THE PORTRAIT

IN BYZANTINE ILLUMINATED
MANUSCRIPTS

PROEFSCHRIFT
TER VERKRIJGING VAN DE GRAAD VAN DOCTOR IN DE
FACULTEIT DER LETTEREN AAN DE RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT TE LEIDEN,
OP GEZAG VAN DE RECTOR MAGNIFICUS DR. D. J. KUENEN,
HOOGLERAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER
WISKUNDE EN NATUURWE'I'ENSCHAPPEN,
VOLGENS BESLUIT VAN HET COLLEGE VAN DEKANEN TE VERDEDIGEN
OP WOENSDAG I DECEMBER r976 TE KLOKKE r6.r5 UUR

DOOR

IOANNIS SPA'THARAKIS
geboren te Athene, Griekenland in 1938

LEIDEN
E .]. BRILL
1976

u~¥--Ofi•:i#E
..'v.,
, CBNTRAL EU·R.')'·. ....._.,.
~.s.: ....,~r"'
...,, ·.CE U UNIVERSITY
• & '°" 1JUDAPEST
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgement VII

Abbreviations IX

Introduction . I

Old Testament Manuscripts 7

Vat. Reg. gr. l, 7; Neap. IB18, 14; Marc. gr. Z17, 20; Barb. gr.
372, 26; Petrop. gr. 214, 36; Egbert Ps., 39; Harvard gr. 3, 44;
Hamilton Ps., 45; Sinait. gr. 61, 48; Dionys. 65, 49; Sinait. gr.
2123, SI; D.O.C. 3, 54.
Promotores.
New Testament Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Prof. Dr. H. HENNEPHOF Sinait. gr. 283, 55; Adrianople Tetraevang., 55; M. Panagia l, 57;
Prof. Dr. F. VAN DER MEER Petrop. gr. 291, 59; Par. gr. 74, 61; B.M.Add. 39627, 67; Princeton
Leaf. 70; Speer Libr. 11.21.1900, 74; Melbourne 710/5, 76; Lavra
A103, 78; Vat. Urb. gr. 2, 79; Kutlum. 60, 83; Tviron 5, 84; Sinait.
gr. 198, 87; B.M. Add. 39626 89; Petrop. gr. n8, 90; Bari Exultet
l, 91.

Theological Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
· P~r.
gr. 510, 96; Sinai~. gr. 364, 99; Par. gr. 922, 102; ~~~.:_22,~;
~s. ?J,-1.l8~at. gr. 666-Synod. 387, 122; Par. gr. 1242-Synod.
429, 129; Louvre lvoires roo, 139·

Scientific Manuscripts . . . . . .
Vind. Med. gr. 1, 145; Par. gr. 2144, 148.

Historical Manuscripts . . . . . . . . 15 2
Vind. Hist. gr. 53, 152; Vind. Phil. gr. 149, 158; Vind. Hist. gr.

--------
91, 159: Vat. Slavo 2, 160; Monac. gr. 442, 165, Mutin. gr. 122, 172.

Chrysobulls. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Byzant. Museum 80, 184; Morgan M398, 185; Dionys. Chrys., 185;
I84
Esphigm. Chrys., 188; Taurin. gr. 237, 188.

Typica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I90
Lincoln Typicon, 190; Vatop. n99, 2o6.

Various Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208

Vat. gr. 1176, 208; Vat. gr. 1851, 210; Pantokr. 234, 230; Par.
Dit proefschrift verschijnt in Byzantina N eerlandica, fasc. 6 suppl. gr. 309, 233; Par. gr. 1783, 234; Par. suppl. gr. 1188, 236;
Stuttgart Hist. 2°601, 237.
VI CONTENTS

Conclusions . . . • . . . . . . • . . . . . . . · ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Occasions on which a ms. was executed, 24r; Mss. as gifts and for
private use, 243; Introductory saints and the place of the portrait
in· mss., 245; The official portrait, 246; The author portrait, 248;
The portrait in histories, 250; The family portrait, 25r; The Acknowledgement is due to the following scholars and friends with
portrait of the dead, 253; Likeness, 254; Reattribution, 258. whom I had the benefit of discussing several points in this study,
and to the directors and staff of Libraries, Institutes and F oun-
Appendix (Costume) 262 dations for facilitating my research and granting hospitality or
financial support.
Index . . . . . . 266
Athens: Dr. P. Nikolopoulos, Prof. M. Chatzidakis. The Hague:
List of Illustrations Drs. P. G. P. Meyboom, Drs. J.P. A. van der Vin. Leyden: Drs.
H.J. de Jonge, Mrs. Drs. M. de Jonge-Doelman, Mrs. M.A. van
Photography Credits 288 Beek-Halsall, Mrs. D. M. Spatharakis-Lukanski. London: Dr.
D. H. Turner, Dr. S. Whittingham, Mr. L. Gallagher. Madison,
Illustrations 1- 182 at the end of the Book Wis.: Prof. F. R. Horlbeck. Moscow: Mme M. V. ~eepkina, Mr. P. P.
Dorochow. New York: Prof. H. Buchthal, Mr. R. S. Nelson. Paris:
Prof. A. Grabar, Prof. S. Der Nersessian, Prof. S. Dufrenne, Mlle
M.-L. Concasty, Mr. Ch.' Astruc, Mme T. Velmans, Mme N. Thierry,
Mme C. Morrisson, Father Ch. Walter, Mlle C. Jolivet. Princeton,
N.J.: Prof. K. Weitzmann, Mrs. A. Sifford-Schilardi, Miss B. A.
Vileisis. Rome: Prof. H. Schulte Nordholt, Dr. P. van Kessel, Miss.
C. Moon. Thessalonica: Prof. L. Politis, Mr. S. Kadas. Vatican:
Mgr. J. Ruysschaert, Mgr. P. Canart, Dr. S. Lilla. Venice: Prof. M.
Manousakas, Prof. E. Mioni, and especially Prof. Dr. F. van der
Meer, Lent, and Prof. Dr. H. Hennephof, Leyden.

Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea

Laurenziana. The Hague, The Royal Coin Cabinet. Leningrad, Bi-
bliotheca Publica. London, The British Museum. Modena, Biblio-
teca Estense. Moscow, Historical Museum. Miinchen, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale. New York, The
Pierpont Morgan Library. Oxford, The Bodleian Library, Paris,
Bibliotheque Nationale, Bibliotheque Byzantine, Musee du Louvre.
Princeton, The Art Museum, The Speer Library, The University
Library. Thessalonica, The Patriarchal Institute of Patristic Studies.
Citta del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio Segreto
Vaticano. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Istituto Ellenico
VIII ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

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turen" Gr. 53," BKchO, 3 (1965), 97-rn6. - -, Sinai - - , Illustrated Manuscripts at St. Catherine's M on-
Rice-Hirtner Rice, D. T., The Art of B yzantium, London 1959· astery on Mount Sinai, Collegeville, Minn. r973.
Sa thas, Bibliotheca Sathas, C., Bibliotheca Graeca Medii Aevi, 5 Venice- Weitzma nn-Fiedler, Weitzmann-Fiedler, J., "Ein Evangelientyp mit Apos-
Paris 1876 (r972). "Begleitfiguren" t eln als Begleitfiguren," Festschrift zum 70. Geburts-
Schlumberger , Schlumberger, G., L'epopee byzantine a
la fin du Xe tag von A . Goldschmidt, Berlin 1935, 32ff.
Epopee siecle, a Paris 1896-1905. Wessel, Emailkunst Wessel, K., Die byzantinische Emailkunst ·von 5. bis
Schramm, "Herr- Schramm, P. E., "Das Herrscherbild in der Kunst des I J. ] ahrhundert, Recklinghausen 1967.
scherbild'' friihen Mittelalters," Vortrage der Bibliothek War- Whittemore, Whittemore, Th., The Mosaics of Haghia Sophia at
XVI ABBREVIATIONS

Haghia Sophia Istanbul,' Paris-Boston 1933-52.

Wroth, Catalogue '¥roth, W., Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins
in the British Museum, 2 London 1908 (1966).
INTRODUCTION

Since the title alone, even when accompanied by an extended

subtitle, is rarely sufficient to give a clear picture of the subject
under discussion, it is necessary at some early stage to give an ade-
quate account of what the reader is going to meet. The word 'por-
trait' gives rise to several questions which many scholars have
attempted to answer by giving a comprehensive definition of what
a portrait is. These definitions, however, may vary from person to
person-no cause for surprise since so many factors of different
nature contribute to the creation of what can be called a portrait.
Only the tension between two of these factors-perhaps the most
important ones-the person portrayed and the artist responsible,
is sufficient to cause an enormous difference between any two por-
traits. The portrait varies according to the rank and social status
of the sitter, the way he wants to be portrayed, the occasion for
which. the portrait is executed and the purpose for which it will be
used. Many of these factors influence the artist himself, who for his
part finally determines the way the sitter is portrayed. Of great
importance is his artistic ability, experience and skill, whether or
not he takes his model from life or copies from some other repre-
sentation, as well as his determination to preserve a realistic likeness,
or else, to follow a stereotype. Not the least important is the time
and place in which a portrait is executed. It need not be dwelt on
here that in different periods and places a different result will
emerge. Another factor, which has not received sufficient attention
in the study of the portrait and which definitely should not be
neglected, is the bias of the student himself. He too is subject to
criteria of time and place. In any representation of an individual,
one student will see a portrait while another will consider the same
representation as purely imaginary.
Let us now see some representative opinions of scholars on the
question of what exactly is a portrait.1 Delbrueck understood by a
1 See the first chapter of J. D. Breckenridge, Likeness. A Conceptional

History of Ancient Portraiture, Evanston 1968, 3-14.

