker of the Enlightenment era and
one of the greatest Western philosophers of all times. His works, especially those on
epistemology (theory of knowledge), aesthetics and ethics had a profound influence on later
philosophers, including contemporary ones. Besides establishing himself as one of the foremost
Western philosophers, Kant also made an important contribution to science and is considered one
of the most important figures in the development of modern science despite the fact that he was
most interested in philosophy of science and knowledge that science produces. His main
contribution to the rise modern science was its liberation from theology.
The notion of imperative is central to Kant’s philosophy, and particularly Kant’s ethics.
The hypothetical imperatives express the practical necessity of an action as a means to achieve
something you want or might want. They are conditional. They express themselves as: “If I want
to do this, then I have to do that.” They express only that the action is good to accomplish a
particular purpose. It is clear that this has nothing to do with morality. The categorical
imperatives express that action is needed for itself, objectively, with no other purpose. The
categorical imperative is not subject to any special conditions and is therefore still valid whatever
the circumstances.
In Kant, only the categorical imperative is moral. It is the moral law and in fact none
exists even if only one can receive several formulations. The first formulation of the categorical
imperative says: “Always act so that you may also wish that the maxim of your action become a
universal law.” This is to ask every time we act if we can reasonably and without wanting to
contradict that everyone acts the same way. For example, suppose I need money for basic need
and that I borrowed knowing full well that I could never make it, I promise that I will make a
moral that money knowing that if I do not promise we do not give me and yet I need? The
question of the morality of such an act amounts to asking whether it is possible to make a
universal principle of false promise. But if so, whether any promise was false, no one would
believe what he promise and there would be no sense to promise. Consider the false promise as
morality is contradictory.
Rousseau - Kant - Hegel
The Concept of Law is central in Kant ‘s Philosophy. The difference between the moral
law and political law is that the moral law is on self-control and assumes the reversibility / obey.
I control myself. In the State, on the contrary, one who commands is not necessarily the one who
obeys. Which order? This is the political issue. According to Kant, the State is what makes
possible a life in common in accordance with reason. But the practical reason raises its
requirements from the state of nature and the state of nature is not a state for reason.
The State is for Kant a moral being whose essential meaning is to give an ethical
dimension to the various determinations of the activity and human relationships. The law is a
legal and moral law, as such, it is necessary, universal, a priori. It controls the action to be
form, the law expresses the sedan just and on the terms the law expresses what is legal, what
goes into the reality of the law. The law also determines the sentence passed by courts, giving the
The law binds to the stress. There is need for legal compulsion. The law requires the
state: that the law applies to all equally, the law must match for a power of coercion. If the state
of nature everyone has the right to force (and therefore the opposite is contingent, without
organized, which can only be done if the ability to coerce is entrusted to a will that can legislate
universally united to the will of the people is to tell the state. The term which mediates stress is
right and the state. The law can not assert that legal by the legal constraints of the state. But
when the state law requires because it is a legal constraint. The form of the state must be
determined by law legal, which means that the state must comply in its essence, the legal
requirements of practical reason. The State must have a rational form consistent with the concept
The law thus comes at a time of reason but also the expression of one who commands the
right. Or that controls the right? Where is the sovereign authority which gives the law? In the
tradition of modern natural law, Kant thinks that the law has its origin in the will of the people
considered to be sovereign. “The legislature shall enure to the unified will of the people” For
Kant, this view was rationalized. We need a unified commitment is such that as long as it
submits to the law it gives itself. It is thought the concept of general will in Rousseau. Kant, like
Rousseau, the general will can not be unjust because it rules only on the universal and would be
However, there are differences between Kant and Rousseau: Kant builds his idea of
sovereignty from the idea of his moral (related law / freedom) when Rousseau the general will is
justified by its analogy with the natural order (good nature theme).
“The question ‘To whom … belongs the power of making a constitution?’ is the same as ‘Who
has to make the Spirit of a Nation?’ …. It is the indwelling spirit and the history of the Nation -
which is that Spirit’s history - by which constitutions have been made and are made.”
Rousseau - Kant - Hegel
Hegel (1770-1831) is one of the greatest systematic thinkers in the history of Western
epitomizing German idealist philosophy, Hegel boldly claimed that his own system of
philosophy represented an historical culmination of all previous philosophical thought. The core
of Hegel’s social and political thought are the concepts of freedom, reason, self-consciousness,
and recognition, which can only be grasped with by ones social and historical embodiment of
The Philosophy of Right (as it is usually called) begins with a discussion of the concept
of the free will and argues that the free will can only realize itself in the complicated social
context of property rights and relations, contracts, moral commitments, family life, the economy,
the legal system, and the polity. A person is not truly free, in other words, unless he is a
The Hegelian Dialectic believes that development is the movement integrating the
“Thesis” (the basic situation of concept) with its “Antithesis” (contradiction) to form a
“Synthesis” (the resolution of the contradiction). The progress of all events and concepts
An application of the Hegelian Dialectic in the Philippine context is this. Under the 1935
Constitution, which was patterned after the U.S. Constitution, the President’s term of office was
for 4 years, extendible by another 4 years if re-elected. This is called the ‘two-term limit,’ after
which the President would be constitutionally barred from running for the highest office of the
land.
In Hegelian terms that was the thesis, or starting point. On September 21, 1972, Martial
law was declared and the 1935 Constitution was abolished, including the limit to the term of
office of the President. As It happened then President Marcos extended his term and became
president of the country for 21 years (1965-1988), the original limit having been abolished. This
Rousseau - Kant - Hegel
legal extension became the antithesis or contradiction to the basic limitation set under the 1935
law. After the “people power” in 1986 ousting then President Marcos, a Constitutional
Convention was held to draft the new Philippine Constitution which was ratified on February 2,
1987. Under the new Charter, a 6-year term for the President without re-election is mandated.
This new law that look back to the lessons of the past is the synthesis. For now, the term of office
of the President is a consolidation of what ought to be learned from the years last: a term of
office longer than the thesis but shorter, and with adequate protection installed, than the
antithesis. As history is on a continual march through evolution, the synthesis will someday
become the new thesis, subjected to a new antithesis, and forming a ‘higher’ synthesis.