2 INTRODUCTION
portrait that the representation is intended to resemble a definite
individual.2 Ladner gave the following requirements which repre-
sentat_ions of popes should fulfill to be included in his collection. 3
r. The portrait must be identified by an inscription with a name or
some other characterization of the object. 2. The portrait must be
contemporaneous, i.e. done during the lifetime of the object. 3. The
portrait must have been done in the same place in which the object
lived. 4. Later copies are included only when made after an original
for which the first and third condition are fulfilled.4 Schweitzer
demanded that a portrait: r. must represent a definite person, either
living or in the past, with his distinctive human traits; 2. The per-
son must be represented in such a manner that under no circum-
stances can his identity be confused with that of someone else;
3. As a work of art, a portrait must render the personality, i.e. the-
inner individuality of the person represented in his outer form. 5
Collingwood expected that the spectator, when he looks at the por-
trait, would 'feel as if' he were in the sitter's presence. 6 Gombrich
stated that the correct portrait, like the useful image, is an end
product on a long road through schema and correction. It is not a
faithful record of a visual experience, but the faithful constitution
of a relational model. Neither the subjectivity of vision nor the sway
of convention need lead us to deny that such a model can be con-
structed to any required degree of accuracy. What is decisive here
is clearly the work 'required'. The form of representation cannot be
divorced from its purpose and the requirements of the society in
which the given visual language gains currency. 7 For Martin it is
self-evident that a portrait is a representation in an artistic medium
that closely resembles a specific human model. 8
a R. Delbrueck, Antike Portriits, Bonn 1912, p. vii.
8Ladner, Papstbildnisse, I, p. 2.
' T. E. Mommsen's review of Ladner's work in Traditio, 5 (1947), 353.
5 B. Schweitzer, "Griechische Portratkunst. Probleme und Forschungs-
st and," in Acta Congressus Madvigiani Hafniae MDMLIV, 5 Copenhagen
1957-58, III, 8.
8 R. G. Collingwood, The P rinciples of Art, Oxford, I950, 53.
7 E. H. Gombrich, Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial
Representati<>n, New York 1959, 87.
8 F. D. Martin, "On Portraiture: Some Distinctions," journal of Aesthetics
and Art Critisism, 20 (1961), 61.
INTRODUCTION 3
We can immediately perceive that many of the above 'definitions'
apply only to the art of a given period. This should not surprise us
since every society represented an individual differently in different
periods. Indeed, a portrait made in the 2oth century must fulfill
other requirements than a portrait from Classical Greece, Rome,
Byzantium or the Renaissance. Instead of trying to add another
definition of what a portrait is, I had better reveal what I think the
Byzantines understood by a portrait. This will clearly emerge from
the portraits selected as the subject of this study. I have naturally
chosen the pictures of definite individuals, i.e. emperors, high of-
ficials, private citizens, patriarchs, abbots and monks. Portraits of
Christ, the Virgin, figures from the Old and New Testaments and
saints have been excluded. Some of these may represent a faithful
tradition going back to portraits created during the lifetime of a
saint, but the evidence here is too tenuous to study any such tradi-
tion. The work of art must have been executed during the lifetime
of the person portrayed. When a portrait is posthumous, it will be
discussed only if it shows the features of the person portrayed. This
will be established through a comparison of the copy with portraits
made during the lifetime of the individual.
Byzantine portraits have been executed in mosaics or frescoes
decorating churches or palaces, in marble or bronze, gold and silver
objects, enamels, textiles, on wood, glass, coins or bulls and in
manuscripts. The person portrayed in the majority of cases is the
emperor, on campaign or in triumph over his enemies, among his
officials in the court ceremonies or with his family, crowned by
Christ or praying as a suppliant, receiving or giving a donation.
The image of an emperor stood as a substitute for the sovereign him-
self and was officially used in processions, or by the administrators
in the tribunal, or on the standards and shields of his army. 9 His
portrait was carved on consular diptychs and sceptres,10 or was sent
to other sovereigns for the recognition of the emperor. In private
9 H . Kruse, Studien mr offiziellen Geltung des Kaiserbildes im r6miscken
Reiche (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums 19.3), Paderborn
1934 ; A. Grabar, "The Portrait," in idem, Christian I conography. A Study
of Its Origins, London 1969, 61.
io Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen.
4 INTRODUCTION
circles a portrait was used even for engagements. The eunuch
Eutropius persuaded Arcadius to marry a maiden (Aelia Eudocia)
by showing him her picture, 11 and Heraclius showed to a Turkish
leader the picture of his daughter .12
From all such examples I have chosen the portraits in manu-
scripts, not only because a detailed examination of the Byzantine
portrait in all artistic media would be a very extensive subject, but
also because I expect to find comparatively more information about
the portraits in manuscripts than in other works of art. Colophons,
inscriptions and some times even the contents of the manuscript
itself provide in general more information for the understanding of
the miniature with a portrait than for instance a mosaic or fresco.
It is desirable, therefore, to study a portrait in its relation to the
text and not as an isolated miniature. This also means an exami-
nation of the manuscript and its other miniatures; sometimes it will
be evident that even the most famous and extensively studied
manuscripts have not yet revealed all their secrets. In some cases
it is the portrait in its· turn that contributes to a better under-
standing of the manuscript.
By arranging the manuscripts according to their content-Bibli-
cal, Theological, Scientific or Historical-we learn in which type of
manuscripts a portrait was depicted. I will furthermore examine on
what occasions a manuscript with portraits was executed and at-
t empt to establish which manuscripts were intended as donations,
which were kept for private use and which were for official use,
destined to be shown to the public; in front of what figures the
ktetor of a manuscript was portrayed, what introductory saints occur
in a dedication miniature and by which figures the donor could be
replaced, as well as the place of the portrait miniature in a codex.
I will also try to throw some light on the iconography of portraits
of the author,. family and the dead, and examine in which of the
portraits we can recognise a self-portrait of the artist.
One of my tasks in this study will be to establish whether the
11 Zosimos, Historia Nova, V, 3 3 (translated by J. J. Buchanan-H. Y.
Davis, Zosimus: Historia Nova. The Decline of Rome, San Antonio, Tex.,
I 967, 195).
12 Patriarch Nicephorus I , Breviarium (ed. De Boor}, 16 . 10.
INTRODUCTION 5
Byzantine artist was representing a genuine likeness of his sitter
or was merely content to furnish a portrait with only the insignia
of his rank and an inscription with his name. The best way to
establish whether a portrait in a miniature shows the characteristic
traits of an individual is to compare it with other portraits of the
same person in illuminated manuscripts or other artistic media.
Wherever possible I have included a description of the appearance
of the individual portrayed, should this have been given by his-
torians, so that more comparative material thus becomes available.
I am aware that even the most detailed description of an appearance
cannot be of the same value as a picture, but it will become clear
that in some cases the description may provide us with useful
material which can be of aid in our conclusions. In any case it will
help to give an· overall picture of the person portrayed. Unfortu-
nately we do not possess more than one likeness for every portrait,
and the appearance of only a few individuals has been described by
historians. In this case the quality of the portrait will be decisive
and the conclusions reached in those portraits for which we have
comparative material will be applied to those for which we have no
such controls.
I will furthermore attempt to identify those portraits which are
not accompanied by an inscription giving their name. Such an
endeavour cannot always end in success and in many cases we will
have to restrict ourselves to suppositions and assumptions. How-
ever, if I succeed in identifying a portrait, we will have a more
accurate date for the manuscript and its miniatures than that
assigned to it on palaeographic and stylistic grounds. Much the
same thing can be done by examining a portrait in connection with
the historical evidence. The miniature itself may in some cases
furnish fresh material for t he life of the person portrayed, along
with the fact that a portrait is an historical document in its own
right that serves to complement the other sources.
To enrich my study I have included a Coptic, an Armenian and
a South Italian manuscript along with some Slavonic examples,
all executed in the Byzantine style and following Byzantine iconog-
raphy. Finally I hope that this study- in which I have endeavoured
to include all extant portraits of individuals in manuscripts-will
6 INTRODUCTION
take its place as an acceptable successor to previous works of this
nature and that the synthesis of previously scattered information
on Byzantine portraiti- may give a new coherence to this subject. 13
13 Millet, "Portraits;" Ebersolt, Miniature, 54-62; Schramm, "Herrscher-
bild," 145-224; Grabar, Empereur; idem, "Portrait," op. cit., 60-86; Weitz-
mann, Ancient Bodk, II6ff; Kitzinger, "Portraiture;" Velmans, "Portrait;"
Belting, Buch, 72-94, passim.
, restrict our study to the first folios containing the portraits.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
VAT. REG. GR. I
Our first manuscript containing portraits is the so-called 'Bible
of Leo' in the Biblioteca Vaticana, Reg. gr. r, 1 executed during the
Macedonian Renaissance. 2 It is decorated with r8 full page minia-
tures3 which class it among the masterpieces of this period, such
as the Paris Psalter (Par. gr. 139), the Homilies of Gregorius Nazian-
zenus (Par. gr. 510) and the Lectionary in the Bibliotheca Publica
at Leningrad4 (cod. gr. 21-21a), to mention only a few. We shall
After the first miniatures-£. r.a.a.r shows a cross5 with gold
1 Parchment, ff. 565, 41 X 28; H. Stevenson, Codices manuscripti Graeci
Reginae Suecorum et Pii P.P. II Bibliothecae Vaticanae, Roma 1887, l-2;
he incorrectly dated the codex to the eleventh century. Canart-Peri, Sussidi,
297; Esposizione Bibbia, no 40, pl. 22, reproducing Moses receiving the Law
(f. 155v). The miniatures of the codex are bound separately, forming the
codex Vat. Reg. gr. 1b.
2 On the art of the Macedonian Renaissance see K. Weitzmann, "The
Character and Intellectual Origins of the Macedonian Renaissance" in Studies,
176-223 (translated and reprinted from Geistige Grundlagen und Wesen der
makedonischen Renaissance, Koln 1963); Lazarev, Storia, 124-184, with
further bibliography.
8 W eitzmann (Studies, 50) believed that the manuscript was not initially
intended to be illustrated, and that the full page pictures were inserted as
frontispieces to some of the books several decades after the completion of
the text. The miniatures are indeed inserted, but on the back (f. 45or) of
the miniature r epresenting Antiochus and Eleazar (f. 45ov) is written the
ending of Mach. III, and since this is by the hand responsible for the whole
codex, this miniature had already been executed before the scribe had
finished the remainder of the book. Thus, text and miniatures are clearly
contemporary.
4 Morey, "Notes," 53-92, figs. 61, 63, 65, 71, 74, 76, 83, 85, 90-91, lOO-
ro1, ro4; Lazarev, op. cit., 139-40, 173 n. 53, fig. 116, with bibliography
on this codex.
6 Miniature della Bibbia cod. Vat. Regin. g·reco I e del Salterio cod. Vat.
Palat. greco 38z (Collezione palaeografica Vaticana I ), Milano 1905, pl. r.
In the middle of the cross there is a medallion with a bust of Christ and on
t op a medallion with Mary; in the upper left space David, on the right an
unidentified figure, in the bottom left corner Peter, while the right side is
damaged.
 8 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
medallions within which are written the titles of the 60 books of
the Old and New Testament6 and f. IIv shows the Creation7-and
a dedication poem written on f. rr-v, there is on f. 2r a leaved cross
placed under an arch. 8 On the verso is a miniature representing Leo
offering his Bible to Mary (Fig. r). The skill of the master is shown
not only in the perfect drawing of the :figures, but also in the fluent
brushwork and the use of a rich colour scale, as can be seen in the
sky where the pink changes to blue-grey to form the clouds on a
lighter ground. 9
Mary is standing in the middle, on a dark green and brown
pedestal with two steps, dominating the whole picture. She is shown
in an elegant free position with her head slightly inclined to the
left. This inclination helps to express better the rotating movement
of her body which turns to the left. She points with her left hand
to Christ, shown blessing in the upper right corner, while with her
right she receives the Bible from Leo, thus providing the transition
to the diagonal composition of the miniature. Mary's head, of
characteristic classical beauty, is surrounded by a golden nimbus
above which is written the monogram MHP 0 Y. She is clad in a
purple chiton whose folds are formed by brown lines and a mapho-
rion, a long veil over the head and shoulders, decorated with golden
dots and bands of gold at the wrist and edges. From a rather high
placed belt hangs a white handkerchief. Her shoes are red. The
6
Although sixty books of the Old and New Testament are mentioned on
this folio, the codex contains only the 25 books from Genesis up to and
including the Psalms. The remainder would have formed an additional
volume, or volumes now missing.
7
This miniature was originally inserted in front of f. 5, on the r ecto of
which begins the text of Genesis, as we can conclude from the remaining
miniatures, which are placed in front of the beginning of the books they
illustrate.
8
Miniature, op. cit., pl. 3; Morey, op. cit., 42. On the cross on steps, first
introduced in the coinage by Tiberius II in 578, see Kyra Ericsson, ''The
Cross on Steps and the Silver Hexagram," ]<5BG, 17 (1968), 149-I64; cf.
also C. D. Sheppard, " Byzantine Carved Marble Slabs," The Art Bulletin,
51 (1969), 65-71 and D. T. Rice, "The L eaved Cross," ES, II (1950), 72-81.
9
Tikkanen, Farbengebung, 86, points out the attempt to imitiate late
antique techniques of painting. On the use of colour in the Early Macedonian
Renaissance see idem, 80-99.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 9
slenderness and beauty of Mary recall the splendid ivory figures of
the same period. -
Leo, a eunuch, is represented in semi-proskynesis,10 smaller than
the Virgin, as an old man with light grey hair. His white chiton has
gold bands decorated with red at the wrist and hem. Over it he
wears a red chlamys with a golden palmette decoration on the chest
and a golden band ornamented with a red shell-like design. His
shoes are black. The ground is painted with a broad brush in
transparent green and the background is formed by an exedra
following Hellenistic traditions. 11 Above the light blue wall there
is a dark green extension ori which a hanging orange cloth is fast-
ened, forming a daring contrast to the dark green.
On the wall behind Leo is an inscription giving information about
the donor; AEOON IIATPIKIOC IIPAIIlOCITOC KAI CAKE-
AAPIOC IlPOOl)EPOON THN EBHKONTABIBAO THN YIIE-
PArIAN 0EOTOKON12 (Leo patricius, praepositus and sacellarius
presenting the Hexekontabiblos to the Most Holy Theotocos). The
inscription along the top of the folio is a kind of title to the miniature
and reads: H IlANArIA 0EOTOKOC META TOY XY IIPOC-
,:iEXOMENOI THN BIBAON IlAPA AEONTOC IIPAIIIOCI-
TOY IlATPIKIOY KAI CAKEAAPIOY (The Most Holy Theo-
tocos and Christ receiving the Bible from Leo praepositus, patricius
and sacellarius). 13 The inscription around the miniature tells us the
reasons for Leo dedicating his Bible:
1° For an introduction to proskynesis in the Byzantine art see Spatharakis,
Proskynesis; cf. also Ch. Walter, "Papal Political Imagery in the Medieval
Lateran," CA, 20 (1970), I55-76, and 21 {I971) , ro9-36, esp. u5ff.
11 On the architectural background see Friend, " Portraits," I, 134ff., II,
9ff. and K. Weitzmann, "The Cl<>.ssical in Byzantine Art as a Mode of
Individual Expression," Studies, 151-75, esp. 159-63 (reprinted from Byzan-
tine Art, a European Art, Ninth Exhibition held under the Auspices of the
Council of Europe. Lectures, Athens 1964, 149-177).
12 Leo was also protospatharios, a title added after his name in the iambic
verses at the beginning of the codex (Miniature, op. cit., 2 n. I). On the
praepositu:s see Guilland, Recherches, I, 333-80. on the sacellarius see F.
Delger, Beitrage zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung, Leipzig-
Berlin 1927, r6ff. On the protospatharios see Guilland, op. cit., II, 99-131 . .
13 All the miniatures of the·codex have similar inscriptions relating to the
representations.
IO OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
AAAOI MEN AAAWC TH IIANOABIW «I>YCEI
CIIEN~OYN 'F'YXHC TO ~WPON EM«I>PONW CXECEI.
EI'W ~E AOIIlON EC0AON EYTEAEC 0YW
EK IIICTEWC IIAHN THN~E THN BIBAON 0W
CYN TH TEKOYCH MHTPI KAI 0EOTOKW
IIPECBEIC IlAAAIAC KAI NEAC TOYC IIPOKPITOYC
EiC ANTAMEl'P'IN TWN EMOON EI'KAHMATWN.
"Some people offer in different ways the gift of their soul to
the wholly-blessed nature according to their intelligence. I, how-
ever, present as a profession of faith to God and to the Mother
who gave birth and Theotocos only this Bible being something
simple but precious, the preeminent intercessors of Old and New
Testament, in remission for my sins."
All inscriptions are written in red.
Opposite the miniature representing Leo, on f. 3r, is another
which, while closely similar, shows a different conceptual spirit
(Fig. 2). In contrast to the diagonal composition of the first minia-
ture characterized by a sense of movement, we have here a vertical
composition, defined by the standing figure of St. Nicholas which
dominates the picture, and a feeling of rest introduced by the frontal
pose of the Saint and the two prostrate figures at his feet. Further-
more the composition is strictly symmetrical, which is not the case
with the previous one.14
St. Nicholas is represented with short hair and fairly short beard,
all in a blue-grey colour. The golden nimbus is flanked by the name
of the Saint. He wears a white sticharion with purple potamoi
( clavi), white phelonion and white omophorion with purple poloi
(crosses). He holds a golden codex with red precious stones, similar
to that of Leo, in his left hand, while with his right he blesses the
pair in proskynesis. The figure on the left is, according to the
u. Mary on f . 2v is not exactly in the middle, but moved a little to the
right. Along with strict symmetry, the artist of the Macedonian Renaissance
u sed compositions where symmetry was completely neglected. A well known
·e xample is the proskynesis mosaic in St. Sophia, which inspired that of the
Metochites panel in the Chora Church.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS II
inscription, the abbot Makar: 0 EYAABECTATOC KA@HrOY-
MENOC MAKAP KEIMENOC IIPO TWN IIO~WN TOY ArIOY
NIKOAAOY (The Most Reverend Abbot Makar lying at the feet
of St. Nicholas) . He has a long dark beard and short hair and wears
a dark brown phelonion. The figure on the right is the protospatha-
rios Constantine, brother of Leo and founder of a monastery. He
is represented as being older in age than Makar, judging from the
blue-grey colour of his beard and hair, the latter being long like
that of Leo and in contrast to the short hair of the abbot. He is
wearing a similar chlamys to that of Leo and a golden sword indicat-
ing his rank of protospatharios is protruding from under it. The paint
from his shoes is flaked, but some traces left suggest that they were
black. The inscription around his body and continuing in the space
between the two figures reads as follows: KWNCTANTINOC 0
EN MAKAPIA TH AHE:EI rErONOC IlPWTOC CIIA0APIOC
A~EA«I>OC TOY CAKEAAAPIOY 0 KAI THN MONHN META
0N CYCTICAMENOC15 (Constaritine who by blessed fortune has
been protospatharios, brother of the sacellarius, and who with God's
help has founded the monastery).
The ground is again transparent green, the building light pink
with brown stripes, windows and doors brown, the extension dark
green and the cloth light green. The inscription around the minia-
ture is a prayer to the Saint:
NIKOC AAOY 16 MOX0HPAC THC KAKOYPI'IAC
KAI TOON IIONHPOON IINEYMATWN ~I~OY, MAKAP,
TW THN MONHN COi IIPOC MONAC ZOOHC @EEIN
EENOTPOIIWC, A Y0IC TE TOO AEIMAMENW,
NEMOON KAT' AM«I>OO THN XAPIN, TOO MEN KPATOC
IAACMON, EN0E, TW AE TOON O«I>AHMATWN.
15 The expression 0 EN MAKAPIA TH AHEEI rErONOC has led some
scholars t o conclude that Constantine was dead when the codex was com-
missioned. The editor of Miniature considered him as premOt'to; C. Mango,
"The Date of Cod. Vat. Reg. Gr. I and the Macedonian Renaissance," A cta
ad Arclteologiam et Artium Pertinentia, 4 (1969), 1 22, translated it: "the
protospatharios of blessed memory." The word ).'ij!;t<;, however, could come
here from Aocyx.&..iw and not from :i.1jyw.
1e The two first·words suggest the name of St . Nicholas.
I2 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
" O Victory of the people over wicked wrongdoing and evil
spirits, grant, o blessed one, to he [who heads] your monastery
to hasten to the mansions of life in a wondrous fashion, as well as
to the one who has .b uilt [it] ; bestow upon both your grace, here,
on the one strength and on the other forgiveness of sins."
A similar cross to that on f. 2r occurs on f. 3v and closes the
dedication pages. 1 7
Not only the portraits on the dedication pages, but also those in
the other miniatures of the codex are masterpieces of exquisite
beauty. They are all painted with great care and have a considerable
amount of expression . The classicism of the portraits is achieved
here in two ways. In the first, represented by the head of Mary,
Leo and similar figures in the codex, the accent falls on the contours
and the fine colour stripes which give only the most important
features of a face. The shadows are of secondary consideration and
the face is modelled with light colours flowing smoothly from dark
to light. In the second manner, represented by the portraits on f. 3r,
Aaron (f. 85v) andEleazar (f. 45ov), 18 we meet , together with the fine
proportions, a detailed treatment of the face with darker colours
and greater contrast between light and dark which results in an
expression less obvious in the first group. Almost all faces have a
greenish background colour, 19 while different tones of red model the
lighter parts of the faces. Also very expressive a re the faces of
Constantine and Makar (Figs. 3-4) where every detail is given accu-
rately by a close attention to colour and tones. Both are charac-
terized by a fine straight nose, piercing eyes and severe expression.
The hair and beard are lightened with blue strokes of paint. The
figures become more vivid t hrough the expressive gesture of
worship of the hands. I believe that all three portraits in the dedica-
tion pages show genuine likenesses.
17 Miniature, op. cit., pl. 6.
is Idem, pls. 8 a nd I 6.
19 Green colour for the faces was used frequently not only in the Mace-
donian Renaissance, but a lso during other periods.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS I3
The portraits in the codex of Queen Christine could help date it
with a certain precision, if we could identify them. Mai 20 identified
Leo with the exegete Leo magister proconsul patricius21 (ea. 824-
912). Weitzmann more or less accepted this identification, and in his
opinion the codex was approximately from the first quarter of the
tenth century, and more likely in the second or third than in the
first decade.22 Most scholars date this codex in the beginning or the
first half of the tenth century. A few representative opinions on the
date are given by Mango.23 The latter rejected Mai's identification
on the grounds that the exegete Leo never occupied the post of
sacellarius and that he was not a eunuch, but a married man with
children. As the protospatharios Constantine and the monastery of
St. Nicolas do not supply us with enough evidence, Mango attempted
t o identify Leo, this time, from his office of sacellarius, since the
titles of patricius and praepositus were merely honorary. He finally
identified Leo with a certain Leo sacellarius, the recipient of two
letters from his former teacher, which with 120 other letters are
copied - not in chronological order - in the MS. Add. 36749 of the
British Museum. A few of these letters can be dated roughly be-
tween 925 and 944. His conclusions on the date of Leo's Bible are
worth quoting: "Since the office of Sakellarios would normally have
been bestowed on an experienced and mature man, it is reasonable
to conclude that these letters were written at a time when Leo's
teacher was fairly advanced in years, i.e. closer to 944 than to 925.
W e have seen, moreover, that Leo himself was an old man when he
commissioned the Vatican manuscript. This means in my estimation
that the manuscrip~ can hardly be dated earlier than the forties of
the tenth century."
Also very striking are the similarities of the titles of Leo in the
Reg. gr. I with that on a lead seal in the Dumbarton Oaks collec-
tion: AEONTI ITATPIK(IW) BA(CIAIKW) (ITPWTO)CITA-
~o A. Mai, Pat-mm nova bibliotheca, V I, Roma 1853, 539·
u His full name and title was: Leo Choirosphaktes Magistros Proconsul
Patricius; see G. Kolias, Leon Choerosphactes, magistre proconsul et patrice,
Athens 1939, 18£. . .
u K. Weitzmann, The Joshua Roll, a Work of the Macedonian R enai ssance
(Studies in Manuscript Illumination 3), Princeton 1948. 41.
Mango, op. cit., 123 n. 4.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
0(APICJJ) CAKEAAAP(ICJJ). 24 The character of the lettering and
the shape of the leaved cross on a pedestal would easily fit a tenth
century date, as Mango says, but one should add that they would
fit as well in t he ninth century, a date not excluded by Weitzmann
for our manuscript. 26 Furthermore stylistic similarities of the Regi-
nensis and the Par. gr. 5ro (datable to 879) must not be left out of
consideration. Morey thought that the illuminator of the Leo Bible,
exploring the libraries of Constantinople for models, copied from
Par. gr. 510. 26 This hypothesis is supported by the repetition, with-
out any motivation, of the leaved cross on ff. 2r and 3v of the Bible,
which also occurs in the Paris manuscript on ff. Cr and Bv, where
the cross on the latter folio covers the portrait of Constantine (see
infra Par. gr. 510). A convincing identification of the portraits of
the Reginensis, which might help establish the precise date of
execution of the manuscript is still desirable.
NEAPOL. IB 18
The oldest portrait of an emperor in a manuscript appears in the
Coptic Bible MS. IB 18 of the Biblioteca N azionale of Naples. 21 The
identification of the imperial family portrayed in this manuscript
has caused controversy among scholars. The codex came from the
collection of Cardinal Borgia in Velletri (no. 25) whose Coptic manu-
scripts, bought at the end of the 18th century, seem to originate
from the White Monastery near Sohag in Upper Egypt. It consists
of eight folios which are numbered on both sides from 87 to I02.
They contain the last three chapters of the Book of Job (XL, 8-
XLII, 18) and th e first three of the Book of Proverbs (I, r-III, 19),
24 Idem, 126, pl. 1.
u K. Weitzmann, "The Illustration of the Septuagint," Studies, 50
(translated from "Die Illustration der Septuaginta," M]bK, 3-4 [1952-53],
96-120).
28 Morey, op. cit., 42.
17
P a rchment, ff. 8, 28,5 X 24,5. For the bibliography on this codex see
H. Buchthal-0. Kurz, A Hand List of Illuminated Oriental Christian Manu-
.scripts, London 1942, 45, no 203. See also T. Velmans, "Le dessin a Byzance,"
Monuments et Memoires E. Piot, 59 (1974). 137-70, esp. 141, fig. 6.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 15
written in Sahidic. The fragment has been dated between the seventh
and the ninth century on palaeographical grounds. 28
On the upper half of p. 94 {f. 4v) we find the end of the t ext of
the last chapter of the Book of Job and on the lower half we see four
full length figures: a man and three women (Fig. 5). The man is the
only figure that has a halo. His face is classical with large eyes, a
rather straight nose, well formed lips, short hair and a round beard.
He wears a richly decorated crown set with three large oval gems
and smaller pearls. The top of the crown is formed by three oblong
precious stones. The curls on the forehead could mean either hair or,
more probably, jewellery. His body is strong with a broad chest.
He is clad in a cuirass and a short tunic. Ainalov and Delbrueck saw
here, incorrectly, a belted t unic. On the tunic are two decorat ive
patches. Over the cuirass and t unic he wears the paludamentum, a
long cloak, fastened with a fibula on his right shoulder and carried
over his left arm. He has short boots. H e holds a sceptre or a lance
in his right hand and an orb in his left hand.
The three female figures are of smaller stature. The first one, next
to the man, is freely sketched in a classical manner with an idealistic
oval face and few individual features. On the other hand we meet
individual features in the other t wo female figures. All three wear
the maphorion. The figure on the right wears a richly decorated
crown over the veil. The middle figure shows some signs of having a
diadem, while the third one has tw.o crossed bands on her head.
Their hair seems short and is probably fastened behind. They are
almost identically clad in a long tunic with long narrow sleeves and
over this they wear a dalmatica. On the two right-hand figures one
can perhaps distinguish the loros, decorated around the neck with
jewels and then falling vertically almost to the feet in front , under
a richly set belt. It is probably the other end of the loros that hangs
over the left arms of the ladies.
zs H. Hyvernat, Album de Paleographie Copte, Rome 1888 (l972), pl. V;
he dated this codex in the eighth or n inth century. However , if we compare
the script of the manuscripts which he dated between the sixth and the
ninth century (pls. IV-V) with that of Neapol. IB 18, there seems no sig-
nificant difference between them, which suggests that the latter could have
been executed in any of the centuries mentioned. Consequently, for its
dating we must rely on other than palaeographical criteria.
16 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
I
The drawing, which probably was meant to be painted, is exe-
cuted in a classical style, but the disposition of the figures, frontal
and in a row next to each other, betrays eastern influences. The
miniature is expressively Byzantine29 and as such has been studied
by Ainalov. 30 This frontality in imperial art was current as we can
judge from the portraits of J ustinian and Theodora in San Vitale
and of Constantine IV (668-85) in Sant' Apollinare in Classe.
The portraits have been identified by Zoega as Job and his
daughters. 81 Ainalov saw in them an imperial family belonging to
the group of portraits "mentioned by St. John Chrysostom who
had seen them on title pages. " 32 These were copied from imperial
portraits painted on boards, like the ones we see in the Codex
Rossanensis. Details, like the absence of the emperor's sons-Ainalov
thought probably of an emperor without sons--the presence of two
daughters only, the emperor's distinctive features, his nimbus,
sceptre and orb, made him think of a specific historical ruler rather
than of Job.
Delbrueck also thought that the portraits do not apply to Job
and his daughters, because Job has never been represented in
imperial costume. 33 He sought an emperor who lived before 64r
-the year that Egypt fell into the hands of the Arabs-in order to
identify him with the one represented in our miniature. The emper-
ors before Phocas (602-10) were beardless, while Phocas himself had
a short pointed beard.H Heraclius (610-41) was considered to be the
subject of this portrait as he first wore a round beard and only in
629, when he came back from the wars in Persia, was he represented
M. Cramer, Koptische BuchmaleYei (BKchO 2), Recklinghausen 1964, 66.
ta
Ainalov, Hellenistic Origins, 66-68, fig. 33.
so
31 G. Zoega, Catalogus Codicum Copticorum, Romae 1810, 178, no XXV,
Tab. VII.
32 Ainalov, op. cit., 68.
33 P. Delbrueck, ConsulaYdiptychen, 270-74, N 27, fig. I; Carnes, Byzance,
fig. 85 with the caption: Heraclius I and three princesses of his family ..
3' Wroth, Catalogue, 162-183, pls. XX-XXII. Phocas, who has r eceived
little sympathy from historians, was 55 years old when he came to power.
He is described as a man of middle height with red hair, thick eyebrows, a
short beard and an ugly face with a scar on his cheek : George Cedrenus
(CSHB), I, 708.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
on the coinage with a long patriarchal beard. 35 Furthermore, among
his successors, who eventually might come into consideration for
this portrait, he was the only one with daughters. The right hand
figure-still according to Delbrueck-must be the empress Martina;
next to her Euphemia, the sister and mother-in-law of Heraclius,
and next to himself his daughter Eudocia, born in 6I1 from his first
marriage.
Kurz proposed another argument36 : "The passage from St. John
Chrysostom adduced by Ainalov refers to imperial portraits in
general, not to book miniatures." 37 .In addition he did not see why
an imperial family should be placed between the Books of Job and
Proverbs in a Coptic manuscript. He identified the portrait as Job.
Job could appear in an imperial costume, because in the Septuagint,
from which the Coptic text has been translated, there is a passage
omitted both in the Hebrew text and in the Vulgate, where J obab,
the King of Edom, is identified with Job (Job XLII in fine). Thus
we do not see here Job the pious sufferer, but Job-Jobab the King
of Edom.
It seems to me that the emperor portrayed here was not meant
to be Heraclius and his family. His first son Heraclius:-Constantine,
born on May 3, 6I2 from his marriage to Eudocia-Fabia38 and co-
emperor from the end of 612 or the beginning of 6I3, 39 should not
have been absent, if the illuminator intented to represent the family
of Heraclius. Ainalov explained the lack of an inscription, indicating
the names of the figures, by the fact that those portrayed should
have been universally known, thus making an inscription super-
fluous. The inscription, however, indicating the name of the man
in imperial garments is not omitted. Following the end of the Book
a5 Wroth, op. cit., 184-254, pls. XXIII-XXX.
ss 0. Kurz, "An Alleged Portrait of Heraclius," Byz, 16 (1942-43), 102-64,
n5.
81 I believe, contrary to Kurz, that this passage refers indeed to book
illuminations (PG, LI, 71).
as George Cedrenus, I, 714; Chronicon Paschale (CSH B), I, 702; Theo-
phanes (ed. De Boor). I, 300.
39 Accord ing to Theophanes, Heraclius-Constantine was associated to the
throne on December 25, 612, and according to..the Chronicon Pascha.le on
January 22, 613.
18 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
of Job, the name of the person portrayed is written in larger letters
than those in the text: 1w& n~JRc.\JOC. (Job the Just) .40 The
illuminator, however, has used an imperial portrait to represent
Job, as this was common practice when one wanted to paint a
biblical figure. Delbrueck has, as we have seen, identified these
portraits with Heraclius and his family. The artist has indeed drawn
imperial figures, but he meant them to be Job and his daughters,
Hemera, Kasia and Amaltheia, and not Heraclius and his family.
What ever his intention, he transmitted to us the portrait of Hera-
clius and at least two of the female members of his family. The
figure next to Heraclius, as we saw, has less individual features than
the three others and can be considered as imaginary.
Heraclius, who was almost 35 years old when he became emperor,
is described by the. Byzantine historians as a strongly built man
with wide chest, pleasant blue eyes, fair hair and white skin. He had
a long beard which he cut short in the imperial fashion, when he was
crowned emperor. 41 Many of the features ascribed to Heraclius we
can observe on the drawing, such as the strongly built body, the
wide chest, the fair hair and the short beard. Furthermore, the early
coins of Heraclius represent him with a round short beard similar
to tha t on the miniature and, in addition, with similar hair42
(Fig. l32b). Concerning his character, he was a mild a nd emotional
man. H e was a good general with good tactics in the field. He was
interested in Astrology and Alchemy and some historians ascribed
treatises on these subjects to him. 43
The female figure on the outer right must be a portrait of the
empress Martina, judging from the headdress which seems more
luxurious than those worn by the other two ladies. After the death
of his first wife Eudocia (August 13, 612) Heraclius married his niece
40 T he text of this fragment has been published in SacrOYum Bi bliowrum
Fragmenta Copto-Sahidica Musei B cwgiani, 3 Romae 1885-1904 (1970), II,
63-68, 152-58, Tab. XIX.
41 George Cedrenus, I, 714; Leo Grammaticus (CSHB}, 147; Manasses
(CSHB ), I, 3667.
42 Morrisson, Catalogue I, pls. XXXIX , AV 01-XL, AV 29; Ducange,
H istoria, I, n2.
43 A. N. Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, 2 Amsterdam 1968-72,
I, 93-94, 258 Note V
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Martina, the daughter of his sister Maria. The famous P atriarch
Sergius first opposed this union, but finally he crowned the couple
at the end of 6r3 or the beginning of 614. 44
One of the two female figures must portray Epiphania-Eudocia,
the daughter of Heraclius and Eudocia. She was born on July 7, 6n,
crowned co-empress on October 4, 61J 15 and was married in 625 to
the prince of t he Khazars, Zibelus. 46 Epiphania-Eudocia m ust be
the figure in the middle. H eraclius had ten children from his second
marriage of which four were girls. 47 We do n ot know whether the
figure next t o him is one of these daughters or an imaginary figure,
as I have suggested, which the artist copied , because h e want ed to
represent th e three daughters of J ob. The theory of Delbrueck that
this figure is Epiphania-Eudocia and the lady in the middle the
sister and mother-in-law of Heraclius cannot be easily proved, but
neither can we counter it wit h any strong argument. H owever, it
seems more acceptable that in th e portraits of Heraclius circulating
in Egypt- the models of our artist-he was represented rather with
his wife and children than with his sister. One detail demands close
attention: The three precious girdles worn by the ladies are clearly
meant to allude to the tradition attest ed by t he apocryphal Testa-
mentum j obi.48 Here Job gives as inheritance to his t hree daughters
magical girdles-a sign of their vocation to be virgins and to become
prophet esses.
Delbrueck dated th e codex to approximately 620 on the basis of
the probable age of the younger figure. One can only say with cer-
tainty that the terminus ante quem for the execution of t he portraits
is t he year 629, when Heraclius is first shown with a long beard.
Since the letters of th e text, t he inscription and t he drawing have
th e same brown colour, the date of the miniature can also be ap plied
to the whole codex. Probably it was executed in the third decade
of the seventh century.
" Stratos, op. cit., 95.
4 5 Chronicon Paschale, I, 703.
46 Ducange, op. cit., u8 .
47 Idem, n9; Stratos, op. cit., 358 Note VI.
' 8 S. P. Brock (ed), Testamentum ]obi (Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti
Graeci, 2), L eiden 1967, cap. XLVI-L, p. 54-57.
20 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Assuming that the identification of the family portrait of the
codex Neapol. IB 18 with the family of Heraclius is correct, as has
been suggested also by Delbrueck with whom I have generally
agreed, then we have here a rather good portrait of Heraclius, much
clearer than that used on the coinage and more accurate than in the
manuscript of Modena (Fig. r31d). The same is true for Martina,
whose portraits have come down to us only. on coins.
MARC. GR. Z 17
The psalter was the liturgical book par exellence for private use
in the Byzantine world. An illuminated psalter was an outstanding
gift to monasteries, churches, emperors, ambassadors etc. This is
also the reason that many of the portraits in Byzantine miniatures
are to be found in psalters. The person portrayed was the one who
commissioned the psalter or who received it. The oldest psalter that
has come down to us with an imperial portrait was executed for
Basil II Bulgaroctone (g76-ro25). It belonged to Cardinal Bessarion
and it is now kept in the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice under the
signature gr. Z 17.49
In the beginning of the codex are inserted two full page minia-
tures, one with the portrait of Basil II (f. IIIr) and the other with
scenes from the life of David (f. IVv). The latter is divided into six
panels and is compared by Tikkanen to reliefs seen on cover of ivory
caskets. 50 It is possible that f. IV was originally placed before f. III
40 Parchment, ff. VI + 430, 29,5 X 30,5. A Zanetti-A. Bongiovanni, Graeca
D. Marci Bibtiotheca Codicum Manuscriptorum per titulos digesta, Venetiis
1740, 18-19; Lampros, Leukoma, pl. 56; Mostra Palazzo Venezia, no. 9, pl. VI
(f. IVv); T. Gasparrini-Leporace, Bibbia. Patres. Liturgia, Venice 1963, no. 17;
Manoscritti ed edizioni veneziani di opere liturgiche, Venezia 1963, no. 3,
figs. 2-3; Catalogue of the exhibition Venezia e Bisanzio, Ven ezia 1974, no. 30.
For an extensive bibliography see: Exhibition Athens, no. 280, and Lazarev,
StOYia, 174 ns7. A colour reproduction in Rice-Hirmer, pl. XI, and in The
Dark Ages, ed. D. T. Rice, London 1965, H5. For a list of manuscripts donated
b y Bessarion to the Biblioteca Marciana see PG, 161, 701-14; H. Omont,
Inventaire des mss. grecs et latins donnes aSaint-Marc de Venise par le Cardinal
Bessarion en I468, Paris 1894; Catalogo della mostra "Cento Codici Bessario-
nei," Venezia 1968, no. 24.
60
Tikkanen, Psalterillustration, 135-36. He considers this psalter, together
with the Psalter of Queen Melissende of J erusalem (u31 -44) in the British
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 2I
so that the miniature of David was facing that of Basil II. Following
this suggestion, f. III was the last folio of the first quire consisting
of a binio, and since its .verso is the flesh side of the parchment and
corresponds to the flesh side of the first folio of the next quire (f. rr),
we have one more argument in favour of this folio order. As the
folios are now placed in the codex, a hair side, f; IVv, faces a flesh
side, f. rr, which is contrary to the Law of Gregory (latus pilosum
latus pilosum respicit).
Actual folio order I II m IV 1
+flh :1f fFfL
Suggested folio order II I IV ill 1
+hlf f~:r fL
The suggested folio order places, it is true, the miniature with the
scenes of David's life opposite the emperor, whose achievements
were in general compared with those of David, but it separates the
miniature of Basil from the epigram of f. !Iv, which is dedicated to
this emperor. If, contrary to my suggestion, the actual folio order
is original, the epigram appears in front of the emperor and the
miniature of David opposite the beginning of the psalter. David
faces now as author of the psalms the beginning of his works. The
disturbance of the Gregorian Law in this case can be explained if
we assume that the co-operation between the artist and the scribe
did not go so far as to settle even this detail. On f. Ir Paschal Tables
are written in by a later hand starting with the year 12o6; ff. Iv and
Ilr are blank. The codex belonged at the beginning of the 15th
Museum (Egerton n39), as a new departure in the illumination of psalters,
which however, did not attain the cultural and historical importance of the
two existing methods applied in the 'aristocratic' and the 'monastic' group.
On Egerton n39 see also H. Bucht hal, Miniature Painting in the Latin
Kingdom of Jerusalem, Oxford 1957, 1-14, pls. 1-19. On Queen Melissende
see, H. E. Mayer, "Studies in the History of Queen Melissende of Jerusalem,"
DOP, 26 {1972), 95-182.
 22 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
century to the Peribleptos Monastery, as is indicated by an entry
on f. 4rov.
In contrast to the portraits of the Vat. Reg. gr. I , the back-
ground here is neutral and gold coloured, while green on the lower
part denotes the ground. 51 Basil is depicted standing in the middle
with his name inscribed on either side: BACIAEIOC EN XPICTC.U
IlICTOC BACIAEYC PWMAIWN 0 NEOC (Fig. 6). The last
word is to distinguish the emperor from Basil I. He is clad in a
military costume consisting of a short purple tunic with long sleeves
and a decorative border at the hem and the wrists. Around the
arms are golden mail pieces which, along with their decorative, have
also a protective function. The upper part of the body is covered
by a golden mail breastplate, worn over a blue cloth seen protruding
under the lower part. His blue sagion, a short cloak, is fastened over
the chest with a fibula decorated with a ruby. On his feet are red
jackboots, the kampagia, set with pearls. Above them can be seen
his blue breeches, but only on the right leg, the colour on the left
having been flaked. The emperor is standing on a semi-spherical
suppedion of which the base is purple, embedded with precious
stones. In his left hand he holds a sword in a red sheath. In his
right he holds a lance which the archangel Michael is handing to
him. On the head of the emperor, which is surrounded by a nimbus
outlined in red, the archangel Gabriel places a diadem, set with
pearls and one red gem in the middle. The figure of Christ appearing
from heaven holds a diadem above the emperor's head.52
The emperor is flanked by six busts of soldier saints in two
51
A gold background for an imperial portrait had already been used in
Par. gr. 5lO, but the green ground in miniatures under the feet of the emperor
is found here for the first time.
n The repetition of the handing over of the diadem and the small
size of the figure of Christ, in comparison with that of the emperor, led
Schramm ('Herrscherbild', 170 n85) to the conclusion that more than one
model was us~d for _th~s ministure. It is not impossible that the artist copied
~rom another 1mpenal image, but Schramm's conclusion, although defensible,
is not co~ect. The poem on f . !Ivo probably escaped his attention; it states
~at Chnst extends the crown from heaven and that the archangel has taken
1t and has crown~d . the em~r?r. This can be justified only by representing
two crowns. A similar repetition of crowns is seen again in the Barberini
Psalter (Fig. 7).
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 23
vertical rows of three. Their names are written in red letters.
Theodore, Demetrius,. George, Procopius and Mercurius. The in-
scription belonging to the saint at the bottom of the left row has
been erased. He is probably Nestor, a military saint found, for
instance, in Hosios Lucas and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo
together with other soldier saints. Under the patronage of these
saints Basil was able to win his wars. The composition with a ruler
surrounded by the busts of six saints is perhaps borrowed from
religious representations. The artist has probably copied from proto-
types in which Christ is shown flanked by the medallions of Mary,
John the Baptist and the four evangelists, as can be seen in the
Lectionary Lavra A 92 on Mt. Athos. 53
The strict symmetry of the composition is continued in the eight
figures in proskynesis at the emperor's feet, four on each side.
According to Schramm, the prostrate persons represent courtiers
and the miniature shows the position the emperor occupied between
God and people. 54 More acceptable is the view of Grabar who inter~
preted the adoration of Basil as a representation of a distinct
triumphal character. 65 This theory is supported by the facts: the
emperor is clad in military and not in ceremonial costume, the
archangel offers him a lance and not a sceptre and those saints
present are military saints. The triumphal character of the picture
is also evident from the iambic poem, especially from the last verse,
which is written on f. Ilv opposite the miniature:
To eocuµ.a XOCLVOV <rioe: 'TWV opwµ.evwv
Xpu1-.:oi; n:po-.e:Lve:L oe:~L~ l;'.w7Jcp6pcp
't' '
e:., oupocvou- 't'O' a't'e:µ.µoc auµt-'o"ov
I , a_ '\ I
x.poc't'oU~
mer-r<ti x.poc-rocL<ti oe:tm6T7) Bocm"Ai::lcp
xiX"To6e:v ot 7tp6'rLO"t'OL 'TWV 'AerwµiX-.wv
0 µev AOC~©v ~ve:yx.e: x.ocl xoclpwv O''t'ECflE:L
6 oe n:poeriXn:-.wv 't'cfl x.piX·m xod 't'ac; VLX.OC~
poµcpoc(ocv 5n:/..ov excpo~ouv EVOCV'Ttouc;
cpepcuv OLOWO'L xe:Lpl "t'7j 't'OU oe:cr1t6'TOU
68 Weitzmann, Buchmalerei, 29, pl. 179
54 Schramm, op. cit., 171, pl. 18.
56 Grabar, Empereur, 86-87.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
ot µ<Xp-rupe:i; SE: CJUµµixxoifow C.:>i; cp(/..cp
pL1t't'OV't'Et; ex6pouc; 't'OOt; '7tOcrl 1tpoxe:Lµevouc;.
"Here is an unusual spectacle for the onlookers : Christ extends
from heaven, in His · life-bringing right hand, the crown, the
symbol of power, to the pious and mighty ruler Basil. Below, the
foremost of the Incorporeals; one of whom, after receiving (the
crown), has brought it, and rejoicing, crowns (the emperor), whlle
the other, to add victories to power, bringing a lance, a weapon
that frightens off adversaries, places it in the ruler's hand. The
martyrs fight with him, as a friend, laying low the enemies prone
at his feet. " 56
The figures in proskynesis represent, thus, captives and the whole
composition is inspired by the ceremony which was part of the
emperor's triumph and which took place in the Hippodrome of
Constantinople. 57 The same theme is carved in relief on the base of
the obelisk of Theodosius I from 391-92, where defeated Indians
and Germans kneel in front of the kathisma of Theodosius who is
surrounded by Valentinian II, Arcadius, Honorius and his court. 68
The appearance of Basil is described by Psellus (Chronographia,
I , 35-36). "His eyes were gay and shining, and his eyebrows not
overhanging and sullen, nor extended in a straight line like a
woman's, but well-arched, denoting a haughty man. The irises were
neither deep-set, showing cunningness and dreadfulness, nor yet
protruding, showing flabbiness, but shone with a manly attrac-
tiveness. His face was well-rounded and his neck not too long. His
chest was neither protruding nor cramped, and the other parts of
hls body in harmony with it. He was a little shorter than the normal
stature, but he held hlmself upright. He was like any other man on
66 Also translated by I. Sevcenko, "The Illustrations of the Illuminators
of the Menology of ·Basil II/' DOP, 16 (1962), 244-76, esp. 272, n92.
67
Grabar, op. cit., 87 n1 for the passages where Byzantine authors describe
representations with the submission of the defeated enemy.
ss A. W. Byvanck, "De obelisk van Constantinopel," Mededelingen der
KoninkliJke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde
N.R., 23.u (1960), 319-29, fig. 2; here also the older bibliography; Spa-
tharakis, 'Proskynesis,' 192, 197-98, figs. 2 and 8.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 25
foot, but on horseback was incomparable and looked like a statue.
In advanced age hls beard went bald over his chin, but it was thick
and long on the cheeks; it was wound round on both sides to make
a perfect circle so that he appeared to possess a full beard." Basil is
shown in the miniature in accordance with the description and
with a grey beard.
The triumphal representation must be an echo of his triumph in
Constantinople after the decisive defeat of the Bulgarians, when he
was in his early sixties.59 The prostrate figures must, therefore,
represent Bulgarians and as such have furnished material for the
study of Bulgarian costume. 6 ° Furthermore they are, together with
the flying angels and the scenes from the life of David on f. IVv,
examples of the style in vogue at the end of the tenth and the
beginning of the eleventh century. This style was a continuation of
the classicism of the tenth century, now with mannerist tr~nds
which are found in the faces of the prostrate figures and the pleats
and clothing of the archangels. The most celebrated example of this
mannerist style during the reign of Basil II is his famous M enolo-
gium, Vat. gr. r6r3. 61 The Marciana Psalter was surely offered to
6 9 S. Der Nersessian, "Remarks on the Date of the Menologium and the
Psalter written for Basil II," Byz, 15 (1940-41), II5. On the year of Basil's
birth (958) see G. Ostrogorsky-E. Stein, "Die Kronungsurkunden des Zere-
monienbuches; chronologische und verfassungsgeschichtliche Bemerkungen,"
Byz. 7 (1932), 198 nr.
eo J. Ivanov, "Les costume des anciens Bulgares," L'art byzantin chez les
Slaves, Paris 1930, I , 328, pl. XLVII.
s1 Codices e Vaticanis Selecti 8. Il Menologio di Basilio II (Cod. Vat. greco
r6r3), 2 Torino 1907; Canart-Peri, Sussidi, 617·18; Sevcenko, op. cit., 272-73,
suggested that Vat. gr: 1613 and the Marciana Psalter could have been
exucuted only a few years apart, or could even have been conteporaneous.
On the basis of the poem at the beginning of the Menologium he advanced
the hypothesis that possibly it also contained a portrait of Basil II now
missing. Idem, "On Pantoleon the Painter," JOB, zr (1972), 241-49, attempts
to identify Pantoleon, one of the illustrators of the Vatican Menologium, with
the painter of the same name mentioned in the Vita of St. Athanasius of
Athos. This man was active in Constantinople between lOOl and 1016 and
the Menologium should, thus, have been executed in this period. Der Ner-
sessian, op. cit., u5, had thought that it was illustrated before the emperor's
wars against the Bulgars in 986. According to I. Dujcev, "Une miniature
byzantine meconnue avec les image!? de Cyrille et Methode?," Byz, 36 (1966),
51-73 in the Menologium there are the portraits of Cyrillus and Methodius,
as well as that of the bishop of Cherson George.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
him during the celebrations following the final destruction of
Samuel's Empire in ror8.
BARB. GR. 372
The Psalter MS. Barb. gr. 372 in the Vatican Library offers a
representative example of the close relationship between the identi-
fication of a portrait and the date of execution of a manuscript. 62
On the recto side of f. 5, a single folio, an imperial family is repre-
sented crowned by three angels, while above it, in a blue half-
mandorla, the enthroned Christ holds in his outstretched hand a
crown with hanging prependulia (Fig. 7) .
The emperor on the left is clad in a blue skaramangion, an elabo-
rate tunic, and a gold loros, wears a semi-spherical crown and holds
a sceptre in his right hand and an anexikakia in his left. The young
co-emperor in the middle is represented in an identical pose and
costume to his father except that the holds in his left hand a book.
The empress alone wears a red chlamys, has a crown of different
shape, and with her left hand seems to hold the 'thorakion', a shield-
like piece of cloth with a double-armed cross on it. All three figures
are nimbed.
The miniature has undergone restoration by a later hand. Addi-
tions can easily be seen on all the faces and on the wings of the
angels. Many of the outlines are drawn over. The gold of the loroi,
crowns and haloes of all figures is repainted. The blue of the outer
portion of the mandorla is painted over and the same applies to the
blue of the emperor's robe which now covers part of the segmentum
on his right arm. The blue of the skaramangion and suppedion of the
co-emperor is also new. The red pf the empress's chlamys is repainted
too. The shoes of the two emperors are much bigger in size than
those of the empress, showing clearly that it was the restorer who
outlined and coloured them.
n Parchment, ff. 273, 20,3 x 17. S. de Ricci, "Liste sommaire des manu-
scrits grecs de la Bibliotheca Barberina," Revue des bibliotheques, 17 (1907),
110 ; Lampros, Leukoma, pl. 97; Canart-Peri, Sussidi, 147; Esposizione
Bibbia, no. 38, pl. XX (colour r eproduction of f. 5v ) .
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 27
Around the miniature we read the inscription:.
OYC H TPI<I>ErrHC EN0EOC MONAPXIA
IIOAAOIC <l>YAAEEI rAAINIOIC XPONOIC
EIPHNIKH TE KAI CO<I>H KATACTACEI
MEEArEIN TA CKHIITPA THC EEOYCIAC.
"Whom the triple enlightening Holy Kingdom may safeguard
so that they administer the sceptres of power peacefully and
wisely during many and undisturbed years."
The order of reading t he inscript ion is given by the letters oc, ~.
y, ~. De Wald compared the verses with the acclamations used in
coronations, which are mentioned in the Book of Ceremonies of
Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 63
Before proceeding to an identification of the portraits and the
date of the manuscript, I should like to emphasize the importance
of the fact that the co-emperor is represented holding a book. The
book represents without doubt the actual manuscript and this
means that the Barberini Psalter was executed for the young co-
emperor. Judging from the figure of Christ holding a crown and the
angel crowning him, we may assume that the psalter was offered to
the co-emperor on the occasion of his coronation.
Grabar, referring to the mystic origins of imperial power, con-
sidered the anonymity of these imperial portraits intent ional. By
the omission of names, the portraits became a symbol of a corona-
tion where the allusion to a concrete ceremony has been eliminated. 64
His explanation of the absence of names did not satisfy every
scholar. De Wald considered it very probable that the names once
appeared on the verso of the preceding folio, now roissing. 65
68 E. De Wald, "The Comnenian Portraits in the Barberini Psalter,"
Hesperia, 13 (1944) , 78-86. For reproduct ions of minia tures from t he Bar-
berini see mainly Bonicatti, "Origine," 41-61, pls. IV, VI, VIII, X (ff. 6r,
19v, r39r, 271v); Der Nersessian, "Illustration," figs. 328-29, 331-33; the
pagination in t he Barberini manuscript is incorrectly given throughout the
latter work.
" Grabar, Empereur, 119.
•s De Wald, op. cit., 8off.
28 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Grabar dated the codex to n77 without giving any explanation
for his precise dating. Ebersolt placed the manuscript in the second
half of the eleventh, or the twelfth century. 66 De Jerphanion was
inclined to recognize in the portraits Alexius I Comnenus (I08I-
n18), his wife Irene and their son John and dated the codex to
1092;6 7 Diehl dated it again in the twelfth century. 68
The first to make a serious attempt to identify the imperial
family was De Wald. He also concluded that the emperor depicted
here is Alexius I with his wife Irene and his son John, and that the
Psalter was made on the occasion of John'.s coronation as co-
emperor in rn92. His arguments for this conclusion were largely as
follows: The emperor wears the dome-topped crown and has the
long pointed black beard which appear in the portraits of Alexius
in Vat. gr. 666 (Figs. 79-80); Anna Comnena described the imperial
diadem as being semi-spherical. In Vat. gr. 666, however, the beard
of Alexius is not pointed, but rather square, and the shape of the
crown is not dome-topped. The beard of Alexius is also square in
the Modena manuscript and his crown again rather flat at the top
(Fig. 122). It is true that Anna Comnena described the imperial
diadem as being semi-spherical, 69 but in the visual arts the first to
wear a semi-spherical crown was ·Alexius' son, John II, as we can
see in Urbin. gr. 2, the Modena manuscript and the John panel in
the South Gallery of St. Sophia (Figs. 46, 49, n7a). De Wald's
second argument was tha t the empress is almost identical with the
figure of Irene present on the Pala d'Oro at Venice. This was
opposed by Bonicatti, as we will see shortly . His third argument
derived from the inscript ions around the miniature. Here t he word
dplJVLx.yj (peacefully ) occurs as though intentionally placed at the
h ead of the column immediat ely b eside and above the figure of the
empress Irene. Actually we do not know whether this word alludes
to Irene or was accidently placed n ear the head of the empress.
Bonicatti opposed D e Wald's ident ificat ion for various reasons,
the most important being : ] ohn was only four years old in 1092
66 Ebersolt, M ini ature, 30.
s1 Jerphanion, "Le thorakion," 71-79, esp. 75.
•s Diehl, M anuel, 574, fig. 18...
69 Alexias, III, 4, 25.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 29
and the posture of the co-emperor in the Barberini Psalter does not
correspond to such an age. 70 Irene Ducas is represented on the Pala
d'Oro with black hair, while the empress in the Barberini has blond
hair. Bonicatti also considered the presence of the word dplJvLx.yj as
an indication of the name of the empress. She, however, should not
be Irene Ducas, but Irene, wife of John II Comnenus (nr8-43),
who is also represented in the mosaic of St. Sophia with blond hair.
There it is combed in straight plaits exactly like the hair of the
empress in the Barberini. 71 The other two portraits should be, again
according to Bonicatti, that of ] ohn II and his son Alexius, who
in n22 at the age of I6 was crowned co-emperor, an age correspond-
ing better with the posture of the young figure. Bonicatti reproduc-
ed details of the portraits of the Barberini, the mosaic of St. Sophia
and Urb. gr. 2 in order to show the similarity between these por-
traits72 (Figs. 48-51). To me such a comparison seems irresponsible,
because, as I have already said, the faces of all the figures have been
restored73 (Fig. 8). Almost nothing is left of the original faces, and
the black ink denoting the eyes, nose and mouth of the portraits is
from a later hand. Even the colour of the hair of the empress cannot
be used as an argument, since the red is also a repainting. Equally
irresponsible is De Wald's comparison of the long beard of the
emperor~also restored~with the beard of Alexius in Vat. gr. 666.
Neither scholar took the restorations into consideration, al-
70
Bonicatti, op. cit., 44-45. His argument does not seem convincing. If
the artist w anted t o represent J ohn in 1092 h e would never depict a child of
four years. It is sufficient that a child is d epict ed no matter wh at the exact
age. De Wald referred t o another example of this kind, the portrait of the
young R om an us at the age of six on the ivory of the Cabinet des Medailles
in P aris (Goldschmi dt-W eitzmann, I , 35, pl. XIV, 34) which Bonicatti did n ot
t ake into consideration. To this we can add the p ortrait of the infant Con-
stantine in the L eningrad P salter, cod. gr. 214, discussed next (F ig. 9).
71 I could not distinguish a ny plaits in the ha ir of the empress in t h e
Barberini miniature. Th e colour of the hair is red and not blond, as is also
the colour of Iren e's h air in St. Sophia.
n Bonicatti, op. cit., pl. I r-2.
73 Only t he face of t h e Virgin on f. 7v , of P eter and Christ on f. 67v, the
figur es of the Philoxenia of Abraham on f. 85v and v ery few others are left
untouched. T hey appear totally different from the faces of most figures in
the manuscript which have been ch anged.
30 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
though Tikkanen- it is true in passing- had reported them. 74
Coming back to Bonicatti's identification and dating, I must
remark that the style of the Barberini miniatures is very different
from that of Urb. gr. 2 and its group. 76 The figures of the Barberini
are small and treated with a certain disregard for dimension; they
are thin, tall and weightless, echoing the monastic spirit which
influenced this style. The details of the garments and the indication
of the pleats are achieved by fine lines which keep the figures flat
and without volume. These lines are often of a gold colour, giving
figures reminiscent of the cloisonne technique. In the style common
around n25 the figures are comparatively more plastic, the dema-
t erialization is strongly reduced, the bodies are less elongated and
many faces have a sickle-like shape. The difference in style between
this period and that of the Barberini Psalter is indisputable.
In contrast to the minimal reaction which greeted the theory of
Bonicatti, De Wald's identification received more confidence and
was accepted as being very probable. 76 Both scholars were influenced
in their identification by the semi-spherical crowns which brought
them to the time of Alexius I and later. On examining the crowns I
observed that their original shape was not semi-spherical. I have
already stated that a lot of the outlines are the work of a later hand.
To this hand also belong the black lines defining the three crowns.
A black line has changed the shape of the crown of the empress
which originally had pyramidical points, but its actual height
remained practically the same. The size of the emperors' crowns
increased in height and the tops now touch the outlines of the
haloes, while the crosses extend above and beyond.77 Usually t here
is a space between the top of a crown and the outline of a nimbus.
7' Tikkanen, P salteritlustration, 12: " ... die, leider teilweise ungeschicht
iibermalten Bilder eines Psfhs der Barb. Bibl. im Rom .. .," He dated the
codex in the twelfth century.
? 5 For reproductions see Stomajolo, Miniature. This manuscript will be
discussed later in this study.
71 K . Weitzmann, "The Psalter Vat opedi 761," The Journal of the Walters
A rt Gallery, 10 (1947), 26 nr5 ; Lazarev, Storia, 191, 249 nz8; Der Nersessian,
op. cit., 63.
n The triangular decoration on the emperor's crown is also an addition by
the restorer.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
In addition we can easily distinguish the hand of the angel holding·
the crown of the empress, while the hands of the two angels holding
the emperors' crowns are almost obliterated beneath the outlines.
of the crowns. Only some traces of the hand of the middle angel can
be distinguished under the top of the crown of the co-emperor. The
hands, thus, originally reached down to crowns which were once
not so high and the shape of which was similar to that of the crown
held by Christ above. Also the crowns occurring lat er in the manu-
script (ff. 5v, 13v, r6r, 2ov etc.) are all rather straight at the top
and not semi-spherical. The restorer gave to the crowns the shape
of t hose which the emperors of his own t ime wore.
By establishing the original shape of the crowns, we have brough t
a counter argument against Bonicatti's theory. The Barberini
emperors cannot be identified with John II and his son Alexius,
because the latter definitely wore semi-spherical crowns. De Wald's.
ident ification is st ill valid, not because the crowns of the Barberini
emperors as we see them now- i.e. semi-spherical- are similar to
that of Alexius in Vat. gr. 666, as he asserted, bu t because the
original shape of the Barberini crowns was not semi-spherical and
therefore similar to that of Alexius. It may also be that t he Barbe-
rini emperor had originally a square beard similar to that of Alexius.
Having proved that the crowns were not originally semi-spherical,
we are not further obliged to search for a coronation of a co-emperor
which took place after the reign of Alexius. I consider it necessary
first of all to determine the period wit hin which the manuscript may
have been executed on stylistic grounds, taking as a criterion its
distinct linear and especially cloisonne style. The Psalter MS. Add.
19352 of the British Museum, executed in 1066 in the Studios
Monastery of Constantinople by the monk Theodore of Caesarea,
shows t he greatest stylistic similarities to the Barberini among the
'monastic' group of psalters.78 We see again the small thin figures,
78 Parchment, ff. 208, 18,8 X 23. The information on its execution is giv en.
on f . 208r . For the Greek text and a French t ranslat ion of the colophon see
Der Nersessian, Illustration, 12; here also the extensive bibliography on this
codex; see also Dufrenne, "Miniature," 177 nI. On f. 207v is depicted, accor-
ding to an inscription, the abbot Michael, the ktetor of the Psalter, offering
the book to Christ. This figure is almost totally flaked; see Der Nersessian,
op. cit., 62, fig. 325. The same abbot is depicted on f. 192r r eceiving the
32 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
the fine lines denoting the pleats and the garments, and especially
the cloisonne-like style which keeps the figures flat and without
volume. 79 Treated in the same way are the anthropomorphic initials
illustrating the Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus in Vat. gr. 463
which is dated to ro6z80 and the Menologium Codex 382 in the
Moscow Historical Museum dated ro63. 81 In the Dumbarton Oaks
Psalter no. 3, dated 1084, the figures remain fine, elongated, linear
in style, but the cloisonne effect is absent. 82 This is also the case in
the John Climacus manuscript in the Princeton University Library,
MS. Garett 16, dated to ro81. 83
Following this stylistic comparison we must now search for a
coronation of a co-emperor which took place in the middle or the
second half of the eleventh century. No coronation of a young
co-emperor took place during the reign of Constantine IX Mono-
machus (ro42-55), the third husband of Zoe, Theodora (1055-56),
Michael VI the Aged (ro56-57) and Isaac I Comnenus (ro57-59).
The first candidates for the imperial family in the Barberini Psalter
are Constantine X Ducas (1959-67), 84 his wife Eudocia Makrem-
bolitissa and their first son Michael, or Constantine. Michael, 85 later
abbot's staff from Christ through two angels; see Der Nersessian, op. cit., 59,
fig. 301 and Dufrenne, op. cit., r87, fig. 16.
79
See the numerous reproductions from Add. 19352 in Der Nersessian,
op. cit.
80 Dev reesse, Vaticani, 231; Canart-Peri, Sussi di, 439 ; L a zarev, Storia,
189, 249 n2o ; Galavaris, N azianzenus, figs. 83-93.
81
L azarev, op. cit., 189, figs. 207-208; h e refers t o t he codex as no. 9.
K. W eitzm ann, " Byzant ine Miniature and Icon Paint ing in the E leventh
Cent ury," Studies, 275-76, figs . 267-68, with .further b ibliograph y (reprinted
from T he Proceedings of the X IIIth International Con gress of Byzan tine
S tudies, Lo ndon 1967, 207-24) . Lake, Dated M ss , no. 229 the text of the
colophon, pl . 408; Exempla Codicum Graecorum,2 ed. G . Certeli-S. Sob olevski,
Moscow 19 n-1 3, pl. X I X . ' 81 Psellus, VII, :z r.
8 2 See i nfra p. 5 4.
83 J. R. Martin, The Illustration s of the H eavenly Ladder of J ohn Climacus
(St udies in Man uscript Illumina t ion 5 ), Princet o n 1954, 175-77, passim,
figs. 29-66 ; Exhibition P rinceton, no. 19, figs. 31-32, w it h fu rther bib liog ra-
phy . F or the evolution of · style in the eleventh century see W eitzmann ,
op. cit., 271·81; for t he second ha lf of·the eleventh century see Lazarev ,
Storia, 185 ff.
84 P o lemis, Doukai, no. 12.
ss I dem, no. 14 ..
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 33
emperor, was crowned co-emperor shortly after the ascension of his
father on November 24; 1059. 86 Constantine, their fourth child, born
in ro6o, was dignified with the imperial title immediately after his
birth. 87 The second child of Constantine Ducas died shortly after
his father's coronation, 88 while the third, Andronicus, was associated
to the throne by Romanus IV (1068-71) after the death of his
father. 89 The second candidate is Michael VII Ducas (1071-78) with
his wife Maria and their only child Constantine who was crowned
co-emperor in Io74 (see infra Leningrad 214). Under Nicephorus III
Botaniates (1078-81) no coronation of a young co-emperor took
place. The last candidate is Alexius I with Irene and their first son
John.
The place of execution of the Barberini manuscript was quite
probably the Studios Monastery in Constantinople, if we can judge
from the presence of the figure of St. Theodore Studites (f. n6r)
inscribed o 5cnoe; mx:r'1Jp ~µwv 0e:6~wpoe; (our holy father Theodore).
The same saint accompanied by the same words is depicted in the
London Psalter (f. 88v) which is a documented work of this monas-
tery.
The final key to the identification of the portraits is given by the
iconographic and stylistic similarities between the Barberini and the
Theodore Psalters. Der Nersessian90 concluded in her study of the
latter that the Barberini Psalter can be iconographically considered
a s an example of an intermediary stage b etween the Chludov 91 and
the Theodore Psalter. Moreover, the number of illustrat ed psalms
and subj ects in the Barberini (121 : 373) is smaller than that in the
ss Idem, "Notes on the Elev enth-Century Chron ology," BZ, 58 (1965),
60-76, esp. 61 and 75.
88 Idem, V II, 20.
s g P olemis, Doukai, n o. 16.
90 Der Nersessian, Illustration, 69.
g1 Moscow , H istorical Museum cod. g r. 129 ; L azarev, S toria, II6- II7,
figs . 87-93 w it h further bibliography . N. Malickij, " Le psautier byzantin a
illustrations m argina les d u type Chludov est-il de proven ance monastique? ",
in L' Art by zantin chez les Slaves, P aris 1932, II, 2, p. 235 -43, q uestion ed the
Studite o rigin of the Chludov and Pantokrator psalters and assigned them
to th e Great Church.
34 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
London Psalter (I36 : 460) 92 and assuming a common ongm for
both manuscripts in the Studios monastery, it is logical that the
more developed cycle in the latter is a development beyond the
Barberini manuscript. Thus, its execution may be placed before
Io66. The portraits must therefore represent Constantine X Ducas,
his wife Eudocia and one of their sons Michael or Constantine. The
year of their coronation as co-emperors, rn6o, must be the year of
execution of the Barberini Psalter. If my identification is correct,
the presence of the word dp'YJVLXTI in the inscription must be purely
accidental.
The most probable reason for changing the shape of the crowns
and faces would have been the intention to reuse the psalter as a
gift to an emperor at a later date, probably at a similar occasion,
at the coronation of his son. Taking into account the shape of the
beard of the emperor, shown as long and ending in two points, the
alterations to the manuscript must have been made in the Palaeolo-
gan era where almost all emperors had a similar beard. To the same
era-probably the I4th century-belongs the iambic poem written
opposite the dedication miniature on a binio of parchment, thinner
and whiter than in the remainder of the codex.
'O y1ji; &v&.crcrwv xd 7tmµ.~v xoct 't'wv o/..wv
x.xt ~ocuto e:upc:.iv oc~wv O"X'YJ7t't'ouxloci;
ocu-roi; -re01JxE c;Tj xopuqi?i -ro ITTeqrni;
ocvoc~ xpot't"OCLS 't'~i; 8/..'Yji; otxouµ.evl]i;
~ocuta he:x.v&i; &AJ....ov e:upwv &p't'Lwi;
't'O (vuv Xot't'otO"'t'ecpe: Lere cruv 't'TI cru~-fiycp
OCAA'YJV cre:J..~VYjV xocrµ.Lxif> ooui; Y,J..tcp
&qi' ci>v 't'O 0ifJ..Aoi;; exqiocvev -r~i; 7tOpqiupoci;;
OCAA'YJV voe:rv ornwcn xocrµ.o7tAOU't"tocv
-r01hcp 't'OC7tELVO<:; (j)OCUAO<; EV fLOVO-rpo7tOL<:;
-rou qiuv-roi; ev-rpucpYJµoc ~ocuto -roui; Myoui;
92
L. Maries, "Le psautier a illustration marginale. Signification theolo-
gique des images," Actes du Vle congres international d'etudes byzantines, 2
Paris I951 , II, 260-72, esp. 262. I should like to thank Mr. L. Gallagher,
London, for pointing out the importance of the difference in number of the
miniatures, which was decisive for the identification of the portraits.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 35
7to0cp 7ITe:pw8e:L;; oouJ..Lxij} 't'6/..µ71 qiepw
8'YjA~V VO'YJTIJV oe:u't'epocv X.otAOUX.LotV
't'O ( = 't'{i)) cpwcrqi6pou cpwi; oe:1he:pov qiocvocV't'L fLOL
ov Yi 7totVotAx~i;; OE~LOC 't'OU oe:cmo't'OU
crxe7tOL xpot't"UVOL 't'WV U7t1JX6wv xocptv
xod Tijv ocvc.u0e:v xe:'Lpoc 't'~V <neqioui; M't"LV
e:tpOL Xot't"' ex8pwv xdpoc ~ocp~otpOX't'OVOV.
"The Ruler and Shepherd of the world and the cosmos,
Who has found David worthy to carry the sceptre,
has Himself placed the crown on your head,
oh mighty king of the whole inhabited earth.
Since He has properly and simply found another David,
He now crowns you together with your wife,
giving another moon to the sun of the world,
from whom the shining offshoot of the purple
gives recognition to another enrichment of the world.
To him, I, humble and modest among hermits,
winged by slavish desire, dare to offer
David's words, the delight of Him Who Is,
an intelligible breast, a second lactation,
to him who is for me the second light of the morning star
whom the mightly right hand of the Ruler
may protect and strengthen him for the sake of the subjects
and may he find that the hand from above which gives the crown
may be against enemies a barbarian slaying hand. " 93
This binio replaced the first quire in the eleventh century scheme
of which the single f. 5 with the imperial family on it was part. The
removal of the earlier folios can be explained if we assume that the
name of the emp eror was mentioned on them. They also probably
contained a dedication poem in the same spirit as that above
written for a Palaeologan emperor. On f. rr are written two entries
which inform us that the psalter was in the possession of Skarlatos,
93
I am much indebted to dr. S. Lilla, Rome, for deciphering some almost
totally effaced words and for his assistance with the English translation.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
also called Matzas, archon of Thessaly and the whole of Greece, who
presented the codex to Francesco Boncampagni of Bologna, Cardinal
of Naples. The latter bequeathed a collection of Greek manuscripts
to the Vatican Library. The information given in the Barberini
Psalter is not sufficient to identify the Palaeologan emperor to
whom the manuscript was later offered.
LENINGRAD COD. GR. 214
The portraits of emperors did not always cover a whole page, but
were also used for anthropomorphic initials. In the psalter cod.
gr. 214, f. rr, in the Public Library of Leningrad94 the portraits of
an emperor, an empress and their son form the letter M of the first
word Moc.xocpwi:;; of the first psalm (Fig. 9). In the fifth ode of Isaiah,
f. 3rrv, the letter E of 'Ex is composed of the same couple, this
time without their son (Fig. 10). There are more anthropomorphic
initials in the codex on ff. g8r, 297r, 306v, 308v, 3r4v, 319r. On
the lower part of f. 3r3r is a miniature showing Jonah thrown into
the sea, while the ketos waits with open mouth. 95 There are, further-
more, two headpieces on ff. 153r and 297r. The last two folios
(328-329) are smaller in size and are of a later date. On f. 328v a
seated figure is depicted, only some traces of which are left. 96 The
very fine small figures with a rich colour scale are of an exceptional
quality and class the Leningrad Psalter with that group of manu-
scripts executed in the sixties and seventies of the eleventh century
in the Capital. 97
The figure of the emperor forming the letter M has almost dis-
appeared. Above the slender figure of the empress, in blue dress,
gold loros and 'thorakion', we can read Moc.ptot Au't'o(xpot)'t'(6pLcrcroc), 98
94 Parchment. ff. 329, 17,5 x 12,5. E. Granstrem, "Katalog greceskich
rukopisej Leningradskich chranilisc. Vypusk 3. Rukopisi Xlv.," VV, 19
(1961), 208 no. 213.
95 Lazarev, Storia, figs. 219-25. I dem, "Car'gradskaja licevaja Psaltir' IX
v.," VV, 3 (1950), 211-13, figs. 1-12.
96 Grandstrem and Lazarev, op. cit., think that this is a figure of David,
but it is more likely that it represents the evangelist Luke.
97 For the manuscripts with anthropomorphic initials forming this group
the quality of which has never been surpassed, see Lazarev, Storia, 189.
98 For this empress, Maria the Alanian, see i nfra under Coisl. 79.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 37
while the young prince is inscribed Kwvcr('t'ixv)'Tl(vo~) Ilop<pupo-
yev(v)"tJ't'(oi:;;). The emperor can only be Michael VII Ducas, the pupil
of Psellus, 99 who ascended the throne in late October 1071 and was
forced by Nicephorus Botaniates to abdicate on March 31, 1078.
He was sent to the Studios Monastery,1°11 later became bishop of
Ephesus and finally died in the Manuel Monastery1111 at Constanti-
nople around 1090.102
Constantine was born before August 1074108 judging from the
information given by Anna Comnena104 that in 1081 he was seven
years old and from a contract dated August 1074.1116 This contract
arranged the betrothal of Constantine and Helen daughter of Robert
Guiscard, and through this Michael secured peace with the Normans.
Constantine is called basileus in the contract, which means that he
had already been crowned co-emperor. The betrothal was dissolved
in 1078, when Michael was forced to abdicate. Under Nicephorus
Botaniates (1078-81) Constantine was deprived of his rights, ':Vhich
were given back to him by Alexius I in 108r. He was betrothed for
the second time to Alexius' daughter Anna, born on December 2,
1083. Through the birth of Alexius' first son John in 1087, and
surely after his association to the throne in 1092, Constantine lost
his privileges, but retained the sympathy of Alexius. We meet him
99
Psellus described the character of the emperor in the last book of his
Chronographia (pp. 178-79, Sewter, 285-86). Cf. Polemis, Doukai, no. 14.
100
Michael Attaliates (CSHB), 270, 19-24.
101
Zonaras (CSHB), III, p. 723 (XVIII, 19, 14).
ioz Chalandon, Comnene, I, 63 n4.
103
Polemis, op. cit., no. 23; B. Leib, "Un basileus ignore : Constantin
Doucas (v. 1074-94)," BS, 17 (1956), 341-59.
104
Alexias, I, p. rn4.
105
The t ext was edited by P. Bezobrav, "Chrusobul imperatora Michaila
VII duki," BX, 6 (1899) , 140-43, and in Michaelis Pselli, Scripta Minora, 2
ed. E. Kurtz-F. Drexl, Milan 1936-41, I, 329-34. For a French translation
see, H. Bibicou, " Une page d'histoire diplomatique de Byzance a u Xleme
siecle: Michael VII Doukas, Robert Guiscard et la pension des dignitaires,"
Byz, 29-30 (1959-60), 43-75, esp. 44-48; cf. B. Leib, Rome, Kiev et Byzance
a la fin du Xle siecle, Paris 1924, 172-74; Grumel, Regestes, no. 901; Delger,
Regesten, II, no. 1003. The chrysobull was signed by the emperor Michael,
the co-emperors, his brothers Andronicus and Constantine, and the Patriarch
John Xiphilinus.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
for the last time in early rn94 when the emperor visited him at
Serres on his way to Serbia.106 •
The letter E on f. 3nv (Fig. IO) is formed from the figures of
God blessing, in purple and blue, Isaiah in a preaching position, in
blue and green, Michael in purple and gold and Maria in blue and
gold, both with their hands in a deesis gesture. Although the figures
are of a very small size, the artist did not neglect to give some detail
to the features of Michael, as far as this was possible. The small
thin moustache and the short round beard correspond to the iconog-
raphy of this emperor on the portraits of the Mutinensis (Fig. 123b)
and of the following two enamels. On a gilded silver plaque of the
Khakhouli Triptych in Tiflis, Michael and Maria are shown stand-
ing, while the half figure of Christ above crowns the couple107
(Fig. II) . From the inscription CTE<I>W MIXAHA CYN MAPIAM
XEPCI MOY (I crown Michael and Maria with my hands) we may
conclude that the enamel was executed on the occasion of their
coronation in ro71 and was probably sent to the king of Georgia
and father of Maria Bagrat IV (1027-72). On a semi-spherical
enamel on the Holy Crown of Hungary we see the bust of the
emperor Michael and on another plaque the bust of his son Con-
stantine designated as basileus108 (Fig. 12). On a third enamel is
the portrait of the king of Hungary Geiza I (1074-77), husband of
a Synadena, niece oi the later emperor Nicephorus Botaniates. On
both pieces Michael has a thin moustache and a thin beard which
is a little fuller on the Holy Crown.
As Constantine in the miniature is called only porphyrogenitus
and not basileus, we may assume that the codex was made before
his association to the throne, which took place before August 1074,
and even perhaps on the occasion of his birth in early 1074.
106 A lexias, II, p. 17Iff.
101 Amiranachvili, Emaux, fig. p . 101 in colour; Wessel, Emailkunst, no.38,
fig. 38, with bibliography. · m Sauerland, op. cit., pl. 43.
108 Wessel, op. cit., n o. 37, figs. 37a-37f; J. Deer, Die keilige K 1'one Unga1'ns,
Wien 1966; J. P. Kelleher, The H oly C1'own of Hunga1'y, Rome 1961; M. v.
Barany -Oberschall, Die Sankt-Stephanus-K1'one und 4ie Insignien des K6nig-
1'eickes Ungarn, Wien-Mi.inchen 1961; cf. also J. Deer, " Mittelalterliche
Frauenkronen in Ost und West," in P. E. Schramm, H enschaftzeichen und
Staatssymbolik, Stuttgart 1955, 426-32.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 39
THE EGBERT PSALTER
In the Ottonian Psalter of the Archbishop of Trier Egbert (977-93)
in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale of Cividale del Friuli there are
five outstanding Byzantine miniatures from the second half of the
eleventh century. 109 They illustrate the prayers of Gertrude for
herself, her son Peter and his family. 110 The Gertrude prayers and
miniatures cover folios which were left blank by the Ottonian scribe.
On ff. 5v and rov appear the portrait s which will be discussed here-
under. On f. gv is the Nativity surrounded by broad borders with
floral patterns similar to t hose which decorate Byzantine head-
pieces. On the upper part they take the shape of a ch urch with a
cupola in the middle flanked by two lower ones, suggesting a five-
domed church. 111 On f. ror the Crucifixion is represented with half
figures of the four evangelists in the corners of the miniatures.112
On f. 4rr the Virgin is depicted seated on a richly decorated throne
with the Infant in her lap. 113
The first miniature with portraits is rather strangely bordered by
the first two prayers which are addres.sed to St. Peter114 (Fig. 13).
It is obvious that the miniature was painted first and that the text
followed it. The apostle, identified by a Greek inscription, is por-
trayed according to By zantine iconography with white curly hair
109
Parch ment, ff. 233, 28,5 x 18,5. H. V. Sauerland-A. Haseloff, De1'
Psalte1' E rzbischof E gberts von T1'ie1', Codex Ge1'tmdianus in Cividale Trier
1901. Exposition I nternationale d'Art Byzantin, Palais du L ouvre,' 1931,
no. 6.48, pl. ~V. .E xhibition Athens, no. 374 with further b ibliography. The
Russian publications on the Psalter were inaccessible t o m e: N. P. Konda-
kov, Izob1'alenie russkoj knjaleskoj sem'n v miniatju1'ach XI v., St. Petersburg
1906 and A. A. Bobrinski, K ievskija miniatju1'i XI v. i po1't1'et knjazie ja1'0-
polka Izjaslavica, St. Petersb urg 1902.
1 0
~ Sauerlan~, op: ~it., 20: i nte1'cede ... pro omni exe1'citu PETRI unici filii
mei et pro omni familia sua. The complete text of Gertrude's prayers is edited
by V. Meysztowicz, "Manuscriptum Gertrudae filiae Mesconis II Regis
Poloniae, " Antemwrale, 2 (1955), 103-157.
u 2 Idem, pl. 44·
118
I dem, pl. 46; a description and connection of the miniatures with
Byzantine art, idem, 173-90.
114
Idem, pl. 42; Schlumberger, bpopee, fig. p. 465. A detail of the three
~mall figures in N. Po~onska-Wasylenko, Ukf'aine-Rus and Western Europe
in the I oth-x3th Centuries, London 1948, pl. 14.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
and round curly beard. He is clad in a blue chiton and an orange
brown himation. The plasticity created by the modelling of the folds
around the body of the saint is slightly reduced by the straight
gold lines added all over the garments. St. Peter makes a gesture
of blessing with his right hand and holds a scroll and three keys-
attributes not very often depicted by Byzantine artists--in his left
hand. At his feet is a prostrate figure clad in an elaborate gold
mantle and inscribed in ancient slavonic MHP IAPO(Il.bAK). The
paint on the upper part of her face is flaked. Her son, inscribed
0 ~IKIOC IAPOil.bAK, is portrayed standing, making a deesis
gesture and looking upwards to the larger figure of St. Peter. He
has a moustache and a very short round beard. He wears a gold
studded crown which is higher than those of Byzantine emperors.
His robe is purple and decorated with gold palmettes.115 Over it he
carries a gold piece of cloth resembling the loros, but shorter and
narrower. His boots are red. A female figure is standing behind
Jaropolk, clad similarly to a Byzantine empress. Her robe is blue
highlighted with light blue and white and her loros is gold as is the
'thorakion' which has a cross on it. The upper part of the back-
ground is gold, while the lower part is green, bestrewn with rosettes.
On f. 10v comes the second miniature with portraits116 (Fig. r4).
It is bordered by a relief pattern in blue, red, green and white, in
the form of swastikas. Christ is depicted in the middle seated on a
luxurious throne, clad in richly pleated garments of orange-brown
and blue and holding two crowns above the heads of two figures.
The figure on his right has the same facial characteristics as Jaro-
polk in the previous miniature. His robe is purple and decorated
with a check pattern with dots in the middle. His golden loros
studded with precious stones differs from the Byzantine one. The
lower part, for instance, instead of falling freely, is caught up and
hangs-presumably over his left ci.'rm-falling in a zig-zag manner.
The female figure on the left of Christ wears a diadem and over it a
white scarf with blue and red stripes. Her mantle has the same
11
~
Cf. the costume of Alexius I in Vat. gr. 666 (Figs. 79-80).
Sauerland, op. cit., pl. 45. Schlumberger, op. cit., fig. p. 463. Polonska-
116
Wasylenko, op. cit., pl. 15.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 4r
colour and decoration as the male figure. The broad border of the
mantle is similar to his loros. Under the mantle she wears a red
garment and on it a gold piece of cloth from which white tassels
hang. Both figures make the gesture of deesis. The male figure is
introduced to Christ by St. Peter who is again identified in Greek.
H e is clad in a blue chiton and a rose hifnation. The female figure is
introduced by St. Irene (I ArIA IPHNI). She is clad in an identical
costume to the figure behind ] aropolk in the previous miniature.
Above Christ are depicted the symbols of the four evangelists and
below the throne cherubim and seraphim, as well as trochoi with
eyes. 117
The figure in proskynesis on f. 5v inscribed 'mother of J aropolk'
is Gertrude (t no7). Her mother was Richeza (t 1063), grand-
daughter of Otto II, and her father the king of Poland Mieszko II
(1025-34). Around 1043 she married Izjaslav, son of the Grand Duke
of Kiev Jaroslav the Wise (t 1078). Izjaslav inherited Kiev from
his father, but he was deposed in 1073 by his brother Svjatoslav II
(f 1076). He fled to Poland and unsuccessfully sought the help of
Henry IV (1056-no6). In 1075 he sent .his son Jaropolk to Pope
Gregory VII Hildebrand (1073-85) expressing his devotion to the
Holy See and asking for assistance. Izjaslav returned, however, to
Kiev with Polish help in 1077. A year lat er he was killed in battle
against his relatives. 118
J aropolk, standing next to St. Peter in the same miniature
(Fig. 13), is given the name Peter in the prayers. It was usual for
Russians to have a Christian name along with t heir local one. Thus
111 Ez. XI, 9-15. F. van der Meer, Maiestas Domini. Theophanies de
l'Apocalypse dans l'art Chretien (Studi di antichita christiana 13), Citta del
Vaticano 1938, 221-30, passim.
us D . Oljancyn, "Zur Regierung des Grossfiirsten Izjaslav-Demeter von
Kiev (1054-78)," ]ahrbUcher fur Geschichte Osteuropas, 8 (1960), 397-410 ;
M. Hellmann, "Die Heiratspolitik J aroslavs der Weisen," Forschungen zur
osteuropiiischen Geschichte, 8 (1962), 7-25, esp. 27; Polon~ka-Wasylenko,
op. cit., 18-22. On the mission of Jaropolk to Pope Gregory VII see G. Hof-
mann, "Papst Gregory VII. und der christliche Osten," Studi Gregoriani, l
(1947), 169-81, esp. 176. On the letters of this Pope Ad Boleslaum Polonorum
ducem and Ad Demetrium 'Yegem Russorum (Izjaslav) see A. W . Ziegler,
"Gregor VII. und der Kijewer Grossfiirst Izjaslav," Studi Gregori ani, 1
(1947), 386-41 I.
42 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
his father Izjaslav was called Demetrius. After the death of the
latter, Jaropolk obtained Vladimir and Turov and his uncle Vse-
volod (t rn93) reigned in Kiev. In rn85 he intended to march against
his uncle, but the latter sent his son Vladimir Monomachus on
whose approach J aropolk fled to Poland. He left behind his mother
and wife who were brought to Kiev. In 1087 he made peace with
his cousin and was again established in Vladimir. A few days later,
on November 22, he was assassinated on his way to Zvenigorod.
His body was transferred to Kiev and buried in the Church of St.
Peter. 119 The treatment of Jaropolk in the chronicle of Nestor is
rather sympathetic120 : He had suffered much-narrates the chroni-
cler after his death-harassed by his brothers although innocent.
Offended and finally murdered by a criminal hand, he merited,
therefore, eternal peace and rest. For this blessed prince Jaropolk
was mild and modest, he loved his brothers and the poor, he paid
his dues every year to the Holy Mother of God, and he prayed every
day saying: "My Lord Jesus Christ, receive my prayer, give me a
death similar to that which my brothers Boris and Gleb have
received by a foreign hand; would that I could wash away all my
sins through my blood and escape the vanities of this world full of
troubles and the pitfalls of the demon." The Lord in His goodness
fullfilled his prayers; He made him participate in the goods which
"eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the
heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that
love him" (r Cor. II, 9).
The figure behind J aropolk has been identified as his wife Irene.
Western sources mention that Cunigunde, daughter of Margrave
Otto von Meissen, Count of Orlamunde, and Adele of Liege, married
to the son of a Rex Ruzorum. 121 The latter has been identified with
119
120
Chronicle of Nestor, 71-72.
Idem, eh. LXXII.
121
Analista Saxo in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, VI, 693
and 737. R. Bloch, "Verwandtschaftliche Beziehungen des sachsischen
Adels zum mssischen Fiirstenhause im XI. J ahrhundert," Festschrift Albert
Brackmann, Weimar 1931, l8y206, esp. l g6-2or. The genealogical tree of
his family in N. De Baumgarten, "Genealogies et mariages occidentaux des
Rurikides Russes," OCA, 35 (1927), Table II; idem, "Cunegonda d'Orla-
munde," OCA, 66 (1930), 162-68.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 43
Jaropolk. Cunigunde had a daughter by Jaropolk, whose name is
unknown. After his death she returned to the West where she
m arried again twice. However, the female figure behind J aropolk
is clad in a different costume from the prostrate Gertrude and the
princess in the miniature of f. rnv (Fig. 14), that is, not in a Russian
costume. This figure is identical in every way with that of St. Irene
in the miniature of f. rov and I am inclined to take it again as
St. Irene. Her gesture must then be interpreted as one of intro-
duction. The omission of the halo can be explained by the lack of
space.
The standing prince on the right of Christ (Fig. 14) has been
identified with J aropolk, since he is introduced by his homonymous
saint and since his face is identical with that in the previous minia-
ture where he is identified by his Russian name. The princess on
the other side has been identified as his wife and it has consequently
been assumed that the name Irene was given to Cunigunde. How-
ever we cannot exclude the possibility that this is once again a
portrait of Jaropolk's mother Gertrude as on f. 5v, since she may
equally well have been given the name of Irene. Schlumberger also
saw in this princess the mother of J aropolk, but mistook St. Irene
for St. Helena. 122
Sauerland dated the work between the death of Izjaslav and the
assassination of Jaropolk (ro78-87), because the former is not
mentioned in Gertrude's prayers. H e furthermore tried to give a
more accurate date based on the fact that Jaropolkis mentioned
in the prayers as being threatened by the king and his house and
as standing at the head of an army. He thought that Gertrude
alluded to the events of 1085 which resulted in the flight of J aro-
polk.123 Many scholars have connected the first miniature with
Jaropolk's visit to Rome in ro75. 124 This interpretation however
cannot explain the miniatures which lack the portrait of Izjaslav
on whose behalf the mission took place. The miniature must be
understood in relation to the t ext and considered as a portrayal of
Gertrude's prayers.
122
Schlumberger, op. cit., fig. p. 463.
123 Sauerland, op. cit., 27-28.
tH Oljancyn, op. cit., 407, n 27 with references to other studies.
 44 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY COD. GR. 3
In the Psalter Cod. gr. 3, f. 8v of the Harvard College Library in
Cambridge, Mass., 125 the ktetor of the manuscript is portrayed at
the feet of a standing figure of Christ126 (Fig. 15). The latter is
flanked by Mary and St. John the Baptist in the so-called 'deesis'
compos1·t·ion. 127 The f'igures are placed against a gold background
under a decora tive setting with a protruding pediment supported
by two columns. In front of the left column stands the author of
the psalms facing the middle group. The miniature is flaked over
much of the surface. The head and extremities of the kneeling figure
are in a better condition than his costume. There is no indication
in the manuscript which could lead to the identification of the
ktetor. The prominent place which David usually occupied in the
front~spiece of a psalter is occupied here by the 'deesis' figure~,
allowmg the founder to portray himself prostrate at the feet of
Christ, showing in this way his purpose in commissioning the codex:
to obtain mercy on the Day of Judgement.
The Harvard Psalter contains two other fullpage miniatures. The
first shows the duel of David and Goliath in two zones (f. 2r5v)
and the second, considerably damaged, the crossing of the Red Sea
(f. zr6v). The first page of the Psalter (f. 9r) is decorated with a
large pyle. Psalm 77(78) is headed by a small headband in the
middle of which Moses is depicted presenting the Law to his people.
A small medallion on the initial Il represents the author of this
Psalm, Asaph (f. n3r). In the middle of the headband to the first
Ode Moses is again portrayed (f. 217r). Thanks to the Paschal
Tables (ff. 282r-289v) covering the years rro5-n24 we can place
the execution of the codex in Iro4-no5 AD.
125
. Parchment, ff: 289, 22,5 x 18._ S. De llicci-W. J. Wilson, Census of
M edieval and Renaissance Manuscripts i n the United States and Canada s
New York 1935-40, I , 97r.
126
Exhibiti?n P rinceton, n o_ 32, fig. 56, with the older bibliography.
127
On the iconograph ic term 'deesis'-introduced at the end of the 19th
century-and 'deesis' scenes see Ch. Walter, "Two notes on the Deesis"
REE.' ~6 (1968), 3u-36, figs. 1-14; cf. also idem, "Further notes on the
Dees1s, REE, 28 (1970), 161-87.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 45
HAMILTON PSALTER
The bilingual (Gfeco~Latin) Psalter in the Hamilton Collection
(no. u9) in the Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz,
Kupferstichkabinett in Berlin, MS. 78 A 9, provides us on f. 39v
with a unique representation of a family-unique in that the-family
is shown in front of an icon of the Virgin and not the Virgin 'in
person' 128 (Fig. I6). It contains six full page and numerous marginal
miniatures, the latter classifying it among the psalters of the
'monastic' recension. 129 The full page miniatures are grouped be-
tween ff. 39 and 43 and are executed, according to Belting, in the
best tradition of Constantinopolitan painting of the early I4th
century.130 A date for the codex at the end of the I3th century, as
was suggested by Grabar, 131 is too early for Belting: he finds a date
in the second quarter of the r4th century more suitable after a
comparison132 with the New Testament Cod. gr. 407 in the Historical
Museum of Moscow. 133 The marginal miniatures, together with the
full page miniature on f. 243v, are provincial and Weitzmann's
comparison with Castelseprio134 can only signify-still according to
Belting-that they had a good model. An entry by a later hand on
f. rv ( isto libro la regina charlotta de jerusalem de chypre et armenie)
suggests that the codex once belonged to Queen Charlotte of
Cyprus.135
128
Parchment, ff. 375, 27 X 22. P. Wescher, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der
Mi niaturen-Handschriften und Einzelbliitter des Kupferstichkabinetts der
Staatlichen Museen B erlin, Leipzig 1931, 25-30, pl. 25 (f. 42r). H. Boese, Die
lateinische Handschriften de1' Sammlung Hamilton zu Berlin, Wiesbaden 1966,
66f. Exhibition Athens, no. 286, with further bibliography_ Lazarev, Storia,
335 ns7. Spatharakis, "Proskynesis," 201-202, fig. 13 .
m . Tikkanen, Psalterillustration, 13, 148; idem, Farbengebung, 133, 145,
passim.
180 Belting, Buch, 6, n14 .
131 Grabar, "Pyxide," 128.
m Belting, op. cit.
m M. V. Alpatoff, "A Byzantine Illuminated Manuscript of the Palaeolo-
' gan Epoch in Moscow," The Art Bulletin, 12 (1930), 207-18.
134 K. Weitzmann, The Fresco Cycle of S. Maria di Castelseprio, Princeton
1951, 64, fig_ 68 (f_ 265r).
lss Charlotte's m other was the daughter of Theodore II Palaeologus,
despot of the Morea (1407-43); cf. Papadopulos, Genealogie, nos 91-92;
G_ Hill, A History of Cyprus, vol. III, Cambridge 1948, 548£. A portrait of
Charlotte is to be found in the Chapel of St. Catherine, near Pyrga in
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
On the dedication miniature a tabernacle of greenish marble, on
top of which is placed the figure of Christ, is shown against a gold
background framed by a trefoil arch with two birds at the corners.
In the tabernacle a rolled up red cloth reveals the icon of the Virgin
and Child and two archangels. Along the bottom of the frame another
icon of the Virgin is attached. Two hanging lamps flank the panel
in front of which five adults and a child are standing in a deesis
posture. They are separated by a gauze net from their parents who
kneel in proskynesis on a marble floor. They all are dressed in red,
the female figure in proskynesis having in addition a white headdress
and white underdress. The detailed registration of topographic
elements suggested to Belting that the original icon of the Virgin
Hodegetria in the Hodegon Monastery of Constantinople is shown
here. 186
It is true that we have here a picture of a specific icon, but it is
doubtful if this icon was in the Hodegon Monastery. Furthermore,
the iconography of the Hodegetria has undergone several changes137
so that we cannot prove that what we see here is indeed an Hode-
getria type. There must have been any number of icons of the
Hodegetria, and of the Virgin in general, in churches in the Byzan-
tine realm which were placed on a standard under a tabernacle.
Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo described in 1403-6 the icon of the
Hodegon as painted on a square panel covered with silver and inlaid
with emeralds, sapphires, topaz, pearls and many other stones. 138
Cyprus; cf. A. and J. Stylianou, "Donors and Dedicatory Inscriptions,
Supplicants and Supplications in the Painted Churches of Cyprus," ]CJBG,
9 (1960), 97-128, esp. 106, fig. 7.
136
Belting, op. cit., 74.
m V. Lazarev, "Studies in the Iconography of the Virgin," The Art
Bulletin, 20 (1938), 38, 46f (the seated Hodegetria); R. L . Wolff, "Footnote
to an Incident of the Latin Occupation of Constantinople: The Church and
the Icon of the Hodegetria," Traditio, 6 (1948), 319·28, esp. 327-28; G. A.
Wellen, Theotokos, Utrecht 1960, 176-78, 210·14, passim.
iss Embajada a Tamcwldn. Estuaio y edici6n de un manuscrito del siglo XV,
por F. Lop ez Estrada, Madrid 1943, 54, 6-II; an English edition: Narrative
of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo to the Court of Timur at Samarcand,
A .D. z 403-6, transl. by C. R. Madman, London 1859, 44. For other descrip-
tions of the Hodegetria icon by various writers and visitors to Constantinople
-which are actually of very little help--see Ducange, Historia, II, 88-92,
and Janin, Eglises, 212-14.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 47
It was placed in an 'iron house'. The shape of the icon he saw might
imply-although not absolutely necessarily- a half length figure of
the Virgin which corresponds to our panel. However, there are no
traces of any precious stones or silver which we would expect to
see, if we take into account that our painter was precise enough to
paint the red cloth above and the small panel along the bottom of
the frame. We are aware that all this cannot prove that our icon
does not represent the Hodegetria icon in the Hodegon Monastery,
but at this moment we should like to leave open the possibility that
this icon could represent a Virgin, perhaps of the Hodegetria type,
situated somewhere else. than the Hodegon Monastery.
Grabar saw in certain details of style and in the way of repre-
senting a kneeling figure an indication of Western influence.139
Belting argued that the kneeling attitude surely cannot be connected
with Western monuments. 140 The forward leaning pose of the man
differs from that in t he Western tradition where the body of a
kneeling figure remains straight; the beard of the man is also alien
to the West; in the East the hands are turned palms-upwards,
while in the West they remain joint and held upright.
For us the dress of the female figure, together with the linear
perspective of the floor, the four-legged standard and the roof of the
tabernacle is of crucial importance for t he solution of this con-
troversy. The linear perspect ive is unusual for Byzantium, as Belting
has noticed, and it was first practised in Western miniat ures during
the r4th century. The date Belting assigned to t he codex-second
quarter of the r4th century-permits the spread of linear perspec-
tive to t he East. The long train to the dress of the female figure is,
from what has come down to us, unknown in the costume of the
Capital.141 On the contrary we find it- in addition to the repre-
sentations in the West-on the female members of the family of
181
Grabar, op. cit., 128.
uo Belting, op. cit., 73, n248.
i n The costume was also taken into consideration by Belting. He stated
that they do not betray any Western influence and referred to the figu res in
the frescoes of Tombs C and D in the parecclesion of the Chora Church
(Underwood, Kariye Djami, III, pls. 534-35, 537-38). Some of t he female
figures in these frescoes have a light-coloured headdress similar to that of
the lady in our miniature, but their robes have no trains.
 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Leo, king of Lesser Armenia, in the Tetraevangelion Codex 2563/8
of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, executed in the year
1272.142 Here the figures in proskynesis make the deesis gesture with
hands turned palms-upwards according to the 'Eastern tradition'.
A dress with a train behind is worn also by the unidentified figure
in proskynesis, with joined hands, in the narthex of the Panagia
Phorbiotissa at Asinou in Cyprus from the second half of the l4th
century. 148 We see, thus, that in places such as Cyprus or Lesser
Armenia, where the Western and Eastern traditions h ad met and
merged with each other, both Western and Byzantine trends occur
in the arts. In such a place, therefore, the miniatures of the Hamilton
Psalter are most likely to have been executed and it is perhaps not
purely coincidental that the codex once belonged t o Charlotte of
Cyprus.144
I note finally that the family in the portr aits is not an imperial
one. The crown and other imperial insignia are missing. Lack of
sufficient evidence makes it impossible to identify the family.
SINAIT. GR. 61
On f. 256v of Cod. gr. 61 in St. Catherine's Monastery on Sinai
a nun is shown prostrate at the feet of the enthroned Virgin with
Child.us The manuscript contains another five miniatures, four
headpieces, seven headbands and nineteen anthropomorphic im-
tials.m The figures in the miniatures are rather elongated, the
m Grabar, op. cit. , 130, fig. 14; A. Mekhitarian, Tresors du Patriarcat
A rmenien de Jerusalem, Jerusalem 1969, no. II , pl. II.I.
m Stylianou , op. cit., 106, fig. 7; idem, The Painted Churches of Cyprus,
Stourbridge I964, fig. 25; P . Stavrou, Cyprus, Nicosia, fig. p. Bo in colour.
lH It is conceivable that the family in our miniature could belong to the
confraternity of the Hodegetria, which was also clad in red (Ta fur Pero,
Andanfas e viajes por diversas partes del mundo avidos, z435-39, Madrid r 874,
I 74). H owever, one must take into consideration the possibility that t here
may have been more than one confraternity in the Byzantine realm which
wore a costume of this colour. Moreover, such a suggestion would conflict
w ith the non-Constantinopolitan dress of the female figure. On confrater-
nities in Byzantium, see J. Nesbitt and J. Witta, "A Confraternity of the
Comn enian Era," BZ, 68 (I975), 360-84, esp. 382.
1 46 Parchment, ff. 261, 15 x 10,5. Gardthausen, Catalogus, I5,
us Clark, S inai, 22.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 49
headpieces of an extremely high quality and t he initials finely
drawn. The codex is dat able from the Paschal Tables at the end
(ff. 26rr-262v) commencing with the year 1274·
The dedication miniature is surrounded by a red border with a
green plaited motive (Fig. r7). The architectonic setting consists of
a large arch and a smaller one supported by blue Ionic columns.
The wall above is green. The Virgin is seated on a red cushion
placed on a wide throne of an orange colour. Her chiton is blue and
her maphorion purple. Christ has a golden halo wit h a cross drawn
in red lines and is clad in a red chiton and blue himation. He inclines
His head in the direction of the nun and blesses her with His right
hand. She wears a black h eaddress, an oil-coloured phelonion and a
brown undercloth. She extends her hand in a deesis gesture at the
feet of Mary. Above her is an inscription giving h er name 0EO-
TIMH (Theotime) .147 The background is gold.
DIONYSIU 65
In the Psalter Dionysiu 65, f. l2V, on Mt. Athos1 48 a monk is
kneeling at the feet of a standing Virgin with the Child on her left
arm (Fig. 18) . The name of the scribe, the monk Sabbas from
Nicomedia, is ment ioned on f. 224r-v. He asks in the colophon that
whoever comes into possession of th is Psalter may commend him
to God, sh owing in th is way his motive for executing it .149 The
Paschal Tables on ff. 242v-243v, from r3r3 to 1348 AD, are written
by a later hand in th e place of the original ones which have been
erased . Consequently, their date cannot be applied to the manu-
script and its miniatures. 156 The codex contains in addition to the
147
Belting, Buck, 49-50; he erroneou sly refers to the nun as Theopempte.
Clark believed that this miniature represented Manasseh praying before the
Virgin and Child.
148
Parchment, ff. 244, 19,5 X 13. Lampros, Catalogue, I , 324-25. Brock-
haus, Athos, 235 and 290. T reasures, 4I9-21, figs. u8-28 in colour. X. Mcxupo-
n:ouAou-T c:nouµ'I), "OL µ1xpoypcxcp(~c; -.ou 'Ycx'A't7)ptou &:p. 65 Tijc; Movrjc; .6.1owalou",
KA'l)pO'lloµlcx, 7 (1975), 131-71.
uu The coloph on in Lampros, op. cit., 324, and Treasures, 419.
n o Lampros, op. cit., 324, Lazarev, Storia, 422 nu3, R. Stichel, Studien
zum Verhaltnis von Text und Bild split- und nachbyzantinischer Verganglich-
keitsdarstellungen (Byzantina V indobonensia, 5), W ien I g71, 70, and Mauro-
 1
50 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
dedication miniature one headpiece (f. r4r), three headbands (ff. 6r,
n3r, nor) and eight miniatures (ff. 5r-v, nr-rzr, r3r-v and 202v),
some of them being of exquisite beauty. Three of the miniatures
(ff. r tr-rzv) , painted in two zones, include the figure of the monk
and refer to Death. 151
The manuscript is written by three hands. The first hand wrote
the main body of the codex, ff. I4-223, Sabbas wrote t he b eginning,
ff. r-r3,-except the inserted f. 2-and the end, ff. 224-244, and the
third hand wrote f. 2 and the Paschalia. 152 The miniatures-includ-
ing the inserted one on f. 202v which represents the pillar of fire
leading Moses and his people, and the drowning of the Egyptians-
are painted in the part of the manuscript which is written by
Sabbas. The headpiece and two of the headbands belong to the
main body of the codex. The date of the miniatures is not easy to
determine, but they seem to me not later than the rzth century. 153
The face of the monk in proskynesis on the dedication page is
damaged, but we can see it on the preceding three miniatures where
the same monk is depicted. The paint of some parts of his dark
brown phelonion and around his hands has flaked. He is in all
probability making a gesture of deesis. 154 The figures of Mary and
Christ are almost intact and their faces are painted in a classical
style. Mary is clad in the traditional blue himation and purple
maphorion and Christ in gold garments. He is blessing the prostrate
monk to whom the Virgin points with her right hand. This arrange-
ment reminds us of that in the Bible of Leo (Fig. r) from the Mace-
poulou-Tsioume, op. cit., 135-36, did not notice the erasions and accepted
the Paschal Tables as authentic.
m Stiebel, op. cit., 70-75. Mauropoulou-Tsioume, op. cit., i 35-36.
in Mauropoulou-Tsioume, op. cit., 133-34, incorrectly concluded that the
whole codex was written by one hand. The two main hands can easily be
distinguished not only in the original manuscript, but also in her reproduc-
tion s, pls. l and 2 (ff. 11or and 24Ir).
m The author is preparing a Corpus of Dated Illuminated Manuscripts,
with the aid of which scholars hopefully will be better able to place individual
illuminated manuscripts.
m The editors of Treasures, p. 421, thought it possible that the monk was
represented as writing-surely an error. Mauiopoulou-Tsioume, op. cit., 153,.
thought the same although there is not even a trace of paint to suggest that
he was holding a book.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS SI
donian Renaissance whence the artist may have drawn his inspi-
ration.
An inscription in red above the miniature reads: ~Epe:tc; ~:x,pcxne:
-rov xpoc-rouv-rcx Ujv wdcrtv (Oh immaculate one, You carry Him who
rules Creation). Another inscription under the picture formulates
the request of the monk: AucrLV 7t't'cxtcrµ.&'t'cuv µ.'ij't'e:p 't'ou A6you ~'YJ't'WV
&.11ta"t'6p11crcx crou 111 otx't'fhrcx't"oc; xcx! voc~tpoc'l:oc; 155 (Asking forgiveness of
t respasses, oh Mother of the Logos, I, t he most pitiful and consecrat-
ed monk, have illuminated for You . .. ). From this inscription, the
colophon and another inscription with the name of CABAC forming
a cross on f. 244v, we may conclude that Sabbas was not only the
scribe of the codex, but also the illuminator and ktetor of the
manuscript. A parallel for t he monk portrayed being at t he same
time scribe, illuminator and donor can be found in the MS. no 7ro/5
in the National Gallery of Vict oria at Melbourne discussed in the
next chapter (Fig. 43).
SINAIT. GR. 2123
Two portraits of Palaeologan emperors are depicted in the Psalter
and New Testament MS. Sinait. gr. 2I23 166 written in I242 AD. 157
The codex was presented to the archbishop of Sinai in IJ8I on
Chios by the epitropos Zarzes Patrokomnenos. 158 There are several
groups of miniatures in the c'odex. 159 The following illustrations
seem contemporary with the text: Three Horologion Tables (ff. 3u,
32r-v), two Canon Tables (f. 32r-v), the evangelists Matthew, Mark,
Luke and John with Prochorus (ff. 34v, 44v, 49r, 52v). and St.
m For a full bibliography on this word see A. Turyn, Dated Greek Manu-
scripts of the I]th and I 4th Centuries in the Libraries of Italy, 2 Urbana etc.
i972, I , I3I.
158 Parchment, ff. 133. 14,8 X 11,5, 12,9 X 8,6. Bene5evic, Catalogus, I,
81-87, no. 7r. Kamil, Sinai, 67, no. 167. Clark, Sinai, 16, 32.
n 7 The colophon on f. l 31 v ends : ~-rouc; .;~v' (67 50 = l 242 ) 0e:68wpot;
~VIXY'JGlO"t''lj<;
0 'rPLXii<;.
15s Bene5evic, op. cit., 82. The name has been corrected to Zorzes Petro-
kokinos; cf. Belting, B uch, 52 m72.
159 I was able to study the illustrations from the photographs and colo.ur
slides of prof. K. Weitzmann and from the positive microfilms in the Library
of Congress in Washington.
52 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Paul160 (f. 84v). Of a later date, perhaps I4-15th century, are:
Isaiah (31v), a seated Virgin orans (34r), a double miniature repre-
senting above the three youths in the furnace and below St. Basil(?),
St. Gregory and St. John Chrysostom (49v), and two more double
miniatures, the first showing St. Peter with the keys and two other
saints above, and St. Spyridon, St. Antonius and one more saint
below (52r) ; the second five soldier saints and the protomartyr
Stephen (84r). To this group also belongs the Doubting of Thomas
(125v). The following miniatures are post-Byzantine perhaps of the
second half of the I5th century with strong Western influences: A
cross (r32v), a globe (2r), Michael VIII (3or), a hand with a torch
(r3zr), Constantine and Helena (132v) and a crowned double-headed
eagle (133r). The miniatures representing the Annunciation (rr),
Elijah fed by a raven (29v), the Nativity (r33v) and the emperor
John VIII (3ov) are Western.
The emperor Michael VIII (1259-82) is painted turned three
quarters under a pink Gothic arch in a deesis gesture (Fig. I9). The
background consists of hills arid trees. The miniature, with strong
Renaissance influences, shows him with a red hat of the skiadion
type and a red mantle with an open blue collar. 161 The inscription,
MIXAHA EAEU) 8Y IIICTOC BACIAEYC KOONCTANTINOY
IIOAECJJC KAI AYTOKPATCJJP POOMAICJJN 0 IIAAAIOAoroc,
differs from the Byzantine formula which we meet in miniatures
in that the expression EN Xffi TOO 0W is replaced by EAEOO 0Y
and by the addition of the name of the city.
The portrait of John VIII (1425-48) is painted on paper which
is pasted onto f. 3ov {Fig. 20). The emperor is shown in profile with
160 Weitzmann, Sinai, 24-25, fig. 33, remarked that the long sword, the
attribute of St. Paul, leaning against the frame of the miniature, is an un-
known feature in Byzantium, but familiar in Western art.
161 Restle, "Miniaturen," 106, nrr, fig. 3, who studied the miniature on
Sinai, assigned it to a Byzantine rather than to an It~lian resident of Co~­
stantinople. Prof. Chatzidakis informed Belting (op. cit., 53 n173) that. this
and the miniatures of the same group reminded him the Cretan pamter
Kornaros. As regards the position of the hands of the emperor, Restle noted:
"The hands are empty in front of the body, but in such a position as if they
were holding a roll, as is known from the representations of olde: emperors-'.'
I do not believe that the mention of a roll is relevant here, smce a deesis
gesture amply justifies the position of the hands.
OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 53
the skiadion which is white with a red brim. His mantle is also red
with a white open collar. On the dark blue background, painted
after the portrait was added, is written: ICJJANNHC EN XCJJ TCJJ
0CJJ IIICTOC BACIAEYC 0 IIAAAIOAOrOC. Here, the words
KAI AYTOKPATCJJP PCJJMAICJJN are missing. The inscription is
written in the same hand as on Michael's portrait and it was very
probably this same hand that added this Renaissance portrait to
the manuscript.
Pisanello, who saw the emperor during his stay in Ferrara for the
Council on the Union of the Churches in I438162 , gave a description
of him in his annotations to a drawing of the emperor. 163 He was
small in stature with bent shoulders; his eyes were green-grey with
dark eyebrows, hair and beard. The painting in the Sinai manuscript
is in accordance with the drawings of Pisanello, his medallion
(Fig. 21), the bronze bust by Antonio Avelino called Filarete164 in
the Museo Vaticano (Fig. 22) and, in part, with the description.
Also the age of the emperor, who was then about 45, 166 corresponds
to the painting which shows him with light eyes and finely-drawn
light-brown hair and beard. 166 Restle thought that John VIII him-
self commissioned this portrait from Pisanello. 167
1s2 For the literature on the Councils of Ferrara and Florence see Ostro-
gorsky, History, 561 nr.
l6s Louvre, M. I. 1062; J. A. Fasanelli, "Some notes on Pisanello and the
Council of Florence," Master Drawings, 3 (1965), 36-47, fig. 2. M. Fossi
Todorow, I disegni di Pisanello e della sua cerchia, Firenze 1966, pls. LXVIII-
LXIX.
164 A. Muiioz, "Un buste en bronze d'Antonio Filarete representant l'em-
pereur Jean Paleologue," Comptes rendus de l'Academie des inscriptions et
beUes lettres, June r907, 300-39. M. Lazzaroni-A. Muiioz, Filarete scultore e
architetto del secolo XV, Roma 1908, 125ff.. figs, 79-81). Lampros, Leukoma,
pl. 87. Idem, '"H n:poToµ:~ Tau 'l@iwou IlaAcctoA6you xcct 1J &.11ccxoL11wtni; Toti x.
Munoz," NE, 4 (1907), 409-16.
165 Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 90, dates his birth around r394, a year
after the marriage of his parents Manuel II and Helena Dragases.
166 Belting, op. cit., go n299, summarized the similarities and differences
between the annotations on the drawing and the painting, and assigned the
latter to a possible new meeting of Pisanello with the emperor in r439 in
Florence.
m M. Restle, "Ein Portrat Johannes VIII. Palaiologos auf dem Sinai,"
Festschrift Luitpold Dussler, 1972, 131-37. The painting is reproduced also in
Benesevic, Monumenta, pl. 34; Restle, "Miniaturen", fig. 2; Belting, op. cit.,
54 OLD TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
DUMBARTON OAKS COLLECTION MS. No. 3
Two folios, once inserted in the 'aristocratic' Psalter and New
Testament of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection MS. no 3 (olim Panto-
krator 49), show a dedicational representation of two monks. 168
The inscriptions around the figures give us the names of the monks
and the saint (f. 86v) who introduces them to the Virgin 1:m>AotL6>-
TLc>O"ot with Christ, in emperor's costume, on her left knee169 (f. 87r).
The first figure on the left is the monk Gregory who is holding a
book in his hand to be presented to Mary. He is the 'spiritual father'
of the young monk John depicted in front of him, on whose shoulder
is laid protectively the hand of the protomartyr Stephen. The latter
is dressed as a deacon with the orarion hanging from his left shoulder.
These two miniatures are of a much later ·date than the codex itself
(1084 AD). Der Nersessian has suggested a date between the end
of the 15th and the first half of the r6th century,170 but a slightly
earlier date may not be excluded.
fig. 52; Weitzmann, op. cit., fig. 37. For portraits of John VIII, showing
Western influences see Lampros, "Etx611tc;;"; idem, " ~ A)).e:c;; dx611Ec;;". P. Jur-
genson, "Zur Ikonographie des Kaisers Johannes VIII. Palaiologos," BZ,
27 (1927), 346-48, believed that the same emperor is represented on two
intaglios (nos 162-63) in the Historical Museum of Moscow. For other por-
traits of this emperors executed in the West see Marinesco, "Deux: empe-
r eurs," 23 -25, fig. 9; cf. also his portraits on the bronze doors of St. Peter
in Rome: Lazzaroni-Muftoz, op. cit., 68ff., figs. 57-60.
168 Parchment, ff. 357, 16,2 x 10,5. There is a vast bibliography on this
manuscript; it is mainly given in S. Der Nersessian, "A Psalter and New
Testament Manuscript at Dumbarton Oaks," DOP, 9 (1956), 153-183,
figs. l-62; Lazarev, Storia, 190-91, 249 n26, figs. 234-37; Exhibition Princeton,
no. 20, figs. 33-35. F. 254 is kept in the Museum of Art in Cleveland as Cod.
acc. no. 50154; Exhibition Princeton, no. 21 fig. 36. Five more folios, including
ff. 86-87 with the portraits, are now missing.
1ee D er Nersessian, op. cit., 160, figs. 26-27.
170
Idem, 183.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
SINAIT. GR. 283
The Praxapostolos Sinait. gr. 283 contains several pylai at the
beginning of the Acts and the Epistles and two inserted full page
miniatures. 1 The first one (f. 72v) depicts St. Peter seated on a
throne, his head turned to the left. On the upper right corner of the
miniature, which is considerably damaged, the hand of God appears
from heaven blessing the apostle.
On f. ro7v St. Paul clad in rich pleated garments is seated on a
throne making a protective gesture with outstretched arms (Fig.23).
He is flanked by two standing figures, probably the ktetors of the
manuscript. The figure on the left is almost completely flaked,
while that on the right is less damaged. We can distinguish one eye
and the fine nose and moustache on the face of this portrait.. There
is no colophon or any other indication which could give us more
information on these two persons. The fact that they are portrayed
next to St. Paul and not to St. Peter can be perhaps explained if we
assume that Paul was their patron Saint. The left figure is rather
strangely cut off by the border, but since I have not seen the origi-
nal or any colour reproduction and only the positive microfilm in
the Library of Congress, I cannot explain this. The manuscript has
been dated by palaeographers to the tenth century.
THE ADRIANOPLE TETRAEVANGELION
In the Armenian Tetraevangelion MS. no. 887/rr6 in the Mekhi-
t arist Library of San Lazzaro in Venice2 the donor (f. 8r) is portrayed
1 Parchment, ff. 240, 17,2 x 12,2; Hatch, Sinai, pl. II; Clark, Sinai, 4 and
25. Gardthausen, Catalogus, 57.
2
Parchment, ff. 280, 42 x 32. P . B. Sarghissian , Grand catalogue des manu-
scrits Armeniens de la Bibliotheque de s P. P. Mechitharistes de Saint-Lazare, 3
Venice l9q-66, I, 510-18, no. 116 (in Armenian). K. Weitzmann, Die arme-
nische Buchmalerei des IO. und beginnenden II. Jahrhunderts, Bamberg 1933,
17-19, figs. 30 (f. 131v), 31 (f. 6v), 32 (f. 7r), 33 (ff. 5v-6v), 34 (f. 7v), 35
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
opposite the enthroned Virgin (f. 7v). The illumination of the codex
consists of an arch (f. rr), decoration for the letter of Eusebius
(ff. 1v-2r), eight Canon Tables (ff. 2r-6r)-canons 6-8 are missing-
and crosses (ff. 81v, 13rv, 216v), all painted in a rather simple way.
Some marginal illustrations are even simpler and artistically insign-
ificant.3 The quality is higher in the two doub~e portraits of the
standing evangelists, Matthew and Mark (f. 6v), and Luke and John
(f. 7r) as well as the seated Virgin with Child and the donor, all of
which have inscriptions in Greek. According to the colophon on
f. 279v the manuscript was written by a certain priest Kirakos in
Adrianople in 1007 during the reign of Basil II. Also mentioned
here is the name of Yovhannes (John), protospatharios of the
emperor and proximos 4 of the duke Theodorakan,5 who commis-
sioned the codex and asked forgiveness for his own sins and those
of his family.6
The inscription on the dedication page (Fig. 25), reading 0(EO-
TOK)E BOH0(EI) TON CON ~OYA(ON) <l>C.OT(ION) ~ICY­
IIAT (ON),7 is of a later date and replaces the original which has
been erased. On the right and above the present inscription one can
still distinguish the letters IW which identify the person portrayed
as the protospatharios John mentioned in the colophon. He is por-
trayed standing as a person of middle age, offering the codex with
(f. Sr). S. Der Nersessian, Manuscrits Armeniens illustres des Xlle, Xllle
et XIVe siecles de la Bibliotheque des Peres Mekhitharistes de Venise, Paris
1937, 190. M. Janashian, Armenian Miniature Painting of the Monastic
Library at San Lazzaro, Venice w.d., 28-30, pls. 34-36 (ff. 4r, 5r, 6r), 37 (6v),
38 (7r), 39 (7v), 40 (8r ) in colour.
8 Janashian, op. cit., 28.
4 Guilland, Recherches, I , 433, stated that the d uty of proximos was to
transfer the orders of the domestikos of the scholai to the various officers.
In our case John must have been the messager between the emperor and
Theodorakan.
5 F or the family of Theodorakan see N. Adontz, "Notes Armeno-byzan-
tines," B yz, 10 (1935), 161-201, esp. 161-70.
6 A French translation of the colophon in Adontz, op. cit., 161; an English
in Janashian, op. cit., 28.
7 On the disypatos, see Guilland, op. cit., II, 79-81. This title existed also
in the Palaeologan era. Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 189, mentioned George
Palaeologus disypatos who lived in the 15th century. Our Photios is otherwise
unknown and could have lived any time after 1007 AD.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 57
both hands. He is clad in a military costume, with a turban-like
headdress, short tunic and leather lorica. 8
J anashian concluded that the artist of the miniatures was an
Armenian,9 because the costume of John is not similar to that of
the dignitaries of Coisl. 79 {Fig. 71). This comparison is however
irresponsible, because the dignitaries of the Coisl. 79 .are clad in
court and not in military costume. Whether the costume of J ohn
is Armenian is quest ionable and even if it was, it could not be used
as a criterion to determine the nationality of the artist. Weitzmann's
conclusion on the artist was u ndecided.10 Whatever t he nationality
of the artist, he used Byzantine models of high quality and copied
them with obvious success in a style which can be considered as
Byzantine. The only difference from Constantinopolitan work is the
quality of the pigments. The paint in miniatures from the Capital
is usually thicker, while that in our miniature is thin, giving the
impression of water colour. The copyist of the Adrianople manu-
script was unfortunately not careful e110ugh to harmonize the
miniature of the Virgin with that of the donor. He painted the
Infant on the lap of the Virgin turning to the left and blessing an
empty space, while he depicted the donor on the right {Fig. 24) .
MEGALI PANAGIA No. I
The dedication page of the Lectionary Megali Panagia no. r, f. Iv,
in the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem shows a donor inproskynesis
before the Virgin11 (Fig. 26). The manuscript is illuminat ed, further-
more, with a cross 12 (f. 2r), the four evangelists of the standing
type1 3 {f. 2v) and seven headpieces. 14 The codex has a metal cover
8 Cf. the military costume of B asil II in Marc. gr . Z i7 (Fig. 6).
9
J anashian, op. cit., 30.
10
Weitzmann, op. cit., 19.
u Parchment, ff. 267, 27,6 X 21,5. A. Papadopulos-Kerameus, ' hpocro-
).uµi.TixY) BL{3).Lo6ipt'l], 5 Petrograd 1891-1915, I II, 226-29. Lake, Dated Mss,
V, no 213, p ls. 367-73. K. W. Clark, Checklist of Manuscripts in the Libraries
of the Greek and Armenian Patriarchate in J erusalem, Washington 1953, 15
and 30.
12
Lake, op. cit., pl. 371.
18
I dem, pl. 370. On the standing type of evangelist see Friend, "Portrait s,"
I, 124ff.
H Lake, op. cit., pl. 367 (f. lz3v).
58 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
representing the Dormition of Mary on the front and the Resurrec-
tion on the back. The cover was manufactured in 1615 according
to an inscription on it. 15
The background on the dedication miniature is purple. The
Virgin is depicted raising her hands while introducing the donor
Basil. The Gospel book and four stars are shown in a circle on the
upper right corner. The hand of Christ appears blessing the donor.
This representation replaces the more usual one, where the figure
of Christ is shown blessing (cf. Figs.land 45). The inscription above
the kneeling figure reads:
0 TO rONY KAINON CY BACIA(EIOC) IIEAON
IIOAAYC IIEPIIIEIITOKA KAKYC AIIAICTOC
KAI AICXPOIC EPPYIIOCA 'P'YXHC XHTONA.
NYN ~E TOIC AXPANTOIC COY IIOCIN H'P'AMHN.
IIPOCENENKO CY TO~E TO MErAAION
KAI ETOYMENOC ANTIA YTPOC AABIN ME
IIPECBEYCON we EXOYCA MHTPWA CIIAAXNA
IIPO C ON rAP ON ETEKEC ~ECIIOTHN IIANTWN
TOY EIIIBPABEYCE 111 IIOAAWN IITECMATWN
AYCIN.
"I, Basil, on bended knee before you, have
fallen headlong into many vices and have sullied
the garment of my soul with wickedness ; but now
I have clasp ed y our immacu late feet. I offer
y ou this masterpiece, requesting that you receive
me in return. Since you have maternal feeling,
intercede with H im, becau se you have borne Him,
the Lord of All, t o grant remission of ma ny sins."
Differing from other inscriptions on similar representation s which
contain Mary's words addressing Christ, this one contains a prayer
which is spoken by the donor himself. H e confesses his sins and,
for his donation, he requests God's m oth er, WC EXO Y CA MHTPWA
u T he inscription o n the cover is g iven by Papadopulos- K erameus, op. cit.,
226. For a r eproduction of t he front cover see Lake, op. ci t., pl. 373.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 59
CIIAAXNA, to intercede with her Son for forgiveness of his
trespasses. A similar inscription is written on f. rr in which the
name of the donor Basil occurs once more and also the date 6569
(ro61), when Constantine Ducas and Eudocia were ruling. 16 The
manuscript was written by a certain John, as is stated in the colo-
phon on f. z66v. 17
Lake thought that the portraits of the Virgin and the evangelists
might not originally have been part of the manuscript. 18 However,
the inscription in uncials on f. rr is written by the same hand that
furnished the titles further on in the codex. It also contains the
name of Basil, as we have already said, which re-appears in the
prayer on the dedication miniature. Consequently the first folios
with the miniatures form an integral part of the codex.
LENINGRAD COD. GR. 291
Codex gr. 291 in the Public Library of Leningrad consists of three
folios. 19 F. I contains a passage of the Gospel by Luke (24, l-24, 21).
On the recto side of f. II is a Canon Table and on the verso side the
figure of Christ holding his hand protectively over a standing figure
(Fig. 27). On the recto of f. III is shown the Virgin holding the hand
of a female figure (Fig. 28), while the verso side is covered with five
medallions, the middle one representing the archangel Michael and
the other four P eter, Paul, Bartholomew and Thomas.
These t hree folios once formed part of the Tet raevangelion Codex
Sina it . gr. 172. They were removed from it by Porfirij Uspenskij
who also wrot e some notes on th em. F olios II and III were placed
after f. ro of t he Sinaiticus and f. I after f. 165. The dat e of execu-
tion of the Sinait. gr. 172, and consequently of the Leningrad
folios, is known to u s from the colophon on f. r 97r written by the
16 A facsim ile of this folio in L ak e, op. cit., pl. 369; for .the t ranscription
of the inscription see idem, p . 213.
17 Papado pulos- Kerameus, op. cit., 2 28 ; h ere a lso other entries denoting
the vario us possessors of the codex.
is Lake, op. ci t., p. 21.
1u P archment, ff. 3 , 21 ,2 x 15,5. E . Granstrem, "Katalog greceskich ruko-
pisej L enigradskich chranilisc. Vypusk 3. Rukopisi X I v .," VV, 19 (19 61 ) ,
194-23 9, esp . 205 , no. 209 (291}. Treu, H andschri ften, 122-24.
60 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
presbyter Zacharias: May ro67. Zacharias states further that the
donors of the manuscript were Theodore Gabras and Irene, very
probably his wHe. The colophon reveals also the reasons why the
couple commissioned the codex: npoc; axemiv xocl ~~°'"~P'Y)ITTJV xcxl
uyd<>:v xocl CWTI)p(ocv xocl &qiEaLV 't'WV &µccp·n&v OCU't'WV (for protection,
preservation, health, salvation and forgiveness of their sins).
These provincial miniatures are painted in dull water colours.
The background on f. IIv is blue and bordered by a red line. The
standing Christ is clad in a brown chiton and blue himation. His
head is surrounded by a halo which overlaps the upper border and
which is painted in orange, denoting gold. The donor is clad in a
green robe and brown chiton and shoes. The lower part of his body
overlaps the border, which means that the artist did not feel
restricted to placing his figures inside the frame. 20 The inscription
in red above the donor gives the name and title of the donor:
®EOAC.OPOC Il(AT)PI(KIOC) KAI TOITOT(HPHTHC) I'ABPAC
AOYAOC ~(Theodore patricius and provincial governor Gabras
servant of God). On the opposite page (f. IIIr) the Virgin in a blue
chiton and brown maphorion leads Irene by the hand to Christ. 21
Irene wears a brown chiton and a green chlamys and an enormous
headdress. The inscription here reads: ®E BOH0EI TH CH
AOYAH EIPHNH TH I'ABPABA (Mother of God help your
servant Irene Gabras).
The main sources of information regarding Theodore Gabras are
Anna Comnena22 and a synaxarion published by Papadopulos-
Kerameus. 23 He was governor of the Eastern themes Chaldia and
Colonea and a distinguished soldier in the wars against the Seljuqs.
In ro98 he was captured while defending the fortress Paipert and
was executed by Ali in the nearby city of Theodosiopolis (Erzerum).
His remains were later transferred to Trebizond where he was
declared a martyr and as such venerated. Many churches, including
a monastery, were named after him.
20
Lichacev, M aterialy. pl. CCCLV (699).
21
"Bene~evic,
Monumenta, I, pl. 37.
22 Alexias, VIII, 9.
23
A. Papadopulos-Kerameus, I:uµ~o/..ixt d(i -rl)v lcTop(ixv T@ix7te:~o\iv-ro(i, BX,
12 (1906), 132-47, esp. 132-7, cf. also Treu, op. cit., 124.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 6r
PAR. GR. 74
The Tetraevangelion Par. gr. 74, 24 together with its sister manu-
script Plut. VI. 23 in the Biblioteca Laurenziana, 25 is one of the
most prolifically illustrated manuscripts of the eleventh century.
Its numerous miniatures classify it among a group to which belong,
among others, the Tetraevangelion Vind. Theol. gr. 154, the Lec-
tionary Vat. gr. rr56 and the Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus
Vat. gr. 463. They have all been dated in the third quarter of the
eleventh century. 26 The miniatures of Par. gr. 74 have been pub-
lished by Omont. 2 7
On f. 6rv, at the end of_the Gospel of Matthew, below the repre-
sentation of the Commissioning of the Apostles, two standing
figures are depicted under two trilobed arches flanked by trees28
(Fig. 29). The figure on the left, clad in a dark brown, almost black,
sticharion, brown phelonion and black bonnet, represents the abbot
of the monastery where the codex was executed. He has a long
white beard ending in two points. His head is surrounded by a gold
halo. 29 The abbot (o xuptyouµEvoc;) opens his hands to receive the
Gospel from St. Matthew who is clad in a rose coloured chiton and a
blue himation with a red clavus. The folds of the robes are delineated
with golden highli!5hts in a cloisonne-like style, characteristic of all
the miniatures of this codex. On the opposite page, f. 62v, the
following verses are addressed to the evangelist.
84
Parchment, ff. 215, 23,5 X 19. Bordier, Description, 133-36. Millet,
Recherches, 746, passim. Grabar, Miniatures, figs. 35-40. Exhibition Paris,
no. 21, pl. XII, with the older bibliography. Lazarev, Storia, 187-88, 192,
248 n2 with a further bibliography, figs. 194-201. K. Weitzmann, "The
Narrative and Liturgical Gospel Illustrations," Studies, 247-70, esp. 250-54,
264-65, passim, figs. 232-34, 254, 256, 275, 288-90 (reprinted from New
Testament Manuscript Studies, ed. M. M. Parvis-A. P . Wikgrem, Chicago
1950). Dufrenne, "Miniature," 177 n3 with a n extensive bibliography. S. Der
Nersessian, "Recherches sur les miniatures du Par. gr. 74,'' j(JB, 21 (1972),
109-117, 7 figs.
25 Millet, op. cit., 739, passim. T. Velmans, Le Tetraevangile de la Lauren-
tienne Florence Laur. VI 23 (BCA 6), Paris 1971.
28
For this group of manuscripts see Lazarev, op. cit., l88f.
•? H. Omont, Evangiles avec peintures byzantines du XI e siecle, 2 Paris 1908.
28 Idem, pl. 86. ·
89
Grabar, op. cit., pl. 39 detail of the abbot's head.
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS

but raises his hands in a gesture of mediation to heaven from whence

EIIEIIIEP 0 IIPWTOC CE
IIOIMHN KAI MErAC
0 TO IIAANH0EN 0PEM-
MA CWCAC IIANCO<l>WC
IIOIMANTIKHC APICTA
KOCMHCAC TPOIIOIC
TAYTHC KATECTHCA-
TO THC TOY IIPO.liPOMOY
CEIITHC AAH0WC ArE-
AHC IIPWTOCTATHN
IlPOCHKE IIANTWC KAI
AOrOIC 'YYXOTPO<l>OIC
we EN IIOAIC TPE<l>EIN
CE TOYC YIIHKOOYC
OYKOYN .liE.liEEO THN.liE
THN 0EIAN BIBAON
HC KPEITTON OY.liEN I1AN-
TAI1ACI TWN OAWN
KAI THC EN AYTH MYCTI-
KHC EYKAPIIIAC
TOYTOYC KOPENNYC EY-
CTOXW .liIAKPICEI
CAYTON KOPW MAAI-
CTA IlANTOTE TPE<I>E
appears the blessing -hand of God. Above this representation is
depicted the Ascension of Christ. 32 On the opposite page, f. rozr~
a dialogue between the evangelist and Christ is written in verse, in
which St. Mark intercedes for the abbot.
ocbt6a't'oAo<.; AS'(EL
TON IKETHN COY TON.liE XE KAI AATPIN
OPAC orrorw CXHMATI IlPOCEICI COI
0 XPLC1't'O<.;
OIKTPWMEN OYN rE C<I>OiiPA CYNTETAMENW
AAA' ElllE THN AITHCIN A YTOC HN <l>EPOI
OYTOC rAP OY.liEN <1>0Er- rETAI TO IIAPAIIAN

"Because the first and great shepherd, who wisely saved the o cX7t6C1't'OAO<.;
misled flock, has excellently adorned you with commanding gifts, EMO! MECITH XPWME- NOC 0Y AOrE
he has appointed you headman of this truly venerable herd of the CirAN O.lil KEKPIKEN EYAABEI TPOIIW
Prodromos (monastery). However it is fitting that you nourish AITEI .LiE AABEIN 'YY - XIKHN C(WTHP)IAN
your subjects with words that refresh the soul, as in a pasture. KAI IIPOCTACIAC XAPIN HKPIBWMENHC
Accept, therefore, this divine book, which nothing whatever IN' EYArwc CYCTHMA CE- MNON I0YNAC
surpasses, and with its mystic fruitfulness satiate them with MIC00N <I>PONIMWN AH'f"E- TAI iiliiACKAAWN
righteous judgement. Yourself as well you must keep equally
full." 0 XPLC1't'O<.;
OYK ACTOXHCEI MAP- KE TWN HTHMENWN
On f. 93v, covering the greater part of the page, the Last Judg-
rnent is represented30 (Fig. 31). On the bottom corner to the left, "The Apostle says:
the abbot with a blue nimbus is depicted together with a group of Oh Christ, You see in what garment this, Your
monks between the enthroned Abraham and the Virgin. The sinus servant and worshipper, comes to You.
Abrahae symbolizes paradise and the wish of the abbot to attain a Christ:
place in heaven is expressed here pictorially. - We take pity on him since he is trying his best;
On f. rorv, at the end of the Gospel of Mark, the abbot and the but state the request which he brings,
evangelist are shown under a double arch31 (Fig. 33). St. Mark does because he does not speak at all.
not hand over his Gospel as does Matthew in the previous miniature, The Apostle:
Appointing me as intercessor, oh Divine Word,
so Omont, op. cit., pl. 8I.
31 Idem, pl. 91. 82 Idem, pl. 90.
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
he has decided to keep silent in a respectful
manner. He requests, however, that he receive
the salvation of his soul and the gift of un-
failing leadership so that, beatifically lead-
ing the venerable institution, he will receive
the reward of wise teachers.
Christ:
He will not fail iri his requests, Mark."
On f. 213r, at the end of the Gospel of John, under a row of twelve
apostles, the abbot is represented receiving from St. John a staff,
the insignium of his office33 (Fig. 36). The architectonic decoration,
placed between two trees, consists of two double and one single
knotted columns. The upper part is formed by two triangular
arches, in contrast to the round ones of the other miniatures.
Between the two arches the hand of God appears from heaven
blessing the abbot. In the verses thereunder, which continue on the
verso of this folio, it is stated that the investiture of the abbot
originates in heaven, i.e. in celestial Jerusalem and no longer in
Sion of the Old Testament. 34
OYK EK CICDN COI II (AT)EP AAA' OYPAN00EN
HKEI KOMIZWN THN 0EOCAOTON PABAON
0 XPICTEPACTOC OY- EX0PWN A' AilANTWN
TOCI E>EHI'OPOC KYPIEYWN EN MECW
AEXOY TO AWPON C<l>PA- we 0 IlPO<l>HTHC IlNEY-
rIA.A IlPOEAPIAC MATI 'YAAAWN rPA<l>EI
H MAAAON EIIlEIN ICXY- TON TWN KAAWN AITI-
OC 0EIAC PABAON ON YMNEI ITPO<l>PONWC
"Not from Sion, oh father, but from heaven comes
this spokesman of God, beloved of Christ,
bringing you the staff, the gift of God.
Accept the gift, the seal of leadership, or
33 Idem, pl. 187.
H This inscription is also transcribed by Dufrenne, op. cit., 190.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
better, the staff of divine power, and while
winning out in the middle of all enemies, as
the prophet writes, singing with the spirit,
give praise gladly to the Cause of Good."
The assignment of a divine origin to the office of the abbot, which
is also shown in the Psalter MS. Add. 19352 of the British Museum,
strengthens the hypothesis, according to Dufrenne, that the two
manuscripts were copied and illustrated in a monastic milieu, and
more precisely in the scriptorium of the Studios Monastery. 35 There
is no doubt that the Paris manuscript was executed in a monastic
milieu, but the assignment of a divine origin to the office of the
abbot was common in every monastery. It is the fact that in the
Paris manuscript the investiture is actually shown, as is the case in
the Theodore Psalter, which indicates that both manuscripts were
executed in the same monastery. Support for this suggestion can
be found in the dedicatory poem given above (f. 62r), if we identify
the Prodromos monastery mentioned there with that of the Studios
which was dedicated to St. John the Baptist.
A miniature representing the abbot and St. Luke also doubtlessly
existed at the end of the Gospel of Luke, but is now missing. The
end of this gospel is written on a paper folio (f. 164) deriving from
Italy (the scissors watermark is similar to Briquet, 3688 from 1498
AD) which replaces the missing parchment folio. The counter folio
of f. r64 is also missing and consequently a lacuna appears in the
text between ff. 161and162. The quaternio in which the paper folio
appears is composed as follows: 160 161 X 162 / 163 164 (paper)
165 166. The miniature was painted in all likelihood on the verso
of the missing f. 164 and there the first verses of the dedication were
also written and continued on f. l65r. The last verses allude to a
r epresentation of the abbot and St. Luke :
TON THC NOMIKHC
IEPAPXIAC TPOilON
80 I dem , 190, figs. 15-18.
66 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS

HC ZAXAPIAC HM<l>I- IlOAYTEAH MAAICTA "To the king:

ECTO THN XAPIN ~EI8AI TON AOrON Oh King of All, You have given the crown on this
AOYKAC 0 0EIOC ICTO- OYKOYN AIIOIIPEIION- earth to the king and master who delights the
PHCE IIArKAAC.OC TOC OY~· 0 zc.orPA<l>OC world; You have adorned him with a chain of
EXPHN rAP AYTON EN TON THC MONHC IIPOE- virtues and You have made him thrice beloved
Aororc TE0PAMMENON ~PON ECTC.OTA rPA<l>EI by all. Accordingly, grant him as well the
rPA<l>HN TE IIACAN E- KAI AAMBANONTA XEP- power of reigning as permanently as possible,
EOXC.OC HCKHMENON CIN IEPC.OMENAIC and guard him, oh Saviour, with Your strength,
MH ~EN IIAPEINAI TC.ON TO THC CTOAHC rNC.OPI- along with his whole family."
ANArKAIC.ON OAC.OC CMA TC.ON IEPEC.ON
AAA' EY<l>PA~EIA KAI It is possible that the emperor, whose name is not known, and
IIAATEI NOHMATC.ON perhaps his family were once depicted at the beginning of the codex.
Many of the original folios at the beginning of the manuscript are
"The divine Luke has beautifully outlined the missing. The manuscript begins with the Gospel of Matthew, but
course of the lawful hierarchy of which in front of it are now four paper folios on which are copied Canon
Zacharias assumed the grace. For it was necessary Tables and which replace the original parchment folios. The sup-
that he, reared on words and excellently trained position that Par. gr. 74 once contained imperial portraits can be
in the whole art of writing, should neglect supported by the fact that its Bulgarian copy (see hereafter) opens
nothing at all that was required, but with elo- with two miniatures portraying tsar Ivan Alexander and his family.
quence and expansive concepts should show the
word at its most resplendent. Thus it is not at BRITISH MUSEUM ADD. 39627
all unfitting that the painter depicts the head
of the monastery standing and receiving in his The MS. Par. gr. 74, or a faithful copy of it, has without doubt
sanctified hands the insignium of priesthood." been used as a model for a grnup of Slavonic manuscripts.a6 The
most famous of these is the Tetraevangelion Add. 39627 (Curzon
On f. 215v, the last folio, the following prayer is written on 153) in the British Museum. 37 According to the colophon on f. 274,
behalf of the emperor: the manuscript was written in 6864 (1356 AD} by the monk Simon,
being commissioned by the Bulgarian t sar Ivan Alexander (1331-
36
S. Der Nersessian, "Two Slavonic Parallels of the Greek T etraevan-
gelia," The Art Bulletin, 9 (1927), 233-74. Idem, "Une nouvelle replique
CY TO CTE<l>OC ~E~C.OKAC EN rH IIANTANAE slavone du Paris. gr. 74 et les manuscrits d'Anastase Crimcovici," M t!langes
TC.O KOCMOThPIIEI BACIAEI KAI ~ECIIOTH N. Iorga, Paris 1933, 695-725.
37
CY TOYTON C.OPAICAC APETC.ON KYKAC.O Parchment, ff. 283, 33 X 24,3. Catologue Curzon, 33££. B. Filow, "Die
Miniaturen des Evangeliums I wan Alexanders in London," Byz, 4 (r927-28),
KAI IIACIN A YTON TPIII00HTON EIPrACC.0 313-19, figs. 1-3. Idem, Les miniature de l'evangile du roi Jean Alexandre a
CY AOITION AYTC.O XAPICAI KAI TO KPATOC Londres, Sofia 1934, 4. C. E. Wright, "Palaeography and Manuscripts," The
MONIMON CDC MAAICTA THC CKHIITOYXIAC Year's Work in Librarianship, 8 (1935), 1-21, esp. 13-15. Ch. Walter, "Lazarus
a Bishop," REE, 27 (1969), 197-208, fig. 3. Boschkov, Malerei, 89-97,
KAI IIArrENH <l>YAATTE cw C(C.OT)EP CE>ENEI figs. 97-84.
68 NEW TEST AMENT MANUSCRIPTS
7r) . Filow was convinced that the same scribe had written about
ten years earlier the Vat. Slavo 2, a Manasses manuscript (see infra
p. 160), also commissioned by Ivan Alexander; 38 this is, however,
less than probable.
Following the stylistic trends of the 14th cenfory, the artist
changed the fine ascetic figures of the Paris Tetraevangelion to
more plastic and voluminous ones. As in the Greek prototype, here
too the gospels end with portraits of the evangelists. On f. 86v is
shown the Commissioning of the Apostles and underneath the figure
of Ivan Alexander with his hands in a deesis gesture, receiving not
the gospel, as the abbot in the Paris miniature whom he replaces,
but the blessing of Matthew39 (Fig. 30). It is worth mentioning that
while the monotony of the position of the apostles in the Greek
miniat ure is in a way broken by the different attitudes of some, the
Slavonic miniature shows all in the same repetitious pose. The
architectonic decoration of the Paris miniature was omitted.
In the same way Ivan Alexander replaced the abbot between
Abraham and the Virgin on the miniature representing the Last
Judgement on f. 124r4° (Fig. 32). On f. 134v Mark blesses the tsar
under a similar architectonic surround as in the Paris miniature.
Above t hem the Ascensfon is shown41 (Fig. 34).
At the end of the gospel of Luke, on f. 212v, the tsar is portrayed
en face receiving the blessing of St. Luke, with both standing under
an arch4Z (Fig. 35). They are accompanied by the attributes of
their professions: a shield, spear and sword for I van Alexander, and
a lectern for St. Luke. The corresponding miniature in the Paris
manuscript is missing, as we have already noted.
On f. 272v the tsar is again depicted in a frontal pose, now
r eceiving the gospel from St. John, while the Greek miniature
shows the latter offering the abbot the staff of his office. Above, a
row of the twelve apostles is depicted, as in the Greek protype
(Fig. 37).
Filow, op. cit., 6.
as
Idem, fig. 106. Boschkov, op. cit., fig. 78.
J9
•o
Der Nersessian, "Slavonic Parallels," op. cit., fig. z4. Folow, op. cit. ,
fig. r55. Boschkov, op. cit., fig. 8l. . .
u Filow, op. cit., figs. 174-75. Boschkov, op. cit., fig. 84.
4: Filow, op. cit., fig. 276. Boschkov, op. cit., fig. 82.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 69
At the beginning of the Slavonic Tetraevangelion two full page
miniatures are preserved which show I van Alexander and his
family. On f. 3r the tsar is shown in court garments, identical to
t hose of the Byzantine emperor (Fig. 39). Also identical is the way
of representing an imperial family (cf. Fig. 93) . The face of the tsar
is painted with care (Fig. 40). He has rather th in eyebrows and
brown eyes, a straight nose and a grey beard ending in two points
and highlighted with a light blue colour. The shadow on his cheeks
is accentuated with fine red and brown lines. His golden stemma,
studded with pearls an d red and blue precious stones, has the
semi-spherical shape of the crowns of the Palaeologan emperors.
He wears a red sakkos and golden loros. In his right hand he holds
a red sceptre surmounted by a cross and a red akakia in his left.
The lining of the loros is green in contrast to the red of Byzantine
emperors. The t sarine Theodora, second wife of Ivan Alexander,
whose face, together with t hose of the children, is painted with less
care than that of the tsar, has a richly decorated crown, not found
with Byzantine empresses. The prependulia not only hang alongside
the cheeks, but also from the upper ends of the crown. She is clad
in a red robe, decorated with vertical gold bands and plant orna-
ment, and in a green chlamys with a gold hem. She also holds a red
sceptre in her right hand.
Between the royal couple, their first son I van ~isman is standing,
clad in identical garments and crown to his father. On the right is
depicted the younger son Ivan Asen in a brown robe with red
sleeves, a less luxurious crown than his brother and a sceptre
without a cross. His left hand is empty. All four figures have golden
haloes and all, except t he young I van A:~en, stand on red suppedia.
The difference in garments and insignia between t he two children
makes it clear that t he older was associated to the throne, while t he
younger was not,
The hand of God appears twice from the blue heaven blessing
the royal family. The figures are painted directly onto the parch-
. ment without any background, and all figures are accompanied by
red inscript ions. "3 We notice here that the tsar is depicted on the
43 Filow, op. cit., 16-17, figs. 2 and r36. Boschkov , op. cit., fig. 80 in
colour. Velmans, "Portrait," fig. lI.
70 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
right side of the miniature and the tsarine on the left, while in
Byzantine representations of an imperial couple the emperor always
occupied the left and the empress the right side.
On f. 2v, the first figure on the left portrays the despot Con-
stantine, son-in-law of the tsar (Fig. 38). He wears a similar crown
to Ivan Asen and a brown robe decorated with white double-
headed eagles. The sleeves are red. Next to him stands Kera (the
Lady) Thamara despotica, daughter of I van Alexander and wife of
Constantine. She wears a crown less elaborate than that of the
tsarine, a brown robe ornamented with a yellow pattern and a red
chlamys. Next to her is portrayed her young sister Kera.ea (the little
lady) [Maria] with a similar crown, red robe and green chlamys.
The youngest daughter, Desislava, is dressed in a green robe and a
yellow chlamys. All four figures are nimbed, hold red sceptres and
stand on red suppedia, except Constantine who stands on a brown
one. 44 Since the miniature with Constantine and Thamara is placed
before that of the tsar, it might be possible that the codex was
commissioned on the occasion of their marriage which then must
have taken place in IJ56.
PRINCETON LEAF
On a parchment leaf measuring 22,3 x17,5 in the Art Museum
of Princeton, Cod. acc. 32.14, a standing figure is represented in
imperial costume against a neutral gold background46 (Fig. 41).
The decoration of the frame, consisting of two different designs, is
placed between two red lines. It has been accepted that this leaf
was once part of the Tetraevangelion Cod. MJ48 in the Pierpont
Morgan Library at New York. 46 There remains in this manuscript
two decorative arches for the letter of Eusebius, two Canon Tables,
three marginal and two full page miniatures with the portraits of
the evangelists, Matthew (f. 8v) and John (f. l5ov), both accom-
Filow, op. cit., 14-16 with historical information on these figures; figs. I
14
and 135· Velmans, op. cit., fig. 12.
45 Exhibition Princeton, no. 18, fig. 30.
46 C. Nordenfalk, "The Apostolic Canon Tables," GEA, 6 2 {1963), 32.
Exhibition Princeton, no. 17, figs. 27-29, with bibliography.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 71
panied by a second figure. 47 On f. r93v an entry made by a later
hand refers to an eclipse in ro86 giving at the same time a terminus
ante quem for the date of execution of the codex. A provincial
provenance (Pontus) has been suggested.48
The emperor is clad in a blue skaramangion which has a gold
band at the lower part decorated with a design similar to that o± the
lower border of the frame. The golden loros is bordered by a red
band studded with pearls and hung with white tassels. He holds in
his· right hand a red sceptre surmounted by a cross and set with
pearls, and in his left a large orb coloured green at the bottom. A
red foliate cross with double traverse is drawn on it. The orb and
the loros are ornamented with the same design of intermittent ranks
of palmettes. A different design occurs on the cuffs and the lining
of the loros, which is unusually wide and which seems to have been
represented twice, since the red piece with a zig-zag white line in
the middle also denotes a lining. His red boots studded with pearls
overlap the border.
The face of the emperor is drawn with rather fine lines expressing
individual characteristics. He has rather large, dark-brown, almond
eyes, a straight nose, thin moustache and a very short beard with a
notch in the middle. His hair is curled and together with the beard
is of a fairish, brown colour. He wears a golden crown set with pearls
and three large precious stones, two blue and one red in the middle.
From the crown hang the prependulia and in addition a row of
pearls decorates the hair. To the left of his right arm, a partly
effaced vertical inscription reads: 0 AI'IOC KC.ONCTANTINOC.
The individual characteristics of the young face would make one
think that the illuminator used the portrait of the ruling emperor
to depict St. Constantine. This is also the opinion of other scholars.
We have already met a similar case where the features of the
emperor Heraclius were applied to Job (Fig. 5). Furthermore,
47 Weitzmann-Fiedler, "Begleitfiguren," 32, figs. 7-8.
48
Nordenfalk, op. cit., 22-23. J.C. Anderson's observation (op. cit., note 45)
that the robe of the emperor on the Princeton leaf is blue and not purple
cannot be used as additional evidence for a provincial origin for this manu-
script. Most of the emperors examined in this study are clad in robes of a
colour other than purple.
72 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Weitzmann49 proved very convincingly that the portrait of Con-
stantine VII Porhyrogenitus (gI3-59), as shown in the coinage 50
(Fig. I26h) and especially in the ivory relief in the Historical
Museum of Moscow, 51 was used to depict king Abgarus on an icon
in the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai. 62
Nordenfalk53 thought that the portrait on the Princeton leaf
could represent Constantine VIII (1025-28), Constantine IX (rn42-
55) or Constantine X (rn59-67). Constantine VIII is shown on the
coinage (Fig. I26b), the Mutinensis (Fig. I25b) and the Exultet of
Bari (Fig. 6I) with a long beard and therefore must be excluded as
a candidate for our miniature. Constantine X is shown on the
coinage with a short round or with a rather short pointed beard54
(Fig. I24d). In the Mutinensis his beard is rather short and pointed
(Fig. Iz3d) and similarly in the Par. gr. 922 (Fig. 68). This emperor
was about fifty years old when he ascended the throne65 and as the
emperor on the leaf is obviously much younger, he must also be
excluded as a candidate. The emperor Constantine IX Monomachus
was suggested not only by Nordenfalk, but also by Weitzmann,
according to whom "the short beard with a notch in the middle
accords well with representations of Constantine IX Monomachos
in Mt. Sinai cod. 364, and Modena, Bibl. Estense cod. a.S.5.5." 66
Constantine IX, however, has in the Sinait. gr. 364 (Fig. 66) a
copious beard, and no trace of any noth can be seen on it. In the
Mutinensis (Fig. I23g) his beard is shorter than in the Sinaiticus,
but much fuller than in our leaf and without· a notch. On the
coinage57 (Fig. r24g) his beard is similar to that in the Mutinensis.
On the Crown of Budapest this emperor has a short full curly
• 9 K. Weitzmann, "The Mandylion and Constantine Porphyrogennetos,'
Studies, 225-46, esp. 242-43, figs. 210, 212, 227-29 (reprinted from CA, I I
[1960] , 163-84).
so Wroth, Catalogue, 444, pl. LI, 8.
51
Goldschmidt-Weitzmann, 35, pl. XIV, no. 35.
62 G. and A. Soteriou, Jeanes du MontSinai, 2 AtMnes , 1956-58, I, figs. 34-
36, II, 49-5r.
53
Nordenfalk, op. cit., 34 n39·
u P. D. Whitting, Byzantine Coins, London 1973, figs. 3n-14.
ss Polemis, Doukai, no. 12.
5 6 Exhibition Princeton, no. 18.
57
Whiting, op. cit., figs. 311-14.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 73
beard. 58 In the mosaic in the South Gallery of St. Sophia in Con-
stantinople he has again a rather short dark beard (Fig. 67). If we
take into account that before his coronation he was married twice
and that around rn35 he was sent into exile for seven years, 59 we
may conclude that he was of middle age when he ascended the
throne, an age which does not correspond to that of the portrait in
question.
Thus no emperor named Constantine could fit in with this
miniature. It is, however, not necessary to restrict our choice to
emperors bearing this name. It has been suggested that the illumi-
nator painted here St. Constantine using the ruling emperor as a
model. The fact that St. Constantine is depicted as a very young
man can be advanced as an argument for supporting this suggestion.
If the ruling emperor had a name other than Constantine this would
definitely not deter the artist from using him as model. This is
shown by the two examples we have mentioned above, in which
neither Job nor Abgarus portray emperors with these names. We
may therefore extend our research in identifying the Princeton
portrait to emperors having names other than Constantine.
The figure represents a very young man, as we have already
established, and consequently we must look for an emperor who
was very young when he ascended the throne. Michael IV (Io34-4I)
was a young man when he was crowned. On being introduced fo
Romanus III (rn28-34) he made such impression on the elderly Zoe
that, "her eyes burning with a fire as dazzling as the young man's
beauty, she at once fell victim to his charm and from some mystic
union between them she conceived a love for him." 60 Michael V
(rn4r-42) seems also to have been a young man during his short
reign. We know little about the age of Rornanus IV (rn68-7r) who,
like the two Michaels, is depicted on the coinage with a short,
round beard (Figs. I24c-f-h).
My preference, however, goes to Michael VII (rn7I-78) for the
following reasons. He was a very young man when he ascended the
ss Wessel, Emailkunst, pl. 32b.
s1 Psellus, VI, l7 (Sewter, 120).
60
Idem, III, r8 (Sewter, 49).
74 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
throne, judging from the fact that in rn6], when his father died. he
was not yet at an age to assume imperial responsibility, and there-
fore his mother Eudocia succeeded Constantine X as supreme ruler.
He had very probably a brown beard (see infra Coisl. 79) and
definitely a very short round one (Figs. I23b, I24b). On the enamel
plaque of the Khakhouli triptych in the Tiflis Museum61 executed
on the occasion of his coronation with Maria the Alanian in late
October Io7r his short beard is shown with a notch in the middle
(Fig. II). He has a similar beard, but a little fuller, in his portrait
on the Holy Crown of Hungary62 (Fig. 12). This fuller beard can be
explained by the fact that Michael was some years older when the
enamel on the crown was executed than when the Tiflis plaque was
made. Indeed, on the same crown there is a portrait of his son
inscribed as basileus and in addition a portrait of the king of
Hungary Geisa I (1074-77) during whose reign the enamels on the
crown must have been executed. If my identification is correct,
the Princeton leaf, and consequently the Pierpont Morgan codex
M148, must have been executed early in the reign of Michael VII.
SPEER LIBRARY COD. ACC. No. Ir.2r.1900
A. high official of the Byzantine Court is represented on f. r*r of
the Cod. acc. no. 1r.2r.1900, a Lectionary, in the Robert E. Speer
Library, Theological Seminary, Princeton. 63 The miniature is
painted on a single folio which is inserted into the Lectionary. It is
a little narrower and the ruling is different from the remainder of
the manuscript. The Lectionary has a headpiece of high quality on
f. u and three smaller headpieces elsewhere.
The inserted miniature (Fig. 42) represents a cross flanked by
two flowers with long stems and decorated with flower-petal pattern
of blue, rose, green and gold. On the top of the cross stands the half
6 1 Wessel, op. cit .. pl. 38. Colour reproduction in Amiranachvili, Emaux,
fig. p. 101, and idem, Georgian Metalwork from Antiquity to the z8th Century,
London 1971, fig. 71.
81 See supra Leningrad Cod. gr. 214, note 108.
63 Parchment, ff. I+ 338, 31 x 25,5. Exhibition Princeton, no. 26, with
further bibliography.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 75
figure of Christ 64 blessing the standing donor on the left, so denoting
his acceptance of the request which is written on the open scroll.
The donor, whose face is so flaked as to leave only some traces of
the drawing, is clad in a blue chiton and a purple chlamys decorated
with gold spade-shaped and round ornament. The inscription on the
scroll reads: Lap~"t'C.UV oux o)..(yc.uv x(pLCr"'t') e: See µou oca[xc.ui:; O""t'cpYJ6di:; "t'oUi:;
1tOvoui:; tae; µou: tMCil 8µµoc-n. xocxet6ev &<pe;O"LV: a[aou µm Mmv 7COAAWV
OCfL7tAOCXY)µ&.-rwv: Tt66cp yocp 7tpompepc.u (JOL -riXi:; ae;xoc~L~Aou.:;: ~[oui:; oc6Aou.:;
"t'e µocp-rupCilV xoc1 ocr[Cilv: 7tpfo~L.:; "t'OU"t'OUi:; 7tpo~oc)..)..6µe;voi:; 6ocpp~croci:; OO"Y)
;cpovolq: 7tpoeapoi:; tc.uocw7Ji:;. (Unfairly deprived of not a little sweat,
oh Christ my God, look on my work with a sympathetic eye and
thence grant me forgiveness and the remission of many sins. For
with devotion I offer to Thee these ten books, the lives and exertions
of martyrs and saints, whom I, John, proedros t hrough Thy provi-
dence, have dared to delegate as intercessors.)
The inscription implies that the manuscript, to which the minia-
ture originally belonged, contained, as Metzger correctly noted, 66
ten books dealing with the lives of saints and martyrs, which the
donor presents as his 'envoy' to request forgiveness for his sins.
These ten books-not ten volumes with the lives of ten saints and
martyrs as the editors of the Exhibition Princeton thought-can be
easily identified with the Menologium of Symeon Metaphrastes
which was written in ten volumes. 66
The decoration of the cross and especially the fine drawing of
Christ, as well as the elongated figure of the donor, suggest a
possible date for t his miniature in the second half of the eleventh
century. It is not unt hinkable that the portrait might represent
John proedros, megas drouggarios tes bigles and eparchos, who is
u On the cross crowned by the bust of Christ see Ph. Verdier, "La colonne
de Colonia Aelia Capitolina et l'imago clipeata du Christ helios," CA, 23
(1974), 17-40.
16 B. M. Metzger, "A Treasure in the Seminary Library," Princeton
Seminary Bulletin, 36 (1943), 36£. He also proposed that John was a bishop.
T. Jirat-Wasiutynski (Exhibition Princeton, no. 26) observed correctly that
John was not a bishop, but a secular dignitary and compared him with the
high officials in Coisl. 79 (Fig. 7r).
6 6 A. Ehrhard, Vberlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homi-
letischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche, Leipzig 1937ff, II, 306££.
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
mentioned in an act of 108367 (or ro98 or even rn3). Guilland68
considered the possibility that the latter might be the same John
megas drouggarios tes bigles who presided, together with the patriarch
Nicholas III Grammaticus (ro84-rnr), on a marriage case on
May 15, 1092. 69
~ MELBOURNE 7ro/5
The portrait of a monk occurs in the dedication miniature of the
Tetraevangelion 710/5 in the National Gallery of Victoria at Mel-
bourne. 70 The manuscript, which has become widely known thanks
to its publication by Prof. Buchthal, 71 is illustrated with ten sump-
tuous miniatures of Canon Tables and four headpieces at the begin-
ning of each gospel. The codex also once contained the portraits of
the evangelist and four additional Canon Tables, but these are now
missing. Buchthal dated it around noo AD.
The nimbed monk on f. rv (Fig. 43) offers to the Virgin Hode-
getria a gold book decorated with precious stones and a cross. The
Virgin is clad in a blue sticharion and purple maphorion, and Christ
in gold garments. He blesses the donor with His right hand. The
figures are placed under a double arch against a gold background,
The three columns support a green architectural framework which
ends in a blue triangular roof crowned by a gold leafed cross. The
colours are mottled, imitating marble. The bases and capitals of
the columns are red. Above the miniature the following iambic
verses are written:
?Xvoccrcroc 7tocv-rwv &i; 0(e:o)u µ(~T)'YJP A6you
aoTijp xocT' ocO't'O xoct ypoc<pEUt; 't'Tjt; 7tu~Laoi:;
67 Delger, Regesten, no. rn91.
ss Guilland, Recherches, I, 575.
69 Grumel, Regestes, no. 963.
70 Parchment, ff. 254, 24,5 x 17, 7. Sir George Warner, Descriptive Catalogue
of Illuminated Manuscripts in the L ibrary of C. W. Perrins, Oxford 1920,
no. 129, 306ff. Sotheby Catalogue, The Dyson Perrins Collection, Part I ,
December 9, 1958, no. 2, 13ff. Exhibition Athens, no. 31 1.
n H. Buchthal, "An Illuminated Byzantine Gospel Book about IIOO ·
AD," Special Bulletin of the National Gallery of Victoria, 1961, 1ff, figs. r, 3,
5-7, frontispiece in colour (f. r v) .
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 77
x.oct 't'WV x.oc-r' OCU't'~\I epy&.nic; 7t'OLX.LAfA.&.-rcuv
aoi:; \IOC~Lpoc~oc; OtX.hl)i; 0Eorp6:V1j<;.
(0 Queen of all as mother of the Divine Word, the donor and writer
of the book and painter of the pictures in it is your servant the
consecrated Theophanes). This inscription reveals the monk
Theophanes, otherwise unknown, as donor, scribe and painter of
the manuscript. Buchthal thought that here we have a unique
representation of a self-portrait of a donor, scribe and miniaturist,
and noted correctly that the self-portrait of the monk in Par. gr. 36 72
is of a very different character. An inscription in the miniature of
f. 163v of the Paris manuscript (Fig. 44) mentions the monk Nico-
demus who is shown lying at the lower part of the Wheel of Life.
The miniature is of mediocre quality and the portrait too small and
conventional to be considered as a genuine likeness of Nicodemus.
The image of the monk Sabas in Coisl. 79 is also quite probably
a self-portrait (see infra). Sabas was undoubtedly the donor of the
codex and as such is portrayed on f. r(zbis)r (Fig. 69). In the
inscriptions above the miniatures on ff. zr and zv (Figs. 71-72) the
attention ofthe emperor is drawn to the scribe (ypocrpeoi;-yp&.q:icuv)
of the manuscript. We would expect that the donor would be
mentioned in such a prominent place, but since he is missing here,
the scribe must actually be the same person as the donor. We may
not exclude the possibility that the donor and scribe Sabas was also
the painter of Coisl. 79.
TheownerofthePsalterDionysiu 65 was undoubtedly the monk
Sabas from Nicomedia who wrote his name in big letters in the
codex (see supra p. 49). He was also the scribe, since he is mentioned
as such in the colophon of the manuscript. On the dedication page
(Fig. 18) the kneeling monk is denoted as painter, in the inscription
under the miniature. We may easily assume that this portrait again
shows Sabas and that in the erased letters of the inscription his
name was probably once written. Sabas was again the donor, scribe
n Paper, ff. 229, 21 x r4,5, l4-15th cent., a miscellany by various hands,
South Italian (?). Bordier, Description, 264-65. Exhibition Paris, no 66.
A. Xyngopoulos, "'O µLxpoyp&qioi; µo'lccx.oi:; NLx68't)µo t;," Hellenika, 16 (1958-
59), 65 -69.
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
and painter of this manuscript and the portrait on the dedication
page is a self-portrait. Theophanes in the Melbourne Ms. is thus not
the only self-portrait we possess.
LAVRA A 103
The donor of the 12th-century Lectionary MS. A 103 in the
Lavra Monastery on Mt. Athos appears in proskynesis on f. 3v of
the codex73 (Fig. 45). He is a high official clad in a white bonnet,
mauve chiton and purple chlamys ornamented with a pattern of
gold squares. The Virgin, standing on a low rectangular suppedion,
is clad in her traditional costume, the blue sticharion and the purple
maphorion. She leans slightly in the direction of the prostrate donor,
while with her hands she introduces him to the half figure of Christ
depicted in a medallion on the upper left part of the miniature.
The inscription above the prostrate figure, which very probably
contained the name of the donor, is effaced. The inscription under
the medallion is still readable: TO CXHMA IIANTA TON CKO-
IION .:1HAOI TEKNON IIPECBIN ME IIPOC CE KAI MECI-
THN ~EIKNYON. TOINYN BPABEYE KEIMENON MOI
IIPOC IIO~AC BIBAW rPA<l>HNAI TWN MKAIWN YIE MOY
AN(~P)WN EMW IIPOCHEE TW NAW T0.:1E. On the right of
Christ we read: W M(HT)EP EEEI IIANTEAH CWTHPIAN;
and behind the Virgin: AIIEYXAPICTW CW KPATEI~Y AOrE.
(The attitude reveals the whole purpose, oh my Child, representing
me as intercessor and mediator before You. Accordingly, my Son,
reward the one who lies at my feet by inscribing him in the book
of the Just. He has offered this to my church. Oh Mother, he will
receive complete salvation. I give thanks to Your might, oh Divine
Word.)
There is thus a dialogue between the Virgin and Christ. Mary
introduces the donor to Christ stating his offer and requests that he
will be included among the just. She is the 7tpfo~~i; and µe:crL-r7Ji;
between God and man. Christ answers that the donor will attain
73 Parchment, ff. 182, 27 x 24. S. Eustratiades, Catalogue of the Greek
Manuscripts in the Library of the Lavra on Mount Athos; Cambridge, Mass.
1925, II.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 79
salvation and is thanked by the Virgin on behalf of the donor. 74
The codex contains in addition to this miniature a pyle on f. 4r and
a headband.
Among the many representations of the Virgin as intercessor, the
dedicational mosaic panel in the narthex of the Martorana in
Palermo from 1148, which shows the founder of the church, George
of Antioch, prostrate at the feet of Mary, is one of the closest
parallels to the Lavra miniature. The name of the donor is there
given on an open scroll held by the Virgin. Christ blesses George
as a sign of compliance.75
VAT. URE. GR. 2
The portraits of the emperor John II Comnenus (1n8-43) and
his eldest son Alexius are painted on f. rgv of the Tetraevangelion
Urb. gr. 2, in the Vatican Library, one of the most beautiful
illustrated manuscripts from the first half of the twelfth century76
(Fig. 46). The richly decorated letter of Eusebius and ten Canon
Tables (ff. 4r-nv) provide the first sixteen illustrations. There are
eight other full page miniatures: The Nativity77 (f. 2ov) is opposite
the evangelist portrait of Matthew (f. 2rr) who is portrayed seated
in a richly ornamented headpiece78 (Fig. 47). The initial letter Bis
formed by a standing female allegorical figure clad in imperial
74
On the formulae for the dialogue between Christ and the Virgin, and
for Mary as intercessor, see S. Der Nersessian, "Two Images of the Virgin
in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection," DOP, 14 (1960), 69-86, fig. 13, with
further bibliography.
76
Demus, Sicily, 73, 82, 93 nro3, fig. 58b.
76
Parchment, ff. 325, 18,5 X 13. C. Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates Graeci
Bibliothecae Vaticanae, Roma 1895, 3-8. Idem, Miniature, 19ff., pl. 83_
Esposizione Bibbia, no. 56. Ebersolt, Arts, 95, fig. 50. Idem, Miniature, pL
XXXI, I. Lampros, Leukoma, pl. 68. Grabar, Empereur, pl. XXIV, 2. H.
Peirce-R. Tyler, "A Marble Emperor-roundel of the XIIth Century," DOP,
2 (1941), 1-9, esp. 8, pl. 23. K. Weitzmann, "Various A spects of Byzantine
Influence on the Latin Countries from the Sixth to the Twelfth Century,"
DOP, 20 (1966), 1-24, fig. 26. Lazarev, Storia, 192, fig. 25I. Canart-Peri,
Sussidi, 329.
77 Stornajolo, Miniature, pl. 84. Ebersolt, Miniature, pl. XXXI, 2. Espo-
sizione Bibbia, pl. XXVIII in colour.
78
Stornajolo, op. cit., pl. 85.
80 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
garments and inscribed~ s!.e:'Y)µocruv1J. The remainder of this inscrip-
tion is illegible. His possible that the miniaturist used a portrait of
the empress Irene, wife of John II and mother of Alexius to repre-
sent sAe:1JµocrOv'Y). A similar case of imperial portraits forming initial
letters in a manuscript can be found in the Codex gr. 2r4 in Lenin-
!
grad discussed above (Figs. 9-ro). The Baptism of Christ79 (f. rogv)
is opposite the beginning of the Gospel of Mark80 (f. nor) who is
portrayed in the same way as Matthew. The Birth of St. John the
Baptist 8 1 covers f. r67v opposite the portrait of Luke82 (f. r68r),
and the Anastasis83 (f. 26ov) is opposite the standing evangelist
John who dictates his gospel to the seated Prochorus84 (f. 26rr).
The miniatures of the emperors and the Nativity, the Baptism and
St. Mark, the Birth of St. John the Baptist and St. Luke, and the
Anastasis and St. John are all painted on bifolia which are inserted
in the codex. The miniature of St. Mark is painted on an inserted
single folio. There is no doubt, however, that all the miniatures
were made for this codex, since the same hand at work at the
beginning of the gospels under the miniatures of the evangelists
continues on the other folios of the manuscript.
On the upper half of the dedication miniature the seated figure
of Christ is flanked by the personifications of t!.€1)µocruv1J (Mercy)
and ~LxocLocrUV1J (Justice). They lean their heads in a rather mannered
pose near to that of Christ as if to whisper to him the moral quali-
ties of the two emperors. 85 The nimbed emperors, on whose semi-
Idem, pl. 86.
79
Idem, pl. 87.
80
81 Idem, pl. 88. Beissel, Miniaturen, pl. XIVa. Weitzmann, Studies,
fig. 27r. In some manuscripts the miniature connected with St. Luke repre-
sents, instead of the Birth of St. John the Baptist, the Annunciation, an
important feast on which the second chapter of the Gospel of Luke is read;
the first chapter of this gospel is read on the feast of John the Baptist, a less
important feast than the Annunciation. Similarly the miniatures illustrated
at the beginning of the other three gospels can be explained by the fact that
the first chapt er of each gospel is read on the feasts which are represented. m
these miniatures. The relation between miniature and text has been studied
by Meredith, "Illustration."
s~ Stornajolo, Miniature, pl. 89.
8s Idem, pl. go. New Palaeographical Society, Part V, London 1907, pl. 106.
84 Stornajolo, op. cit., pl. 91.
85 Grabar, Empereur, n9-20.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 81
spherical crowns Christ imposes his hands, are inscribed: 'Icuocv I
V'Yj<;; I sv x& I 't"W 6& I ma-roe; I ~oc(cr~Ae:uc;) I 7t0p I qiu I poyev I V1J't'O<;; xoct j
oc1hoxpcX. j -rc.:ip pw I µoctc.:iv I o xoµv'Y) I v6c;, and &1..e I ~LO<; &v I x& -r& I
6& m I a-roe; ~oc(crLl..e:uc;) I 7topqiu I poyev I V1J't'O<;; I o xo I µv'Y)v6c;. Both
emperors are identically clad in a purple skaramangion decorated
with palmettes and a broad loros with a check pattern, studded
with precious stones. They both stand on large suppedia which are
painted in orange-brown and olive green rising from rather narrow
bases. On the sides of John's suppedion the hindquarters of two
animals can be distinguished. The sceptre of John is longer than
that of Alexius and is surmounted by a decoration similar to that
on the loros. Each emperor holds a red anexikakia in his left hand.
It is obvious from the older feature of the emperor on the left, his
long sceptre and his prominent position to the right of Christ that
John is the ruling emperor and Alexius his son. In the inscriptions
John is described as basileus and autokrator, while Alexius is only
basileus. In spite of this, it has been argued that the portrait
represents the emperor Alexius I and his son.86
John as an infant was, according to Anna Comnena {VI, 8), of a
swarthy complexion, with a broad forehead, rather thin cheeks, a
nose that was neither flat nor aquiline, but something between the
two, and darkish eyes which, as far as one can divine from the
appearance of a newborn baby, gave evidence of a lively spirit
(transl. Sewter). William of Tyre described him as a short man, very
ugly, with black eyes and hair. Because of his dark complexion, he
was surnamed the Black. 87
That the portrait of John in our miniature is true to life, can be
shown by comparing it with that of the same emperor in the South
Gallery of St. Sophia88 (Figs. 48-49). The wrinkled foreheads are
8
6 New Palaeographical Society, op. cit. Grabar, op. cit., n9. Weitzmann,
" Various Aspects," op. cit., 15.
87
Receuil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux, I (1844), 695
(cited by Chalandon, Comnene, II, 8).
8s Whittemore, Haghia Sophia, III, pl. 20, details in pls. XXXVI-
XXXVII. Rice-Hirmer, pl. XXIII in colour. Bonicatti, "Introduzione,"
pl. III, 1-2 details. Mango, Materials, pl. 17. Lazarev, op. cit., fig. 289.
W. F. Volbach-J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, Byzanz und das christliche Osten,
Berlin 1968, pl. 17.
 82 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
similar in both portraits, as well as the haughty eyebrows, although
in the miniature they are a little higher and more angled. The eyes
are also almost identical, while the hawk n ose in the minia ture is
not seen in the mosaic, perhaps due to restoration. The rather thin
moustache seems to turn upwards at the edges in both portraits,
and the rather sparse beard is identical. The similarity of the
portraits of Alexius is less striking89 (Figs. 50-5r). In the mosaic he
is portrayed beardless, while in the miniature he has a small beard.
There has been some controversy about the date of execution of
Urb. gr. 2. On f. zr an entry by a much later hand,90 perhaps of the
r4th century, gives the date rrz891 ("o £...oc; &7to 't'ou &Mµou c;x"c;').
This date has been incorrectly taken by some scholars92 as the date
of execution of the codex, but unfortunately it cannot even be
considered a terminus ante quem. Another date suggested, and
accepted by most scholars, 93 is rr22 AD, the supposed year of the
coronation of Alexius as co-emperor. There is however no evidence
that Alexius was crowned in rr22.94 Nevertheless this date was
assigned to the codex, because it was thought that the dedication
miniature represents this coronation; In coronation representations
of a co-emperor, however, the mother of the crowned prince is also
present. We see this in the Barberini Psalter (see supra and Fig. 7)
and we read it in t he poem of Theodore Prodromus (PG, r33, r 340C)
written on the occasion of the coronation of the same Alexius. The
poet has devoted here some flattering verses to Irene, the mother
of Alexius, who stood beside the two emperors during the ceremony.
We know from Ps.-Codinus (260, r 2-21) that in the Palaeologan
era also the empress was present at the coronation of her son as
89
Whittemore, op. cit., III, pls. XXXIII-XXXV. Rice-Hirtner, pl. 165.
Bonicatti, op. cit., pl. II, 1-2. Lazarev, op. cit., fig. 292. Mango, op. cit., pl. 18.
90
R. Devreesse, Introduction al'etude des manuscrits grecs, Paris 1954, 304.
91
A facsimile of this folio in Lake, Dated Mss, VIII, pl. 574.
02 For instance Buberl-Gerstinger, II, 51 n2.
93 For instance G. Ostrogorsky, "Autokrator Johann es II und Basileus
Alexios," SK, 10 (1938), 178. Bonicatti, op. cit., 49. Lazarev, op. cit., 251
nJ6.
94
Chalandon, Comnene, II, 12. Ostrogorsky, op. cit., 178. Both refer to
Ducange and t o the poem of Theodore Prodromus written on the occasion of
this coronation. Ducange has no evidence for this date and the poem of
Theodore is undated.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
co-emperor. What is depicted on the dedication page of Urb. gr. 2
is not the coronation of Alexius, but the protection which the two
emperors enjoy from heaven.
It has been accepted that the John panel in St. Sophia was made
in rrr8 on the occasion of the succession of John and his wife Irene
to the throne and that the portrait of Alexius was added later, in
rr22, when he was crowned co-emperor. 95 We have seen above that
the date of coronation of Alexius is not known, but it is an absolute
certainty that Alexius is here shown as co-emperor since the in-
scription in cludes the word basileus: AAEEIOC EN XW III-
(CTOC) BACIAEYC PWMAIWN 0 IIOPcI>YPOI'ENNHTOC.
Alexius is portrayed in the mosaic with a very thin moustache and
beardless. This indicates an age of r 6 or 17 and since he was born
in rro6, a date around n22 is acceptable for the mosaic. In t he
miniatu re he has, in addition, a thin beard which leads to the
conclusion that Urb. gr. 2 cannot have been executed in the same
year or for the same occasion as the mosaic, but some time later.
KUTLUMUSIU 60
At the beginning of the Lectionary Codex 60 in the Monastery of
Kutlumusiu on Mt. Athas are inserted the portraits of the couple
who commissioned it. It also contains four monumental portraits
of the evangelists of the seated type which are copied by a skilful
artist on a blue background (lo 2v, Mt 56v, Lk 82v, Mk n5v), and
in addition headpieces and small initials. According t o a non-scribal
inscription on f. rr the manuscript was 'recompiled' on May 26,
6677 (rr69 AD) in the Monastery of St. Theodore Klesiouriotes by
the clerical tabularios Luke of the archbishopric M ikras Brus ( eos). 9 6
• In the dedication miniature (£. rv) Christ is depicted standing on
95
Whittemore, op. cit., 28, put forward convincing r easons for concluding
that the portrait of Alexius is not contemporary with those of J ohn and
Irene.
• Par~h~ent, ff. 258, 28,5 x 21,5. Lampros, Catalogue, I, 279, with the
96
full mscnption. Huber, Athas, 117, figs. 131-35 in colour. Treasures, 451-52,
figs. 295-99 in colour. Lampros, followed by Huber , miscalculated the year
as 1~71. _An archbishopric called simply Bruseos is placed 18th in a list ap-
peanng m t h e MS. Dionys. 65, f. 224r.
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
a red suppedion and clad in gold and blue garments (Fig. 52). The
donor is conspicuously smaller and stands to the right of Christ
offering Him his codex. His features, accurately represented, betray
a man of middle age. He is clad in a purple chiton and red chlamys
bordered with gold. Also visible is the gold tablion on the front and
back of the chlamys. At the feet of Christ a female figure is depicted
in proskynesis, probably the wife of the donor. She is wearing a
white flat headdress, a purple mantle bordered with gold and a rose
tunic with a red pattern. Above the donor is written: KE BOHGH
TO KTHCAMENWN TW AMHN. In the inscription under the
miniature the name of the donor is given: Ill AOYAON COY
BACHAEION KAI THN AOYAHN 111 KTHCAMENON AYTW
AMHN. His name occurs once more on f. r87r, this time accompani-
ed by the title of protospatharios.
IVIRON 5
The portrait of a figure named only as John is found on f. 457r
of the Tetraevangelion MS. no. 5 in the Iviron Monastery on Mt.
Athos. 97 The codex is richly illuminated with seven full page minia-
tures, of. which four represent the evangelists, thirty-two text
illuminations from the life of Christ, four headpieces and three un-
finished Canon Tables. 98 Iviron 5 belongs stylistically to a group
of manuscripts which include the Tetraevangelion Cod. rr8 in the
National Library of Athens, 99 Cod. Garett 2 (olim Andrea skiti 753)
in the University Library of Princeton100 and the bilingual (Greco-
97 Parchment, ff. 460, 22,5 x 17. Brockhaus, Athos 186, 217, 286. Lampros, '
Catalogue, II, 1-2. Delger, Athos, 198, figs. n8-19.
98 A description of all the miniatures is given by Huber, Athas, 249-50,
figs. 137-52, and' A. 3uyy67tou).oc;, 'ltnop7Jµ8voc ei'.iocyytALOC Movijc; 'l[l'fipcuv 'Aylou
~Opouc;, 'A6ijvoc~ 1932, 249-50, dx. 137-52.
99 Buberl, Miniaturhandschriften, 23, no. 24, pl. XXX. A Delatte, Les
manuscrits a miniatures et a ornements des bibliotheques d' A thenes, Liege,
Paris i926, 2, pl. I.
100 Exhibition Princeton, no. 50, with further bibliography. Belting, Buch,
6rf., has put forward the possibility that the miniatures, which are inserted,
might have been executed during the patriarchate of Athanasius (1289-93,
1303-9) mentioned in the codex. The manuscript itself has been dated to the
beginning of t he 12th century.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
Latin) MS. Par. gr. 54, 101 which has been considered a copy of
Iviron 5. The dating of this group is still in dispute. Weitzmann102
placed their execution in the years around 1230-40, while Lazarev
argues for a date in the last third of the r3th century. 103
The dedication miniature covers two facing pages, ff. 456v and
457r. 104 The rather odd position of this miniature at the end of the
codex, especially when taken along with the position of the Matthew
portrait on f. 458v, has prompted Huber105 to resurrect a problem
which had already been settled. 106 He proposed that these minia-
tures were executed by a later hand (r4th cent.) and attempted to
find differences between the Matthew portrait and those of the
other evangelists. All the evangelist portraits, however, as well as
the dedication miniature, have the same colour scale and are
undoubtedly homogeneous. It is only due to the binder's mistake
that the portraits of the donor and Matthew are now at the end and
not the beginning of the manuscript. Xyngopulos107 had already
observed the misplacing of the miniature representing Matthew, and
the same is probably true for the dedication pages.
The donor identified by the letters IW(ANNHC) is standing to
the right of f. 457r (Fig. 54). He has obvious individual features,
such as the bent nose and thin dark moustache and beard. He is
holding his donation in his left hand, while being led by the Virgin
to the enthroned Christ who appears on the opposite page (Fig. 53).
Mary, in an olive green maphorion and blue sticharion, holds in her
right hand an open scroll in which is written her request on behalf
of John:
(LiEHC)IN M(HT)P(OC) IKETEPIAN AOI'E
101 Omont, Fae-similes, pls. XC-XCVI.
102
K. Weitzmann, "Constantinopolitan Book Illumination in the Period
of the Latin Conquest", GBA, 86 (1944), 193-214 (reprinted in Studies,
314-34) with further bibliography.
103
Lazarev , Storia, 279, 333 nz9. Cf. also 0. D emus, "Die Entstehung des
Palaologenstils in der Malerei," Berichte zum XI. Internationalen Byzan-
tinisten-Kongress, Mtinchen 1958, 16ff. and Belting, op. cit., 40 m34(ea.1280).
104
Belgint, op. cit., figs. 23-24 and 48.
106 Huber, op. cit., 246-47.
108
Lazarev, op. cit., 333 nz9.
107
Xyngopulos, op. cit., 8.

86 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
KAI THN AYCIN BPABEBE TWN EIITAICMENWN
AIWNI TW MEAAONTI KAI TW NYN XPONW
ZWHN MAKPOXPONION EY0YMON BION
IW (ANNH) TOO THN 6.E(ATON)1081ii·
"Oh Logos, (accept) the supplication of a mother and grant the
remission of sins in time to come and in the present, grant a long
and fortunate life to John, who ... this book."
Christ is represented in a three-quarters pose clad in an identical
blue to Mary and John. He blesses John and dictates to St. John
Chrysostom the acceptance of the request. The inscription on St.
John's scroll reads: OMWNYMW COI THN AYCHN IWANNH
PPA<l>E KAI TIO 11 1· {Write for your namesake, John, the r emission
and ... ) . St. J ohn Chrysostom wears a white sticharion with black
and gold potamoi ( clavi), white polystaurion and omophorion with
black and gold gammata and crosses. Under the polystaurion ap-
pears the gold epitrachelion and the encheirion. His feat ures are in
accordance with Byzantine iconography, but are less accentuated
than, for instance, in Coisl. 79 (Fig. 72). The softness of the ex-
pression of St. John Chrysostom and the other portraits is charac-
teristic of the Palaeologan era, when the faces were modelled with
shadows changing smoothly from dark to light, while in previous
periods the brush strokes created a greater contrast. The figure of
St. John Chrysostom is added to this miniature because of his
homonymity with the donor John.
If we remove the figure of St. John Chrysostom, we notice that
this representation is iconographically identical with the fresco in
the Ascension Church at Mile5evo, from approximately 1235, which
shows the Serbian king Stephen Vladislav109 (1233-42). The king
appears in the same pose as John in the miniature (Fig. 55). He is
holding a model of the church in the same way John holds the book.
The Virgin holds the hand of Vladislav exactly as she holds the
10s Belting, op. cit., 35 m 15.
io• S. Radojcic, Mileseva, Beograd 1963, pls. I and VIII in colour. Hamann-
MacLean, Monumentalmalerei, 22-23, fig. 83. Lazarev, op. cit., 297f, 341
m14, with bibliography. Beckwith, Byz. Art, 136, pl. 253 detail of Vladislav's
h ead. Velmans, "Portrait," 106, 122, figs. 14 and 39.
NEW T ESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
hand of J ohn; her pose and the inclination of her head, even the
drapery of her maphorion, are again identical. Instead of holding
a scroll, she points to Christ. Also identical is the setting of the
enthroned Christ who blesses the founder and holds the gospel on
his knee. The figures on both representations are seen from the
same angle. Stylistic differences occur only in Christ's garments :
the folds in t he miniatu re are more supple and voluminous than
the hard, linear and flat folds in the fresco. From these icono-
graphical similarities we may conclude that this dedicat ion formula
was common among artists throughout the 'byzantine' realm.
Iviron 5 may have belonged to the Spanopulos's familyno in
1386-87, as perhaps is indicated by the entries on f. 46ov and the
cover .111 Belting concluded that the manuscript was prepared for
private use and not offered to a church or monastery.112 Accord-
ingly, he called the miniature a 'pseudo-votive' picture. On the
other hand we may not exclude the possibility that the codex was
presented to a religious foundation, perhaps dedicated to St. J ohn
Chrysostom. The presence of the book in the miniature makes it
difficult to believe that the donor could be shown in the act of
bringing his gift to Christ while intending to retain possession of it.
The formula of a donor with a book, whenever clarified by an
inscript ion, invariably implies t hat the manuscript was offered to a
religious foundation. Possibly Iviron 5 only later came into private
hands. Alternately the entries need not imply that the manuscript
was a private possession. They could have been added while the
codex was in a foundation.
SINAIT. GR. 198
In Codex Sinait. gr. 198, a Palaeologan Tetraevangelion, a monk
is portrayed on f. 199v at the feet of the evangelist John113 (Fig. 56).
110
Possibly the family of the protovestiarites Geor ge Spanopulos who in
1347 was sent by J ohn Cantacuzenus to Pope Clement VI in Avignon. See
Nicol, Kantakouzenos, 66-67.
m Lampros, Catalogue, II, 1-2. The entries give the dates of the death of
two members of the Spanopulos family.
112
Belting, op. cit., 35-37.
113
Paper, f f. 255, 17 X 13, 14th cent. Hatch, Sinai, pl. LXII.
88 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
The illustration of the manuscript consists of ten Canon Tables
(ff. 2v-7r), four headpieces (ff. gr, 75r, rzrr, 20or) and four full page
portraits of the evangelists (ff. 8v, 74v, r2ov, r99v) depicted on the
folios opposite the beginning of each gospel. 114 The evangelists,
three of whom are seated, are painted in a monumental style and
are obviously copied from models executed during the Macedonian
Renaissance. The prototype belonged to a group of gospels which
depicted a standing John dictating his gospel to the seated Pro-
chorus.115 In the Sinaiticus, the space occupied by Prochorus is
taken by the kneeling monk. Other changes in the figure of John
had to be made to adjust the picture to a dedicational represen-
tation. The artist changed the position of the head of the evangelist,
who originally looked behind and upwards at the blessing hand of
God, and caused him to look instead at the supplicant. He added a
book to his left hand and replaced the rocky landscape representing
Patmos with an architectonic background. This background is
much poorer than those of the other evangelists. This can be per-
haps explained by the supposition that the miniaturist had to
invent a new background for John, while for the other evangelists
he had only to copy.m
St. John is clad with a blue chiton with red clavi on the arm and
lower part and a gold coloured himation modelled with brown
shadows and highlights. His hair and beard are graded in light blue
and white, outlined with brown brush-strokes. His gold nimbus is
bordered by a red circle with white dots. The inscription with his
name on the blue background is white. The figure of John, as with
the other evangelists, is of high quality. The kneeling monk is clad
in a black headdress, an olive green phelonion and a brown sticha-
rion. His face is less detailed than that of the evangelist. He has
large expressive eyes, a slightly bent nose, a thin moustache and a
small sparse beard. His name is given by an inscription on the
wall. The first word is partly flaked, but from what remains and
1u Clark, Sinai, 24.
us For this group see Friend, "Portraits," I, 146. figs. 16g-84.
116 Belting, Buch, 39-40, observed correctly that through the addition of
the donor in the miniature John does not appear h ere as an author, but in
his involvement with the supplicant.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
from the genitive following it can be reconstructed as .LlEHCIC
rEPMANOY MONAXOY (Petition of the monk Germanus).
The question arises as to why Germanus had himself portrayed
kneeling before St. John in the middle of the Tetraevangelion and
not before St. Matthew at the beginning of t he codex or with any
other evangelist. The first possible explanation could be purely
technical. St. John was accompanied in the prototype by Prochorus
who couJd easily be replaced by Germanus, while the other evange-
lists did not offer such a facility. Another explanat ion might be"
that Germanus served in a monastery of St. John the Theologian,
or even that this saint enjoyed the sympathy and love of the monk
more than any other and was considered as his patron.
BRITISH MUSEUM ADD. 39626
In the Slavonic Tetraevangelion of the British Museum, Add.
39626 the donor is depicted on the verso of the jnserted f. 292 near
the end of the codex. 117 The manuscript is illuminated with four
headpieces of high quality at the beginning of each gospel (ff. 5r,
89r, r45r, 229r) and one pyle on f. 294r.
The metropolitan of Serres, J acob--his name is inscribed on the
gold background to the left of his head-is represented nimbed,
slightly bent and with his arms in the gesture of deesis (Fig. 57).
He is clad in Byzantine clerical robes, a black bon net and white
sticharion with gold potamoi. He wears a blue polystaurion with
gold gammata and crosses. From his shoulders hangs the white
omophorion decorated with gold crosses. His epitrachelion, also of
gold, is studded with blue and red precious stones. His features
show great forcefulness and expressiveness placing this portrait
among the most outstanding in Byzantine art (Fig. 58). The details
of the face of the metropolitan, his slanting eyebrows, blue eyes
and broad nose, along with his white beard, ending in two points,
117 Parchment, ff. 302 +II, 31,5 x 22,5. British Museum Catalogue of
Additions to the Manuscripts, z9z6-z9zo, London 1933, vol. XX, 99; M.
Harisiadis, "Les miniatures du Tetraevangile du Metropolite Jacob de
Serres," Actes du Xlle Congres international d'etudes Byzantines, Beograd
1964, III, 121-30, figs. 1-7, including the early slavonic bibliography.
 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
and mingled with blond and brown showing his greater age, leave
us in no doubt that we are confronted with an excellent portrait
from life. In the upper right corner, the half figure of the blessing
Christ appears, clad in a brown chiton and blue himation high-
lighted with white. On the lectern in front of the donor a gospel
book is placed alluding to the donation of Jacob, as is also described
by the inscription above: "This book of the gospels I offer to thee,
oh my Christ." The upper part of the miniature is formed by a leaf
pattern which is also seen in the headpieces. The same design, but
more elaborate, appears in the four corners of the miniature. In the
large circle on the left, a prayer is written in red, spoken by the
metropolitan at the thought of his approaching Last Judgement:
"The Judge seated, and the apostle standing before him, and the
trumpet sounding and the fire burning, what wilt thou do, oh my
soul, when thou art carried to the judgement, for then all thy evils
will appear and all thy secret sins will be made manifest. Therefore
now beforehand, endeavour to pray to Jesus Christ. Oh do not
Thou reject me, but save me." 118
Important information about this manuscript is given in the
extensive colophon on f. 293r-v, which begins with a short chronicle
of the life of Christ. At the end it is stated that the codex was
executed during the reign of Stephen, tsar of Serbia and Greece, in
the days of queen Helen and his son Uros, in the time of Joanikios
the first patriarch of Serbians and Greeks, by order of Jacob
metropolitan of Seregrad, in the year of the world 6863 (r354).
Under the colophon appears the name of Callistus, probably the
scribe of the manuscript. The codex, along with Add. 39627, was
brought to England in r837 by Curzon from the Monastery of St.
Paul on Mt. Athas, as mentioned on f. I.
LENINGRAD COD. GR. n8
The Tetraevangelion Codex gr. n8 in the Public Library of
Leningrad from the r3/r4th century119 was surely at some time in
118
Translation from Catalogue Curzon, 31-32.
119 Parchment, ff. 386, 17,8 x r3,8, 11,5 x 7,5. E. E. Granstrem, "Katalog
greceskich rukopisej Leningradskich chranilisc. Vypusk 4. Rukopisi XII v .,''.
VV, 23 (r963), 187, no. 352 (rr8). Treu, Handschriften, 7I.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 9I
the possession of the illustrator of Sinait. gr. 2123. The inserted
portrait of Michael VIII on f. 22r120 (Fig. 59) is very similar to that
in the Sinaiticus {Fig. r9). The emperor is placed under the same
pink arch with an identical landscape behind. In both manuscripts
he faces in the same direction and wears a similar hat. The position
of the body is, however, changed along with the garments. Michael
is here clad in a red chlamys, red chiton and gold-brown loros. The
inscription is written alongside the arch and reads: BYZANTIOY
IIOAEWC MIXAHA IlAAAIOAoroc BACIAEYC 0EOY
X APHTL
On the margin of f. 385v the figure of Demetrius Palaeologus,
Despot of the Morea (r449-60) is drawn in profile (Fig. 60). He is
clad in black, while the ground on which he stands is given in green.
The inscription behind gives his name: o ~ou/,.o<; xu Tou l:lu ~'Y)fl-~TpLOi;
7tocAocioA6yo<;. It is obvious that Demetrius Palaeologus was once the
possessor of the codex. The despot obtained Ainos, Lemnos, Imbros
and Samothrace after the fall of Peloponnesus to Mohamed II. He
settled in Adrianople where he died as the monk David. 121
Not only is the portrait 0£ Michael VIII similar to that of the
Sinaiticus, but also the miniatures representing Ss. Constantine
and Helena122 (f. rv), the double-headed eagle with the monogram
of the Palaeologan family123 (f. 3r) and the other Western miniatures
in the codex.
BARI EXULTET ROLL No. r
Two Byzantine emperors are depicted in the Exultet Roll no. I
of the Archivio della Cattedrale in Bari.124 The roll derives its name
from the first word of the hymn Exultet which is sung on the Eve
izo Lichacev, Materialy, fig. 7r4.
1 21 Lazarev,. Storia, fig. 504. On Demetrius Palaeologus see D. Zakynthlnos,
Le despotat grec de Moree, Paris r932, 24r-84. Cf. also P apadopulos, Genea-
logie, no. 96.
122
Lichacev, op. cit., fig. 7r2.
123 Idem, fig. 7r3.
124 Parchment, 530 x 39. E. Bertaux, L'art dans. l'Italie meridionale, 2 Paris
r904, I, 2r7-2r, pl. LX. M. Avery, The Exultet Rolls of South Italy, Princeton
etc. r936, rr-13, pls. IV-XL Mostra Palazzo Venezia, no . 65. Exhibition
Athens, no. 379. G. Cavallo, Rotoli di Exultet dell'Italia Meridionale, Bari r973,
47-55, pls. I-II in colour; here also the vast bibliography on the Exultet rolls.
92 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
of Easter on t he occasion of the blessing of the Paschal candle.
Bannister believed it to be remnant of a liturgy that is now for the
most part lost and the scriptural allusions of which suggest the use
of the pre-Vulgate version known as the Vetus Itala. 125 In many
Exultet Rolls the miniatures are painted upside down, as is the case
in our Exultet, in order to permit the congregation to admire the
miniatures while the exultet was unrolled from the ambo by the
deacon reading it.
The Exultet of Bari is richly decorated in low-toned coloured
miniatures which are associated with the text. The scroll is bordered
on both sides by floral motives126 and 48 medallions with busts of
saints. Most of these have Greek inscriptions and represent Greek
saints, while others are unidentified. 127 The style is provincial
Byzantine with South Italian elements and its execution was ex-
plicable, for Bertaux, by the existence of a Benedictine abbey in
Bari, founded in 978.128 Demus considered as characteristically
Italian the iconography, the technique and some stylistic features
of the main cycle of illuminations; the medallions and ornamen-
tation of the borders show almost purely Byzantine types and
forms. 129 However, the entire iconography of the Exultet cannot be
assigned to South Italy. Much more Byzantine than Italian are the
enthroned Christ in a mandorla, the Tellus figure in a costume of the
imperial court, the Pantokrator on a distinctly Byzantine throne,
the Wheel of the Winds, the Bees and especially the two emperors
and the angels. Non-byzantine are the initials E and V, the repre-
sentation of the reading of the Exultet, and the Pope, with the
exception of the throne.13 o
186 H. M. Bannister, "The Vetus Itala text of the Exultet," ]TS, II {1909),
43-54.
126 Cavallo, op. cit., 52, accepted an islamic influence on the border
decoration, which is surprising when we see in it the highly classical palmettes
motive.
127 Cavallo, op. cit., 52, assigned the Greek inscriptions to a Latin hand on
the grounds of orthographic errors. This is however not a strong argument, be-
cause orthographic irregularities occur even in purely B yzantine inscriptions.
1 29 Bertaux, op. cit., 220.
n 9 0. Demus, Byzantine Art and the West, London 1970, rn2.
130 See also a summary of the verdicts on style of different scholars in
Cavallo, op. cit., 125f.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 93
The text of the Exultet ends with "Una cum beatissimo papa
nostro illo et antistite illo . . . " and with "Memorare, Domine, famu-
lorum tuorum imperatorum nostrorum ill. et ill. ... " The last two
miniatures depict accordingly a pope seated between two deacons,
and two standing emperors (Fig. 61). The emperors are identically
clad and hold in their hands a cross. The emperor on the left has a
diadem a little broader than that of his colleague and holds a
sceptre in his left hand, while the other holds a globe. It is worth
mentioning that the colour of the haloes is not the usual gold, but
green.1s1
There are several names, added by later hands, between the text,
at the bottom of the scroll, the margin and the back. Among these
names occur those of the empress Theodora (1055-56), the Duke of
S. Italy, Argyrus, son of Meles132 (1051-58), the emperor Constantine
X Ducas (ro59-67) and his wife Eudocia, the emperor Michael VII
(ro71-78) and Constantine-his brother or son- and Robert Guis-
card who captured Bari in ro7r. 188 Schlumberger, mislead by these
insertions, thought that the emperors represented in the miniatures
are Constantine X and his son Michael or rather Michael VII and
his brother Constantine.134
The name of Theodora furnishes a terminus ante quem for the
execution of the Exultet. 136 Nitti de Vito identified the two emperors
as Basil II (976-1025) and his brother Constantine VIII (1025-28)
and dated the scroll about rooo. 186 This identification, as our
iconographic comparison will show, is correct and has been generally
181 Cavallo, op. cit., pl. 9.
lSB v. von Falkenhausen, Untersuchungen uber die byzantini sche Herrschaft
in Suditalien von 9. bis II. ]ahrhundert, Wiesbaden 1967, 93f., passim.
138 All entries are given by Avery, op. cit., 13, and Cavallo, op. cit., 48-50.
154 G, Schlumberger, "Les rouleaux d 'Exultet de Bari et de Saleme,"
Comptes rendus des seances de l' A cademie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 2 5
(I897), 96-10I, esp. 99. In the caption to this miniature in his Epopee, fig.
p. 801, he gives the emperors as Basil II and Constantine VIII.
185 Above the word antistite was possibly written the name Nicolae, arch-
bishop of Bari {1035-61). On the extreme margine the emperor Constantine
is mentioned, who can be identified with Constantine IX {1042-55) or
Constantine VIII as sole ruler: Cavallo, op. cit., 48.
136 G. B. Nitto de Rossi-F. Nitti de Vito, Le peygamene del Duomo diBari
(952-n64}, Bari 1897, 215.
94 NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS
accepted.137 Basil and Constantine were both crowned by their
father Romanus II (959-63). The older is shown in Marc. gr. Z r7
(Fig. 6) with a round beard and corresponds well with the emperor
in the Exultet on the left. Constantine VIII is shown on the coinage
(Fig. 126b) with a long beard which agrees with the portrait on the
right. The coins from the reign of Basil, depicting both emperors,
always show Constantine with a similar beard to Basil or a little
longer. We see from the Exultet that Constantine grew a long beard
while his brother was still alive. Since no coins from the joint reign
of the two brothers showing Constantine with a long beard have
come down to us, we may conclude that Constantine grew the long
beard a little before the death of his brother, and it was then that
the Exultet of Bari was executed.
An examination of the portrait of the Pope, who is depicted with
a very thin moustache and beard, also leads to the date established
above. Pope Benedict VIII (rnr2-24) is portrayed beardless below
the scene showing Christ on the way to Calvary in the MS. Barber.
lat. 4406, f. 135r, which is a copy of a panel in S. Paolo Fuori le
Mura, 138 and must therefore be excluded as a candidate for the Pope
in the Exultet. This can only be his brother and successor John XIX
(rn24-32) of whom we possess no other portrait. The Exultet of Bari
must, therefore, have been executed between April rn24, when
John XIX ascended the papal throne, and December 12, rn25, the
date of Basil's death.
Ladner doubted the identification of these two emperors with
Basil II and Constantine VIII, because of the length of time be-
tween the death of Constantine VIII and the first insertion of the
name Theodora in this scroll and because the commemorations
referring to emperors in the plural, as well as portraits of two
emperors, can also be found in a few other Exultet rolls which are in
u 7 Among others Bertaux, op. cit., 220, and P. Jurgenson, "Ein neues
Denkmal des byzantinischen Portrats," BZ, 26 (1926), 78-80. The latter used
the iconography of Constantine VIII to identify, erroneously, the emperor
on the ivory plaque in the Historical Museum of Moscow as this emperor.
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, correctly identified by Goldschmidt-
Weitzmann, 35, pl. XIV, no. 35, as the emperor shown on the plaque, was
excluded by Jurgenson for the ivory without any discussion.
188 Ladner, Papstbildnisse, I, 175-79, pl. XVIIc.
NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS 95
no way connected with a contemporary reign of co-emperors.139'
This led him to conclude that commemorations and portraits were
stereotypes and he rejected the possibility that the illuminator of
the imperial images in the Bari roll intended to portray Basil and
his brother; he dated the exultet as late as the reign of T heodora,
a date accepted by Belting. 140 The similarity between the portraits
of the Bari Exultet and those of Basil II and Constantine VIII on
the coinage was explained by Ladner through the possibility t hat
the coins had been used for illustrating the stereotyped commemo-
rations of more than one emperor. The first argument of Ladner is
poorly founded, because he left out of consideration the probability
that some inserted names may belong to persons who lived before
Theodora, and because not every later ruler between Theodora and
the rulers whose names are inserted in the roll is mentioned here.
as he very well noted. As regards his second argument, we may
observe that the fact that in other Exultet rolls the commemorations
and portraits of emperors are not connected with contemporary
reign of co-emperors does not necessarily imply that the same
applies to the Exultet roll of Bari. Furthermore, the quality and
value of Western portraits, which often did not give a genuine
likeness of the person portrayed, m does not apply to Byzantine
portraiture, among which I would place the imperial portraits of
Bari. I am of the opinion that Ladner did not give these two por-
traits the attention they deserve.
m G. B. Ladner, "The Portraits of Emperors in Southern Italian Exultet
Rolls and the Liturgical Commemorations of the Emperor," Speculum, 17
(1942), 181-200, esp. 185-86.
140 H. Belting, Studien zuy beneventanischen Malerei , Wiesbaden 1968.
185 n9.
141
On the reliability of Western portraits see P. E. Schramm, Die deutschen.
Kaiser und Kanige im Bildern ihYeY Zeit. I. T eil. Bis zur Mitte des IZ. ]h.
(75z-n52), Berlin 1928, 5-6, and J. Prochno, Das SchnibBY- und D edika-
tionsbild in deY deutschen Buchmalerei bis zum II. ]h., Leipzig-Berlin 1929.
p. XI.

THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
PAR. GR. 5rn
The sumptuous Codex Par. gr. 5101 contains the Homilies of
Gregory Nazianzenus which are decorated with 41 full page minia-
tures.2 The first folio of the codex is single (f. A) and on its verso
is depicted the figure of the Pantokrator which is now considerably
flaked. 3 Then follows a bifolio (ff. B-C) which contains portraits of
the family of Basil I (867-886) providing the key to the date of the
manuscript. Der Nersessian has correctly observed t hat the order
of the folios of the bifolio as it appears now is not the original one
and that it was reversed during the modern binding of the codex.
Fol. C should precede fol. B.
On f . Cr is painted a large golden cross on a blue background
enriched with tassels and precious stones. It stands on a small
stepped podium from which two acanthus leaves sprout, giving to
the cross at the same time the shape of an anchor. The leaves are
gold and their inner sides have a light and dark shading of purple.
The inscription reads: IC XC NIKA. The emperor Basil I (BACI-
AEIOC ~ECTIOTHC) is depicted on f. Cv standing against a gold
background (Fig. 62). He is clad in a purple skaramangion and
over this the loros, which is gold with narrow blue bands decorated
with pearls and forming square patterns with red gems in the
middle. The lining of the loros is purple and the shoes red, orna-
mented with pearls. His diadem is gold surmounted by a cross and
decorated with two double rows of pearls and precious stones. On
the left stands the prophet Elijah (0 Arroc HAIAC), the patron
saint of Basil, handing to the emperor a purple labarum. On the
1 Parchment, ff. 465, 43, 5 x 30. Exhibition Paris, no. 10, pls. IV-VI, with
bibliography.
2 Bordier, Description, 62-89, with the older bibliography. Omont, Fae·
similes, 12-13, pls. 15-60. S. Der Nersessian, "The Illustrations of the Homilies
of Gregory of Nazianzus, Paris. Gr. 510," DOP, 16 (1962), 197-228.
3 Rice-Hirmer, fig. 84.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 97
right stands the archangel Gabriel {APXI CTPATHI'OC I'ABPIHA)
wearing the same -costume as the emperor on whose head he places
the diadem. All three figures are nimbed. They stand on a common
wide suppedion decorated with the same pattern as the loroi, but
larger in scale. The miniature is considerably flaked and from the
faces we can only distinguish the shape of the beard of the emperor
which is in accordance with h is portraits on the coinage and the
Mutinensis (Figs. IZ7b, 128b). Around the miniat ure is written the
inscription:
... EM<l>ANWC
NIKHN KAT' EX0PW N HAIAC YIIOI'PA<l>H
0 rABPIHA ~E THN XAPAN IIPOMHNYWN
BACIAEIE CTE<l>EI CE KO.CMOY IIPOCTATHN.
" . . . clearly Elijah records a victory over your enemies, while
Gabriel announcing the joy, oh Basil, crowns you protector of
the world."
The miniature on f. Br is better preserved t han that on f. Cv
and originally faced it (Fig. 63). Here is depicted the empress
Eudocia {EY~OCIA AYrOYCTA), second wife of Basil, flanked
by her two sons, Leo (AEWN ~ECIIOTHC) and Alexander
AAEEAN~POC A~EA<l>OC), both represented as children. They
all wear costumes similar to Basil's. The crown of Eudocia, whose
face is completely flaked, is more luxurious than that of Basil.
She holds a sceptre in her right and an orb in her left hand. The
faces of the two children are comparatively well preserved and
are representative of the classical style of the Macedonian Renais-
sance. Leo wears a diadem with two single rows of pearls which is
less luxurious than that of the emperor, but wider than the similar
diadem of Alexander. Both children hold an anexikakia in their
right hands and an orb, similar to their mother's, in their left. The
orbs have a greenish colour on the lower half and are sky blue
with white waves on the upper half. Due to their transparency we
can see the fine drawing of the hands holding t hem. The right half
of the orb of Alexander is covered by the blue border of the in-
scription, but it is still visible under the paint. The inscription
around th e miniature reads:
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
EYKAHMATOYCAN AMilEAON CE TOY KPATOYC
BOTPYC <l>EPOYCAN TOYC rAAHNOYC ~ECilOTAC
BACIAEIOC IIPOHEE PWMAIWN ANAE
ME0' WN IlPOAAMIIEIC EY .:iOCIA <l>WC<l>OPOC
"Basil, king of the Romans, elevated you, a well-branched vine
bearing as the grapes of sovereignty the serene despotai with whom
you shine, oh light-bringing Eudocia."
On f. Bv there is depicted a similar cross as on Cr. In many
places, but especially in the upper right of the miniature, the paint
has flaked revealing a light brown pen drawing of two portraits of
high quality (Fig. 64). In the middle appears a bearded person with
a diadem, a little narrower than that of Basil. On the right a young
person is drawn wearing a loros decorated with the same pattern
as those of the other figures in this manuscript. He places the
diadem on the head of the bearded man and is presumably an
archangel. The diadem is held on the other side by another hand,
which permits us to assume that a third figure exists in all proba-
bility under the paint. There are no inscriptions giving the names
of these figures.
The drawing was first noticed by Omont who identified, without
giving any reason, the figure in the middle as Basil I. 4 Failing to
see why the same person should have been depicted twice crowned
by a supernatural power at the beginning of the manuscript and
then covered by a cross, I have identified this portrait as that of
Constantine, the oldest son of Basil, after establishing that h e was
of an age where h e could b e represented as a bearded man. 5 He is in
fact shown bearded on a follis together with his father. 6 (Fig. 65).
The reason for covering the portrait with a cross can be explained
' Omont, op. oit., r3. This identification was generally accepted and as a
result the date of the death of the eldest uin of Basil, Constantine (880),
absent from these family portraits, was t aken as a terminus post quem for
the execution of the codex. Der Nersessian, op. cit., narrowed the termini
to 880 and 883, considering the latter as the year of the death of Eudocia.
• I. Spatharakis, "The Portraits and the Date of the Codex Par. Gr. 510,"
CA, 23 (1974), 97-105.
6
Morrisson, Catalogue, II, 545, no. 34/Cpl/AE/18.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 99
by the fact that the death of Constantine7 (Sept. 3, 879) occurred
while the manuscript was still in the workshop. The codex was
executed to be presented to the emperor after his return from the
successful campaign in Germanicia, on which Constantine accom-
panied his father. 8 This is shown by the triumphal character of the
miniatures, in which Basil and Constantine are crowned as victors. 9
By comparing the style and the colours of the dedication miniatures
with each other and with the other miniatures of the codex, I came
to the conclusion that the drawing, the crosses and the other
miniatures are all contemporary and consequently the year of
Constantine's death w~s also the year of execution of the manu-
script.
SINAIT. GR. 364
The Codex Sinait. gr. 36410, containing 45 Homilies of St. John
Chrysostom, is decorated with two full page miniatures (ff. 2v-3r).
The first represents the evangelist Matthew standing and handing
his gospel to St. John Chrysostom. 11 Opposite this miniature
appear the emperor Constantine IX Monomachus (rn42-55), the
empress Zoe and her sister Theodora12 (Fig. 66). The emperor is
flanked by the inscription KWNCTANTINOC EN XW TW 000
7
The date of Constantine's death is fixed as September 3, 879: P. F. Hal-
kin, "Trois dates historiques precisees grace au Synaxaire," Byz, 24 (r954),
14-17. V. Grumel, "La Vie session du concile Photien de 879-880," AB, 85
(r967), 336-37. P . Karlin-Hayter, "Quel est l'empereur Constantin le nou-
veau commemore dans le synaxaire au 3 Septembre, " Byz, 36 (1966}, 624-26.
8
The campaign in Germanicia has been placed shortly after January 879:
A. Vogt, Basil I. Empereur de Byzance et la civilisation byzantine a la fin
du IXe siecle, Paris 1908, 332. A. A. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes. II, I. La
dynastie Macedonienne, Bruxelles 1968, 94.
9
On the triumphal representations of this emperor, and the emperor in
general, see Grabar, Empereur, 40, passim.
10
Parchment, ff. 369, 33 x 25. Benellevic, Catalogus, no. 373 (364). Clark,
Sinai, 26.
11 Benesevic, Monumenta, pl. 29. Weitzmann, Sinai, fig. 18. This r epr esen-
tation of Matthew offering his gospel to St. John Chrysostom can be ex-
plained by the fact that the Homilies of the latter in this ms, are devoted to
the gospel of this evangelist.
12
Benesevic, Monumenta, pl. 30. Grabar, Empereur, II7 n3, pl. XIX, 2.
Carnes, Byzance, 68, fig. 87. Weitzmann, op. cit., fig. 19.
IOO THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
ITICTOC BACIAEYC A YTOKPATWP PWMAIWN 0 MONO-
MAXOC (Constantine in Christ God faithful king, emperor of the
Romans Monomachus) and is clad in a purple skaramangion and
gold loros. Zoe is clad in red and Theodora in blue. They are both
described as Augustae porphyrogenitae, but Zoe is given in addition
the adjective EYCEBECTATH. Above is the figure of Christ, in
gold garments and placed in a mandorla. From his open hands
rays descend to the heads of Zoe and Theodora, while the rays
from the feet of Christ reach Monomachus through a crown. The
other two crowns for the empresses are held by two hovering angels.
There is only one suppedion to be seen under-actually behind-
the feet of Constantine. The figures are surrounded by a border of
flower plates. Around it are the following verses in red:
we THC TPIA.6.0C CWTEP EIC ITANTOKPATWP
TWN rHC ANAKTWN <l>AEINHN TPI(AAA)
CKEITOIC KPATICTON .6.ECITOTHN MONOMAXON
OMAIMONWN ZEYI'OC TE ITOP<l>YPAC KAAA(ON).
"As the one Pantokrator of the Trinity, oh Saviour, may You
protect the shining trinity of earthly sovereigns, the mightiest
ruler Monomachus and the couple of common blood, the offshoot
of the purple."
Around the miniature with Matthew and St . John Chry sostom
the inscription reads :
EIC EYCYNOITTON TOY TEAONOY TOYC AOrOYC
TI0EIC 0 XPYCOYC TON AOI'ON KAI TON TPOITON
AITEI CYN AYTW TOIC KPATOYCI TWN KATW
BIOY rAAHNH KAI ME0E8IN TWN ANW.
"The one gilded in language and style, who has placed in clear
view the words of the publican, requests with him serenity of
life, and participation with those above for the rulers of those
below."
Monomachus is shown in the miniature as middle-aged with a
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS IOI
copious brown beard. In the Zoe panel in the S. Gallery of St. Sophia
at Istanbul13 his beard is again brown, but shorter than in the minia-
ture (Fig. 67) . Zoe has a rather abject expression in the miniat ure
with well-formed features. She has dark hair arranged in two plaits,
similar to that of Theodora, whose face is more damaged than the
other faces in this miniature.
Constantine IX married Zoe on June II, 1042 and was crowned
emperor th e next day; th is was his third marriage. We do not know
his age when he ascended the throne. Before the elevation of
Romanus III1 4 (rn28-34) Constantine had already lost h is first
wife, which indicates that by 1042 he was at least in h is middle
thirties. Psellus devoted a great part of his history to his reign and
in the two chapters 15 describing his appearance, as well as in his
encomium to the emperor, 16 he compares his hair with the rays of
the sun. This is contrary to Constantine's representations and it
has been explained as a rhetorical liberty taken by Psellus,11 who
in the reign of Monomachus enjoyed high office for the first time.
Zoe, the second daughter of Constantine VIII, was married for
the first time in ro28, when aged about 50, to Romanus III Argyrus.
Her marriage with Constantine IX was her third and she was by
then 64 years old. Despite her advanced age, her body remained
without a wrinkle, her flesh was soft, firm and full, without any
loose skin. She had large eyes under bushy eyebrows, her nose was
aquiline but in no way exaggerated, she had blond h air and white
skin. 18 The best preserved portrait of Zoe is of course that of St.
Sophia, where she is shown in accordance with t he description of
Psellus. Her hair is barely visible under the crown; the colour is
light and dark olive-brown. 19 The Sinaiticus shows her again with
18
Whittemore, Haghia Sophia, III, 9-20, 42-59, pls. II-XIX, with a
colour reproduction of Constantine. For a colour reproduction of the whole
panel see Grabar, Painting, 98. Cf. also T . Whittemore, "A Portrait of the
Empress Zoe and of Constantine IX," Byz, 18 (1946-48), 223-27.
14 Psellus, VI, 15.
15 I dem, VI, 125-26.
16 Sathas, Bibliotheca, V, ro6-n7, esp. u6.
17 Whittemore, Haghia Sophia, III, 34 m6, with further bibliography.
18 Psellus, VI, 6. Cf. Hussey, "Psellus," 86.
19 Whittemore, op. cit., III, 53,
!02 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
brown hair which makes us question the accuracy of Psellus in
describing the hair of both Zoe and Constantine, as blond.
Theodora, the younger sister of Zoe, reigned twice as empress.
First with her sister in ro42 and then alone in ro55-56 after the
death of Constantine Monomachus and Zoe in ro50 at the age of 70.
Theodora was taller than Zoe and of a different character than her
sister. She had a calm disposition, she did not show her inmost
thoughts, but once she had embarked on a conversation, she would
chatter away with an expert and lively tongue.
Since Constantine is portrayed in the Sinaiticus with both Zoe
and Theodora, whose joint rule lasted only three months after his
coronation, 2 0 the date for the execution of the codex must be fixed
in those three months after June ro42.
The dame group of three is portrayed in the enamel plaques
which form part of the Crown of Budapest. According to the
description of Bariny-Oberschall, the emperor's head shows a rich
growth of black hair and a full beard and moustache. Theodora has
black hair and Zoe is described as similar to Theodora. 21 Thanks to
the poems of John Mauropus (first half I!th cent.), we know that
the same emperor was portrayed in proskynesis in front of a 'deesis'
panel in the church of St. Theodore at Euchaita, the cult centre of
the martyr, near Amaseia in the Pontus. Similarly, in the Monastery
of the Archangel at Sosthenion, being crowned by Christ, and in a
painting together with the patriarch, probably Michael I Ceru-
larius22 (ro43-59).
PAR. GR. 922
The portraits of Constantine X Ducas (ro59-67) , his wife Eudo-
cia and two of their children appear in a badly effaced miniature
in Par. gr. 922, f. 6r. 23 The manuscript contains the Sacra Parallela,
20 Psellus, VI, 2 I.
u M . Barany-Oberschall, The Crown of the EmperOY Constantine Mono-
machos, Budapest 1937, 50-52, pls. I-V. Wessel. Emailkunst, no. 32, fig. 32b,
with further bibliography.
2a Johannis Euchaitarum metropolitae quae supersunt, ed. P. de Lagarde-
J. Bollig, Berlin 1882, poems 57, 75, So, 87. Translated by Mango, Art. 220-21.
83 Parchment, ff. 265, 29 x 23. Bordier, Description, 126-28. Ebersolt,
Miniature, 37. Exhibition Paris, no. 28.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS I03
excerpts from St. Basil, St. Hippolyte, 24 St. Maximus, St. Gregory
Nazianzenus, St. John Chrysostom, St. John Damascenus 25 and
many others. 26 Following a list of cont ents at the beginning of the
codex (ff. r-3), an inscription on f. 4r informs us that the manu-
script once belonged to the empress. The words EY.6.0CIAC H
.6.EATOC A YrOYCTHC llEAEI (This book belongs to the
Augusta Eudocia) form a square. 27 They are repeated in an acrostic
on f. 5v:
EYpw11 o X(prn·'t'o)i:; &.yoc7t1111 ~uvcuprncx
AO~"l)i:; UfLOC<; e7tA1)0"C: 't'7')i:; (j)(.1)7t"C'OUX(cxi:;
Kl V1JfLIX 't'OU't'o xotl ~occrLc; oi'>pow(cx
~oyxpL't'oc; Te: xixt ~E:vwi:; vooufLE:V"IJ
H v(\) voe:'i:'t'cxL 't"a ~E:11ot 8e:8opx6't"L
AEA't"oic; 7tpocrcx6pouV't'£ n me:ufLot't'oppu't'oti:;
TO~cxu't"ot 't"o(vuv bmovouV't'e:i:; €µ<pp6vcuc;
A Y/...ov ~V't'cuc; e:upcx't"e: x/...11pouxlotv
r~L110V EfLID(jlXV't"e:i:; &7tlXV't'IX 7t66ov
06e:v <r't'bpe:L VUV wpot°t~e:cr6e: xpchouc;
Y µvote; 't'e: 7tOC<n xcxt ~(~AOL<; 6e:o't"p67totc;
~ov 't"o'i:c; xcx't"cxCM'poc1t't"ouai ?tcxicrt Ti;> CM'tcpe:i
To'i:i:; 7topcpop1Xc; n 't'o'Lc; crs:/..cxcr:p6poii:; x/..IX.~oii:;
Hxoucrcxc; C}i 8E:cr7totvcx xcxt XOO"fLOXpOC't'Op
:Eol 't"IXU't"IX 7tOCV't'IX xott 8ta cre 't"uyxocve:i
llcxpLCM'IX't"otL 8e xcxl :x,opoc; 't"WV <i.y(wv
Eµ7tcxpE:xcuv croi T<Xc; 6i;;oypoc<pouc; ~(~t-oui:;
AucrcxLc; &vcxcrcrcx 't"OV ~6cpov 't"OV 't'7')c; /..u70Jc;
Etc; cpwi:; µe 't"ov aov txE:TIJv xixAJ..iypoccpov
Ieuvov e:U68wcrov o!c; olaotc; 't"p67totc;.
24 M. Richard, "Les fragments du commentaire de S. Hippolite sur les
proverbes de Salomon," Museon, 79 (1966), 75.
u Idem, "Les 'Parallela' de Saint J ean Damascene," Actes du XIIe
Congres international d'etudes byzantines, 3 Belgrade 1963-64, II, 485-89.
28 For a list of the contents see Omont, Inventaire, 176-77. On the Sacra
Parallela see K. Holl, Die Sacra Parallela des J ohannes Damascenus, Leipzig
1897. See also Beck, Kirche, 482 n4.
27
V. Gardthausen, Griechische Palaeographie, Leipzig 1879, II, 65-66.
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
"Christ, having come across conjugal love,
has bestowed on you the glory of wielding the sceptre,
this heavenly initiative and fundament,
incomparable and strange to understand;
or can strange things be understood by the mind that
has noticed and observed (them) in books full of spirit?
Now then, carrying out sensibly so many things,
you have really found an immaterial inheritance
by denying every earthly desire.
For this reason you are now adorned with the crown of power
in all the hymns and holy books,
together with the children, resplendent in the crown,
the light-bearing branches of the purple.
You have heard, oh mistress and ruler of the world,
all these exist for you and. through you.
There is also a choir of saints
giving you the divinely inspired books.
Dissolve, oh queen, the darkness of grief,
guide me, your suppliant scribe, show me
the path to the light in such ways as you know."
The miniature opposite the acrostic shows the imperial family in
the middle surrounded by I6 medallions (Fig. 68). The Virgin,
larger in stature than the other figures, crowns Constantine28 and
Eudocia. The emperor was in his early fifties when he ascended the
throne. 29 In the miniature he has a rather short pointed b eard, as
far as we can distinguish. He is portrayed with a similar beard on
the coinage (Fig. 124d), the Mutinensis (Fig. I23d) and on a silver
reliquary in the Oryzejnaja Palata in Moscow. 30 In the latter piece
he is again represented with Eudocia, both crowned by a half
28 Psellus, VI, r- 29 (Sewter, 253-63). Polemis, Doukai, no. 12, with further
bibliography.
29 Psellus, VII, 27 (Sewter, 262) informs us that when he died (rn67) he
was slightly over 60 years of age.
30 Goldschmidt-Weitzmann, p. 15, fig. 4. Grabar, Empereur, 117-18. Idem,
"Quelques reliquaires de Saint-Demetrios et le martyrium du saint a Salo-
nique," in A rt, 435-53, esp. 446f, fig. 118d (reprinted frolY' DOP, 5, [1950],
l-28).
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
figure of Christ. Constantine was a mediocre emperor, but a lover
of literature. He used to say: "Would that I were better known as
a scholar than as emperor. "31
Eudocia Makrembolitissa, a niece of the Patriarch Michael Ceru-
larius, is here shown taller in stature than the emperor. We do not
know whether this is because the codex was written for her or
because she really was taller. Psellus restricts his description of her
appearance to saying that she was a woman of exceptional beauty. 32
Her face on the miniature is seriously damaged leaving no trace
of her features. 33 After the death of her husband on May 22, 1067,
she ruled as regent for her sons. Although she had solemnly promised
to Constantine not to marry again,34 she later married Romanus IV
Diogenes who was recognized as emperor on J anua.ry I, 1068.
On either side of the imperial couple, two of their sons are por-
trayed being crowned by angels. Constantine X had no children by
his first wife, a Dalassena. Psellus informs us that he had five
children, three sons and two daughters, before he ascended the
throne. The second son died after the coronation of his father. The
oldest son Michael, later emperor, was crowned co-emperor not long
before the birth of the youngest son Constantine, which took place
within a year of Constantine's becoming emperor. 35 Constantine
was at once honoured with the imperial title, 36 while his older
brother Andronicus only became associated with the throne later
in ro68 through Romanus IV. 37 The figure on the left of the minia-
81
P sellus, VII, 29 (Sewter, 263).
32 Idem, VII, 6 (Sewter, 255).
33
A portrait of Eudocia is to be seen in Par. gr. 3057, f. 2r, from the 16th
century. She h as blond hair and is seated on a lyre-backed throne. The
whole representation is of Western character, with linear perspective used
in the background and the architectonic setting. The manuscript contains
the Violarium, a work ascribed to Eudocia herself. See Bordier, op. cit.,
290, and Lampros, Leukoma, fig. 6r in colour.
34 T he document containing her oath has been edited by N. Oikonomides,
"Le serment de l'imperatrice Eudocie {rn65): Un episode de l'histoire dyna-
stique de Byzance," REB, 21 (r963), rnr-28.
35 Psellus, VII, 20-21 (Sewter, 260}.
36
Polemis, op. cit., no. 17.
37 Attaliates (CSHB), rn6. Dolger, Paraspora, 216. P. Gautier, "Monodie
inedite de Michel Psellos sur le basileus Andronic Doucas," REE, 24 (1966),
r53-70, esp. 157·
I06 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
ture, being taller in stature, represents without doubt the oldest son
Michael. The figure on the right is identified by Bord.ier38 and
Grabar39 as Andronicus. They explained the absence of the youngest
son Constantine by placing the execution of the codex before his
birth. However, my opinion is that the figure on the right represents
Constantine and not Andronicus. The Virgin and the angels crown-
ing all the members of the imperial family suggest that these two
sons were associated with the throne and it seems that there was no
place here for the uncrowned Andronicus and his two sisters. 40
Andronicus was omitted in the coinage even under the regency of
Eudocia. Coins of 1067 show the empress flanked by her two sons
Michael and Constantine. 41 Andronicus first appears on the coins
of Romanus IV together with his two brothers. 42
All the figures in this miniature stand on suppedia. Those of the
Virgin and Eudocia have a square form, the others being round.
The medallions surrounding the imperial family are formed from a
tendril of leaves. The names of the bust figures represented inside
these are written in fine red letters in the margin. The central
medallion above shows Christ with the gospel in His hand flanked
by Peter and Paul holding open scrolls. Similar scrolls are also found
in the other portraits representing authors who are related to the
contents of the codex. The row on the left, from top to bottom,
shows: St. Basil, St. Gregory of Nyssa, Moses, Jesus Sirach, and
St. Maximus. The row on the right shows: St. Gregory N azianzenus,
St. John Crysostom, David, Solomon and St. Nilus. The three
figures below do not hold scrolls and are not identified by name.
In its present poor state, the miniature, which is executed in the
fine linear style of the third quarter of the nth century, still shows
that all the portraits were once very beautiful and of high artistic
quality. Below it the text begins with St. Basil's De Sancta T rinitate,
written in gold letters.
u Bordier, op. cit.. r27.
se Grabar, "Pyxide," r28.
•° Constantine X had actually three daughters: Anna, Theodora and Zoe.
See Polemis, op. cit., no. 18-20. Cf. Vat. Slavo 2, f. 205r, where the female
members of Ivan Alexander's family are again omitted (Fig. I05).
41 Wroth, Catalogue, LXI, rn.
42 Idem, LXI, 12.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS rn7
COISLIN 79
The MS. Coislin 79 in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris43 with
33 Homilies of St. John Chrysostom has at she beginning four full
page miniatures. They are of an outstanding quality and class
the codex among the most famous monuments of Byzant ine art.
The miniatures show four portraits of an emperor who, from the
accompanying inscriptions, has been identified as Nicephorus III
Botaniates (rn78-8r) NIKH<l>OPOC EN XW TW 0W IIICTOC
BACIAEYC AYTOKPATWP PWMAIWN 0 BOTANEIATHC.
Consequently, the execution of the miniatures has been dated
during his reign. 44 However, the identification of the emperor is
not as simple as it seems and the portraits give rise to complications
which can be clarified only after a careful examination of the
miniatures.
The first quire of the manuscript consists of f. A, the bifolio 2
and r (2bis), f. 3 and f. 4 (A; 2 / 1(2bis) ; 3; 4). It is followed by
quaternia. From the off-prints on f. Av of some letters of 3r we may
conclude that f. A was once placed in front of f. 3. The portraits
are painted on ff. 2 and 1(2bis). The text begins on f. 3r with a
table of the titles of the Homilies which ends on f. 4v. The first
Homily begins on 5r. Mlle Concasty45 has correctly observed that
f. r(2bis) originally preceded f. 2. The number zbis was written
later in pencil next to the number I which is in ink. The order of
the first quire was presumably changed during the modern binding
of the codex. Before this change its arrangement was as follows:
r(2bis) / 2; A; 3; 4 (ff. A, 3 and 4 are singletons).
On f. I (2bis)r the emperor is portrayed seated on a lyre-shaped
throne (Fig. 69). In front of him stands a monk bending slightly
and pointing with a staff to an open book- the Homilies of John
Chrysostom- which is placed on a lectern. An inscription in red
0 Parch ment, ff. I+ 323, 40,5 X 3r.
" Bordier, Description, 128-32. Omont, Fae-similes, 32-34, pls. LXI-
LXIV. Ebersolt, Miniature, 37-38, pl. 32. Grabar, Miniatures, figs. 41-44.
R. Devreesse, Catalogue des manuscripts grecs. II. Le fond Coislin, Paris
1945, 69-70.
45 Exhibition Paris, no. 29, pls. XIV-XV.
108 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
gives the name of the emperor. Likewise the monk is inscribed:
0 EN MONAXOIC EYAABECTATOC CABAC KAI Ill. ...
Above the miniature are the following verses:
Y'FOYC ANAKTWN EYKAEHC CKHIITOYXIA
TAIC H~ONAIC 0EAX0HTI TAIC EK TWN AOrwN
KAI THN 'YYXHN TEP<l>0HTI KAI XAIPWN KPOTEI
core OIKETAIC BPABEYE XEIPA IIAOYCIAN
"Oh famous sceptre-bearer at the apex among kings,
be charmed by the delights of words,
and gladden the soul and applaud, rejoicing;
reward your servants with a generous hand."
In contrast to the somewhat dynamic representation of the first
miniature, the figures on f. r (2bis)v are shown frontally, motionless,
static and hieratic (Fig. 70). The half-figure of Christ on the upper
portion places his hands on the crowns of the imperial couple who
are clad in official costumes. The empress's name is given by the
inscription above her: MAPIA EN XW TW 000 IIICTH BACIAIC-
CA KAI AYTOKPATOPICCA PWMAIWN. On the upper margin
is written:
CKETIOI CE XC EYAOrWN PWMHC ANA8
CYN BACIAI.lil TH IIANEYrENECTATH
"May Christ protect you, King of Rome, by blessing you together
with the most noble Queen."
Anna Comnena described Maria's beauty as follows:"6 "She was
in_fact tall in stature like a cypress, her body was white like snow,
her face did not form a circle and its colour was reminiscent of a
spring flower or a rose. Who among the mortals would describe the
brilliance of her eyes? Her eyebrows were arched and flame-coloured,
her eyes gleaming."7 A painter's hand has many times imitated the
46
Alexias, III,
2, 4.
' 7 ~).eµ.µa
xcxpw7t6v: L. Schopenus (CSHB), p. 140, translated it aecies
caeiula. E. A. S. Dawes, The Alexiad of the Princess Anna Comnena, London
1928, 74, translated, "her eyes were blue." E. R. A. Sewter, The Alexiad of
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 109
colours of the flowers which they show in different times, but the
empress's beauty, the grace that shone in her and the attractiveness
and charm of her character seemed beyond utterance and the arts.
Neither Apelles nor Pheidias, nor any of the sculptors ever created
such a statue. The Gorgon's head would make stones out of the
people who looked upon it, as they say, but if one saw her while
she was walking or suddenly met her, he would become stupefied,
rooted into the position in which he happened to be, standing
dumb, apparently deprived at this particular moment of both sense
and reason. Such harmony of limbs and parts, of the whole with the
parts, and those with the whole, none has ever beheld in a mortal's
body; a living statue and amiable to lovers of beauty. She was,
indeed, Desire incarnate visiting the earthy world."
Anna Comnena' s description gives us certain indications which
may be helpful in ascertaining whether the illuminator has attempted
to create a genuine likeness of Maria. We see, indeed, on the minia-
ture a figure with an oval face and arched eyebrows (Fig. 74). The
latter were according to Anna 'flame-coloured' and this implies
that her hair also must have been red. The artist did not neglect to
give a red tint to Maria's hair. Another portrait of this empress has
been preserved on the afore-mentioned enamel plaque on the
Khakhouli Triptych in Tiflis"8 (Fig. 11). Here she is being crowned,
together with Michael VII (1071-78), by the half figure of Christ.
The inscription, CTE<l>W MIXAHA CYN MAPIAM XEPCI MOY
(I crown Michael and Maria with my hands), implies t hat the
plaque was made on the occasion of the couple's coronation and
probably was sent to Maria's father, the king of Georgia Bagrat IV
(1027-72). The colour of the empress's hair is dark brown, outlined
with red, which does not occur in Michael's head. These two colours
can only be explained, if we suppose that the artist of the enamel
intended to denote that the colour of Maria's hair was a mixture
Anna Comnena, Bungay 1969, 107, "eyes of light blue." The translation of
xcx~c.mo.;as blue_, cannot be taken here as correct. If she had blue eyes, the
artist of the Cmslm 79 would have shown that colour, as he did with the
figure of_ the dekanos on the left of t he emperor on f. 2r (Fig. 71 ) who is
shown with blue _eyes. Maria has dark brown eyes in this miniature and the
enamel plaque of Tiflis (Fig. II).
48 See supra Princeton leaf, note 61.
IIO THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
of red and brown, but faced with the lack of a necessary variety
of colours, he found himself forced to apply those two colours next
to each other. Considering the above mentioned similarities between
the portrait of Maria in Coislin 79, the description of the empress
by Anna Comnena and the portrait in Tiflis, we may assume that
the illustrator has done his best to portray a genuine likeness of
Maria.
The miniature on f. zr, so striking in its use of brilliant colours in
the depiction of the emperor's costume and those of the high
officials flanking him, reflect the colourful appearance of the Byzan-
tine court49 (Fig. 7I). The emperor is seated again on a lyre-shaped
throne above which stand two classical figures of two Christian
Virtues: AAH0EIA (Truth) and MKAIOCYNH (Justice). The
two officials on the left of the emperor wear white headdresses. The
courtier closest to the throne is designated as o oc'oc'e:8poc;; (7tpcu't'o7tpoe:-
8poc;;) xoct 7tpw"t'o~e:a·nocpioc;;-a eunuch-and the other as o cx'e:8poc;;
(1tpoe:8poc;;) :X.CXL e7tt "t'OU :X.OM:X.AELOU. The two figures on the right of the
emperor, wearing red headdresses with a hanging tassel, 60 are :
oa.'c:8poc;; :x.cxt 8e:xixv6c;;, and o(Y. e:8poc;; :x.ocl µey(Xc;; 7tpiµtx-f)pwc;;.51
1
The verses above the miniatures read:
we <I>WC<l>OPON <l>EPEIC EAAMIIONTA 0PONON
TAIC APETAIC MAAICTA KATECTEMMENON
IIAPICTATAI COI IIICTOTATWN AKPOTHC
ANLlPEC AOrA~EC EYrENEIC 'I"YXHN IIAEON.
49
On the representation of the emperor and his subjects see Grabar,
Empereut', 85ff., esp.,89, pl. VI.
50
The same headdress with a tassel adorns the donor on a fresco repre-
senting the Mission of the Apostles in the Karanlik Kilise in GOreme (M. Restle,
Byzantine Painting in A sia MinOt', New York 1967, I, 129-30, pl. 242), as
well as one of the two fighting 'lovers'- the other wears a hat similar to that
worn by the dignitaries on the other side of the emperor-in the scene of the
'Power of Eros' of Ps.-Oppian in the Codex Marc. gr. 479, f. 33r: K. Weitz-
mann, Greek Mythology in Byzantine Art, Princeton 1951 , 124, 150, fig. 143.
51
Omont, op. cit. Grabar, Empereur, 31 n4, and Guilland, Recherches, II,
95, mistook all four officials for protopt'oedt'oi, while only the protobestiat'ios
has this title, the other three being simply proedt'oi. On the proedros and
pt'otoproedt'OS see Ch. Diehl, "De la signification du titre de 'ProMre' a
Byzance," Melanges G. Schlumberger, Paris 1924, I, 104-17, esp. II5-16, on
the Coislin manuscript, where all four dignitaries are again listed as proto-
proedroi.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS III
IIAHN TW PPA<I>ONTI CYMilAE>HC EA00IC ANA8
IIICTHN <l>EPEI PAPEICTO CON IlAEICTHN KPATOC
"You hold the throne, shining as if luminescent,
crowned with virtues in abundance;
beside you stand the highest of your loyal subjects,
chosen men, thoroughly noble in soul.
Bu t now, oh King, show sympathy for the scribe,
for he bears the u tmost loyalty towards your sovereignty."
On f. 2v the emperor, standing on a high suppedion, 62 is shown
receiving t he codex from the author of the Homilies St. John
Chrysostom (Fig. 72). The latter is shown according to Byzantine
iconography :63 ascetic, bald, with high cheek bones, pale com-
plexion, thin moustache and beard. On the other side of the emperor
the Archangel Michael Choniates stands in imperial costume. 54 On
5~ On a marble relief in San Marco, Christ, the Virgin and St. John stand
on similar suppedia having a 'shell-like' decoration ; in the 'shells' are drawn
flower petals. Similar also are the suppedia of the archangel Michael in the
bema of the Daphni church and of the prophet Solomon in the Pala d'Oro:
R. Lange, Die byzantinische Reliefikone, Recklinghausen 1964, 52-54, fig. 7
(S. Marco). E. Diez-0. Demus, Byzantine Mosaics in Greece, Cambridge,
Mass. 1931, fig. 66 (Daphni).
63 On the physiognomy of St. John Chrysostom see J. Walter, "The
Iconography of St. John Chrysostom," Chrysostom, 10 (1962), 3-6, and
especially 0. Demus, "Two Palaeologan Mosaic Icons in the D umbarton
Oaks Collection," DOP, 14 (1960), 87-u9, esp. IIoff., figs. 22-32, and
Buchthal, "Some Notes," passim.
u The description of the archangel Michael as Choniates arises from a
legend edited by M. Bonnet, "Narratio de miraculo a Michaele Archangelo,"
AB, 8 (1889), 287-328: The apostles John and Philip announced in a place
called Chairetopa, near Laodicia in Lycia, that the archangel would appear
and perform miracles. After their departure healing water sprang up at that
spot. A man from Laodicia, whose dumb daughter was cured after she drank
from the spring, built for the archangel an a:1'.lx-r~pw11 (oratory, chapel),
according to the longer version, or a church with a sumptuous roo.f, according
to the shorter version. A ten-year old child from Hierapolis, called Archippus.
entered the church ninety years later. Vlhen he had r eached old age, the·
heathens, who had always plagued him, finally decided to destroy the church.
For ten days they gathered the water from the nearby rivers, Lykokapros
and Kouphos, and directed it against Archippus. The monk, fasting and
prostrate all these days, called for the help of the archangel. Vlhen the waters
approached, Michael appeared and made the sign of the cross on a huge rock
II2 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS rr3

the right of the suppedion a small figure kneels in a blue chlamys
and red chiton which, according to Bordier, 55 represents the artist(?).
In the upper margin the following verses are written:
Erw MEN EIMI coc 0 CYrrPA<l>EYC ECTHKEN
<I>YAAS CTE<l>H<I>OPE EIC t:. YCWIIIAN
we ErNWC A YTON AITWN CYN HMIN
llPArMATWN TAC rPA<l>EWC TOY COY
EKBACEIC XAPIN
0 t:.' A Y rE PHCEIC KAI ON EYMENWC BAEllOIC TE
XPYCOYN <l>EPWN KAI TPE<l>OIC ANAE
CTOMA
''While I am your guardian, oh wearer of the crown,
as I know the outcome of events themselves,
the one possessed of gilded mouth and speach,
the author, stands in entreaty
asking with us your goodwill for the scribe:
may you favour and support him, oh King."
The manuscript has furthermore an illustrat ed headpiece on f. 3r
and 33 pylai, one for the beginning of each )Iomily. 66
The following observations can be made concerning the bifolio
and its miniatures :
I. It consists of a parchment which is thinner, ea. 2 cm smaller
and ruled differently from the remainder of the folios in the manu-
script.
2 . From the middle of each folio a rectangular piece a little
smaller than the actual miniature has been cut out. The excised
near the church . The rock broke and a funn el (xwvYJ) was created t hrough
which the archangel channeled away the threatening wat er. From this
legend we can assume that the archangel derives his eponymon Choniates
from the word ,;;hone. The city of Chonae probably derives its name from
this legend. For bibliography see Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, III,
46-47.
ss Bordier, op. cit., 131, fig. 64.
fiG Idem, 132, the folios with ornament.
space has been covered by the miniatures which are pasted on a
very narrow edge of the margin on the verso of the folios. A narrow
border decorates the margin around the miniature, giving the
impression that miniature and margin are one and the same piece.
This process can easily be observed by studying the manuscript
itself, although it is visible even in reproductions. The miniature on
f. 2v (Fig. 72), for instance, overlaps the border on the lower right
hand corner. On the recto of the same folio (Fig. 7r) the border
covers a considerable part of the outer figures, i.e. part of their
costume and half of their feet .
3. The uncials on the margin of the bifolio containing the minia-
tures are written by a different hand than that which wrote the
titles aad the initials in the text of the Homilies. It is not clear
whether the inscriptions on the gold background of the miniatures
giving the names of those portrayed are all by the same hand which
wrote the verses on the margins or that hand responsible for the
uncials in the text. Irregularities can be seen in some of the inscrip-
tions with Nicephorus' name, e.g., on f. zv (Fig. 72), but they alone
do not furnish sufficient evidence to reach any conclusions.
4. The portraits of the emperor reflect an age which is too young
to be that of Botaniates. Nicephorus Bryennius57 tells us that he
was an old man and Anna Comnena58 states that he was too old to
expect a son. Leib estimated that Botaniates was over sixty when
he ascended the throne. 59
Omont thought that the manuscript was copied during the second
half of the eleventh century and that it was offered to Nicephorus
Botaniates after being perhaps executed for his predecessor Michael
VII. 60 He noted furthermore: "Ces quatre miniatures, peintes au
recto et au verso de deux feuillets de parchemin, ont en effet ete
soigneusement rapportees dans le cadre de deux autres miniatures
qui ornaient ces memes feuillets et qui ont ete decoupees pour etre
remplacees parcellesqu'on on y voit aujourd' hui. " In the catalogue
67 Niceph. Bry en., Preafatio, vv. 12-13.
68 Alexias, II, 2 .
69
B. Leib, "Nicephore III Botaniates et Marie d' Alanie," Actes du Vle
congres international d'etudes byzantines, Paris 1950, I, 129-40, esp. 130.
60
Omont, op. cit., 32, n5 .
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Exhibition Paris no. 29 we read: "Ces peintures fixees maladroite-
ments a l'aide de colle ont remplace d'autres images representant
probablement le predecesseur de Nicephore, Michel VII Doucas;
de ces dernieres il ne reste que la bordure et les vers ecrits en semi-
onciale a la marge superieure et qui, s'adressant en termes vagues
a un empereur anonyme, pouvaient s'appliquer aussi bien au
nouveau souverain qu'a l'ancien."
According to these proposals, which attempt to explain the
removal and replacement of the miniatures, new ones with the
portraits of Nicephorus were painted and cut in size to fit the space
created by the removal of the original miniatures. This, presumably,
would have been done in order to save the narrow border around
the miniatures and the inscriptions on the margin. This procedure
seems strange and unusual, the normal one being the removal of
the entire folios containing the old portraits and the insertion of
new folios on which the new emperor would be neatly painted.
Actually, I do not think that the illuminator made new portraits
of Nicephorus and cut them to fit the margin in order to save the
verses and the narrow border. The opposite seems to me more
probable. The artist re-used the portraits of Michael for Botaniates,
but he found himself obliged to cut off the borders around the
miniatures and the margins where inscriptions referred to Michael
and had to be removed. He, therefore, took a new bifolio, cut out
from the middle a rectangular piece a little smaller than the minia-
tures and attached them in the space thus created; he painted
around them a narrow border to give the impression that miniatures
and margin were an integral whole and copied the verses from the
original margins omitting any reference to Michael. This theory
explains the peculiar way of cutting and pasting the miniatures,
the smaller size of the bifolio containing the miniatures, the differ-
ence in thickness and liniation from the remainder of the codex
and the two different hands which wrote the verses on the margin
and the titles and initials in the text. This theory also accounts for
the youthful appearance of the emperor.
On the portraits of Michael some changes had to be made which
we can distinguish after careful observation and which can be con-
sidered as supporting evidence for the theory proposed above. On
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS IIS
the beard, under the lips of the emperor on ff. l(2bis)v, 2r and 2v
(Figs. 73, 75-76)---:the beard on f. r(2bis)r (Fig. 69) is flaked-some
white lines were added to denote t hat Botaniates was an elderly
man. Michael VII 61 was still a young man when he was deposed on
March 31, 1078, younger than thirty if we take into account the
fact that about ten years earlier, in ro67, he was not yet of an age
to succeed his deceased father Constantine X. His mother Eudocia
took over the regency for her sons.
It is desirable now the establish the main facial characteristics of
the two emperors. Documentation is plentiful regarding the portraits
of Michael. Judging in the first place from the portraits on the
Khakhouli Triptych 62 (Fig. rr), the Holy Crown of Hungary63
(Fig. 12) and the coinage 64 (Fig. r24b), and secondly in Leningrad
Codex gr. 21465 (Fig. 10), the Princeton leaf Cod. acc. no. 32.1466
(Fig. 41), the Ms. Pantokrator 23467 (Fig. 174) and the Modena
manuscript68 (Fig. r 23b), we may conclude that Michael VII had
a thin moustache and a very short round beard. We are not so well
informed about the physiognomy of Nicephorus Botaniates. He is,
however, portrayed in the Mutinensis (fig. 123a) with a somewhat
pointed beard which is considerably longer than Michael's. On
most coins, 69 when a clear portrait of this emperor is shown (Fig.
l 24a), his beard is similar to the Mutinensis.
The artist of the Coislin manuscript had consequently, aside from
highlighting the beard under the lips, to change its shape from v ery
short and round for Michael, to the thicker, longer and somewhat
pointed one of Botaniates. On f. r(2bis)v (Fig. 73) we can distinguish
the additions which made the beard thicker and longer. Under the
edge of it we can still see the white denoting the pearls of the upper
e1 On Michael VII see Polemis, Doukai, no. 14.
62
See supra Princeton leaf, note 6r.
es See supra MS. Leningrad 214, note 108.
64 Ph. Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks
Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. III, pt. 2 , Washington 1973,
pls. LXVI-L:XVIII.
&5 See supra under this MS.
66 See the Princeton leaf.
67 See infra MS. Pantokrat or 234.
ss See Modena MS., p. 172.
69
Grierson, op. cit., pl. LXIX, esp. El. r. 3, 1.4, 4.
n6 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
row of the collar. On f. 2r (Fig. 75) the illuminator used vertical
lines to make the beard longer, which in turn cover some of the
pearls and protrude below the line dividing the two rows of pearls.
In this portrait he went a little further, attempting to change the
shape of the nose by the use of a thick brush line; it begins on the
nostril and ends under the eyebrow. One can easily notice the
different shape of the nose on this folio by comparing it with the
other two portraits (Figs. 73 and 76). This alteration proved to be
rather difficult for the artist, who abandoned any further changes.
A new shape was also given to the beard on f. 2v (Fig. 76), where
the upper row of pearls was again practically covered. Coislin 79,
thus, furnishes us with excellent portraits of Michael VII-except
for the outer portion of the beard- which are more detailed and of
higher quality than on the Princeton leaf. Although made by
different artists we can find several similarities between the latter
portrait (Fig. 4I) and that, for instance, on f. I{2bis)v (Fig. 73).
The shape of the eyebrows, the greater part of the nose, the lips
-especially the lower lip-and the way the moustache droops, are
almost identical.
The presence of the portrait of the empress Maria in Coislin 79
did not cause the same problem as Michael's replacement in the
portraits by Nicephorus Botaniates, since she married this emperor
after the abdication of Michael. The final change in execution was
the erasure of the name of Michael and the insertion of that of
Botaniates. This was done almost without leaving any traces
behind, as colour can easily be removed from a gold background.
Dujcev identified two of the figures on f. 2r (Fig. 7I) with the
Bulgars Basil and German, high officials under Nicephorus III. 70
Since no alterations on the faces of the courtiers are visible, they
cannot possibly represent these two Bulgars, the figures showing
portraits of dignitaries under Michael VII. The protoproedros figure
could fit Andronicus Ducas71 (bef. rn45-77), son of the caesar John
10 I. Dujcev, "Une miniature byzantine meconue avec les images de
Cyrille st Methode?," Byz, 36 (1966), 5r m; see also idem, "O~razi na
dvama biilgari ot XI vek, "in Studia in honorem A.cad. D. Culev, Sofia 1958,
747-58.
71 Polemis, op. cit., no. 2 1.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS IIJ
Ducas72 and father of Irene, the wife of Alexius I, who had under
Michael the title 7tpW"T07tp6e:~poc; xo:.t 7tpCU't'o~e:Cl"tt~ptoc;. 73 The figure
represents, however, a eunuch and consequently cannot be Andro-
nicus. After being wounded·, captured and released by the Norman
mercenary Roussel de Bailleu! in rn74, 74 he returned to Constanti-
nople where his influence was now reduced. This worked in favour
of the eunuch Nicephorus, better known as Nikephoritzes, who was
promoted to the rank of logothetes tou dromou 75 after having put
aside earlier the protoproedros John, Metropolitan of Side. 76 It is
not unthinkable that Nikephoritzes, who already had the title of
protoproedros, had assumed the office of protobestiarios after the
removal of Andronicus.
We know little about the epi tau kanikleiou77 during the reign of
Michael. Psellus 78 addressed a letter -ref> &Tel. 't'ou xotvtxl.dou BcxcrtAe:(cp,
but we do not know whether this Basil lived during the reign of
Michael and if our miniature represents him. However, he might be
considered as a likely candidate. The office of the dekanos has
received little study, while our knowledge of that of megas primike-
rios is more detailed. 79 Anna Comnena (IV, 4) mentioned the
megas primikerios Tatikios, a companion of Alexius I, who on the
expedition of August rn8I against Robert Guiscard in Durazzo
was at the head of the Turks from Ochrida, being himself of Turkish
origin. It is conceivable that he had the title of proedros under
Michael, since Alexius also received this title under the same
emperor while he was still young. There are several proedroi or
protop-roedroi mentioned by the Byzantine historians under Michael
VII, but the actual offices ·following their titles do not correspond
72
Idem , no. 13.
73 On the protobestiarios see Guilland, Recherches, I, 216-36, esp. 221-22.
74 D. I. Polemis, "Notes on Eleventh-century Chronology (1059-8 1)." BZ,
58 (1965), 6o-76, esp. 67, placed the capture of the caesar John and his son
Andronicus Ducas in the summer of rn74.
75 Miachael Attaliates (CSHB), 182.
76 Idem, 180.
17
Some officials of a later period h olding this post, which still ranked
high in the Byzantine hierarchy, are mentioned by H.-G. Beck, "Der byzan-
t inische 'Ministerprasident'," BZ, 48 (1955), 309-38, esp. 312, 323-27.
78
Psellus, Scripta Minora , II, l3r-32, epistula n o. rn3.
19 Guilland, op. cit., I, 300-32.
II8 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
to those of our miniature. The candidates suggested above are only
hypothetical for lack of more suitable ones.
The absence of Andronicus Ducas from the miniature means that
the portraits were executed after his decline in 1074 or perhaps even
after his death. The representation of f. l(2bis)v (Fig. 70) does
not show the coronation of the imperial couple by Christ, but it is
evidence of the protection that the monarchy en.joys from heaven.
The inscription on the margin, which I believe is very similar to the
original, alludes to this: "May Christ protect you by blessing you,
oh emperor of Rome, together with the most noble empress." The
verb cr'rt<pc.u (crown), used on the enamel plaque of Tiflis (Fig. n),
which was made on the occasion of the coronation of the couple, is
here replaced.by axe1t'c.u (protect). If the codex was executed between
1074 and 1078, as I suggest, we would also expect to find the por-
trait .of Constantine, co-emperor and son of the imperial couple.
This portrait, however, must have been removed when the portraits
were changed to those of Botaniates. It probably covered one of
the counter folios of the single folios of the first quire. One should
note finally that the figure of the archangel Michael on f. 2v (Fig. 72)
accords better with the homonymous emperor Michael than with
Nicephorus Botaniates.
DIONYSIU 61
The Codex no. 6r in the Dionysiu Monastery on Mt. Athas con-
tains 16 Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus. 8° From the 45 Homilies
of St. Gregory which are known to us,· 16 were used liturgically.
These 16 Homilies were often copied in one manuscript, as is clear
from these manuscripts--including Dionysiu 61- which have come
down to us. The last Homily in the Athas manuscript is mutilated.
The lost folios should contain, according to Lampros, 81 the name
of the donor or the scribe of this codex. It is illustrated with 14
miniatures. Thirteen of these decorate the homilies, except homily 9,
80 Parchment, ff. 180, 21 X 15,5. Lampros, Catalogue, I, 323-24. Galavaris,
Na.zianzenus, 25 , 205-7, passim, figs. 355-76
n Lampros, op. cit., 324.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS rr9
II and 14, where the miniatures at the beginning of the homily
have been removed.
The first miniature (f. rv) shows two standing figures on a gold
background82 (Fig. 77). The lower part is green with wavy brush
strokes in lighter green. The figure to the left represents an unidenti-
fied young nobleman or eunuch. He has dark brown hair, a dark
countenance, large brown eyes, a h awk nose, thick lips and a strong
chin. He is clad in a dark blue chiton decorated on the hem and the
arm with a gold on brown abstract motive which we see in the
costumes of the figures in Coisl. 79 (Figs. 70-72). His chlamys is
purple with a gold border and palmette and clover ornament. On
his neck and left shoulder, under the chlamys, appear the trachelia
decorated with the same motive as the hem. He is holding a book
with both hands.
The figure to the right is St. Gregory N azianzenus, as the in-
scription in red denotes: o &y~oc:; yp'Y)yoptoc:; o6eoMyoc:;. His face is in
accordance with the iconography of the middle Byzantine period:
bald forehead, high eyebrows, ascetic, protruding cheek-bones,
hawk nose and a grey, almost square beard. 83 His sticharion is light
blue with white highlights and his phelonion brown. The ending of
his white omophorion, with black crosses, is visible on his back.
Under the phelonion and on the sticharion appears the lower part of
the epitrachelion. With his right hand he blesses the young man
and with his left touches the book. His shoes, like those of the
nobleman, are black. Above the two figures appears the bust of
Christ in a semi-circle with rainbow-like gradations of blue, clad in
a blue chiton and gold himation of which the folds are denoted by
brown lines. He also blesses the young man.
Lampros incorrectly dated the manuscript to the 13th century.s"'
Lazarev listed it among the manuscripts of the second half of the
H Colour reproductions of all the miniatures in Treasures, 415-18, figs.
104-17.
83
Buchthal, "Some Notes," 81-90, figs. 1-9, concludes that the beginning
of the development of the canonical character for the types of some Church
Fathers, such as we see them in later Macedonian and Comnenian art, must
be placed about the middle of the tenth century.
8
4 Lampros, op. cit., 323.
I20 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
nth century. 85 Weitzmann suggested a date not before the end of
the nth century on the grounds of the very slim proportions of the
ascetic figures and their somewhat stiff poses; the fine style shows
a Constantinopolitan origin. 86 Galavaris compared it, among others,
with Vat. Urb. gr. 2: " ... likewise the treatment of the hair in
separate strokes and _the sharp contrast of light and shadow on the
face recall the codex Vat. Urb. gr. 2, which can be dated between
the years In9-n43 87 because of the portraits of the Comnenian
emperors. Another characteristic common in both manuscripts is
an emphasis on the chin when figures are portrayed in profile and
the flame edges of the rocks in the landscape. These details, how-
ever, appear with greater emphasis in the Vaticanus codex than in
the Athos manuscript, a fact that may suggest a slightly earlier
date for the latter." 98 In my opinion a comparison of the Dionysiu
manuscript with the Lectionary Dionys. 58789 is much more justi-
fiable than with Urb. gr. 2. The emphasis on the chin is also common
in Dion. 587, as well as the rocky landscape, and, in addition, the
treatment of the drapery and the colour scale. Furthermore, the
iconography when both manuscripts represent the same subject is
very similar. 90 The date of execution of Dion. 6I is, therefore, closer
to Dion. 587 (second half of the nth cent.) than to Urb. gr. 2.
The identification of the secular figure is very difficult, because
we posses no indications which might be of help. The purple
chlamys cannot be used to determine the rank of the person por-
85
Lazarev, Storia, 250 n35.
86 Weitzmann, Athos, 98.
87 This codex can be dated more accurately; see supra Urb. gr. 2.
88 Galavaris, op. cit., 206-7.
89 W eitzmann, op. cit., 65££. Idem, "The Narrative and Liturgical Gospel
Illustration," New Testament Manuscript Studies, ed. M. M. Parvis-A. P.
Wikgren, Chicago 1950, 151-74, :u5-19 (reprinted in Studies, 247-70, figs. 239,
241-42, 246, 248, 251-53, 260). Idem, "Byzantine Miniature and Icon Painting
in the Eleventh Century," The P roceedings of the XIIIth International
Congress of Byzantine Studies, Oxford 5-ro September I966, ed. J.M. Hussey
etc., London 1967, 207-24 (reprinted in Studies, 271-313, figs. 266, 286).
Idem. "An Imperial Lectionary in the Monastery of Dionysiu on Mt. Athos:
Its Origin and its Wanderings," RESEE, 7 (1969), 339-53. Treasures, 434-46,
figs. 189-277, in colour.
9° Compare, for instance, the Nativity and Pentecost miniatures: Trea-
sures, figs. 108, IIO, 213, 250.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS I2I
trayed since it was worn by officials of different rank, (cf. for instance
Vat. Reg. I and CoisL 79). Certainly he was not an imperial prince,
because the crown, received at the coronation of a co-emperor which
usually occurred when the person concerned was quite young, is
missing. The assertion by Lampros91 that this figure may represent
the scribe of the manuscript is unacceptable because of the high
position of the person portrayed. What we can say with certainty
is that the portrait represents a genuine likeness of the sitter on
the grounds of its very distinct facial features. 92 There is no reason
to believe that this nobleman is an imaginary figure to whom
Gregory would offer his Homilies, as is the case in the Codex
Ebnerianus, MS. Auct. T. inf. I.IO, f. 231v, in the Bodleian Library
of Oxford, 93 from the second quarter of the r2th century, where the
writer of the Acts, Luke, offers his work to Theophilus,94 known
only from the text and probably not an historical figure.
If we suggest that the nobleman gives the book to Gregory, then
he is portrayed as a donor, who offers the book to a cleric, or a
religious foundation, preferably one dedicated to St. Gregory
Nazianzenus. There was indeed such a church in Constantinople, 95
but it is improbable that the author of the Homilies should be
shown receiving his own works. Obviously it is Gregory who gives
his work to the young man who commissioned the codex for private
use-the Byzantine aristocracy was bibliophile-or who received it
as a present from a cleric, a church or a monastery, or a friend.
Consequently, he is portrayed as the possessor of the codex. In this
case the donor did not portray himself offering the codex, but he
allowed Gregory, the author of the book, to present it for him.
91 Lampros, op. cit., 324.
02 My previous suggestion that this portrait could represent Constantine
the son of Michael VII was purely theoretical: Spatharakis, "Three Por-
traits," 20.
93 Coxe, Catalogi, I, 704-5. Pacht, Illumination, pl. 8. ]. Beckwith, The
Art of Constantinople, l96r, 125, fig. 166. Exhibition Athens, no. 269. Mere-
dith, "Illustration," 419-24, pl. 7oa.
94 For other miniatures with the same theme see 0. Kurz, "Three Armenian
Miniatures in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge," Melanges Eugene
Tisserant, Vol. II (Studi e Testi, 232), Citta del Vaticano r964, 271-79.
95 Janin, Eglises, 8 5-86.
I22 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
VAT. GR. 666-SYNODAL 387
In Codex Vat. gr. 666 96 are found two excellent portraits of
Alexius I Comnenus (rn8r-rn8). The manuscript conta ins eleven
titles from the Panoplia Dogmatica97 of Euthymius Zygabenus, a
monk of Constantinople known for his exegetic, dogmatic and
polemic works. 98 On the verso of f. r, a single folio, nine Church
Fathers are portrayed in two rows. On each side of f. 2, also a single
folio, Alex.ins is portrayed. Folios 3 and 4, a binio, contain a pane-
gyric in iambic verses for Alexius and the Panoply, as well as an
index of the eleven titles in the book (f. 4v), all written in red
letters. Then follows the prologue (ff. 5-9) and the text in quaternia
written in black by the same hand found in the previous folios.
The Church Fathers in the first miniature are all nimbed-the
h aloes are denoted with red circles on the gold background- and
accompanied by inscriptions with their names in red (Fig. 78). St.
John of Damascus and St. Maximus the Confessor are clad in
monk's garments with dark brown phelonia and light brown
sticharia. St. John Chrysostom wears the patriarchal costume. His
white polystaurion and omophorion are decorated with black crosses
and the white sticharion with black potamoi. Next to him appears
the head of St. Cyril of Alexandria. Then St. Gregory Nazianzenus
who is clad in a purple phelonion the pleats of which are formed
by light blue and white brush strokes. His white omophorion is
decorated with black crosses, as is the case with all the remaining
figures. His sticharion is light green with black potamoi. Next comes
St. Gregory of Nyssa. His omophorion is visible over his shoulders
96
Parchment, ff. 259, 33,5 X 24, 3. Devreesse, Vaticani, III, 109. Catalogo
della mostra di manoscritti e documenti bizantini disposta dalla Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana e dall'archivio segreto in occasione del V Congresso Inter-
nazionale di Studi Bizantini, Citta del Vaticano 1936, p . 19. Cana rt-Peri,
Sussidi, 463.
97 The whole Panoply, with 28 titles, is published in PG, 130, 20-1360.
98 C. Neumann, Griechische Geschichtschreiber und Geschichtsquellen im
I 2. ] h., Leipzig 1888, 31ff. J. Wickert, "Die Panoplia dogmatica des E uthy -
mios Zygabenos," Oriens CkYistianus, 8 (1908), 278-388. L. Oeconomos, La
vie Yeligieuse dans l'em.pire byzantin au temps des Comnenes, Paris 1918, 265.
G. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturciaca I (BBA 10), Berlin 1958, 265. Beck, Kirche,
614££.
THEOLOGI CAL MANUSCRIPTS 1 23
an d the gold ending of the epitrachelion which is decorated with a
tendril motive occurring also in the epitrachelia of the other figures
and the encheiria appearing under the phelonia of St. Gregory
Nazianzenus and St. Basil of Caesarea. The latter is clad in a dark
brown phelonion with olive green shading and a light brown sti-
charion. St. Athanasius of Alexandria, who is partly visible, wears
a yellow-brown phelonion and a rose sticharion. St. Dionysius the
Areopagite has a similar phelonion to St. Gregory N azianzenus and
a blue sticharion wit h white pleats. Th e Church Fathers in t he first
row hol d book-rolls pointing to t he right. All except St. Gregory
N azianzenus and St. Basil are turned in the same direction. The
facial features of those Church Fathers most often portrayed are
in accordance with Byzantine iconography. St. John Chrysostom,
for instance, with his ascetic pale face, high cheek bones and fore-
head, thin moustache and sparse beard is identical to the repre-
sentation of the same saint in Coisl. 79 (Fig. 72) and Par. gr. 120899
(Kokkinobaphos) . St. Gregory Nazianzenus is shown as a rather
sturdily built old man with a bald forehead an d a full, spade-shaped
grey beard, as in Dionysiu 61 (Fig. 77) and Par. gr. 550, f. 4r. 100
Above the miniature the following verses are written:
e:?i am "'(E'.lot"o "=fie; aocp-Yjc; c:?i~ou).(occ;,
7tolJ..~ x&.ptc; am 7tpoc; .&eou, a"e:cp1Jcp6pe:,
oc'.13' lw aw'ij~occ; &ae: -rouc; ~fl.&'.1 Myouc;,
EXeL Cr\NOCX~fflc; 1tOCJ(E'.llj c;e;c;cuo-µe'.IOc;.
"May you prosper because of your wise counsel,
great may your grace be from God, oh wearer of the crown;
in return for having gathered our words here,
you will be gathered in there (above) saved, with your family."
Opposite the min iature of the Church F athers, on f. zr, Alexius I
is portrayed with hands covered by his chlamys and standing on a
Exhibition Paris, no. 36, with bibliography.
se
Cf. supra Dionysiu 61 note 83. For the iconography of St. John Cryso-
100
stom see supra Coisl 79 note 53.
124 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
suppedion101 (Fig. 79). His nimbus is denoted by a red circle on the
gold background. His golden crown has a red precious stone in the
middle. His purple chlamys is decorated with gold palmettes,
stylized clover-leaf and a partially-obscured circle motive. His
dark-blue chiton is similarly decorated. The hem is ornamented
with an abstract palmette motive of gold and brown, rising higher
at the side of the chiton. His red shoes, studded with pearls, appear
underneath. The suppedion is of the same colour as the chlamys,
and it is decorated with stars or perhaps stylized flowers or leaves.
It is placed on a platform studded with blue and red precious stones.
The portrait of Alexius is one of the most impressive in Byzantine
art (Fig. 81). His face is serene with raised eyebrows, vivid eyes,
sharp nose, strong cheek bones, closed lips and a dark beard. "Taus
ces traits," remarked Ebersolt, 102 "indiquent un type oriental tres
characterise et denotent un souci d'observation et de verite." Anna
Comnena described the appearance of her father as follows: 103
" ... For Alexius was not very far exalted above the earth, but was
drawn out symmetrically in breadth. So when standing he did not
cause such great astonishment in the beholders, but if he sat down
on the imperial throne and flashed fierce brilliance from his eyes,
he seemed like lightning to send forth irresistible brightness, both
from his countenance and from his whole frame. On each side black
eyebrows arched, and under them his eye was set, with a glance
at once awful and gentle, so that from the gleam of his look, the
clearness of his forehead, and the dignity of his countenance with
the flush that passed over it, a man derived both fear and encourage-
ment. Then the breadth of his shoulders and the strength of his
arms and the expansion of his chest were all on a heroic scale and
invariably called the vulgar herd to astonishment and delight. For
the personality of the man had beauty and grace and strength and
unapproachable dignity." In the left corner above, a small half
101 Ebersolt, Arts, 92 and 95, fig. 45. Lampros, Leukoma, pl. 65. Tikkanen,
Farbengebung, 163. Grabar, Empereur, 100, pl. xrx. I. Buberl-GerstingeY,
2, 5r. Lazarev, StoYia, 193, 251 n44, fig. 260.
102
Ebersolt, Miniature, 37.
103 Alexias, III, 3. Translated by G. Buckler, Anna Comnena, London
1929, 59-60.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 1 25
figure of Christ is depicted, with a cross nimbus, gold chiton and
blue himation, blessing the emperor. Above the miniature are
written the verses:
uµei:c; µtv Ecme:(pcx't"€, <Je:7t"Tot 7tCX't"epec;,
EY~ ~t auve/..e~cx 't"ouc; uµwv x.67touc;.
&),,A' &x8uO"cu7tw xcxt 't"O <pwc; uµwv gXe:LV,
c~c; O'U)'XOµLc;.l}(;) 7tpOc; µovocc; OUpCXVLOUc;.
"You have sown, venerable fat hers,
and I have collected your labours;
however, I pray that I may receive also your light
so that I will be numbered in the heavenly realms."
The second portrait of Alexius is painted on f. 2v. (Fig. 80). The
emperor stands in front of the enthroned Christ offering him a
book. 1114 He has the same facial features as in the previous portrait
(Fig. 82). The square shape of his beard is more obvious here
than in the previous miniature and corresponds well with his
portrait in the Mutinensis (Fig. 122). Instead of a chiton artd
chlamys the emperor here wears a purple skaramangion with
stylizied gold palmettes and the brown and gold decorated hem
mentioned above. Over it he wears a gold loros. It is not easy to
explain why the emperor has different costumes in these two minia-
tures. If we consider the costume with the loros as more official
than that with the chlamys, we may presume that the emperor
wears the former costume because he appears before the enthroned
Christ. The Pantokrator is seated on a red cushion placed on a
throne which is richly decorated with the same abstract motive as
before. He wears a gold chiton with a red clavus on the shoulder,
and over it a blue himation showing an abundance of pleats modelled
in light and dark blue paint. His face is detailed with less contrast
than that of Alexius and this results in a less severe and compara-
m Diehl, Manuel, 379, fig. 184. A colour reproduction in M. Bonicatti,
''Per una introduzione alla cultura mediobizantina di Costantinopoli,"
Rivista dell'istituto nazionale d'Archeologia e storia dell'arte, N.S., 9 (1960),
207-65, fig. p. 243.
I26 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
tively soft expression. The verses above the miniature read:
7toAA.ot ~occnl.e:i:c; dpycfoocno ouvocµe:tc;,
au o' um:pYjpocc; 7tocv-rocc; gPYCJ> xo:l A6ycp.
~ 7tocyxpoc-r~c; µou oe:~Loc cre: xpoc-ruve:L.
ev-te:tve:, ~cxcr£Ae:ue:, ~(;)v cxlcuvlcuc;.
"Many kings have performed powerful deeds,
but you have surpassed all in deed and word;
My almighty right hand strengthens you,
carry on, rule, living eternally.''
The name of the emperor is not given in the verses above his
portraits nor by any inscription on the gold background, as is the
case with the Church Fathers and Christ, but in the encomium for
the emperor and for the Panoply. 106 There it is stated that Alexius
gave orders for the compilation of the treatise. This is not the only
evidence we have that Alexius commissioned the Panoply. Anna
Comnena106 in writing about the Bogomil heresy, 107 informs us that
her father charged the learned monk Zygabenus with writing a
treatise against all heresies. The relation between the portraits and
the contents of the manuscript can now easily be explained:
Alexius is portrayed here as the one who commissioned the Panoply.
The presence of the portraits of the Church Fathers can be explained
by the fact that Zygabenus used their works, as ordered by Alexius,
in the compilation of his work against heresy.
Concerning the standing figure of Alexius on f. 2r (Fig. 79),
Grabar108 thought that the emperor is depicted praying, probably
because he studied the miniature in isolation and not in its relation
to the miniature on f. r v (Fig. 78). In studying the two miniatures
together, we see that the emperor is portrayed as receiving with
1 0 6 The encomium, along with the verses above the miniatures, are pu-
pu blished by Neumann, op. cit., 32-34.
106 A lexias, XV, 9.
107 D. Obolensky, The Bogomils. A Studv in Balkan Neo-Manichaeism,
Cambridge 1948.
ios Grabar, Empereur, 100.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 127
his covered hands the works of the Holy Fathers which are handed
to him in the form . of bookrolls. The monk Zygabenus did not
portray himself offering his treatise, but substituted the saints.
whom he had quoted, since it was due to their writings that he was
able to compose his Panoply. In turn the emperor appears in the
next miniature (Fig. 80) offering to Christ t he Panoply, a veritable
arsenal for the defense of Orthodoxy.
The verses above the miniatures contain a dialogue between those
persons p ortrayed. Above the first miniature the Church Fathers.
address Alexius expressing their hope that the emperor by gathering
their works will be rewarded with the salvation of himself and h is.
family hereafter. In the second poem Alexius answers t hat it is the
fruits of their labours that he reaps and that he indeed hopes to
be numbered among those inheriting the realm of heaven. In the
verses above the miniature on f. 2v, Christ extolls Alex.ins as sur-
passing even the mightiest kings in words and deeds; he furthermore
grants him strength, encourages him to active accomplishments as
emperor and promises him eternal life. It is clear from these verses.
that Alexius, by commissioning the Panoply, not only intended to
attack heresies which caused spiritual as well as political damage,
b ut also hoped to save his soul and inherit paradise.
The date of the compilation of the Panoply is not known. Wickert
thought that Zygabenus came to th e court after noo. 109 The trial
of. the Bogomils took place, according to Obolensky, 110 in n o9-n
under t he patriarchate of Nicholas III the Grammarian (rn84-nn).
These dates can be considered as a terminus post quem for the
execution of Vat. gr. 666 if we assume that Alexius decided to write·
the Panoply only after the condemnation of the Bogomils, to justify
in this way the execution of their leader Basil. The miniatures are
stylistically close to Urb. gr. 2 datable around n25. 111 The drapery
of the enthroned Christ is comparable in both manuscripts (Figs. 80.
and 46), but in Vat. gr. 666 it is 'softer' and more supple. The faces.
of the Church Fathers and Christ appear rat her quiet in comparison.
1oe Wickert, op. cit., 280 nI.
110
Obolensky, op. cit., r75-76.
111 Urb. gr. 2 was also connected witli Vat. gr. 666 by Beissel, Miniatu.ren,
2 2.
I28 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
with the pronounced sickle-like profiles of the figures in Urb. gr. 2. 112
Therefore, I am inclined to date Vat. gr. 666 shortly before the
latter. It cannot b e dated after Urb. gr. 2, because the style later
becomes more manneric with elongated and less plastic figures.
Since I believe that Vat. gr. 666 was executed before Urb. gr. 2
and therefore possibly during the reign of Alexius, one could ask
whether this codex may be the original offered to Alexius. In my
previous publication on this manuscript113 I thought that the last
folio (z59), which is of paper, was written by the same hand which
wrote the parchment folios, and, therefore, I concluded that it was
unthinkable that a codex with a paper folio at the end could have
been presented to the emperor. Mgr. Canart, to whom I here express
my gratitude, informed me that the writing on the paper folio
indeed resembles that of the whole manuscript, but is not by the
same hand. The last folio, thus, replaces a lost or damaged parch-
ment folio and it does not form an objection to our considering the
Vaticanus as possibly the original offered to Alexius. The respectable
s ize of the codex, the neat writing and the excellent portraits of the
emperor and the Church Fathers favour such a suggestion. The fact
that the manuscript contains only eleven of the 28 titles of the
Panoply is not a serious objection to such a supposition, since it
could have b een offered in two books, of which the second is now
missing.
The Codex Synod. gr. 387 (224) in the Historical Museum of
Moscow also contains eleven titles of the Panoplia Dogmatica of
Zygabenus and is decorated with the same portraits as in Vat. gr.
666. The miniatures are flaked in many places and are in general of
lesser quality than those of the Vaticanus. The nine Church Fathers
are depicted on f. 5v and are all looking to the right (Fig. 83). There
are some differences in their costume in comparison with those in
the Vaticanus, of which the most striking is that, along with St.
John Chrysostom, St. Gregory Nazianzenus is also clad in a poly-
staurion, since he too was patriarch of Constantinople (379-81).
Alexius is portrayed standing on f. 6r (Fig. 84) in the same way
m Cf. the reproductions in Stornajolo, Miniature.
m Spatharakis, "Three Portraits," 19, figs 4-6.
1u Lazarev, Storia, 251 n44·
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS I29
as in the Vatican manuscript. The colour of the chlamys is here
lilac, though less richly decorated, the suppedion blue with a similar
form to that in Urb. gr. 2 (Fig. 46), the angle formed by the covered
arms and the upper part of the body greater than in the Vaticanus,
while the head is slightly bowed foreward. The half figure of Christ
is also more upright. In addition, there is an inscription in red
above the head of the emperor giving his name: AAEEIOC EN
XW TW 000 IIICTOC BACIAEYC KAI A YTOKPATWP
PWMAIWN 0 KOMNHNOC. The differences on f. 6v, portraying
Alexius offering th e P anoply to Christ (Fig. 85), are even less. The
loros is less elaborate, but t he decoration of the hem is clearer. The
throne of Christ is n arrower. The verses above the miniatures
are identical in both manuscripts. Since the figures of the Moscow
manuscript are elongated, the faces and the drapery linear, flat
and abstract, and the whole appearance manneristic, the codex
has been correctly dated, by Lazarev in the second half of the 12th
century114• It must be at least an indirect, or perhaps even a direct
copy of t he Vat. gr. 666.
PAR. GR. 1242 - SYNODAL GR. 429
A number of excellent portraits of J ohn VI Cantacuzenus (I347-
54) are found in Par. gr. 1242, a luxury edition of four theological
t reatises of this emperor.115 F. rv gives the contents of the codex :
I. Ilpoc; -rov 'focxclx -rov 'Apyupov cppovouv-rcx -rcl -.ou 'Axtvauvou.
2. Ilpoc; -.ov Ilocu/.ov. 3. Kcx-rcl M{o)&.µ.€6. 4. Kcx't'oc 'IouacxtColv.11 6 Below
it is stated that these are works -rou e:uae:~e:cr-roc-rou xcxl. cptt-oxpta-rou
~CXO'Lh&Col<; ~µwv 'ICol&.vvou 't'OU Kcxv-rcxXOU~YJVOU 't'OU atoc 't'OU 6dou xcxl.
µovcxxtxou ax-fiµoc-ro.; µe:-rovoµoca6E:v-ro.; 'Iw&.acxcp µovcxx.ou. Folios 2r-4r
contain the first part of the T omas of t he Council of June r35r
(PG, I5I, 7I7-720C), convened by Cantacuzenus, which condemned
116
Parchment, ff. 437, 33,5 x 25. Omont, Inventaire, 275. Bordier, Des-
cription, 238-42.
118
For other manuscripts containing t hese works and printed references
t o them, see Nicol, Kantakouzenos, 99-100, n165, 167-69. For a reproduction
of f. Iv see E. Voordeckers, "Examen codicologique du Codex Par. gr. 1242,"
Scriptorium, 21 (1967), 288-94.
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
for a second time the doctrines of Barlaam (ea. IZ90-1350), Acindy-
nus (ea. 1300-49) and their more recent followers, the Metropolitan
Matthew of Ephesus, Joseph of Gannos and Nicephorus Gregoras
(1290-1360), adversaries of Gregory Palamas117 (r296-r354). F. 5r
contains the end of the sixth book, ne:pt oucrlor.c; xocl ~ve:pye:Lor.c;;, of Pro-
chorus Cydones118 (ea. 1330-1369}. Under the headpiece of f. 6r is
given the title of the introduction of Cantacuzenus' refutation of
the treatise of Prochorus Cydones. The name of the latter, Ilpo:x,opou
Ku8wv"YJ ypiX~or.v-roc;;, has been erased and replaced by that of Isaak
Argyrus: µovor.:x,ou 'foor.<Xx -rou 'Apyupou ocv-rt/..syov't"oc;; xor.t ~/..or.cr<pYJ­
µoi:iv-roc;.m This introduction, a summary of the Palamite contro-
versy up to t he year 1368, ends on f. 8r.120 On the same folio begins
the actual refutation of the treatise of Prochorus 121 which continued
on its verso, but the text here has been suppressed. Next come the
stubs of four folios, and on f. gr beginning a new quaternio, is the
treatise of Cantacuzenus against Isaak Argyrus122 (f ea. 1375}.
There are a few more folios cut out from the codex without affecting
the text.
Folios 1, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 are now all single. The counter folio f. 1
contained at one time the beginning of the sixth book of Prochorus
Cydones. The counter folios of ff. 5-8 contained the continuation
of Cantacuzenus' refutation of the treatise of Prochorus Cydones.
Voordeckers, to whom I owe the greater part of the codicological
examination of this manuscript, explained the removal and the
suppression of the text by the fact that Prochorus' brother Deme-
trius requested Cantacuzenus to cease propagating his work against
m On Gregory Palamas see J. Meyendorff, Introduction a l'etude de
Gregoire Palamas (Patristica Sorbonensia 3), Paris 1959.
118 Edited from Vat. gr. 674 by M. Candal, "El libro VI di Pr6coro Cido-
nio {sobre la luz taborica)," OCP, 20 (1954), 247-97.
us For a reproduction of f. 6r see Voordeckers, op. cit., pl. 31. .
uo The introduction is published from the codex Synod. gr. 233 m Moscow
by G. Prochorov, "Publicistika loanna Kantakuzina 1367-1371 gg.," VV, 29
{1968), 318-41, esp. 334-35.
121 Concerning Prochorus Cydones see G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e
Demetrio Cidone, Manuele Calega e Teodoro Meliteniota ed altri appunti per
la storia della teologia e della litteratura bizantina del secolo XIV (Studi e
testi 56), Citta. del Vaticano 1931. 1-61, passim.
m Idem, 273-75. Nicol, op. cit., 49, nI64.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
his brother who had died in the meantime. 123 Cantacuzenus re-
sponded to his request and gave instructions to the scribe for the
alterations which appear in the manuscript. The list of contents on
f. I must have been written after the completion of the codex. The
Acts of the Council of 1351 (ff. 2-4) and the introduction (ff. 6-8),
after the replacement of the name of Prochorus, were allowed to
remain in the manuscript, since they could also apply to Cantacu-
zenus' refutation of Isaak, a follower of Acindynus and consequently
of Prochorus.
Entries made by the same hand that executed the codex (f. 437v)
and by a later hand (f. 225r) show that the manuscript once be-
longed to the Monastery of St. Anastasia Pharmakolytria on Chal-
cidice.124 The scribe h as written his name on ff. 7or, II9v, 292r and
436v: 6e:ou "o 8wpov xor.t 'Ic.uoccro:ip 7tovoc;;.125 The codex bears two dates.
On f. I I gv we read: ~ 7tor.pou<ror. ~(~).oc;; eypOC<pYj XOC't"cX µYjvo: voe~pLOV rijc;
eWOCTIJ<; [v8tX't"LWVO<; 't'OU i:;c.uo' eWOC't"OU £-rouc;; (6879 = 1371), and on f.
436v: 'E-re/..e:tcl>6Yj ~ nor.poticror. ~[~).oc;; cruv&.pcre:t 6eoi3 XOC't"cX µYjvor. <peupou&.ptov
rij<; ty' tv8tx-rlc.uvoc;; 't"ou c;;c.uny' £'t"ouc;; (6883 = 1375). Both dates have
been accepted until now as authentic, and it was believed that the
first part of this volume was completed in 1371 and the second in
r375. 126 However, a careful examination of these two inscriptions
reveals that only the date on f. 436v is written in the same golden
ink and by the same hand as the remainder of the codex, i.e. that
of Joasaph, while the date on f. ngv is written in black ink by a
later hand trying to imitate the earlier script. Furthermore, the
latter inscription is compressed between the book addressed to
Paul and the signature of J oasaph. This date is moreover formulated
113 Voordeckers, op. cit., 291ff.
124 For these entries see idem, 288 n3. On this monastery see J. Darrouzes,
"Les manuscrits du monastere Sainte-Anastasie Pharmacolytria de Chalci-
dique," REE, 12 (1954), 45-57, esp. 51-52.
1 25 For the proposal that the scribe Joasaph and the emperor Cantacu-
zenus were one and the same person and the later revision of this theory
see L. Politis, "Jean-Joasaph Cantacuzene fut-il copiste?," REE, 14 (1956),
195-99. On the work of the scribe Joasaph see idem, "Eine Schreibschule im
Kloster ton Odegon," EZ, 51 (1958), 17-36, esp. 26-36.
m Bordier, op. cit., 238, 242. Darrouzes, op. cit., 51. P olitis, op. cit., 196,
n1. Exhibition Paris, no. 50. Voordeckers, op. cit., 289, and others.
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
diffently from that on f. 436v. Consequently the date of r371 is
unreliable and the codex was completed in 1375·
As the Acts of the Council of r351 apply also to Cantacuzenus'
refutation of Isaak, so could the miniature of f. 5v representing
this emperor presiding at the same council.127 (Fig. 86). The council
began on May 28 in the Alexiakos triklinos of the Blachemae Palace,
named after Alexius I Comnenus ..128 The emperor, shown much
larger than the other figures, is seated on a throne in the middle
and is wearing a golden stemma, dark brown sakkos and gold loros.
He is holding a sceptre surmounted by a cross, and a red akakia.
The suppedion is also red and decorated with two golden double-
headed eagles. The face of the emperor (Fig. 88) is painted with
extreme care and shows in detail the physiognomy of this great
theologian and man of letters. 129 He has eyebrows raised high
above alert brown eyes, a fine straight hose and brown beard.
Traces of grey in the hair correspond to his age when the council
was held (55). Above his head, on the gold background, is written
in red: IW(ANNHC) EN XW TW 0W TIICTOC BACIAEYC KAI
AYTOKPATWP P(J)MAIWN IIAAEOAoroc ArrEAOC 0
KATAKOYZHNOc.1so
The four metropolitans flanking the emperor are in turn larger
than the laymen and clergy of the council. The two nearest the
emperor (Figs. 90-91) are identically clad in white sticharia with
blue potamoi, polystauria with brown gammata and white omophoria
with blue crosses. The ends of the omophoria are thrown over the
arm in the same manner as the emperor carries the loros. Under the
polystauria appear t he gold epitrachelia. The other two metro-
127 On the emperor presiding at the council see Grabar, Empereur, 90-92,
pl. XXII, 2. R. Janin, "L'empereur dans l'eglise Byzantine," Nouvelle
Revue TMologique, 77 (1955), 49-60. On the iconography of the council see
Ch. Walter, L'iconographie des conciles dans la tradition byzantine, Paris
1970, esp. 70-73, 242-43.
i2s PG, 151, 721B. Janin, Constantinople, 125-26.
129 On John Cantacuzenus see Nicol, op. cit., no 22, and G. Weiss, ]oannes
Kantaku.zenos-A ristokrat, Staatsmann, Kaiser und M 6nch-in der Gesell-
.schaftsentwicklung von By.zanz im I4. ]h., Wiesbaden 1969.
i 3 o In a letter of the Sultan of Egypt Malik Nasir Hasan the name Com-
rtenus is added to the family names of John Cantacuzenus : Cantacuzenus
(CSHB) , IV, 14. Nicol, op. cit., 71 ng4.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 133
politans have similar garments only differing in colour. The potamoi
of the sticharia and the crosses of the omophoria are dark brown,
while t he gammata of the polystauria are red-brown. The metro-
politan with a rather white beard ending in two points, to the right
of t he emperor, has the privilege not only of occupying the most
important position on the right of Cantacuzenus, but also of
carrying in his right hand the patriarchal staff which is coloured
black and white131 (Fig. 90). This must be the Pat riarch of Con-
stantinople Calistus I (1350-54, 1355-63). Thanks to the signatures
placed at the end of the T omos of this council (PG, l5I, 261B-763C),
according to the position of the participants in the ecclesiastical
hierarchy-always of great importance in Byzantium-at least
three other metropolitans are also identifiable with a fair measure of
probability. The first on the left of t he emperor must be the Metro-
politan of Heraclea Philotheos Kokkinos, later patriarch of Con-
stantinople (1354-55, 1364-76) (Fig. 91). His signature is followed
by no less than the Metropolitan of Thessalonica Gregory P alamas,
who is portrayed next to Callistus. Indeed his appearance with a
wide brown beard corresponds well to icons representing him after
being canonized as a saint in 1368. 132 Opp·osite him is seated the
Metropolitan of Cyzicus, Arsenius, shown as an elderly man. 133 The
three other figures on the same p6dium each clad in a dark green-
brown sticharion, dark brown phelonion and black bonnet-similar
131
mx."pLcxpx_Lxov 8e:v.cxv(xtov, which the patriarch received from the emperor
on his installation as "Archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome and Oecu-
menical Patriarch ." Ps.-Codinus, 279, 24-280, 13.
132
See, for instance, the icon in the State Museum of Fine Art s in Moscow :
A. Banek, Byzantine Art in the Collections of the USSR, Leningrad-Moscow
1966, fig. 302 in colour. Another portrait of St. Gregory Palamas is painted
on the first pillar from the West in the nave of St. Demetrius in Thessalonica.
This fresco is dated by G. A. Soteriou, 'H BcxaLA~Y.-lj "au 'Aylou AJJµl)"tp (ou 0e:a-
acxAovboic;. Athens 1952, 2II, pl. 8rn, to the 15th centur y. St. Gregory is
shown in bishop's garments censing the much larger figure of St. J oasa.ph.
Soferiou assigned an allegorical meaning to this representation: St. J oasaph
would allude to John Cantacuzenus. Nicol, op. cit., 103 m78, misunderstood
Soterious' interpretation and thought that in St. Joasaph we see a portrait
of Cantacuzenus as the monk J oasaph. This is, however, impossible, since
the saint is shown here as a young man.
183
For a colour detail of Arsenius and Philotheos see A. Grabar, Byzanz
(Kunst der Welt), Baden-Baden 1963, pl. 3.
134 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
to the group of figures on the right-may represent the next three
metropolitans on the list in the Tomos: Macarius of Philadelphia,
Jacob of Chalcedon and Metrophanes of Melanicus.134 All the seated
figures show by their gestures that a discussion is taking place.
In the same Tomos we read that the sebastokrator Manuel Asen,
brother-in-law of Cantacuzenus, the panhypersebastos Andronicus
Asen, nephew of the emperor, and Michael Asen took part in the
council. In the miniature the figures behind the emperor have blue
robes and white headdresses with gold bands which, I think, we
may call skiadia. The official to the left of the emperor holding a
sword is no longer the protospatharios, but the megas domestikos. 135
The costume colours, however, do not correspond with those worn
by the sebastokrator136 and the panhypersebastos137 as described by
Ps.-Codinus, i.e. red and gold by the former, and yellow by the
latter. The identification of the above mentioned officials is, there-
fore, impossible. The figures on the left in white garments and high
headdresses are probably officials of the Great Church. A similar
white costume and headdress is worn by Pachymeres in Monac.
gr. 442 (Fig. 106), protekdikos of the Great Church and dikaiophylax.
In the Tomas there are mentioned certain officials of the Great
Church, such as the sacellarius and archdeacon Michael Cabasilas,
the referendarius Manuel Silvester and others (PG, 151, 763B).
In summarizing my attempt to identify the portraits in this
miniature, I have established that next to the portrait of Cantacu-
zenus, at least four other portraits represent a genuine likeness of
the metropolitans mentioned above. The other figures are not so
134
It is not out of the question that these three figures may represent the
adversaries of Palamas, Matthew, Joseph and Arsenius of Tyre, the delegate
of the Patriarch Ignatius of Antioch; they all had the freedom to express
their views during the council's sittings.
135 Ps.-Codinus stated that the sword of the emperor was borne by the
megas domestikos (r68, 1-3, 190, 19-2 1, 191, 5-8, 234, 18-19). When he was
absent this duty was taken over by the protostrator (168, r-3). When the
protostrator was not present, by the parakeimomenos tes sphendones (r76,
3-5) and when the latter was also absent by the parakeimomenos tou koitonos
(176, 12-14).
136 Ps.-Codinus, 148, 22-149, I.
137 Idem, 152, 22.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 135
easily identifiable. Finally; it is worth mentioning that only the
four metropolitans are nimbed, while the emperor is not.
At the beginning of Cantacuzenus' Apology against Islam (PG,
154, 337D-521), written in 1360, a miniature on f. l23v (Fig. 87)
represents the author as emperor and as monk Joasaph. 138 Canta-
cuzenus took this name when he entered the monastic life after
being forced"to abdicate on January ro, 1354 in favour of his son-
in-law, the legitimate heir to the throne, John V Palaeologus
(1341-91). Cantacuzenus is shown with younger features as emperor
and older, with a white long beard, as a monk139 (Fig. 89). The
latter portrait represents him at the age of 80 years with the physical
characteristics of a man still active not only in ecclesiastical, but
also in political affairs. 140 The picture is so detailed that I presume
that it was made from life. J oa,saph holds a roll in his left hand
with the words MEI'AC 0 E>C TOON XPICTIANWN, with which
his Apology begins. With his right hand he points above to where
the three angels from the Philoxenia of Abraham,141 the orthodox
image of the Trinity, are depicted.
The relation between this miniature and the polemic content of
the following apology is more intimate than that between the
previous miniature and the Acts of the Council of 135r. It is not
only the inscription on the roll in the hand of J oasaph which alludes
to the text, but also, more directly, the representation of the Old
Testament Trinity. Cantacuzenus searched for arguments to defend
138 Belting, Buch, 85, argued that the portrait of Joasaph alone would be
enough to represent the author of the theological treatise in this codex. I
believe that the double portrait of Cantacuzenus is completely justified by
the name of the emperor in the titles of his theological works. Opposite this
miniature, on f. r24r, is written : To 1t"ocpov 7t"61111µoc s~e:-re67J 1t"o:pQ: -rou e:ucre:fle:a-
-roc-rou xoct <pLJ..oxplcnou flocm/..Ec.ic; ~µ&v 'Iwciwou -rou Kocv-rocxou~11vou -rou µovocxLxou
ax-fiµoc-roc; µe:-rovoµoca6ev't'oc; 'Icuciaoccp µovo:x.ou, and then: 'A7t"o/..oy[oc -rou ~ocm/..Ewc;.
If one of the two names of Cantacuzenus was to be left out, it would have
rather been that of Joasaph than the title basileus (cf. also f. 9ov: -rou flo:m/J:c.ic;
7t"p6c; 't'ov µovocxov 'Iaocd:x 't"ov ' Apyup6v). This was also the case in the drawing
in the codex B.P.G. 46 in Leyden (see infra) where the author Cantacuzenus
is portrayed only as emperor arid not as monk.
1ao For a colour reproduction see Grabar, Paining, 184.
uo Grabar, Miniatures, pl. 59.
iu N. Xo:po:J..ciµrtouc;-Moup(x11, 'H rtocpoca't'cimc; 'l"'ijc; <pL/..o~e:vlo:c; -rou 'A~poi:Q:µ cr1:
µ(oc e:lx6voc 't'Ou Mo\lcrdo\l, Ll.e:h(ov 't"'ijc; XpLcrTLOCVLx'ijc; 'ApxocLoAoyLx'ijc; 'E-roctpe:lo:i;,
3 (1962 -63), 87-II4, with further bibliography and a French resume.
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
the devine nature of Christ, rejected by Islam, in the Old Testament,
which both religions recognize. Abraham addressed one of the three
angels as his Lord, and since God Himself could not appear as a
human being, it was Christ who appeared to him in the form of an
angel, announcing in this way His Incarnation. The group of angels
is indeed represented in accordance with this christological inter-
pretation, since the middle angel has a nimbus with a cross. The
illuminator, thus, alludes in the picture to part of the contents of
the text. 142
The other illustrations in the codex are also related to the text.
On f. 92v a brilliant miniature of high artistic quality represents
the Transfiguration of Christ on Mt. Tabor. 143 On f. 93r we find
the portrait of St. Gregory N azianzenus. 144 Both miniatures are
placed among the folios containing the writings of Cantacuzenus to
the papal legate and titular patriarch of Constantinople Paul145
(ff. 71-n9v). These writings deal with the Palamite controversy,
in which the appearance of the divine light on Mt. Tabor was of
central importance. St. Gregory Nazianzenus was one of the Church
Fathers who devoted certain passages to the divine essence. These
passages appear under his portrait.
Betwefn ff . .70 and 71 are the stubs of two missing folios. The
inscription on f. 7or states that the emperor used as evidence for
his writings supporting passages from the saints seen here. H 6 From
this inscription we may conclude that on at least one of the missing
folios the Church Fathers were represented, probably in a similar
way to what we see in the Panoplia Dogmatica of Zygabenus
(Vat. gr. 666, Fig. 78), who also used their writings to compile his
works. Here too, we see a close relation between text and minia-
tures.147
142
Belting, op. cit., 85, studied the relation of this miniature to the text
in an exemplary manner unravelling the representation step by step.
1 43 A colour reproduction in Rice-Hirmer, pl. XXIX.
144 Omont, Miniatures, pl. CXXVII, I.
145 Nicol, op. cit., p. 89.
148 Voordeckers, op. cit., 289 n5 the inscriptions.
147
After establishing the close r elation between t ext and miniatures it is
obvious that the illuminator represented on f. 5v this particular council of
r351 and not only "le r61e doctrinal" of the emperor, as Walter argues
(op. cit., 73).
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS r37
Prochorovus recognized a portrait of John Cantacuzenus on f. 28v .
of the MS. Synodal gr; 429 in the Historical Museum of Moscow. 14~
He is represented as a monk in the middle of a group of six monks
on the left of the standing figure of Christ, in a miniature illustrating
the twentieth strophe of the Akathistos Hymn (Fig. 92). In his
study of this manuscript, Prochorov was able to establish that
Joasaph of the Hodegon Monastery was the scribe of the codex and
to define the contents of the manuscript as an hymnographic
mystery play. He furthermore proposed that the Patriarch Phi-
lotheos Kokkinos both compiled and commissioned the codex. He
dated the manuscript in the years 1355-64 and suggested that the
first figure of the group on the right might represent a Turkish
disciple of Cantacuzenus, who became a Christian monk taking the
name Meletios and to whom Catancuzenus addressed his apology
against the Moslems.
He moreover identified the foremost archbishop on the left who
has a long white beard ending in two points as Philotheos and
the one behind him as Callistus. He reached his conclusion after
comparing these t wo portrait$ with the first two metropolitans
flanking Cantacuzenus in the council miniature of Par. gr. r242
(Figs. 90-9r). The first one has a similar beard and the second not
only a similar rounded beard, but also "a ruptured nose, a wide and
thick lower lip and a distant or contemplative look.''. The Russian
scholar probably did not notice that the metropolitan on t he right
of Cantacuzenus in the Paris manuscript holds a patriarchal staff.
He also left out of consideration his prominent positfon on the
right of the emperor and thought that this was Philotheos, Metro-
politan of Heraclea at the time of the council. I have shown above
that this figure represents the Patriarch of Constantinople, Callistus.
R eturning to Synod. gr. 429 we must identify the foremost arch-
bishop as the Patriarch Callistus and t he second one as Philotheos,
and not the other way round, as with Prochorov. Since the manu-
script is dated by him between r355 and 1364, when Callistus was
us G. M. Prochorov, "A Codicological Analysis of the Illuminated Aka-
thistos to the Virgin," DOP, 26 (r972), 237-52, esp. 249-52, fig. 8.
m Parchment, ff. 28, 17,5 x 24.
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
patriarch, it is unthinkable that the patriarch would be represented
behind a lower ranking ecclesiastic.
Another manuscript containing nine sermons of Cantacuzenus
against the Jews and a portrait of the author is kept in the Uni-
versity Library of Leyden150 (Codex B.P.G. 46). Fol. IV, a single
folio, begins with fourteen verses written in honour of Cantacuzenus
by the Archbishop of Thebes Simon (t r383-87). Below these verses
a pen drawing in black shows, on the right, Cantacuzenus as
emperor seated on a throne. Opposite him a Jew is seated on a low
stool, both men involved in a conversation gesturing with their
hands. The drawing is of mediocre quality and in some parts drawn
over with red ink. It was probably executed later than the codex
itself, which has been dated to the end of the r4th century.
A portrait of Cantacuzenus is also carved on an ivory pyxis in
the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, acc. no. 36.24 (h = 3, d = 4,
2 cm). He is shown with his grand-son Andronicus Palaeologus151
and his wife Irene Asen. 162 Next to them another imperial family is
portrayed, where the emperor is the only one accompanied by an
inscription, the letter M. This letter escaped the attention of Gra-
bar153 who identified this portrain with emperor John V Palaeo-
logus,164 and dated the pyxis between r348 and I352. Weitzmann
rejected this identification on the grounds that John V in I352 was
not older than twenty-he was born on June I8, I332- and there-
fore could not have been represented with a long beard. 155 The
letter M gave him the key to the identification of the second family
as Matthew, son of Cantacuzenus born ea. r325, his wife Irene
150 P aper, ff. 171, 28 X 2r. K. A. de Meyier, Codices Bibliothecae Publicae
Gnci, Leyden 1965, 60-62.
161 P apadopulos, Genealogie, no. Sr.
152 Nicol, op. cit., no 23. These three figures are accompanied by the
inscriptions IC.O, AN.llP, IPH. Strzygowski, "Epithalamion ," 566, thought
that what we see here is the marriage of Andronicus, the youngest son of
Cantacuzenus , and Irene. Andronicus died, howev er, in 1347 at the age of
13 without having married. Nicol, op. cit., no 26.
ua Grabar, "Pyxide," 125, figs. 1-5.
154 Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 73.
m K. Weitzmann, Ivories .and Steatites (Catalogue of the Byzantine and
the Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection III},
Washington 1972, no. 23, pls. LII-LIII.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Palaeologina and probably their first son John. 156 Weitzmann how-
ever incorrectly dated to r355 the coronation of Matthew and
consequently the execution of the pyxis which was made to glorify
the family of Cantacuzenus. John Cantacuzenus was forced to
abdicate a year earlier (December 10, 1354), while Matthew was
proclaimed co-emperor in April I353 and was crowned as such in
February I354 in the Blachernae by the new patriarch Philotheos
after the resignation of Callistus who refused to bless this coro-
nation.157 To date the pyxis we must take into consideration the
absence of inscriptions near the other two family members of
Matthew. Space was created for an inscription above the figure of
the son of Matthew, but was left empty. This can be explained if
we accept that the artist was still working on the pyxis when John
Cantacuzenus resigned and that he no longer saw any reason to
carve the names of a family which would be forced into the back-
ground after John V Palaeologus assumed power as sole ruler.
LOUVRE, MS. IVOIRES rno
An entire imperial family is depicted on f. 2r of the MS . Ivoires
100 in the Apollo Hall of the Louvre. 168 It contains the works of
Dionysius the Areopagite159 whose portrait is painted on f. rr.100
The codex is furthermore illustrated with four headpieces on ff. 7r,
55v, I47r and 205r. Its cover is decorated with more recent French
ivory work. 161
168
Nicol, op. cit., no. 49.
167
Idem, p. II3-r4.
158
Parchment, ff. 237, 30 X 21. Grabar, Empereur, n4. Exhibition Paris,
no. 5r, pl. XXI.
169
For the contents of the codex see H . Omont, "Inventaire sommaire
des manuscrits grecs conserves dans les bibliotheques de Paris autres que la
Bibliotheque Nationale," Bulletin de la societe de l'histoire de Paris et de
l' !le-de- France, 10 (1883), n8-25, esp. 124 no. 54.
160
Reproduced in A. Grabar, "Des peintures byzantines de 1408 au Musee
du Louvre," Melanges offerts a Rene Crozet,a Poitiers 1966, II, 1335-58,
figs. l-2.
161
R. Koechlin, L es ivoires gothiques franfais,8 Paris 1924, no. 823,
pl. CXLV
140 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
The emperor shown here is Manuel II Palaeologus162 (1391-1425),
as is indicated by the inscription in gold above: 163 MANOYHA
EN xoo TOO 000 I llICTOC BACIAEYC KAI I AYTOKPATOOP
PC.OMA! IWN 0 IIAAAIOAOI'OC I KAI AEI A YrOYCTOC164
(Fig. 93). He wears a golden stemma, dark brown sakkos decorated
with segmenta, and a gold loros. He is holding a cross in his right
hand and a red akakia in his left. His first son, John, the later
emperor John VIII, standing to his right, is clad in exactly the
same way. Above him is written: IW(ANNHC) EN I XW TW I 0W
IIICTOC I BACIAEYC I 0 YIOC AYTOY. To the left of the em-
peror is depicted his second son,. Theodore, wearing a less luxurious
crown, red tunic and chlamys. The latter is decorated with gold
medallions depicting double-headed eagles. He is holding a sceptre
in his right hand, while his left is hidden under the chlamys.
His inscription reads: 0E0.6.WPOC I IIOPII>YPOrEN I NHTOC
EYTY I XHC D.ECllOTHC I 0 YIOC AYTOY. 166 Next to Theo-
dore is portrayed the third son, Andronicus, clad in identical gar-
ments to his brother. The inscription above him reads: AND.PO-
NIKOC I AYE>ENTOIIOY I AOC IIAAAIOAOroc 0 YI I oc
AYTOY. To the right we see the empress Helena wearing a higher
crown than the emperor's stemma, and red garments with gold
decoration. She is holding a sceptre studded with pearls (~ocrov).
Her inscription reads: EAENH EN XW I TOO 000 IIICTHA YI'OY-
CTA.166 Above the imperial family is shown the half-figure of the
Virgin, who is clad in light blue-grey maphorion, with arms open in
a protective gesture. Christ, clad in gold, blesses with both hands
the imperial family. All figures have gold haloes except Theodore
162 On this emperor see Barker, Manuel II.
1 68 Velmans, "Portrait," 103-104, figs. 9-IO, mistook him for Andronicus II.
1 64 The AEI A YI'OYCTOC had not been used in inscriptions since the
early years of the empire.
165 The adjective euwxti~ occurs in a list of the offices of the court written
in political verses, but it qualified the title of caesar, while the despotes is
preceeded by the adjective m.tveuwx~~- Cf. ·Ps. -Codinus, 347, 1-5.
1 66 Contrary to the emperor's title augustus the empress's title augusta
occurs in inscriptions to miniatures throughout the Byzantine era.
THEOLOGI CAL MANUSCRIPTS 141
and Andronicus. 167 They all stand on red suppedia. The background
to the miniature is neutral, without any colour.
The head of Manuel (Fig. 94) is one of the most beautiful in
Byzantine portraiture. The face is not modelled with strokes in
different colours as in the earlier periods, but the colour changes
gradually from dark to light in a painterly manner, a characteristic
of Palaeologan painting. The basic colour is rose as is the case in
the -o ther portraits of the imperial family, which are more flat and
less plastic, while the basic colour for the Virgin, Christ and St.
Dionysius is ochre. 168 Manuel's portrait must reproduce without
doubt the facial features of the emperor with great accuracy. The
arched eyebrows, the blue eyes, the characteristic long nose and
the long beard ending in two points are also seen on the other
portraits of this emperor which have survived (Figs. r21f, 176, 178).
In a phrase from the third prophesy regarding the H examilion169
he is described as ~cxv66~. µepmy, noALO~, ~pixxv~ 'E/J..~vwv cX.pxYJy6~
(fair, with an aquiline nose, grey-haired, short-statured leader of
the Hellenes). Much of this description is in accordance with the
portraits of Manuel. A French chronicler, who described the em-
peror's entry into Paris, informed us also about his moderate
stature and added that he had a manly chest, firm limbs and a
graceful countenance which showed him worthy of his imperial
role. 170 His appearance must have been quite impressive and it
cannot be only a coincidence that even his enemy Bayezid, according
167 The fact that John has a halo and that he is designated as basileus in
his inscription, means that he was crowned co-emperor before the execution
of the codex about 1404 (see below). The date of the coronation of John has
been placed around 1420 by F. Dolger, "Die Kronung Johanns VIII. zum
Mitkaiser," BZ, 36 (1936), 318-19, but without taking this portrait into
consideration.
188 The same colours were observed by Grabar, op. cit. (note 16o), 1357, in the
portraits of the frescoes in Milesevo of about 1245, Bojana, 1259, Par. gr.
1242 and the Lincoln Typicon (see infra).
169 E.W. Bodnar, "The Isthmian Fortifications in Oracular Prophecy,"
The American journal of Archaeology, 64 (1960), 165-71, esp. 166-67; cf. also
Barker, op. cit. 396, n2-3.
m Religieux de Saint-Denys-Chronica Karoli sexti6, ed. with F rench
translation by M. G. Bellaquet, Paris 1839-52 (1965), II, 756 (cited and
translated into English by Barker, op. cit., 397, n4).
 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
to Phrantzes, 171 should have said that whosoever did not know him
as the basileus, by the very sight of him alone would be prompted
to say: that man must be a king. Much of his appearance was
inherited by his son John VIII who also was of moderate stature
and had blond hair and light eyes, although not blue (cf. supra
Sin. gr. 2123).
Useful information about this manuscript is given in the colo-
phon172 (f. 237v) which was written by Manuel Chrysoloras : "This
book was sent by His Highness the King and Emperor of the
Romans Lord Manuel Palaeologus to the Monastery of St. Dionysius
in Paris in France or Galatia from Constantinople with me, Manuel
Chrysoloras dispatched as ambassador by the said king. In the year
of the Creation of the Universe 6916, of the Incarnation of the Lord
1408. The said king came formerly to Paris four years before."
Indeed the emperor had arrived in Paris on June 3, r400 through
the Morea, Venice and Milan, after leaving Constantinople on
December 10, 1399· He undertook a long voyage to the West in
order to obtain aid against the steadily growing threat of Bayezid.173
He was received with great honour by Charles VI and quartered in
the Louvre. From there he sent ambassadors to Martin I of Aragon,
Henry III of Castile and Charles III of Navarre. In spite of the bad
relations between France and England, the emperor managed to
visit Henry IV. On December 21, 1400 he was received in London
with as much honour as in Paris and stayed there till mid-February
1401. He returned to Paris where he was often the guest of the
Monastery of St. Denis to discuss theological matters. He left Paris
on November 2r, 1402 and although he returned empty-handed to
Constantinople on June 9, 1403 his voyage was of very great
importance for cultural relations between the two Christian worlds.
m Plirantzes (CSHB), n7.
m For a facsimile of the colophon see Barker, op. cit., 264, fig. 20, with
English translation p. 545.
J?a Concerning the voyage of Manuel in the W est see G. Schlumberger,
"U~ empereur de B y zance a Paris et a Londres," in Byzance et les croisades,
Pans 1927, 87-147 and 361-62. Barker, op. cit., l 67ff. with bibliography.
See also D. M. Nicol, "A Byzantine Emperor in England. Manuel II's Visit
to London in 1400-1401," University of Birmingham Historical journal, 12
(1971), 204-25, with bibliography.
THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS 143
The aid required for the Empire came from an unexpected quarter
in the person of Timur who routed the Turks on July 28, 1402 at
Ankara, so granting to Byzantium another fifty years of life.
When Chrysoloras left Constantinople at the end of 1407 on a
diplomatic mission to the West, the emperor sent his manuscript
as a present to the abbot of St. Denis in Paris. Nothing could have
been more suitable than a codex with the works of the homonymous
patron saint of the royal abbey illuminated with his portrait. The
:gortrait of Manuel's family with Mary and Christ can be interpreted
as a propaganda expedient to show that the Byzantine emperor
still derived his power from heaven and enjoyed divine protection.
The date of execution of the portraits can be estimated with the
help of the known historical facts. The terminus ante quem is Febru-
ary 8, 1405, the date of birth of the fourth child of Manuel II, the
later emperor Constantine XJ174 who is absent in the family por-
trait. Andronicus the youngest child in this miniature, was very
probably born in 1400,175 but the terminus post quem is June 9,
1403, the date of the return of Manuel to Constantinople. The
miniatures were, thus, executed between June 9, 1403 and February
8, 1405. This means that when Chrysoloras left for Paris at the end
of 1407 he did not take with him an up-to-date portrait of the
imperial family, but a codex which had been completed some years
before. It is possible that the emperor ordered the manuscript soon
after his return to Constantinople while memories of the abbey of
St. Denis were still fresh in his mind and that he only took the
opportunity later to send it to Paris with his friend and ambassador
Chrysoloras.
A portrait of the same Manuel Chrysoloras has survived in a
Tuscan drawing. The brown wash pen-drawing once belonged to
the collection of Pierre-Jean Mariette (t 1774) and is now in the
Departement des Dessins of the Louvre, inv. 9849bis176 (Fig. 94a).
1?4 The date of his birth given by Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 62 (February
9, 1404) was corrected by R.-J. Loenertz, "Une erreur singuliere de Laonic
Chalcocandyle," REB, 15 (1957), 176-84, esp. 182.
17
~ Barker, op. cit., 495.
176
H. Omont, "Note sur un portrait de Manuel Chrysoloras conserve au
Musee du Louvre," REG, 4 (1891), 176-77. B. Degenhart-A. Schmitt, Corpus

144 THEOLOGICAL MANUSCRIPTS
The Byzantine humanist is shown in profile as an aged man wearing
a bonnet of the type wom by Pachymeres (Fig. 106), and the
figures in the group to the right of Cantacuzenus in the council mi-
niature (Fig. 86), He holds an open book with an inscription from
which only the word M oscho is legible. Great attention is given by the
artist to the head which is drawn in detail, while the remainder of
the drawing is sketchy. The name of the person portrayed and the
year of execution of the drawing are given in t he inscription:
Maestro Manuello che insegno grammatica greca in Firence , r406.
The drawing has been considered as a copy of a former study from
life.177
Manuel was born around the middle of the 14th century. He was
a student of Demetrius Cydones and was invited between 1396
and 1400 to teach Greek philosophy in Florence, where he met with
great success. In 1403 he returned with the emperor Manuel II t.o
Constantinople and visited Italy again in 1404 and 1405-6. His
mission as ambassador in 1407 brought him to Paris, then to London
and again to Paris where he settled. In 1413 we find him at the court
of the Emperor Sigismund who assembled the council of Constance
(1414-18). Since Chrysoloras was a convert of the Catholic faith,
he attended the council, during which he died178 (1415).
der italieniscken Zeicknungen I300-r450, I, Berlin 1968, cat. no. 167, pl. 195c.~-··
Barker, op. cit., 263, 544-45, fig. 19. Belting, Buck, 92-93, fig. 50.
m Degenhart-Schmitt, op. cit. . .
us On the activities of Manuel Chrysoloras see G. Gammell, I doth
bizantini e le origini dell umanesimo. I. Manuele Crisolora, Firenze 1 9~ 1.
Beck, Kfrcke, 75rff. I. Thomson, "Manuel Chrysoloras and the Early Italian
Renaissance," GRBS, 7 (1966}, 63-82.
J
II SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS
l
I
VIND. MED. GR. l
i The oldest individual portrait in a manuscript occurs in t he well-
known copy of the Dioscurides herbal, the Codex Med. gr. l in the
I
National Library in Vienna. 1 The patricia Anicia J uliana2 is por-
trayed as possessor on f. 6v (Fig. 95). An octagonal star, formed by
two superimposed squares, is inscribed in a circle, all of gold cable.3
In the dark-blue inner octagon, Juliana is enthroned on a sella
>
curulis decorated with two griffin heads. She is clad in a lilac tunic
1
I
with long sleeves, a purple colobium and a gold toga trabeata. Her
shoes and headdress are red. The greater part of her face, in partic-
~ ular the nose and mouth, is effaced. In her left hand she holds a
l
plaque inscribed with a white rhomb, the codicillium, which patri-
cians received from the emperor during their installation. 4 With her
1 Parchment, ff. VI+ 485, 27 X 30. For the vast bibliography on this
codex see H. Gerstinger, Dioscurides. Codex Vindobonensis Med. Gr. I der
Osterreichischen Nationalbibliotkek (Codices Selecti Phototypice impressi.
Faes. Vol. XII. Commentarium Vol. XII), Graz 1970, 6I-63; the facsimile is
in colour.
2 Juliana was born c. 463 as daughter of Flavius Anicius Olybrius, who was
consul in 464 and augustus of the Western empire for seven months in 472,
and of Placidia daughter of Valentinian III. In 480 she married the magister
militium Flavius Areobindus Dagalaifus, consul in 506. She died ea. 527,
aged about 65. She was a notable patroness of the Arts.
3 For similar octagonal stars in works of art other than manuscripts see
Gerstinger op. cit., 35, fig. 39.
' The ceremony of initiation of a patricia is described by Constantinus
Porphyrogenitus {CSHB}. I , 257-61. In the church of the Theotocos of Pharos
she received from the despotes a delmatikion, a thorakion and a white mapko-
rion. In the Pantheon, wearing the tkorakion and the delmatikion and
carrying the loros and the propoloma, she r eceived from the enthroned em-
perors the kodikellia, which were later blessed by the patriarch. Because she
was wearing the loros and the propoloma, she was not a ble to prostrate and
kiss the feet of the despotai , as she did when she received her costume, but
she bent slightly and kissed their knees. We can easily identify the above
mentioned cost umes in the miniatures, except for the problematic thorakion,
which is perhaps the colobion we described. On the costume of Anicia cf.
also Delbrueck, Consulardiptycken, 54.
 SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS
right hand she throws some coins onto an open book, presumably
the codex itself, 5 offered to her by a little genius inscribed IIO®OC
THC <I>IAOKTICTOY. 6 In keeping with representations on the
consular diptychs of the same period, 7 and the classical tradition, 8
Juliana is flanked by two personifcations of her virtues. On her
right side stands MEI'AA01YYXIA (Magnanimity) clad in a white
chiton with bluish shadows and an olive green himation, and having
as attribute a transparent sack with gold coins on her right arm. On
her left side stands <I>PONHCIC (Prudence} clad similarly to the
first personification, but in a purple himation and having as
attribute a book on her left knee, to which she points with her right
hand; her left foot rests on a small podium. The heads of both
allegories, reminiscent of portraits of Skopas, are ornamented with
diadems. A figure in proskynesis, inscribed EYXAPICTIA
TEXNWN (The Gratitude of the Arts) and clad in a white mantle,
kisses the right foot of Juliana. In front of the gold podium of •
Juliana there are two wooden baskets, the contents of which are not
visible.
The purple segments of the circle are filled with scenes showing
several genietti engaged in building activities, reflecting the under-
takings of Juliana. Each letter of her name is written in gold
5 It is the first representation of a book other than the Bible: P. Bloch,
"Zur Dedikationsbild in Lob des Kreuzes des Hrabanus Maurus," Das erste
Jahrtausend, 3 red. V. H. Elbern, Di.isseldorf 1962, I, 475, fig. 5.
1 This inscription is repeated on t he margin by a later hand who mis -
understood the picture and denoted the putto as ~60oc; -rYjc; crocp(occ;. Juliana
was designated as croqiloc. The same mistake was repeated in a 15th century
copy of Dioscurides, Codex 3632, f. 377v, in the University Library of
Bologna. In addition the two small figures on the right of Juliana have been
replaced here by a centaur on her left side. See P. Capparoni, "Intorno ad
una copia delle scene raffiguranti l'estrazione della m andragora che ornavano
il codice cosi detto Dioscuride di Juliana Anicia da lungo tempo scomparse,"
Atti del V Congresso Internazionale di Studi Bizantini, Roma 19_40, II, 63-69,
fig. 2. Gerstinger, op. cit., fig. 36.
7 Two female personifications, Rome and Constantinople, flank the con-
suls Clementius (513 AD), Magnus (518 AD) and Orestes (530 AD); see Del-
brueck, op. cit., nos 16, 22, 30 with plates.
s E. Diez, Die Miniaturen des Wiener Dioscurides (Byzantinische Denk-
maler, III), Wien 1903, 48, found examples of representations of a person
flanked by two allegorical figures which go back to the time of Praxiteles.
SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTf 147
letters in the eight red triangles: IOYAIANA. It is again formed by_
the acrostic written-on the inner side of the octagon: 9
IOY ~OEAICI(N ANACCA?)
(ON)WPAT(AI C') A(rA)0(AI)C II(A)C(AIC)
YMNOYCIN K(AI) ~O(EAZOYCIN)
AAAICAI rAP EIC IlACA(N) rHN
(I)HC' H MErAAO('F)YXIA
ANIKHWPWN rENO(C) IlEAEIC
NAON (~E) K(YP)IOY HrIPAC
ANW (IlPOEKB)ANTA KAI KAAWC
"Hail, oh princess, the people of Honoratae extol and glorify you
with all fine praises; for Magnanimity allows (you) to be men-
tioned over the entire world. You belong to the family of the
Aniciae, and you have built a temple of the Lord, raised high
and beautiful."
From this acrostic we can conclude that the codex was offered
to Juliana by the inhabitants of Honoratae, 10 for whom she erected
a church. From Theophanes (I, 157-58) we learn .that in 512-13
Juliana had already built the church in Honoratae. The codex must
have been executed shortly before this year, a date generally
accepted.
Weitzmann, comparing the non-atmospheric blue background
and the rather abstract compositional pattern used in the minia-
tures, with the illusionistic background and the classical setting of
the author portrait, together with the personification of Invention
(f. 4v), concluded that the artist was capable of working in almost
two contradictory modes, being traditional as regards the classical
9
After A. von Premerstein, "Anicia Juliana in Wiener Dioskurides-
Kodex," Jahrbuch der Kunsthist. Sammlungen des ah. Kaiserhauses, 24
(1903), 105-24, esp. III , except for ANIKHWPCON, clearly visible in his
fascimile, but changed to 'Av~x~w(v), i:'iv, and the substitution of .6.E for rAP
in a rasura.
10 Janin, Constantinople, 486, placed Honoratae on the Asiatic side of
Bosporus.
 SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS
past and yet in touch with the conventions of his time.11 I should
like to add that this contrast exists even in the dedication miniature
itself. Juliana is painted in a frontal, stiff and rather abstract way
with practically no volume, since the drapery of her garments is
modelled by rather straight gold lines. The figures surrounding her
move in all directions and their plasticity and rich drapery are fully
three-dimentional; all these features are in accordance with the
classical tradition. The abstract and hieratic mode, in which the
individual portrait was depicted, has caused this contrast between
the portrait of Juliana and the allegorical figures around her. 12
Also in the classical spirit is the second author portrait with
Epinoia holding the mandragora plant which an artist is painting
(f. 5v) and the two groups of physicians and pharmacologists
(ff. 2v-3r). The plants and insects in the codex are painted not in
a naturalistic, but in a rather flat way for didactic purposes. The
peacock in the first miniature of this manuscript (f. Iv) has been
explained symbolically and connected with the apotheosis of Ju-
liana.13
PAR. GR. 2144
A portrait of Alexius Apocaucus is included in Par. gr. 2144, 14 a
manuscript containing the works of Hippocrates. 15 The codex is
written by more than two hands on paper made in Italy at some
time after 1331. 16 On the upper part of f. 12r appears the name of
11 K. Weitzmann, "The Classical in Byzantine Art as a Mode of Indivi-
dual Expression," Studies, 151-75, esp. 154-55, figs. 110 and 132.
12 The difference of mode within the same miniature was also discussed
by Weitzmann (op. cit., 155-57) who used other examples than the Juliana
miniature. It was explained by the use of prototypes of two different styles,
the classical and the court.
is Ainalov, Hellenistic Origitis, 58.
u Paper, ff. 397, 42 X 30. Bordier, Description, 233-35.
16 Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrate, ed. E. Littre, Paris 1839 (1973), I, 515.
ie The watermark, a pear or fig with two leaves, in Briquet, 7345-50
(1331-45 AD). Bordier's suggestiom (op. cit., 233) that ff. 1-127-he meant
l-228, after which a new scribe begins-were written in the i3th century
cannot be sustained, because these folios, like the others, have the same
watermark, not occurring before 1331 AD.
SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS 1 49
one scribe (or ktetor?): Alexios Pyro(pu)los. The manuscript was
obviously offered to Apocaucus who is portrayed facing Hippocrates
on a parchment bifolio (ff. 10-n) which was inserted among the
paper folios of the codex.
The author Hippocrates is depicted on f. rov as an elderly, bald
man seated on a wooden throne with round back. He is holding an
open book in his hand in which is written his apopthegma: O BIOC
BPAXYC HAE TEXNH MAKPA 0 AE KAIPOC OEYC. A
piece of his red chlamys is placed on his head forming a peculiar
headdress.17 Apocaucus is depicted on the opposite page (f. nr)
seated on a square wooden bench ornamented with cuneiform-like
designs. 18 (Fig. 96). He wears on his head a red and gold skaranikonl 9
on the front of which is depicted the seated emperor. His long dress,
the kabbadion, is grey-green and decorated with medallions in
which are depicted winged lions, all in white. 20 His facial features
can ~e seen very clearly (Fig. 97). He has straight haughty eye-
brows, light grey eyes and a wide white beard denoting his advanced
age. Like the emperors he is also seated on a cushion which is green
with red and blue stripes. His feet rest on a suppedion. On a rose
socle, imitating marble encrustation, stands a lectern on which is
placed an open book containing the same words as that held by
Hippocrates. Apocaucus, his right hand at his waist, points with
his left to t he book which is held by a youthful figure standing
beh ind the bench. This is most probably the personification of
Medicine.21 The background of the miniature is gold. Over the
~ Omo~t, Miniatures, pl. 128. Lazarev, Storia, 370, 379, fig. 540. R ice-
7
Hirmer, fig. 188. Velmans, "Portrait," figs. 45-46 (detail of Hippocrates'
head). B elting, Buch, 4, 19; 58-59, 82, fig. 31.
.
18
Omon~, op. _cit., pl. 129. l':xhibition Paris, no. 39, pl. 23. Lazarev, op. cit.,
fig. 539. Rice-Hirmer, pl. 34 m colour. Velmans, op. cit., figs. 43-44 (detail
of Apocaucus' head). Belting, op. cit., fig. 32.
19 The colour of the headdress corresponds to that of the Grand Duke
described by P s.-Codinus, 153. 13.
10
The Grand Duke could wear according to Ps.-Codinus, 153, 18, a kah-
badion of whatever colour he preferred.
21 Belting, op. cit., 82, n227, identified this figure as an individual and
mentioned that Apocaucus had a son, who, after the death of his father
played a considerable role in political life. We know actually two sons of
Apocaucus, John (t 1345) megas primikerios and Governor of Thessalonica
ISO SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS r5r

upper part hang two red curtains decorated with a blue band. before the portraits were added and presented to Apocaucus.
The horizontal bar of the border, which is blue, supplies a rail for Lazarev's hypothesis that the miniatures belonged originally to
the curtains. The inscription in the centre gives the name and rank another manuscript should also be taken into consideration. 2 6
of the person portrayed: MErAC L10Y3 0 AIIOKA YKOC. 22
Around the two miniatures another hand has written an imaginary u Lazarev, op. cit., 4I5 n55 . Also in Exhibition Paris, no. 39.
dialogue between Hippocrates and Apocaucus consisting of 69
iambic verses. 23 The latter is praised for his knowledge of medicine
which was part of his great erudition. That Apocaucus was interested
in this science we learn also from John Actuarius who addressed to
him a medical compendium. 24
The rank of Apocaucus mentioned in the inscription helps us to
date the portrait with a ce;rtain accuracy. The great rival of Canta-
cuzenus-originating from an obscure family in Bithynia-he h eld
several administrative offices. He became Grand Duke with the
support of the empress Anna of Savoy, widow of Andronicus III,
and the patriarch John Calecas (1334-47) only after the coronation
of John V Palaeologus in November l34r. 25 Therefore the miniature
must have been executed between this date and June 1345 when
Apocaucus was assassinated.
Since the two portraits are painted on an inserted bifolio and the
iambic poem around them is by a different hand from the remainder
of the manuscript, the codex may have been executed a few years

(1343-45) and Manuel Governor of Andrianople who in 1344 went over to

the side of Cantacuzenus. Neither son could be represented as a beardless
youth in 1341, the earliest date the portraits could have been executed {see
hereunder). On these two sons see Nicol, Kantakouzenos, 58, 60, 123, and
E. Trapp, "Specimen eines prosopographischen Lexikons der Palaiologen-
zeit," JOB , 22 (1973), 169-205, esp. 185.
28 The megas dux occupied the sixth place in the list of offices at that

time and was officially the head of the navy: Ps.-Codinus, 133-34, 167,
14-17, 300, 4·
25 The greater part of these verses have been published by J. Boivin,

Nicephori Gregorae Historiae Byzantinae, 2 Paris 1702, II, 777-78, and in

Nicephorus Gregoras (CSHB), II, 1256-58. ··
34 P. Lambecius, Commentarii de augustissima Bibliotheca Caesarea Vindo-

bonensi, 8 Vindobonae 1781, VII, 153-56.

" On Apocaucus see R. Guilland, "Alexios Apocaucos," Revue du Lyon-
nais, N.S .. l-4 (1921), 523-4I. Idem, Correspondance de Nicephore ~egoras,
Paris 1927, 299-301. Nicol, op. cit., 59, passim. Trapp. op. cit., 184, with
sources and further bibliography.

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
VIND. HIST. GR. 53
Two portraits are inserted in the Codex Hist. gr. 53 of the Nation-
al Library in Vienna. 1 The manuscript contains the shorter version
of the chronicle of Nicetas Choniates, from the death of Alexius I
Comnenus to the year r206. 2 On f. 323 are statements from three
Greeks, George Apoteras, John Zygomalas of Nauplia and John
Malaxos of Nauplia testifying that the manuscript was written by
Nicetas himself. These statements were written in June r57r in
Constantinople when Hannibal, the secretary of the emperor
Maximilian II, bought the codex from Apoteras. Inserted between
ff. 323 and 324 is a parchment strip with some verses written by
the bishop of Ainos referring to a restoration of the codex. 8
In spite of the testimony given above, the codex is not an auto-
graph of Nicetas. Bick dated it on palaeographical grounds to the
end of the r3th century." The ornament on the garment of Alexius V
(Fig. 99), the blue, red and green colours and the plaited ornament
in the headpieces and initial letters led him to believe that the
codex was executed in Beneventum or in that part of Dalmatia
under its influence. Gerstinger accepted Bick's dating, but he was
not convinced of the South Italian provenance. 5 Later, together
with Buberl, he placed the execution of the codex, on palaeographical
1 Paper, ff. I + 325, 28,7 x 22. Hunger, Katalog, 58-59. Exhibition Athens,
no. 368. Lazarev, Storia, 282, 333 n36.
2 Nicetas Choniates in CSHB, 1835. PG, 139, 320-rn57. A German trans-
lation by F. Grabler in Byzantinische Geschichtschreiber, 7-9 ( r958).
a The text of these three statements has been published by J. Bick, Die
Schreiber der Wiener griechischen Handschriften, Wien r920, II2, and by
J. A . J. van Dieten, "Wurden aus dem Codex Vind. hist. gr. 53 fUnf Minia-
turen entfernt?," BZ, 55 (1962), 224-25, who also published the verses of
the bishop of Ainos; h ere also references to the two friends of Apoteras.
' Bick, op.. cit., u2.
& Gerstinger, Buchmalerei, 36-38, pls. XXIII-XXIV.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS I53
grounds, in the first half of the I4th century,s a date that was also
accepted by Hunger.7
On f. Iv we see the author Nicetas Choniates, according to the
inscription written in red: o xcuvLOC'tlJ<; x.at auyypix11e:ui; Tiji; ~(~A.ou
'tlXU'T"l)t; (Fig. 98). Nicetas (mid I2th cent.-ca. 1213) was born in
Choniae in Phrygia, moved to Constantinople and began his career
as imperial secretary. He attained high office under the Angeli and
held the office of the logothetes ton sekreton8 until I204. In Nicaea,
under Theodore Lascaris, he also held high office and it was pro-
bably there that he wrote hi.s chronicle. Among other works, he
wrote a short supplement to his history dealing with the statues
destroyed by the Crusadors after the capture of Constantinople in
r204. In his work there are vivid descriptions of rare power, which
together with his wide outlook, single him out as the most brilliant
historian of medieval Byzantium~after Pselluse.
For the represent at ion of Choniates the illuminator used the
traditional iconography of the seated evarigelist. 10 Nicetas is sitting
on a box-like seat with his feet in black shoes resting on a footstool.
The lower part of the lectern, on which an open book is placed, is
carved in the shape of a sea-monster. The seat, footstool and lectern
are all in the same colours, ochreous yellow and brown. The face of
s Buberl-Gerstinger, II, 60, pls. XXIX-XXX.
7
Hunger, op. cit., 58-90.
8 For the logothetes ton sekreton, the chief minister, see Ch. Diehl, "Un
haut fonctionnaire byzantin: le logot hete ton sekreton," Melanges N. lorga,
Paris 1933, 217-27. Cf. however H.-G. Beck, "Der byzantinische 'Minister-
priisident', "BZ, 48 (1955), 309-38, esp. 316.
9
For Nicetas Choniates see Krumbacher, Geschichte, I , 281f., the intro-
duction by Grabler, op. cit., and especially G. Stadtmtiller, "Zu Biographie
des Niketas Choniates," Polychordia. Festschrift F. Dolger (Byzantinische
Forschungen r), Amsterdam 1966, I, 321-28, and J.-L. van Dieten, Niketas
Choniates, Erlauterungen zu den Reden und Briefen nebst einer Biographic
(Supplementa Byzantina 2), Berlin-New York, 1-60. The name Akominatos
has been wrongly given to Nicetas and his brother Michael; see G. Stadt-
mtiller, "Michael Choniates, Metropolit von Athen," OCA, 33 (1934), r28-
324. V. Grumel, "De l'origine du nom Akominatos," EEBS, 23 (1953), 165£.
J. M. M. Hermans, "Le n om Akominatos. Quelques considerations codicolo-
giques sur un 'mot-fantOme'," to appear in Scriptorium, 30 (1976), thought
that the name derived from a chonis natus; h ere also the older literature.
10 On the iconography of the .seated evangelist see Friend, "Portraits," I ,
134ff.
I54 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Nicetas is rather flat and his eyes, nose and lips are drawn with
red and black lines, the red being original, while the black derives
from the hand of a restorer. His hair and beard are painted light
blue with white stripes. Here also we see the black lines made by
the later hand in the beard and the contours of the hair. The
original paint over a large part of the left side of Niceta's face had
flaked. The restorer replaced it with a thin layer of paint, filling in
the details with black lines. The headdress of Nicetas has repeatedly
attracted attention because of its strange shape. Restle, who
studied the restorations in detail, thought that it was originally a
high hat with a stiff extension behind and that this could be what
Ps.-Codinus called a skiadion. 11 He mistakenly described not a few
.crowns in other miniatures as skiadia or luxus-skiadia. What, for
instance, John VIII wears on the medallion of Pisanello (Fig. 21)
and the miniature of Sinait. gr. 2123 (Fig. 20) is indeed a skiadion,
but what Theodore II, Michael VIII and Andronicus II wear in
Monac. gr. 442 (Figs. 108-IIo) have nothing to do with a skiadion,
as he would argue. 12 The headdress of Nicetas would be a skiadion
only if there was an extension in front or around it.
My examination of the miniature has not revealed any trace of
such an extension that could eventually have been covered by the
blue background. I further observed that the original paint of what
is now the left horn of the'hat and part of the lower right horn had
flaked . This can best b e seen by h olding the miniature against the
light. Th e empty spaces were later repaint ed. According t o Restle
t he st range shape of t he hat tha t we now see is a result of t he a ddi-
tion of an inner line b etween the two horns and this reminds us
m ore of a western mitre than any known Byzantine headdress.
J udging from what h as come down to u s on Byzantine headdresses
Nicet as' h at could originally have been h igh with a single horn
rou nded at t he t op , wider t han what is now t he righ t h orn and
similar to those worn, for instance, by th e courtiers standing on the
left of John Cantacuzenus (Fig. 86). ·
11R estle, Mini aturen, rnof.
12I dem , 104 n 8,_ w here h e m istook in addition the kabbadi on (a rob e) for a
synonym of the skiadion . Cf. Ps. -Codin,,~. 146 n1.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 155
It is, however, much more probable that Choniates did not
originally wear any headdress. Not only the sh,ape is unusual in
Byzantine costume, but also its position on the head of the writer.
It can only be explained if we assume that it was added by a
westerner. After the white hat was painted, the restorer covered
the background with a new blue layer. That this blue was added
after the white of the hat can be concluded from the blue splashes
on the left horn, especially on the upper part. That the blue forms
a second layer on the older background, can be concluded from the
fact that in the angles formed by the curtain and the towers it
covers the old paint. The old blue, which was lighter than the new
coat, can be distinguished through the white in the middle of the
hat. The white of the book on the lectern and of that held by the
author is also painted over. It covered the fingers of the author
which had to be drawn again afterwards in black ink. The letters
on the book seem more Latin than Greek: JEV(?). We are thus led
to believe that the restorer of the miniatures was not the one men-
tioned in the inserted strip, the bishop of Ainos who is otherwise
unknown.
Choniates is further dressed in a simple lilac chiton with a belt.
The chiton is decorated on the upper part of the sleeve with a band
composed of small squares drawn in red. We see the same pattern
around the right wrist. The architectural background is Hellenistic,
showing two green towers j oined by a red cloth decorated with a
yellow flower mot ive.
Above the portrait on f. 291v (Fig. 99) is written: &.AE:~ wi; 8oux(Xi;
o µ.oup-r~oucpf.o~. 13 Alexius V, son-in-law of Alex ius III Angelus, re-
presented the anti-Latin element in Const ant inople and was th e
unfortunat e emperor under whose short reign- 2 m onths and
16 days-Con stant inople fell on April 13, 1204, into the hands of
t h e Crusaders. He fled from Constantinople, was blinded by his
own father-in-law, brough t back to the cit y at th e end of 1204 as a
19
Nicetas Ch oniates (CSHB) , 742, informs us that the nickname Murt -
zuphlos was given to Alexius because h e ha d the habit of contracting his
ey ebrows. Cf. P h. K ukules, "Bu~ IX\l"t"~\l&\I "1"~11 0011 em6hoo11 tn1µ0to lix xixt li p60-
ypo:cp(0t, " EEBS, 5 (1928), 14-15. On Alexius V see Polemis, Doukai, no. rz6,
wit h further bibliography .
 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
prisoner of Thierry de Loos and thrown from the high column of
the Forum Tauri.14
The full page miniature has been inserted at the beginning of the
book dealing with this emperor. Alexius is depicted against a blue
background standing in a deesis posture. The face of Alexius, like
that of Nicetas, had been badly damaged and needed a great deal
of restoration. The golden diadem is not the type of crown suitable
for an emperor. This can be best compared to the diadem of the
sebastokrator Kalojan in the chapel of Bojana from 1259.15 The
kabbadion of Alexius is lilac with gold patches of cloth as decoration
(xpucrocniµev"t"oc, gold segments). It appears to fasten at the front
and a little to the right, judging from the gold vertical band. The
gold patches are decorated with white twigs, except for the two on
the chest where two standing figures holding a spear and sword can
be distinguished. The decoration further consists of two large me-
dallions with the lower half of a third one to be seen on his chest
and shoulders, the upper half continuing over his back. Running
animals, possibly greyhounds, are depicted on the outer circles of
the medallions and within the inner circles we see a griffin, all
coloured white. Garments decorated with similar medallions are
not unusual in Byzantine costume. We have already seen them on
the robes of the protobestiarios in the Coislin 79 and Alexius Apo-
caucus in Par. gr. 2144 (Figs. 71 96). Moreover, three large me-
1 has noted, he should have portrayed him in imperial garment s. 19
dallions with double griffins decorate the garment of Desislava,
wife of Kalojan, in the chapel of Bojana mentioned above. 16
Alexius is not represented here as emperor. We miss the imperial
insignia, such as a more luxurius crown, a sceptre, an akakia and a
suppedion. We could suggest that Choniates did not wish to have
him depicted as emperor and chose another rank that Alexius held
before his coronation, that of protobestiarios. The restorations on
the faces of the two figures have changed the original physiognomy
of the portraits and consequently we cannot speak any more of a
genuine likeness. The portrait of Alexius in the Modena manuscript
14 Nicetas Choniates, 775 and 804.
u Colour reproduction in Boschkov, Malerei, pl. 45.
11 Colour reproduction in D. T. Rice, Art of the Byzantine Era, London
1966, fig. 7 I.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 157
shows him with a round short beard, different to that in our
miniature (Fig. n9b).
Van Diet en suggested that five miniatures of the Comnenian
emperors John II, Manuel I, and Alexius II and the Angeli Isaak II
and Alexius III have been removed from the codex. 17 He based his
assertion majnly on the fact that almost always one folio is missing
from the beginning of the sections concerning the histories of these
emperors. The absence of a portrait on the empty folio at the be-
ginning of the history of Andronicus I Comnenus could be due to
the damnatio memoriae of this emperor. The scribe left this folio
empty for a miniature of Andronicus, but as there was no such
portrait in his prototype, he could not carry out his intention. The
presence of the portrait of Alexius V was explained by the fact that
the 'robber' overlooked it, not a very convincing argument if we
remember the portrait of Choniates at the beginning of the codex
which according to Van Dieten was not worth stealing!
Restle questioned this hypothesis and concluded that the scribe
regularly left a leaf or a page empty, some of which have been
removed.18 He considered it difficult to prove that portraits were
ever painted on those folios now removed. The hypothesis that a
descendant of Alexius V ordered this codex and required only the
portrait of this emperor, cannot be supported, because, as Belting
We notice that neither the costume of Alexius nor the presence
of only two miniatures in the codex can be satisfactorily explained.
What we know for certain is that the miniatures are painted on
single folios and that they have been inserted after the completion
of the text. We can also add that the colour scale of the miniatures
is different from that of the headpieces. It is quite possible that
these two miniatures did not originally belong to this manuscrip t,
but came from another. One would be tempt ed to ask whether the
two port raits represent Choniates and Alexius at all. We must not
exclude the possibility that they represent an unknown ktetor of
11 J. A. J. van Dieten, op. cit., 224-34.
u Rest le, op. cit., 100£.
19 Belting, Buch, 24 n8o.
158 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
high rank and an author whoseinscriptions were changed to fit the
Choniates manuscript. Since Alexius did not enjoy the sympathy
of Choniates, he was the only emperor who could without objection
be represented in other than imperial garments.
VIND. PHIL. GR. r49
In the Codex Vind. Phil. gr. 149 in Vienna20 we meet the portrait
of the author Constantine Manasses drawn in light brown ink at
the beginning of his Synopsis21 (ff. ror-r54r). The codex, further-
more, contains works of George Pisides, Michael P sellus, Theodore
Prodromus and oth ers. In addition to the portrait of Manasses
there are other drawings of minor interest, such as a warrior on
f. 56v, an archer on f. r83v etc.
The chronicle of Manasses in 6733 political verses, extending
until the year ro8r, takes a prominent place among his other works.
It was compiled by order of the sebastokratorissa Irene, wife of the
sebastokrator 22 An dronicus, second son of John II Comnenus and
brother of the later emperor Manuel I. Irene, like many other
women of her time, was a lover of literature and patroness of many
scholars. Among her proteges were Manasses and John Tzetzes.
After the death of Alexius, the first son of the emperor J ohn II,
she hoped to become empress. Due to the early death of her hus-
band (rr43) this hope faded. Manuel was nominated as su ccessor
to the throne. Under his reign the life of Irene was not always easy
and she was often exiled. 23 Manasses died in n87 as Metropolitan
of N aupactus.
The author is represented on the upper left side of f. ror, standing
under a triple arch (Fig. roo). With his left hand he presents the
codex to Irene, who is standing on the right and extending her hand
20 Paper, ff. VII+ 350, 23 x 15. Hunger, Katalog, 250 -255. Gerstinger,
Buchmalerei, 38 and 41, Buberl-Gerstinger, II, 157.
21 Manasses, CSHB, 1837. PG, 127, 219-472. On h is chronicle see also
Dujcev, Manasse, 17££.
u On the title of sebastokrator, which was first introduced by Alexius I,
see Guilland, Recherches, II, r, 6, rn, passim.
~3 D iehl, Figures, II, 142ff.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS r59
to receive it . Irene's long dress, richly decorated, shows the skill of
the artist. It is true that we are not dealing here with a drawing of
the first class, bu t the ability of the artist must not be underestimated.
Both figures are well proportioned and th e manner of showing the
movement of the arms is no worse than the average in Byzantin e
miniatures. Irene's crown is redrawn in black ink, probably by the
hand which made the childish drawing on the margin.
Hunger thought that the female figure represents the empress
Irene. 24 In the extensive title it is, however, explicitly mentioned
that t he author wrote h is work for the sebastokratorissa Irene:
a-rlxm 't'OU iptAocr6cpou xupou Kwvcr't'aV't'(vou 't'OU Mavoca'Yj npoc; 't'~V'
cre:~acnoxpa-r6ptacra xupciv EtpY,VY)V 7rpoc; 1)v xat 't'O mxpov xpovtxov typoccp'Y}
~toc cr-rtxwv (Verses of the philosopher Lord Constantine Manasses to
the sebastokratorissa Lady Irene for whom this chronicle has been
written in verses). These verses, as well as many of the others
above and below, are rewritten in red ink. The t ext following is
written in black ink.
VIND. HIST. GR. gr
The portrait of the same author is found again in-the Codex Vind.
Hist. gr. gr. 25 This manuscript also contains the beginning of the·
Chronicle of Manasses (ff. rr-8v, vv. r-532) and fragments of various.
authors, such as John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, Michael
Psellus and others.
On f. rr is a drawing in blue, yellow and red ink representing
Constantine Manasses seated on a throne with a cushion (Fig. ror ).
He is clad in bishop's garments, a sticharion, phelonion and an
omophorion decorated with three blue crosses. He holds an open
book on his knee with his left han d and points with h is right to the
beginning of his synopsis: 'H µ&v qnA6u:>-oc; \)lux~ 't'a'i:c; tA.aL~ Emxocmm
xoct nocv't'a 7tpay (µ oc't'EUE't'at). Around t he port rait the extensive title·
of t he book is given in red uncials, where again it is mentioned that
u Hunger, op. cit.
25 Paper, ff. III + 266, 22 x 15. Hunger, Katalog, 94-102. Buberl-Gerstinger.
II, 69-70, pl. XXXIII, 2.
I60 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
this work was dedicated to the CEBACTOKPATOPICCA KYPAN
EIPHNHNTHNNYM<I>HNTOYBACIAEWCKYPMANOYHA
Whether the portrait represents a genuine likeness of Manasses is
difficult to say. His portrait in Vind. Phil. gr. I49 is minute,
making a comparison of his features in the two portraits almost
impossible. Furthermore, the drawing was not made during his
lifetime or shortly afterwards but in the 14-15th century.
There are two other drawings in this manuscript of lesser quality
than the portrait of Manasses, representing two dogs hunting two
stags on f. rn3v and a plaited framework on f. r76v.
VAT. SLAVO 2
Another Bulgarian copy of a Byzantine manuscript, along with
the Tetraevangelion Add. 39627 which we have discussed afore, is
the Codex Vat. Slavo 2, a translation of the chronicle of Constantine
Manasses.26 The importance of this work is much greater than that
of Add. 39627, because its Greek illustrated prototype bas been lost
and only this Bulgarian copy has survived. Along with the Skylitzes
Matritensis27 it gives us an idea of the rich illuminations which
adorned Byzantine manuscripts with historical contents.
The 69 miniatures of the Vatican manuscript have been ascribed
to two artists, the more skillful of whom painted the first 24
miniatures and the last one. 28 The miniature on f. rv represents the
Tsar Ivan Alexander (r33r-7r) in Byzantine costume, standing on
a red suppedion. Above him hovers an angel placing a second
crown on his head. 29 (Fig. rn2). Christ is depicted to the left
turning in contraposto towards the Tsar. He stands on a flat
suppedion and writes on an open scroll. The author of the chronicle
26 Parchment, ff. 206, 29,5 x 21. B. D. Filow, Les miniatures de la chro-
nique de Constantin Manasses, Sofia 1927, 3ff. Dujcec, Manasse, 27, with the
older bibliography on pp. 28-31. Boschkov, Malerei, 102-IO, figs. 85-89.
27 Cirac-Estopaiian, Skylitzes. Bozkov, Miniatjuri.
28
Dujcev, op. cit., 131-32.
29 H. H eisenberg, , ..Uber den Ursprung der illustrierten Chronik des Kon-
stantinos Manasses," M]bK, 5 (1928), 291-310. Filow, op. cit., 24-25, pls. I
and XLI in colour. Grabar, Empereur, pl. XXIII, 2. Dujcev, op. cit., pl. I in
colour. Belting, Buch, fig. 14.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
is portrayed on the left of the Tsar in a similar position to Christ.
His face is considerably flaked. The Bulgarian inscriptions above
the portraits read: "loan Alexander Tsar and Autocrat of all Bul-
garians and Greeks;" above Christ: "Jesus Christ King of Kings
and King Eternal; "next to the angel: "Angel of the Lord" and
above the author: "The Chronicler Manasses."so The Latin inscrip-
tions, which were inserted when the codex came into Western
hands read: iste liber appelatur flos o(mn)ium Cronicarum; above
Christ: Jesus Crystus; above Manasses: S. ]oh(ann)es bap(tis)ta;
and below Ivan Alexander: S. ]oh(ann)es alexander macedo ad
cuius petitionem iste liber fuit t(ra)nslatus de greco i(n) sclavo(n)ico.
On the lower part of this folio is visible the monokondylia, 'Io~&.vvou
't'OU ~e:crn6't'ou, 31 which implies that the codex belonged to Ivan
Alexander.
There is no doubt that this representation is in general an imita-
tion of a Byzantine formula. The angel with the crown above Ivan
denotes that the Tsar, like the Byzantine emperor, derives his power
from heaven.32 Concerning the model for this dedication miniature,
it has been suggested that Ivan replaced the figure of Manuel I
(n41-80), under whose reign the Greek chronicle of Manasses was
written, just as his name replaced that of the same Byzantine
emperor in the verses addressed to him.ss However, not Manuel,
but the sebastokratorissa Irene34 is mentioned as patroness in the
extensive title to the Greek chronicle, as we have seen above, and
the dedication miniature would more probably have represented
her rather than Manuel I, as we find in Vind. Phil. gr. 149 (Fig. roo).
Belting concluded that the Greek model had no dedication minia-
10 The translations of the Bulgarian inscriptions are taken from Dujcev.
81 Heisenberg, op. cit., 296, thought that the title despotes was reserved
only for the relatives of the emperor; this would also apply to the tsar's
relatives and consequently the monokondylia was written by Ivan Asen, the
son of the Tsar, to whom the codex would belong. The title of despotes,
however, was also a title of the emperor himself. For this title see Guilland,
Recherches, II, l-24.
aa Grabar, op. cit., l20f.
sa Heisenberg, op. cit., 310. Dujeev, op. cit., 32. Belting, op. cit., 21, n71.
34 Belting, op. cit., thought incorrectly that the wife of Manuel I, Irene,
was the patroness of Manasses, confusing her with the sebastokratotissa
Irene, sister-in-law of Manuel I.
 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
ture and that the Bulgarian artist copied a two figure composition,
familiar from the Chrysobulls. 35 He reached this conclusion after
observing that Manasses, who was seen by the Latin glossator as
St. John the Baptist, does not appear as a chronicler, but in biblical
costume with a nimbus, as a mirror image of Christ. I admit that
the nimbus of Manasses is difficult to explain, but a figure of Christ
placed in such a posture and in particular writing on a scroll is
unthinkable. It can be explained if we assume that the figure of
Christ is a copy of Manasses and not vice-versa.
Ivan Alexander is also portrayed on f. 9rv, standing in front of
the prophet David who blesses him and holds an open scroll with
the beginning of psalm 20, the imperial psalm. 36 In the Greek
chronicle, Manasses interrupted his narration between the end of
the history of Old Rome and the beginning of that of New Rome,
to address the emperor Manuel (vv. 2546-2552). In the Bulgarian
translation the name of Manuel was replaced by that of I van
Alexander (f. gn), as was the miniature representing the Byzantine
emperor together with the author Manasses or David. 37 The Latin
inscription reads: I ste Theodosius fuit imperator Rome et costadino-
poli; the glossator thought that the portrait represents Theodosius,
because the text under the miniature deals with his reign.
F. 2r depicts the death of Ivan Asen, son of the Tsar38 (Fig. ro3).
85 Idem, 22.
36 Heisenberg, op. cit., fig. 2. Filow, op. cit., 51£., pl. XIX. Dujcev, op. cit.,
pl. 33 in colour.
87 Belting, op. cit., 22, n13. explained the presence of David in the Vati-
canus by the wish of Ivan to be associated with the author of the Psalms.
The text of the Bulgarian chronicle is published by I. Bogdan, Oronica lui
Manasses, Bucarest 1922. An anastatic edition of it by J. Schropfer, Die
slavische Manasses-Cht'onik (Slavische PropyJ.aen), Miinchen 1966. A facsi-
mile of the Vatican manuscript by I. Dujeev, Letopista na Konstantin
Manasi, Sofia 1963.
•B Filow, op. cit., pl. II. Dujeev, Manasse, pl. z in colour. Velmans,
"Portrait," n7, fig. 26. Filow (p. 4) and Dujcev (p. 27) believed that this
folio preceded f. 1. Filow suggested the following composition for the first
quire: X 2 1 Y / Z 4 3 5 (the folio order is now: l 2 / 3 4 5). However, the
hierarchic value of the representations does not permit such a suggestion.
The Bulgarian scholars came to this conclusion after correctly placing,
according to the text, f. 4 in front of 3. However, f. 1, which is pasted by a
restorer to the stub of f. 4, formed originally a bifolio with f. 5 which is now
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
The inscription at the top reads: "The souls of the righteous are
now in the hands of the Lord. The gates of heaven and heavenly
powers ppen to receive the soul of Ioan Asen, son of the great Tsar
Ioan Alexander, borne by an angel." The Latin inscription, D (e)
mo(r)te p(re)fati Alexa(n)drj, shows that its writer mistook the
scene as the death of the Tsar. The deceased prince, clad in cere- \
monial costume, lies on a bier with red drapes. At his head stands
the patriarch of Turnovo clad in a polystaurion. He holds the Gospel
book in his hand and swings a censer with his right. Next to the
patriarch stands Ivan Alexander wit h the same facial features as in
the previous miniature (Fig. ro4). The portrait of the Tsar in this
miniature is slightly different to that in Add. 39627 (Fig. 40).The
difference can be perhaps explained by the fact that the London
manuscript was executed about t en years later than the Vaticanus
(see infra). Behind the Tsar appears the face of a second son of
Ivan. The Tsarina Theodora the Valachian, first wife of Ivan
Alexander and mother of the deceased prince, leans towards her
son. She is nimbed and clad in imperial garments, in contrast to
the sombre costume of the nimbed female figure next to her. This
figure represents Irene, daughter of Andronicus III Palaeologus,
who married Ivan Asen in I336 at the age of nine.39 Behind the
two women appear the heads of two daughters of Ivan Alexander.
An angel holding the soul of the prince stands at the foot of the
bier, while another brings the soul to heaven, shown as a roundel in
graded shades of blue with angels appearing at the open gates. I n
the background can be recognized the capital city, Tumovo. 40 The
iconographic scheme for the death of the prince derives undoubtedly
from the K oimesis.'11 The illuminator of the Vaticanus was not the
first to apply this scene to the death of a secular person. Already
in r264 the death of Anna Dandolo, last wife of the Serbian king
pasted on f. 4. Only ff. 2 and 3 form a bifolio. In my opinion, the folio order
of the first quire was as follows: l 2 X Y / 4 3 5. The m issing folios contained
the first 63 verses of the chronicle and some miniatures.
n Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 77.
• 0 Dujcev, op. cit., pl. 2.
41
On the Koimesis see Millet, Recherches, 19-25, and especially L . Wratis-
lawa-Mitrovic-N. Okunev, "La dormition de la Sainte Vierge dans la peinture
medievale orthodoxe," ES, 3 (1931), 134-80.
 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Stephen the First Crowned (n96-c. 1228) and mother of Stephen
Uro~ I (1243-76), was depicted in a similar way on a fresco in the
Holy Trinity Church at Sopoeani. 42 We possess no parallel for such
a representation in Byzantine art.
On f. 2v is shown the reception of Ivan Asen into Paradise, firstly
by the enthroned Virgin and then by Abraham.43 The inscription
above the miniature reads: "The eternal world, concerning which
the Lord Christ said to the robber on the cross: Today thou shalt
be with me in Paradise (Lk, 23, 43). In the same Paradise the Virgin
receives the Tsar loan Asen, son of the great Tsar loan Alexander,
and consigns him to the Patriarch Abraham to enjoy happiness in
Paradise." The Latin inscription, D(e) creat(i)one mu(n)di, shows
that the glossator again misinterpreted the representation.
The last miniature of the codex on f. 205r, depicting the Tsar
and his sons, is considerably flakedH (Fig. 105). The standing
figures are represented according to Byzantine imperial iconography.
The inscribed names in red, refer not only to Ivan Alexander, but
also to his sons as tsars, which, together with the fact that they are
nimbed, means that they were all associated with the throne. To
the right of the Tsar stands Ivan Asen and next to him the "Angel
of the Lord," a reference to his death. To the left of the Tsar stand
Michael and Ivan Stratsimir. The half figure of Christ is shown
with open arms above, protecting the imperial family. 45
The Vatican manuscript has been dated to the years 1344-4546
and it is obvious that it was during its execution that the death of
I van Asen occurred. Filow concluded from the absence of Theodora
the Valachian in the miniature of the imperial family on f. 205r that
Ivan Alexander was a widower when the codex was executed.47 On
•s V. R. Petkovic, "La mort de la reine Anna a Sopoeani," L'a'Yt byzantin
chez les Slaves (Orient et Byzance 4.2), 2r7-2r, pl. 28. Hamann-MacLean,
Monumentalmalerei, 25ff., fig. 135· V. Djuric, Sopocani, Le!Pzig 1967, pl. 23
in colour.
41 Filow, op. cit., pl. III. Dujcev, op. cit., pl. 3 in colour.
'' Filow, op. cit., pl. XXXIX. Dujcev, op, cit., pl. 69 in colour.
45 Ivan Asen in Add. 39627 (Fig. 39) is naturally not the same person as
the deceased Ivan in the Vatican manuscript.
48 Filow, op. cit., 10-15. Dujcev, op. cit., 32.
u Filow, op. cit., 12.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
the other hand he identified her with the lady leaning towards the
deceased prince48 which would seem to contradict his earlier con-
clusion. Furthermore we must observe that not only the Tsarina is
absent in the last miniature of the manuscript (Fig. 105), but also
her daughters which perhaps means that the picture was meant to
represent only the male members of the family. Heisenberg believed
that the two folios (2 and 205) containing portraits of Ivan Asen
(Figs. ro3, 105) were added later at the order of his wife and that
I van Alexander commissioned the translation of the Manasses
chronicle on the occasion of her arrival in 1339 at the Bulgarian
court.49 However, a comparison of the style of the miniature repre-
senting Ivan Asen in Paradise (f. 2v) and that of the Creation of
Eve60 (f. 7v), or that of the Fall of Adam and Eves1 (f. ror) shows
that they were made by the same hand. The imperial family on
f. 205r was painted by the same hand as that responsible for the
portraits in the opposite miniature, f. 204v. In addition, f. 2 forms
a binio with f. 3, f. 205 is part of the last ternio of the codex and
cannot have been added later. Heisenberg's theory cannot thus be
retained.
Concerning the question whether the portraits of Ivan Alexander
on ff. lV-2r represent a genuine likeness of the Tsar, we may remark
that his portrait in a fresco at Backovo shows him with the same
individual features, such as the arched eyebrows and the straight
nose. 52
MONACENSIS GR. 442
Four full page portraits in water colour are found in the Codex
48
Idem, 3i.
0 Heisenberg, op. cit., 296-99.
6° Filow, op. cit., pl. IV, I. Dujcev, op. cit., pl. 4 in colour.
51
Filow, op. cit., pl..IV, 2. Dujcev, op. cit., pl. 5 in colour.
u M.-A. Musicescu, "Introduction a une etude sur le portrait de fonda-
teurs dans le Sud-Est Europeen. Essai de typologie,"RESEE, 7 (1969),
281-310, esp. 289, fig. 2. A. Protic, "Le style de l'ecole de peinture murale
de Tirnovo au XIIIe et XIVe siecle," L'a'Yt byzantin chez les Slaves (Orient et
Byzance 4.r), 92-ror, fig. r8.
166 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
gr. 442 in the Bayer. Staatsbibliothek at Munich. 53 The manuscript
contains mainly the history of George Pachymeres, 54 which covers
the period between 1255 and 1308 and consists of 13 books. 55 The
greater part of the codex dates from the r4th century (ff. l-356).
Twenty eight folios from the l6th century, numbered in Latin
characters by Heisenberg, are added at the beginning, the end, and
between ff. 7 and 8. The codex is by several hands. The first 13 folios
(I-XIII) are empty. On ff. r-5 is written the title of the history and
the titles of the first five books (I, l-V, 17). The folios which con-
tained the titles from the end of book V to book XIII are now
missing. F. 6, a single folio, is empty on the recto side, whereas the
portrait of George Pachymeres covers the verso side (Fig. ro6).
F. 6, also a single folio, has on its recto a list of clerical officials and
on its verso the portrait of Theodore II Lascaris (Fig. ro8). Heisen-
berg concluded from the position of the quaternio-number K0' on it
that this side was once the recto of the folio and furthermore he
suggested that its place was originally at the end of the first part
of the history of Pachymeres.56 On f. l74r is the portrait of Michael
VIII Palaeologus (Fig. rog). Folios lJ4V and lJ5r are empty and
on f. r75v is the portrait of Andronicus II Palaeologus (Fig. no).
On f. l76r the second part of the history begins with book VII.
The l6th century folios are empty except f. XXI on which is copied
the beginning of the text that continues on f. 8.
An explanatory note to the text (I, 292, 9) on f. lOlv is impor-
tant for determining the date of execution of the codex: M<fp6oc
P.~ye:L . . . 7tpoµ.<fµµ.'Yjv 8e 't'OU xpomcrnu xocl ocy(ou ~µ&v ocMlev-rou xocl
~occrLMU1.; -rou Kocv-rocxou~'YJvou xupou 'IU1ocvvou (He means Martha . ..
grandmother of our powerful and holy master and king the Lord
John Cantacuzenus). This note was thus written during the reign
of John VI Cantacuzenus and this means that the terminus ante
~ 3 Paper, ff. XXVIII + 356, r9 x 28. Ign. Hardt, Catalogus Manuscrip-
torum Bibliothecae Regiae Bavaricae. Codices Grecos, Tom. IV, Monachi r8ro,
369-7r. A detailed description by Heisenberg, Geschichte, 3-r3, pls. I-III.
Lampros, Leukoma, figs. 73, 75 and 77.
~' G. Amakis, "George Pachymeres, A Byzantine Humanist," The Greek
Orthodox Theological Review, r2 (r966-67), r6r-67.
55 Pachymeres, CSHB, 1835.
11-t1 Heisenberg, op. cit. , 12.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
quem for the execution of the codex is the year I354· The terminus
post must be placed later than the death of Pachymeres (1310),
since Andronicus is represented as an old man with a white beard.
The portrait of Pachymeres in a deesis gesture is accompanied by
the inscription: I'e:wpyLOc; 7tp<U-r&.8txo.; -rYj.; iiyLCU't'OC't"Yj.; -rou 8 (e:o )u
µe:yocf..'Yj.; eXXA'YjO"(oc.; x<Xi 8LXOCLO(j)UAOC~ O Ilocxuµkp'Y)c; Xi'.X.t cruyypocrpe:uc;. 5?
Pachymeres, born in 1242 in Nicaea, moved to Constantinople in
1261 where he attained high office in both church and state. 58 His
history is a continuation of that of George Acropolites and deals
with the reign 0£ Theodore II (1254-58) in the introduction,
Michael VIII (1259-82) and Andronicus II (1282-1328) up to the
year 1308. He is represented here in a clerical costume with white
headdress and sticharion, and the orarion hanging from his shoulder
with the word ArIOC written three times on it. The contrast
between the simply drawn garments and the detail in the features
of the 'author is striking (Fig. 107). Every wrinkle on his face is
reproduced; his eyebrows, eyes and thin nose are carefully drawn.
His light grey beard has the wide square shape in fashion at the
time, judging from the portraits of Andronicus II and that of
Theodore Metochites in the Chara Church at Istanbul. 09 This
portrait is the most expressive and detailed of the four in this
manuscript and is more than likely a genuine likeness of the
author.
On f. 7v the emperor Theodore II is shown standing with a halo.
The inscription is partly effaced, but can easily be reconstructed:
(9e:6)8cupoc; ev X(pLcr't')Ci) (-r<;l 0e:Ci) mO"t')o.; ~OCO'LAe:Uc; xoct OCU't'Oxpoc-rcup
PU1µoclwv (~oo )xoc.; oAoccrxcr.p~c;. The emperor's face is slightly damaged.
He has a dark beard ending in two points (cf. his portrait in the
57
The protekdikos was a high official of the church in charge of juridical
matters, such as the defence of persons unjustly accused, the liberation of
prisoners, the grant of asylum etc. See G. A . Rhalles-M. Potles, :EuvTixyµix
Twll 6e:lwv x:ixt !e:pwv x:ix11611w11, 6 Athens r852-59, IV, 533 (=Theodore Balsa-
mon, PG, r38, ro33-52). Koukoules, II, r, 1r2, and especially J . Darrouzes,
Recherches sur les offikia de l'eglise Byzantine, Paris r970, 323-32, passim.
On the dikaiophylax, also in charge of juridical affairs, see idem, ro9-ro,
passim.
58
Krumbacher, Geschichte, 288f.
5g Underwood, Kariye D_iami, II, 26, pl. 3.
168 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Modena manuscript, Fig. n9e). He wears the stemma set with pre-
cious stones and the prependulia in two strands on each side of the
face. He is clad in a dark purple sakkos, which Heisenberg calls a
sakkos melas. 60 It is decorated with a wide hem and a number of
round and square patches. He wears the loros with a red lining, as
this can be seen over the left hand, and with the tip hanging down.
The loros is decorated with tassels. The patches and the loros are
coloured yellow instead of gold, and studded with red precious
stones. The emperor holds a long cross in his right hand an akakia
in his left. He is standing on a red suppedion, ornamented with
yellow stripes and one single- and one double-headed eagle. 61
The portraits of Michael VIII and Andronicus II are very similar
to the portrait of Theodore II. They are portrayed in the same pose
and in the same costume. In spite of striking similarities there are
some differences between the three portraits, mainly due, according
to H eisenberg, to later restorations. These were probably made by
Antonios Eparchos from Corfu, a dealer in manuscripts, who sold
the codex in Venice in 1544 to the Library of Augsburg.62 On the
suppedia the original eagles are replaced by rather bedraggled birds,
some of which are given a halo. Heisenberg asserted that the suppe-
dion of Theodore was originally decorated with single-headed eagles
and that only the suppedion of Andronicus had double-headed
eagles. He found proof of this in the codex Marc. gr. 404, a copy of
the Monacensis, dating from the beginning of the l61:h century. 63
eo Heisenberg, op. cit., 19£. (Ps.-Codinus, 201, u). He further refers in-
correctly to the lot<os as omophorion· and to the stemma· as skiadion. His
description of the miniatures was reproduced by E . Stollreither, Bildnisse
des IX-XIII ]aht<hunderls aus Handschriften det' B~yer. Staatsbibliothek in
Munchen, Mtinchen r928, 22-23, pls. 38-41.
n On the double-headed eagle see Lampros, ~txecpa:>..~. 433-73. Heisen-
berg, op. cit., r3f. A. V. Solovjev, "Les emblemes heraldiques de Byzance
et les Slaves," SK, 7 (1935), II9-164. B. Hemmerdinger, "Deux notes
d'Mraldique," BZ, 61 (r968), 304-309. -
ea The codex came to Munich in 1806: Lampros, op. cit., 449 nr. Heisen-
berg, op. cit., 3 n2, 134·
13 Marc. gr. 404, Paper, ff. VII+2r3, 2r X 29, f. Vr: Pachymeres, f. Vlr:
Theodore II, f. roor: Michael VIII, f. rorr: Andronicus II. The paper in the
first seven folios and ff. roo-rnr is different from the remainder of the
manuscript.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Since the portraits in the Marcianus were copied before the resto-
rations by Eparchos, the suppedia of Theodore and Michael are
decorated with single-headed eagles and only that of Andronicus
has a double-headed eagle. 64 The black pattern of tree twigs on the
red suppedion of Andronicus in the Monacensis was also added later
as it is not shown in the Marcianus. The position of the feet of the
emperors on the suppedia must be ascribed to the restorer as well,
since this is different and more natural in t he Marcianus.
As for the question whether all four miniatures in the Monacensis
are by the same artist, we note that the hand of the inscriptions in
the first two portraits is the same as that which wrote the text of
the major part of the codex. The inscriptions in the two last portraits
were written over. The paper on which the last two portraits are
painted is as rough as that of the folios of the text. The paper on
which the two first portraits are painted has been repaired in 1958.
This resulted in a smoother surface. 65 A careful observation of the
faces was decisive for our conclusions in this matter. The skill with
which the eyebrows, eyes and nose of P achymeres and Andronicus,
and to a lesser degree those of Michael, are drawn, leads us to
conclude that the same hand was at work in all three. The portrait
of Theodore seems, on the contrary, to have been painted by another
hand. Moreover, the brown colour of his sakkos is darker and of
different quality to that of the other two emperors. Also different
is the yellow and the red of the loros and suppedia. The lines on his
face and beard are thicker and the general appearance of this figure
is different from the other three. 66
Contrary to the findings of Heisenberg, I have not been able to
distinguish any restorations on the suppedion of Theodore, which
could justify his assertion that the double-headed eagle was once
single-headed. A restoration has t aken place on the suppedion of
Andronicus. It was covered with red colour, different again to the
6C H eisenberg, op. cit., pl. IV the suppedia.
66 Heisenberg' s reproduction, pl. I, shows f. 7 v before the restoration of
1958.
66 Belting, Buch, 25, n83, thought that the portraits of Pachymeres and
Theodore were by the same hand and the other two were weak imitations of
Theodore's portrait.
I70 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
red elsewhere, and over it was drawn the black tree-twig design and
one eagle, the latter with a finer pen than that which drew the
eagles on the suppedion of Michael. Under the red, traces of vertical
strokes, similar to those on the other suppedia, are visible.
On the question whether the illuminators made an effort to
produce reliable portraits of the three emperors, my answer would
be that they did. The beard of Theodore II ends in two points, as
is the case in the portraits of the same emperor on the coinage and
in the Mutinensis (Figs. nge, r2oc). Michael VIII has a similar
beard in the Mutinensis (Fig. ngg) and Andronicus II is also repre-
sented with a similar square beard in the Mutinensis and the
Chrysobull of Monembasia (Figs. n9h, I34). It is obvious, however,
that the quality of the portraits of the Monacensis is far from high.
All four folios containing the portraits were trimmed during the
binding of the codex, causing the disappearance of parts of the
suppedia and the haloes.
In 1578 Martinus Crusius, a professor at Ttibingen, copied the
history of Pachymeres from the Monacensis in the Codex Mb r3 of
the University Library at Ttibingen. 67 The four portraits were
copied by Christianus Pfister, whose name we find under the portrait
of Pachymeres, which is pasted onto f . r4r (Fig. rua). The portrait
of Theodore II is pasted onto f. r5r, that of Michael VIII on p. 247
and that of Andronicus II on p. 252 (Figs. rnb-uzb). They were
copied after the Monacensis was restored and thus we meet again
the twig ornament on the suppedion of Andronicus II.
Around the portraits of Pachymeres and Theodore we read, next
to the Greek inscriptions with the names of those portrayed, the
following inscriptions in Latin: 68 " Here was placed the portrait of
the author, which (as the others in this book) has been made from
that at the beginning of the history of Nicephorus Gregoras," and
"(here) was placed the portrait of Theodore Lascaris the younger
87 W. Schmid, Verzeichnis der griechischen Handschriften der koniglichen
Universitiitsbibliothek, Tiibingen 1902, 34-37. Lampros, Leukoma, figs. 74,
76, 78.
88 Hie posita erat imago Autoris, que (ut et caeterae huius libri) excusae
sunt ab initio H istoriae Niciphori Gngorae and on f. r5r: Imago posita Theo-
dori Lascar. Imp. minoris, qui /ilium l oan. puerulum infelicem reliquat.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IJI
the emperor who left behind a son, the unlucky little boy John."69
On the right of Theodore we read: 8iocAuGoc; cnoA~, gemata vestis. The
Latin inscriptions can be interpreted as imitations of instructions
found in Greek manuscript s, which were given t o the illuminator
by the scribe. Belting cites examples, to be found in t he Tomic
Psalter in the Historical Museum of Moscow (Cod. 2752), where
the instructions on the margin begin with: &v-rix.u6i:x (7tOL"ljcrov) , here
(make) or €v"t'cxu6oc 7tohiaov 'TOV 8oc(ut)8 lcr"t'oc (µ)EVov , etc.70 •
The same four portraits in the Monacensis were published by
Wolf at the beginning of his edition of Nicephorus Gregoras of I562
(Figs. u3a-u4b). On the suppedion of Andronicus II the artist
copied only one single-headed eagle, which is placed on the right.
We can thus conclude that the Monacensis has served as the model
for Wolf, as can also be understood from his statement to Anton ·
Fugger.71 In the caption to Andronicus' picture he misinterpreted
the omission of the eagle on the left side, thinking t hat this was done
probably because Asia was lost to the empire. 72 Further iconographic
similarities between the Monacensis and the engraving of Wolf are
the t wo double-headed eagles on the suppedion of Theodore-for
the sake of symmetry he depicted on the left side a double-headed
eagle where the Monacensis has a single-headed one; the omission
of the tassels from the loros of Michael; and the position of the arms
of all four figures. It is interesting to follow how the western artist
int erpret ed the Byzantine miniatures. The flat and demat erialized
figures were changed into three-dimensional, fully-fleshed portraits
with volume, space and a suggestion of the different parts of the
body under the garments, especially in those of Pachymeres and
Michael. Lambecius reproduced in his tum the portraits from Wolf
in his description of the Codex Vind. Philos. gr. 33 (69), which does
not contain t he chronicle of Pachymeres that could just ify their
89 He alludes to his murder by Michael VIII.
70 Belting, op. cit., 7 n1 9.
n Hieronymus Wolfius, Nicepho'l'i GYegorae R omanae hoe est Byzantinae
historiae XI, Basileae 1562, p. C.
711 Una tantum aquila est huic appicta: fortasse, quod Asiae imperium
totum amisit, ipsa Constantinopoli uix defensa; quam tandem nepos A ndroni-
cus ei eripuit, et miserum senem monachum fieri coegit.
172 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
presence, but his exegetic summary of the philosophy of Aristotle. 73
MUTINENSIS GR. 122
The Codex gr. 122 (a.S. 5.5) in the Biblioteca Estense at
Modena (formerly Mutin. III D, S. 14) is a copy of the history of
John Zonaras. 74 On the margin of the folios are drawings of every
Roman and Byzantine emperor, from Augustus to Constantine XI.
These portraits have been considered by some scholars as imagi-
nary,75 but I, on the other hand, have already used some of them
as reliable likenesses in comparing them with portraits in other
manuscripts. I should now like to undertake a closer scrutiny in
order to establish their iconographic value.
The manuscript is written by two hands of different periods. The
earlier hand has written the main body of the codex, ff. 6-263,
while the beginning and the end are written by a later scribe. 76
The later paper has as a watermark (ff. r, 279, 285) a pair of
scissors (Briquet 3670) and was thus manufactured in the second
half of the lSth century; it is of a different texture from the earlier
paper, which has no watermark. On f. 285v the later hand ended
with the words ")..6yoLc, ev-re0po:µµevoLc, -roi:c; -re (CSHB, 28, 25) and
left three folios blank, 286-88, probably because the end was
missing in his prototype. F. 289r-v contains a list of the emperors
and their wives after Alexius I. Fols. 289v-29or give a list of the
n Petrus Lambecius, .Commentarii de augustissima Bibliotheca Caesarea
Vindobonensi, 8 Vindobonae 1781, VII, 153-56.
74 Paper, ff. 295 +II, 16 x 25. The codex: was described very briefly in
Manuscriptorum Codicum Bibliothecae Atestiae, Catalogus, written by hand
by D. Carlo Chiocchi (t 1807}. See further V. Puntioni, "Indice dei codici
greci dalla Biblioteca Estense di Modena," Studi Italiani di filologia classica,
4 (1896), 379-536, esp. 461-63 (reprinted in C. Samberger, Catalogi Codicum
Graecorum qui in minoribus Bibliothecis asservantur, 9 Lipsiae 1965-68, I,
461-63} .
75 Whittemore, Haghia Sophia, III, 33 n4, for instance, consider the por-
trait of Constantine IX, f. 247v (Fig. 123g) as imaginary and Polemis,
Doukai, p. 45, that of Michael VII, f. 274v (Fig. 123b).
· 76 Puntioni, op. cit., 463, thought that ff. 1-5 and 264-85 were written by
a different h and from ff. 289-94. However a comparison of f. 28ov with
f. z93v (Figs. 122 and 117) shows that both folios were written by the same
hand.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 173
offices of the Byzantine court, f. 29or-v the names of the patriarchs
of Constantinople and ff. 29ov-29rr a list of bishop's sees. F. 29rr
lists the imperial tombs and here begins again a list of all the
Byzantine emperors which ends on f. 294v. F. 295r-v contains an
account relating to the equestrian statue of Justinian I, on a
column in the Augusteon. Three pieces of paper on which are
drawn St. Demetrius, the Virgin and an unidentified saint, and St.
John the Baptist with another saint, are pasted on f. Ir in the end
of the codex. From the end of the manuscript, ff. 293v and 294r-v
concern us most because they contain 24 portraits of emperors.
According to an Italian entry, now pasted on the inner side of the
back cover-the covers were added during the latest restoration of
the codex in 1972-the manuscript, together with many others, was
taken away from the Biblioteca Estense in October 1796 by French
emissaries and returned from Paris in October 1815 by the emis-
saries of Franco IV, Antonio Lombardi and Antonio Boccolari. 77
The author John Zonaras lived in the first half of the rzth
century and attained the offices of megas drouggarios tes bigles
(commander of the imperial guard) and of protosekretis (head of the
imperial chancery). He wrote a Chronicle from the Creation to the
year nr8. 78 Although his history ends with the ascent to the throne
of John II Comnenus, we find portraits of later emperors in the
Modena manuscript. The scribe. considered it important to complete
the gallery of Byzantine emperors according to the lists which
contained the names of every emperor.
Almost all the portraits in the margins of the older part of the
manuscript are drawn over by the later hand. This can clearly be
observed, for instance, on the portrait of Basil II on f. 22rv (Fig. rr5) .
The parts below the head are not drawn over and the ink has faded,
while the head, after being redrawn, is shown with more clearly
defined lines. The portrait of Claudius has been used by the later
hand to restore the margin of f. 67v. While all other portraits are
77 Questo codice fu portato via dalla Biblioteca Estense il giorno II 8bre
i796 dai commissari;" Francesi, e fu ripYeso a Parigi dai commissari;" di
S .A .R . Franco IV Sgi Antonio Lombardi Bibliotecario, ed Anto Boccolari
sotto i l giorno ZI 8bre r8I 5.
78
Krumbacher, Geschichte, 370£.
IJ4 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
in water colour, yellow for the crowns and the upper part of the
loroi, red, blue and green for the stones decorating them, and some
red in the faces, this portrait is uncoloured. We may therefore
conclude that the portraits drawn by the earlier hand were originally
colourless and that it was the later hand which added the colour.
The same hand supplied the portraits with inscriptions in red, wrote
over those marginal annotations which were faded and also restored
the text by patching on pieces of paper and writing in the missing
passages.
After f. 264, as we have already noticed, the text is written by
the later hand on different paper. Here we meet two kind of por-
traits: some are cut out from the older folios and pasted onto the
later paper after being drawn over, and others are drawn directly
onto the paper by the later hand. On f. 28ov, for instance, ,we see a
cut out portrait of Alexius I pasted into the margin (Fig. r22). The
lower part showing the loros is drawn by the later hand directly on
the margin.79 If we turn the folio to the light, we can distinguish
on the back a portrait representing a beardless person. Similarly,
on the back of the portraits of Isaak I (f. 267r), Romanus IV (f.
27or), Michael VII (274v), Nicephorus III (278r) and Alexius II
(293v), all pasted in, we can distinguish other portraits. The scribe,
cutting these portraits from the older folios to paste them on his
new folios, had to sacrifice the portraits which were drawn on the
other side. On f. 293v (Fig. n7c) the portrait of Alexius II, on the
right of the top row, is the only portrait pasted in, while all the
others are new creations. On f. 294r (Fig. n9) the top row and the
portrait of the John IV Lascaris (Fig. n9f), on the right of the
middle row, are new, while the remaining five portraits are cut out
and stuck on. On f. 294v (Fig. I2I) the two upper rows are stuck
on, while the lower row is again new. The last pasted portrait is
that of Manuel II (Fig. r2rf). Since both sides of f. 294 are covered
1• The loroi of some of the emperors are drawn full length, as for instance
that of Michael VI, f. 26ov (Fig. II6}. Lampros, Leukoma, 21, and G. Gala-
varis, "Christ the King. A Miniature in a Byzantine Gospel and its Signifi-
cance," JOB, 21 (1972), 119-24, esp. 122-23, fig. 2 (f. 22rv), erroneously
thought that the portraits with full length loros represent busts of emperors
placed on columns.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS r75
by portraits, it is not easy to see which of the pasted portraits have
other portraits on the back.
The fact that old portraits are stuck on later paper, makes it clear
how the second scribe rearranged the codex as we now have it. He
had a copy of the history of Zonaras of which the first and the last
folios were in such bad condition-damaged by a fire of which some
traces are still visible-that he had t o replace them. He copied the
earlier part of the history on to the new paper and added it to the
beginning of the codex (ff. I-5). For the main body of the text he
used the older codex, after restoring parts of the text and drawing
over those portraits where the ink had faded (ff. 6-263). Then he
copied the remainder of the text on to new paper and added it to
the end of the codex (ff. 264-295). He cut out those portraits in the
older manuscript which were still in good condition and pasted them
on to the new folios after carefully redrawing them. Finally he drew
new portraits of those emperors whose older portraits were missing.
When we look at f. 293v or 294f-v (Figs. n7, n9, I2I), we see that
his facility in copying the portraits was so remarkable, that we can
hardly distinguish which are the originals and which are the copies.
Therefore we must consider both the old and the new portraits to
be of the same iconographic value.so
Concerning the date of the manuscript, Buttner-Wobst published
a communication of Krumbacher in which the great scholar dated
the first hand in the I4th and the second in the ISth century.s1 But
as the latest portrait pasted in is that of Manuel II Palaeologus
(r39r-I425) showing him as an old man with a white beard, and as
all those portraits pasted in belonged to the older codex, the years
around 1425 must be the terminus post quem for the execution of
the older part of the manuscript. The terminus post quem for the
later part of the codex must be the year I453· The presence of the
80
S. Lampros, '"H dxovoypottplot -rwv '3u~o;v-rLvwv otu-roxpot-r6pwv iv -rci>
X£Lpoypcitp<j) -rou Z(J)votpii ev Mo8evn," Comptes rendus du congres international
d'archeologie, ire session, Athenes 1905, 309-11, esp. 310, erroneously thought
that ·an portraits after Alexius I were pasted onto the folios and t hat they
were all taken from another manuscript.
81
Th. Btit tner-Wobst, "Studien zur Textgeschichte des Zonaras," B Z,
I (1892), 594-97.
 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
portrait of the last emperor Constantine XI Palaeologus and that
of Constantine the Great closing the gallery of Byzantine emperors
shows that the second scribe worked after the fall of Constantinople.
To establish the iconographic value of the portraits in this manu-
script, I shall compare each of them with portraits of the same
emperor when these occur elsewhere. Our comparative material will
be mosaics, miniatures, coins, chrysobulls and any other art-form
where emperors are represented. It is true that we do not find in
these drawings naturalistic portraits, but some of the more promi-
nent features of each emperor, such as the shape of the beard, or
its absence, a straight or bent nose, bushy eyebrows etc., will
indicate whether the artist tried to represent a likeness of the
emperor he drew. It is logical that since the drawings were executed
at a later date, the portraits of the later emperors should be more
reliable than portraits of the earlier Byzantine emperors. Accord-
ingly, I will begin my examination with the last dynasty and
continue backwards in time.
The coins of the Palaeologan dynasty are conventional, and the
features of the emperors cannot be clearly seen on them. A little
clearer are their portraits on some of the chrysobulls. On the
chrysobull of the Archivio Vaticano sealing the confession of faith
of Michael VIII of April IZJ7 (Fig. lzod) we can distinguish clearly
tl:iat the emperor had a long beard. 82 On the left of the lower row
on f 294r of the Modena manuscript (Fig. ngg) he is shown with
a similar long beard; he seems to wear his beard in a net. In Monac.
gr. 442 this emperor is again depicted with a long wide beard
(Fig. rog).
Next to Michael VIII is the portrait of his son Andronicus II with
a wide square white beard (Fig. ugh). He has an identical beard in
the Monacensis (Fig. no). Another portrait of the same emperor is
shown in the miniature decorating the Chrysobull addressed to the
ss A. A. Arnario I-XVIII, 399. G. Schlumberger, "Bulles d'or byzantines,"
Revue Numismatique, 12 (1894), r96, pl. IV, I. P. Sella, Le bolle d'oro dell'Ar-
chivio Vaticano, Vaticano 1934, 48, pl. V, 12. The (Latin) text of the docu-
ment has been published by S. Lampros, "Au't'oxpa:r6pwv 't'ou Bu?:av't'[ou
:xpucr6~ou:Ma xal :xpumi yp&:µµa't'a," NE, II (1910), II4-21.
ss Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 59.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 177
archbishop of Monembasia in the year 1301 (Fig. I34), now in the
Byzantine Museum of Athens. Here also Andronicus II is depicted
with a wide square beard.
Next to Andronicus II we see his first son Michael IX who was
crowned emperor in 1295 (Fig. rrgi). He never ruled alone, as he
died in I320 at the age of 43, while his father was still alive. 83 We
do not possess any other portrait of this emperor except together
with his father on the coinage where they are not very clear.84
Andronicus III, son of Michael IX, is represented with a fairly
short dark beard ending in two points on the left of the upper row
of f. 294v (Fig. IZia). We meet the portrait of this emperor again
in the Cod Hist. 2.601 in the Wtirtembergische Landesbibliothek at
Stuttgart. Unfortunately the edge of his beard in this miniature is
damaged and we cannot determine the exact shape {Fig. 180).
We have excellent portraits of John VI Cantacuzenus, shown
next to Andronicus III in the Modena manuscript (Fig. l2Ib), in
Par. gr. 1242 (Figs. 86-89). In all these portraits he appears with a
long beard which is split into two.
We are less fortunate with the portraits of John V, son of Andro-
nicus III, shown next to Cantacuzenus (Fig. IZIC). He was once
depicted below the orant Virgin in a lost mosaic on the North side
of the Great Eastern Arch of St. Sophia in Constantinople. His
portrait was still at place in 1847-49, when the Swiss architect
Gaspare Fossati, in charge of the restoration of the church, made
a fairly accurate drawing of it, now in the Archivio Cantonale
(no. 364) at Bellinzona. 86 This mosaic was probably executed shortly
after 1355 and represented John, then about 25 years old,86 with
a shorter beard than that in the Mutinensis, but still ending in two
points (Fig. I33). On the chrysobull of his confession of the Roman
Faith from October 18, 136987 he has a long beard with two points
(Fig. I zoe).
8' Wroth, Catalogue, pl. LX, 8.
86 Mango, Materials, 74-76, passim, fig. 97.
su Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 73.
87 c. A. Armario 1-XVIII, 40J. Schlumberger, op. cit., I97-98, pl. IV,
3. S ella, op. cit., 54, pl. VIII, 20. The Greek and Latin text is edited by
Lampros, op. cit., 241-48, fig. 5.
178 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS
Andronicus IV, the first portrait in the middle row (Fig. 121d),
was the first son of John V. He revolted against his father and ruled
in Constantinople from 1376 to 1379. Despite his disloyalty, he was
later recognized again as the legitimate heir and was given Selym-
bria on the coast of the Sea of Marmora. There he died in 1385.88
We have no other portrait of this emperor.
John VII, shown in the next portrait (Fig. 121e), was the son of
Andronicus IV and like his father he seized, with the help of the
Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I (1389-1402), on 14 April 1390, the capital
and the throne from the legitime emperor John V. He ruled for
only five months and three days. In 1403 he was sent to Thessa-
lonica by the emperor Manuel II, where he died in 1408 at the age
of 38. 89 We have one other portrait of John VII, a drawing in Par.
gr. 1783 (Fig. 178). The two portraits do not differ greatly.
The similarity between the portrait of Manuel II in the Modena
manuscript, on the right of the middle row (Fig. IZrf), and in Par.
gr. 1783, in the middle, is more pronounced. Both drawings repre-
sent the emperor with a long white beard divided into two points.
On two other portraits of Manuel II, one in Par. Suppl. gr. 309
(Fig. 175) and one in the manuscript of the Louvre (Fig. 94), we
see that he had a rather long straight nose. In the Modena portrait
there has also been an attempt to depict him with a similar nose.
The portraits of John VIII in the Modena manuscript, to the left
of the lower row (Fig. l21g), and the Par. gr. 1783, on the right,
show considerable similarities. In both drawings the emperor has
an obliquely set nose and a beard ending in two points. We find the
same shape of beard on the chrysobull proclaiming the union of the
Greek and Latin Church, dated July 6, 1439, now in the Archivio
Vaticano90 (Fig. 12of). The western portraits of the same emperor
88 Papadopulos, o-p. cit., no. 81. Ostrogorsky, History, 539£., passim, with
further bibliography.
89
Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 82. Ostrogorsky, op. cit., 547f.
90 A. A. Armario I-XVIII, 398. Sella, op. cit., 35-36, pl. IX, 23. Dolger,
Facsimiles, no. 15, pl. VIII. G. Mercati, "Il decreto d'unione del 6 luglio 1439
nell'Archivio Segreto Vaticano," OCP, I I (1945), 3-44. G. Hoffmann, Epi-
stolae pontificiae ad Concilium Florentinum spectantes, 3 Roma 1940-46, II,
no. 176, pp. 68-79, published the Greek and Latin text of the original pro-
clamation, the Laurentianus 1 (Cassetta Cesarini no. 1).
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 1 79
in Sinait. gr. 2123, the medallion of Pisanello, and the bronze bust,
show him in profile with a pointed beard91 (Figs. 20-22).
The portrait next to John VIII shows his brother, the last
emperor of Byzantium, Constantine XI (Fig. I2lh). His image
decorating the work of Thevet, which represents him with a long
beard and wearing a Turkish turban, has western characteristics
and its iconagraphic value cannot be easily determined. 92 His
portrait on the seals is rather similar to that in the Mutinensis. 93
The last portrait of the Modena manuscript, that of Constantine the
Great, is an imaginary one. The emperor is portrayed with a
moustache which is absent on portraits from his period. 94
The emperors of the Nicaean empire 95 are depicted on f. 294r.
Theodore I Lascaris, shown on the right of the upper row, John III
Vatatzes and Theodore II Lascaris, shown in the middle row, all
have a beard with two curled ends (Fig. n9c-e). John IV Lascaris,
who succeeded his father on the throne in 1258 at the age of seven,
is represented as a beardless child (Fig. n9f). On the coinage the
Nicaean emperors are shown as having beards ending in two short
points, indicating an attempt to represent the rather peculiar shape
of their beards (Fig. l20a-c). The beard of Theodore II in Monac.
gr. 442 has a similar ending (Fig. ro8).
The comparative material for the portraits of the Angeli is
scarce. 96 Isaac II and Alexius III are drawn on the right of the
lower row of f. 293v (Fig. rr7e-f). The former is represented with
an obliquely set nose and a dark pointed beard-he was about
91
Cf. also Codex Sinait. gr. 2123, note 167.
91 A. F. Thevet, Les vrais portraits et vies des hommes illustres grecs, latins
et payens recueillis de leur tableaux, livres, medailles antiques et modernes,
Paris 1584, fig. p. 291. Lampros, "~ Allr::~ dx6vr::~," 405-407, characterized
this portrait as imaginary.
93
S. Lampros, "~<ppa:yl1k~ -rwv n/..Eu-rcxlwv IfoA.oi:to/..6ywv," NE, I (1904),
416-32, esp. 416-21. Idem, "01 dx6vr::~ Kwvc:r-ra:vTlvou 'TOU Ifo/..ix10A6you," NE,
3 (1906), 229-42, pl. IV, 1-2. Dolger, op. cit., no. 67, pl. XXV, 67.
94
Harrisson, "Portrait," 79-96, pls. 1-49.
~6 On the Lascarides see Ostrogorsky, op. cit., 418ff., with further biblio-
graphy.
98
On the Angeli dynasty see Brand, Byzantium, 76ff. On Isaac II see
also F. Cognasso, "Un imperatore della decadenza: Isacco II Angelo," Bessa-
rione, 19 (1915), 29-60.
I80 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS HISTORICAL MANUSCRI PTS I8I

thirty when he ascended the throne-and the latter with a dark To facilitate the comparison of the remaining emperors in the
beard cut straight at the edge. Both are portrayed on the coinage Modena manuscript down to Justin II with other portraits of the
with a pointed beard, but the cut of Alexius' beard cannot be seen same emperors, I have drawn up the following list. The name of
{Fig. u8d-e) . Alexius IV, the son · of Isaac II, is portrayed as a each emperor is followed by the folio on which he appears and it s
child on the left of the upper row on f. 294r (Fig. n9a). The next place in our reproductions. Then follows our reproduction of a coin
portrait is that of Alexius V Murtzuphlos, who owes his epithet to of the same emperor, and a reference to other portraits, where they
his bushy eyebrows. The artist has included this detail in this exist .
portrait (Fig. u9b). The portrait in Vind. Hist. gr. 53 inscribed
with the name of this emperor is totally unreliable {Fig. 99). No Folio Fig. Fig.
coins of this emperor have been identified. (Coin)
As regards the physiognomy of the Comneni, we have better Nicephorns I II 278r 123a 124a
documentation. The drawing in the Modena manuscript on f. 28ov Michael VII 274v b98 b H oly Crown of Hungary (Fig. 12)
Khakh ouli Triptych (Fig. II)
shows Alexius with a square beard {Fig. I22). In Vat. gr. 666 we R omanus IV 27or c c
see him again with the same square beard (Figs. 79-82). His son Constantine X 267r d d Par. gr. 922 89 (Fig. 68)
John II is represented on the left of the first row on f. 293v with I saac I 265r e e
Michael VI 26ov f f
a round beard (Fig. u7a). In Vat. Urb. gr. 2, the mosaic of St. Constantine IX 247" g g Sinait. gr. 364 (Fig. 66)
Sophia at I stanbul (Figs. 48-49) and on the coinage (Fig. u8a) he Zoe panel (F ig. 67)
is again depicted with a similar short, round beard. As for Manuel I, Budapest Crown100
Michael V 243v h h
the second emperor in this row {Fig. u7b), we possess another por- Michael IV 237r i i
trait in Vat. gr. u76 (Fig. ISS). Both portraits, as well as the Romanus III 233r 125a 126a
portraits on the coinage (Fig. n8b), represent him with a short Constantine VIII 232r b b Exultet of Bari (Fig. 6r}
Basil II 221V c101 c Marc. gr. Z 17 (Fig. 6)
beard. His son Alexius II was I3 years old when he succeeded his Exultet of Bari (Fig. 61)
father and he is shown here as a beardless child {Fig. u7c). The John I 216r d d
most adventurous of the Byzantine emperors, Andronicus I, a Nicephorus II 209r e102 e
Romanus II 207r f f
cousin of Manuel I, swore at his coronation to respect the rights of Romanus I 20Ir g g
the young Alexius, but the boy was found dead a few days later. 97 Constantine VII 204v h h Moscow ivory, Abgarus iconioa
The Modena manuscript shows Andronicus I on the left of the
lower row as an old man with a white beard ending in two points
(Fig. u7d) . On the coinage we see him with a similar beard {Fig. as The lower part of his b eard is cut off, but what is left suggests a short
beard. This is also the case with the next emperor Romanus IV.
u8c). It is worth mentioning that the artist of the Mutinensis did 99 The portrait in this miniature cannot be distinguished very clearly.
not neglect to indicate the change in the shape of the crown at the H owever, the shape of the entire face of Constantine X shows a considerable
beginning of the I2th century, portraying John II and the emperors similarity with that in the Mutinensis.
100 See Codex Sinait. gr. 364, note 21.
after him wearing a crown with semi-spherical top. 101 The Modena portrait shows Basil II with a beard ending in two p oints,
while all other portraits show him with a round beard.
108 A portrait of this emperor, probably from Crete, in a style more
Western than Byzantine, is painted in the 15th cent ury MS. Marc. Lat. 342:
97 Diehl, Figures, II, 86-II3. 0. Jurewicz, Andronikos I Komnenos, Am- S. Lampros, "Llua elx6vec; N~xl)q>6pau <l>wxii," NE, 1 (1904), 57-71, fig. 1.
sterdam 1970. Brand, op. cit., 31ff. 103 See Princeton Leaf, notes 49-52.
I82 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS

Alexander I96v i Mosaic St. Sophia10' The artist did not draw different beards for the sake of variety.
Leo VI r92r r27a I28a
Basil I r84v b b Par. gr. 510 (Fig. 62) He never portrayed an emperor with a long beard if he had a short
Michael III r74r c c one or vice-versa. There must have been any number of historical
Theophilus I64r d d106
manuscripts which were illustrated in a similar way with the
Michael II r59r e e
LeoV 155r f f portraits of emperors. One such manuscript must have been used
Michael I r53r g g as a model for the artist of the Mutinensis. It is characteristic of the
Nicephorus I r5or h h
Constantine VI i poe great losses among monuments of Byzantine art that we possess
145r
Leo IV 144r 129a 13oa only one such codex of rather mediocre quality, and not a more
Constantine V r39r b b magnificent example such as surely adorned the libraries of the
Leo III 136r c c Byzantine nobility.
Anastasius II 135r d d
Philippicus r34v e e
Tiberius III r33r f f
Leontius r32v g g
J ustinian II r31v h h
Constantine IV 13ov i i
Constans II I29V I3Ia r32a
Heraclonas 129r b
Constantine III 129r c b
Heraclius I26r d c107
Phocas 124v e d
Maurice n9v f e
Tiberius II n8v g f
Justin II n8r h g

The portraits of the emperors before Heraclius are not always

reliable. After Heraclius there are only two minor differences in the
portraits of Basil II and of Theophilus. The view that the portraits
of the Modena manuscript are imaginary cannot be maintained.
1114 Alexander is represented in the mosaic of the North Gallery in St.

Sophia at Istanbul with a short round beard similar to that in the Mutinensis:
Mango, Matet'ials , figs. 53-54. P.A. Underwood and E. J. W . Hawkins,
"The Mosaics of Hagia Sophia at Istanbul. The Portrait of the Emperor
Alexander," DOP, I5 (1961), 187-217, pls. 1-22.
1oa Theophilus' beard has two curls in the Mutinensis which are omitted
on the coinage.
1oe Constantine VI, represented in the Mutinensis with a very short,
round beard and on the coinage as a child without a beard, died at the age
of 27 and possibly had a beard.
107 Heraclius is portrayed on the coins of 6ro and before with a pointed
beard similar to the Mutinensis. Then, until 629, with a short round beard
and after 629 with a large patriarchal beard: Morrisson, Catalogue, I, pls.
XXXIX, AV/or -XL, AV/29. Ducange, Historia, I, n2.

CHRYSOBULLS
The chrysobulloi logoi from the nth century on were provided
with a gold seal representing in most cases the emperor on one
side and Christ on the other. 1 During the Palaeologan era we find
them enriched with a miniature representing the emperor who
issued them. A characteristic example is the chrysobull of Andro-
nicus II (r282-r328) in the Byzantine Museum in Athens, MS. no.
80.2 It is. dated to June r3or and addressed to the Metropolitan of
Monembasia (Nicholas according to Phrantzes, IV, 16: 399, 5). It
bestowed certain privileges on him and promoted his See to the
same rank as that of the Metropolitan of Side.3
At the beginning of the scroll the emperor, inscribed in red
,Av8p6vtxoi; iv xw 'rW ew mcr-roi; ~OtcrtAel)i; xcxt cxu-roxp1hwp pWfLCXLCtlV
xofLV1Jvoi; 7"CXA0ttoA6yoi;, is standing against a gold background on a
red suppedion decorated with two double-headed eagles in yellow
(Fig. r34). Dressed in a sakkos and golden loros, he holds in his
right hand a sceptre, while with his left he offers to Christ a roll,
the chrysobull itself.4 The figure of the Saviour is slightly larger
1 F. Dolger, Aus den Schatzkammern des heiligen Berges, Miinchen 1948,
316££.
~ Parchment, 195 x 26,5 in four pieces. Lampros, 8~xecpix:>.oc:;, 45r. Idem,
Leukoma, 79. Heisenberg, Geschichte, 25-33. Grabar, Empereur, III, pl. XXVI,
2. Lazarev, Storia, 282, 334 n . 39. Exhibition Athens no. 37I. Velmans,
"Portrait," io4-105, fig. 13. Djuric, " Portreti," 25Iff., pl. r. Belting, Buch,
30 and 66.
s The text is publish ed by S. Binon, "L'histoire et la legende de deux
chrysobulles d' Andronic II en faveur de Monembasie. Macaire ou Phrantzes?,"
EO, 37, (1938), 274-3u, esp. 306-11, with the older bibliography. Dolger,
Regesten, IV, no. 2237, pp. 34-35, with bibliography. A chrysobull of the
same emperor in the National Library of Athens, no. 1462, also dated in
June 1301 and addressed to the Metropolitan of Monemb~ia, has been
proved a later copy: F. DOlger, "Ein literarischer und diplomatisch er Fa.J.-
scher des 16. Jahrhunderts: Metropolit Makarios von Monembasia," Fest-
gabe Otto Glauning, Leipzig 1936, 25-35 (reprinted in idem, Byzantiniscke
Diplomatik, Ettal 1956, 371-83). Idem, Regesten, IV, no. 2238, p. 35.
t Beckwith, Byz. Art, 154, pl. 292, thought that the emperor is represented
receiving the chrysobull. Binon, op. cit., 285, saw here the akakia and not
the chrysobull.
CHRYSOBULLS
than that of the emperor. He holds a boo,k under his left arm and
blesses the emperor with his right. The figure of Christ is con-
siderably flaked, while that of Andronicus is in a marginally better
state, enabling one to distinguish at least his full square beard,
which is in accordance with other representations of this emperor,
such as the portraits in Monac. 442 and the Modena manuscript
(Figs. no and rr9h). .
A second chrysobull of the same emperor is now kept in the Pier-
pont Morgan Library of New York5 (M 398). It was issued in June
I307 at the request of the bishop of Kanina in Albania. It confirms
the possessions belonging to his See according to more ancient
chrysobulls and other documents, which had been lost because of
the disorder prevailing in his area. 6
The miniature on the upper part of the scroll represents on the
right the emperor, who is identified exactly as on the chrysobull of
the Byzantine Museum (Fig. I35). He holds a red akakia in his left
hand and with his right he offers the chrysobull to the Virgin who,
standing on the left with the Infant on her left arm, is inscribed:
MHP 0Y H IlOP<llYPH. 7 Although the miniature is considerably
flaked, one can distinguish on the face of the emperor the stylistic
characteristics of the Palaeologan era, i.e. the gradual transition
of colour from dark to light shadows. The face of the Virgin is
modulated in a similar way with the addition of linear marks (not
visible in the reproduction).
The best preserved miniature on a cluysobull is that of Alexius III
Comnenus of Trebizond8 {I349-90). This is kept in the Monastery
of Dionysiu on Mt. Athas and is dated September I374· 9 In it the
6 Parchment, 157 x 31 in three pieces. Waltet's Art Gallery, Early Christian
and Byzantine Art. An Exhibition held at the Baltimore Museum of Art,
Baltim ore 1947, no. 739, p. 146.
6 For a full account on this chrysobull, its text, a commentary and the
history of Kanina, see P . J. Alexa nder, "A Chrysobull of the Emperor An-
dr onicus II P alaeologus in Favour of the See of Kanina in Albania," Byz, 15
(1940-41), 167-207.
7 Porphure is one of the many adj ectives applied to the Virgin and since
the emperor also was generally associated with the purple, it fits well in a
representation depicting them both. Cf. Alexander, op. cit., 173-76.
s On Alexius III see Miller, Trebizond, 43ff.
9 Paper, 298 x 38. Dolger, Athos, 96, figs. 51-52.
186 CHRYSOBULLS
emperor promises one hundred somia (ten million aspra) to the
monk Dionysius of Athos, brother of the Metropolitan of Trebizond
Theodosius, for the erection of a monastery on the Holy Mount,
to be named the Monastery of the Grand Comnenus. After the com-
pletion, he promises an annual endowment of a thousand aspra, the
so called komnenata. The monks must pray continuously for the
imperial family and grant hospitality to all Trapezuntines. 10
On the upper part of the scroll Alexius and his wife Theodora11
a~e represented standing on a red suppedion12 (Fig. r36). The
emperor wears the melas sakkos and the golden loros which, like his
crown, is richly decorated with precious stones. In his right hand
he holds a cross and in his left the end of the chrysobull which is
bound with a red ribbon and sealed with a golden bull. The other
end of the chrysobull is held by the empress, clad in a luxurious red
garment with wide sleeves and decorated with gold double-headed
eagles. In her left hand she holds a blue orb. The face of the emperor
(Fig. r37) is painted with care and his brown moustache and beard
-ending in two points-accord well with his known age, 35, when
the chrysobull was issued. The empress, aged 34 at that time, has
a round face and a small mouth (Fig. r38). Her cheeks are painted
red and her general appearance in the portrait is doll-like. It is
worth mentioning that the haloes of the imperial couple are not
gold, as is usual, but red. The small half-figure of St. John the Bap-
tist is depicted blessing the imperial couple. 13 He is clad in a blue
chiton, highlighted with white to give the impression of a fleece,
and in a green himation. The chrysobull is offered to him and his
10 The text has been published by J. P . Fallmerayer, "Original-Fragmente,
Chroniken, lnschriften und anderes Materiale zur Geschichte des Kaisertums
Trapezunt," Abhandlung der hist. Classe der Kongl. Bayerischen Akademie
der Wissenschajten, 3.3 (184r), 87-91, and by J. Draseke, "Vom Dionysios-
kloster auf dem Athos," BZ, 2 (1893), 79-95, esp. 86-90. Cf. a lso Miller,
op. cit., 63-64.
u On Theodora Comnena Cantacuzena (ea. 1340-before 1400), daughter
of the sebastokrator Nicephorus Cantacuzenus, who married Alexius III on
September 28, 1351, see Nicol, Kantakouzenos, no. 35.
12 For a colour reproduction see Treasures, fig. 40. A black and white in
Djuric, op. cit., pl. 3. Nicol, op. cit., fig. 9.
18 Strzygowski, "Bilderhandschrift," 242, t hought that the half-figure
represented the Saviour.
CHRYSOBULLS
presence here is explained by the fact that the monastery built by
Dionysius was dedicated to him.
Above the head of Alexius we see the impression of the golden
seal representing the emperor standing and inscribed AA J ESI J OC J
EN XW I AY I TOK I PAT I WP I 0 I M(ErA)C] KO I MN I HNO I
C. Above the head of Theodora the seal shows the figure of Christ.
The inscription above the miniature reads: AAESIOC EN XW
TW GW IlICTOC BACIAEYC KAI AYTOKPATWP IIACHC
ANATOAHC IBHPWN KAI IIEPATEIAC 0 MErAc KOMNH-
NOC. The same inscription is repeated in minuscule on the right of
the emperor, while the empress is inscribed 6e:o8w9oc xu I xcfpL-rL
e:u I cre:~e:Cf't"rX't"Y) I ~t0"7toLVIX Yi µe:y&t..'Yj I xoµV'YjV-1j
cro~uyoi:; 8e 't"OU I dicre:~oui:;
~cxcrLl..tcoi:; xup(ou J &t..e:~(ou -rou µe:y&J.ou
xoµ'.l'Yj\lou. The first line below
J
the miniature gives the addressee of the chrysobull: 7tocmv o!i:; -ro
7tcxpov ljµ&v e:ucre:~ei:; Em~dxvunL crLyy(J.Lov (To all to whom our
present pious sigil is shown).
The portraits of the same imperial couple, but in a simpler
costume, according to Strzygowski, headed the chrysobull which
Alexius issued in favour of the Monastery of the Panagia of Soumela
near Trebizond. This document, now lost, has been considered a
copy of the original dated December r364. 14
Two other known portraits of this emperor are now also destroyed.
He was depicted flanked by his wife and his mother Irene in a
fresco in the Church of the Panagia Theoskepastos in Trebizond.
A drawing of this mural was executed by Texier15 (Fig. r39). The
beard of the emperor is different in the drawing, but the moustache
is similar to that in the chrysobull of Dionysiu. Also similar is the
abundant curly hair of the empress. In r836 Texier saw a fresco in
the Church of St. Sophia in Trebizond representing Alexius III
surrounded by his court. ls
14
A. Papadopulos Kerameus, NE, 3 (1906), 486, in a letter to S . Lampros
declared that only the beginning of the chrysobull was a copy. The t ext was
edited by Fallmerayer, op. cit., 92-100. Cf. also Miller, op. cit., 62-63, and
Nicol, op. cit., 145, n23, with bibliography.
15
C. Texier, Asie Mineure, Paris 1862, 597, pl. 64. C. T exier-R. Popple-
well Pullan, Byzantine Architecture, London 1864, 201-202, pl. LXVI (cited
by Nicol, op. cit., 145 n24, fig. ro).
188 CHRYSOBULLS
Djuric has published a fifth illuminated chrysobull in Slavonic
with the Serbian despot George Brankovic (1427-56), issued in Sep-
tember 1429 for the Monastery of Esphigmenu on Mt. Athos.17
While Andronicus II was represented alone in front of Christ or the
Virgin and Alexius III with his wife, Brankovic allowed himself to
be portrayed with his whole family: his wife Irene Cantacuzena,
his elder daughter Maria-Mara, his eldest son Gregory and his
younger children Catherine, Stephen and Lazar. 18 Although the
miniature is flaked in many places, its quality must have been quite
high and the portraits naturalistic, as is shown by the rather well
preserved portrait of Catherine Cantacuzena (Fig. 140).
The Codex gr. 237 (B VI 17) in the Biblioteca Nazionale of
Turin, 19 destroyed by fire in 1904, contained copies of 42 documents
from the Monastery of the Theotocos Makrinitissa Oxeias Episke-
pseos in the region of Demetrias (Thessaly) and the nunnery of St.
John the Baptist, called Nea Petra, on Mt. Dryanubaene,zo which
were dated mainly between 1272 and 1275. Among these were three
chrysobulls of Michael VIII, six hypomnemata of the Patriarch
Joseph I (1267-75) and one arguroboullon of the brother of the
emperor, John.zi According . to the verses written in 1286 at the
end of the codex by the ex-logothetes ton agelon Joasaph Comnenus
Maliasenus, the collection of the copies was signed by Andronicus II,
because his father, who was supposed to confirm it, had died
prematurely. 22 Indeed on f. 258r the signature of Andronicus was
16 C. Texier, Byzantine Architecture, London 1864, 199 (cited by D . T.
Rice, The Church of Haghia Sophia at Trebizond, Edinburg 1968, 243).
11 Djuric, op. cit., pls. 7-8, 15-16.
18 Nicol, op. cit .. nos. 71, 92-96, figs. II-14, with bibliography.
19 Parchment, ff. 258. J. Pasinus-A. Rivautella-F. Berta, Codices Manus-
cripti Bibliothecae Regii Taurinensis Athenaei, 8 Taurini 1749, I , 319-62.
20 On these monasteries see N. J . Giann opoulos, "Les constructions byzan-
tines de la region de Demetrias," Bulletin de Conespondanci HelUnique, 44
(1920), 181 -209, and idem, "A! mxpci "t~ll '11)µ1)"tpt~8o: Bul;o:v'rtVo:l µ0110:(,"
EEBS, 1 (1924), 2rn-280. On a marble relief showing the Virgin Oxeias
Episkepseos as platytera orant, see idem, 237-40, fig. 6.
n The text in MM, IV, 330-430. Some of the documents also in Pasinus,
op. cit.
22 The verses in Pasinus, op. cit., 359, and MM, IV, 429-30.
CHRYSOBULLS 189
to be found in red ink followed by that of the Patriarch John in
black. 23
The documents inform us that the ktetor of the Makrinitissa
Monastery was Nicholas Bryennius Comnenus Angelus Maliase-
nus24 and that the nunnery came into his possession in 1272. It was
restored in 1273 by his wife, the niece of Michael VIII, Anna Com-
nena Ducaena Palaeologina. 24 The couple entered monastic life at
the end of 1273 or the beginning of 1274 as the monk J oasaph and
the nun Anthusa. They were both portrayed as such on f. 256r of
this manuscript holding the model of the Church of St. John the
Baptist, which we may assume corresponds to the shape of the
actual church26 (Fig. 141). On the reproduction, which comes from
the collection of G. Millet, we see that the miniature was already
considerably damaged in 1904. However, we can establish that the
portrait of the founder was of high quality. In addition, the inscrip-
tion above him is still legible: IWACA<l> MONAXOC 0 KTHTWP.
The half figure of the patron saint can be better observed in the
engraving by Pasinus27 (Fig. 142). The inscriptions are here
omitted, but on the photograph we can also reconstruct the inscrip-
tion of St. John : 0 ArIOC IW(ANNHC) 0 IIP(0.6.POMOC). We
may furthermore assume that above the foundress was written:
AN00YCA MONAXH H (E)KTHTOPICA.
23 Facsimiles of the signatures in Pasinus, op. cit., 360-61. DOlger, Regesten,
IV, no. 2IIO, identified the patriarch with John XII Cosmas (1294-1304}
and not with John XI Bekkos (1275-82).
u His father was Constantine Maliasenus, for whom Manuel Holobolos
wrote an epitaphios: M. Treu, "Manuel Holobolos," BZ, 5 (1896), 538-59,
esp. 550-51. The main source of information about Nicholas is our manus-
cript.
2
~ Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 106.
me A reproduction also in Lazarev, Storia, fig. 4rn.
17 Pasinus, op. <lit., fig. p. 362.

TYPICA
LINCOLN TYPICON
Twelve full page miniatures with portraits of exceptional quality
illustrate the beginning of the ktetorikon Typicon of the Convent
of Our Lady of Certain Hope (0eo"t'6xou 'rYjc; Be~Ol(otc; 'EJ..7trnoc;),
MS. Lincoln College gr. 35 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 1 The
Typicon contains 24 chapters of the monastic rule of the nunnery
preceded by a preface of the foundress Theodora Palaeologina
(ff. l4-142v). Then follow commemorations of members of her
family {ff. 158, l43'-147v, 159, 154), an outline of the boundaries of
the convent (ff. l56-157v) and a supplementary rule of eight
chapters by the junior foundress Euphrosyne, daughter of Theo-
dora (ff. 155, 148-153, 160-161). At the end of the codex (ff. 16r-
163v) three commemorations are inserted which are dated 1397,
1398 and 1402 and written by different hands. 2
The portraits are painted on one side only of each of the first
1
Parchment, ff. r63, 17 x 23,5. Coxe, Catologi, I, 18-19. H. Omont,
"Portraits de differents membres de la famille des Comnene peints dans le
Typicon du monastere de Notre-Dame-de-Bonne-Esperance a Constanti-
nople," REG, 17 (1904), 361-73. Exhibition Edinburgh, no. 195· Exhibition
Oxford, no. 87. The manuscript was bought in Athens by Sir George Wheler
who bequeathed it to Lincoln College in 1723. The text has been published
by H. Delehaye, Deux Typica Byzantins de l'epoque des Pateologues (Acad6mie
Royale de Belgique. Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques.
Memoires. 2me serie, tome XIII, fasc. IV), Bruxelles 1921, 18-105. For the
location of the convent see idem, 151££. V. Laurent, "Kyra Martha. Essai de
topographie et de prosopographie byzantine," EO, 38 (1939), 320, passim,
rejected the location suggested by Delehaye near the Church of St. Akakios
of Karya in region X of Constantinople on the side of the Golden Horn and
proposed a new one near the Heptascalon in region III on the side of the
Propontis. Cf. also Janin, Eglises, 166-68.
2 The folio order of the codex following the 24 chapters o:f the Typicon is
disturbed. Delehaye (op. cit., rr) established the original order, but h e
erroneously placed f. 154 in the eighth chapter of the junior foundress,
between ff. 153 and 160 ( § 154, II-27). This caused three unnecessary
lacunae in the text which could have been avoided had he placed this folio
in its proper place, namely at the end of the commemorations of the senior
foundress, after f. 159·
TYPICA 191
twelve folios and represent: the parents of the founders (f. Iv), the
foundress with her husband (f. 2r), her two sons with their wives
(ff. 3r and Sr), her four grand-daughters with their husbands (ff. 4r,
5r, 6r, and 9r), the founders with their little daughter in monastic
garments (f. 7r), the foundress once again with her daughter as
nuns {f. nr) facing the Virgin (f. rov) and finally the nuns of the
convent {f. r2r) {Figs. 143-154). These folios are arranged as follows:
One can observe that the arrangement of the first quire is rather
odd. The order of the family appears in the first quire as: I. Parents,
2. Founders, 3. Son, 4-6. Grand-daughters, 7. Founders in monastic
garments, 8. Son; in the second quire, 9. Grand-daughter, IO. Mary,
rr. Senior and junior foundress as nuns, 12. Nuns. It also seems
strange that the founders (f. 7) and a son (f. 8) are placed in the first
quire after three grand-daughters (ff. 4-6). There is no reason to
believe that the three grand-daughters were placed before one of
the sons, because the office of their husbands were higher than his.
The opposite is in fact true. This son is described as protostrator, a
higher office than those held by the preceding relatives and even
higher than that of his brother the megas konostaulos (f. 3). The folio
order of the first quire must, therefore, have been disturbed during
the modem binding of the codex, as is the case with other quires
in thecodex. If we remove the two bifolia, 3-4 and 5-6, create a new
binio and place it after f. 8, the first twelve folios will form three
binia of which the folio order will appear as follows:
In this arrangement the family order appears as: f. r Parents, f. 2
Founders, f. 7 Founders in monastic garments, f. 8 Son, f. 3 Son,
ff. 5-6, 4, 9 Grand-daughters, ff. IO-II Dedication miniature, f. 12
192 TYPICA
Nuns. The first son (f. 8) has now a higher office than the second3
(f. 3} and the first grand-son-in-law (f. 5) higher than the second
(f. 6); the following two have no office (ff. 4 and 9). All portraits
are painted on the recto side of the folios, except those of the parents
of the founders (f. r), the last couple (f. 9) and the Virgin (f. 10).
The placing of the first couple on a verso can be explained if we
suppose that the founders wished to be depicted facing their parents.
The Virgin would have to be represented on a verso in order to
receive the gifts presented by the foundress and her daughter who
are depicted on the opposite recto (Figs. 152-53). The reason for
placing the last couple (f. 9) on a verso is less clear.
In the description of the portraits which follows I have followed
the folio order suggested above in the hope that it will prove more
reasonable than the present folio order of the codex. The numbers
in brackets refer to the family tree on p. 205.
(1) The first double portrait of the Typicon (f. rv) is inscribed
KU>NCTANTINOC I KOMNHNOC IIAAAI 1 OAoroc 0
IIAN I (EY)TYXECTATOC I CEBACTOKPA I TOOP KAI
II(AT)HP I THC EKTHTO I PICHC andEIPHNH KOMNHNH I
BPANENA IlAAAIO ! AOrINA I H CEBACTO I KPATOPI I CA
KAI M(HT)HP I THC EKTH I TOPICHC (Fig. 143). The sebasto-
krator' Constantine Palaeologus6 was a younger brother of the
emperor Michael VIII. Irene has, in the text of the Typicon, the
additional family names Lascarina Cantacuzena. The couple died
as the monk Callinicus and the nun Maria.6 The sebastokrator is
clad in a red tunic with golden decoration and a brown mantle
with gold medallions representing double-headed eagles. These two
garments are called by Ps.-Codinus pou:x.ov and -rcxµ7tocrnov; they
s Delehaye, op. cit., 149, Papadopulos, Genealogie, nos. 12-13, and Nicpl,
Kantakouzenos, no. 39, following the present folio order of the codex gave
John (f. 3) as the first son of the foundress and Theodore (f. 8) as the second.
According to my folio order, Theodore was the first son and John the secc;md,
and they are also mentioned in this order in eh. 22, § n9 of the Typ1con
(Delehaye, op. cit., p. 82). · .
6 The title of sebastokrator was created by Alexius I Comnenus and given
to his brother Isaac, thus placing him above the Caesar Nicephorus Melisse-
nus; see Grumel, Recherches, II, Iff., passim.
6 Delehaye, op. cit., p. 23. Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 5.
s Delehaye, op. cit., §§ 6-8, II3, n6. Nicol, op. cit., no. II. Idem, "The
Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos," DOP, 27 (1973), 309-15, esp. 313.
TYPICA 193
were also worn by the despotes. 7 The crown of the ··sebastokrator
consists of a gold diadem with two bands crossing each other at the
top. It is not described by Ps.-Codinus, but by Anna Comnena who
called it the stephanos. 8 In the miniature, the upper part of the
front and the side bands are flaked, but one can still distinguish
their traces above the hair of Constantine. Irene is clad in red gar-
ments with a palmette decoration in gold. Her crown is higher
than that of her husband and studded, like his, with red and blue
precious stones. Both figures are depicted standing against a gold
background, like all the other figures in the Typicon, and in the
gesture of deesis, pointing at the same time to the smaller half-
figure of the Virgin and Child above. 9
(2) The foundress of the convent and her husband are portrayed
in a similar way on f. 2r, facing the portraits of their parents. The
founder is inscribed IU>(ANNHC) KOMNHNOC I AOYKAC
CY I NAAHNOC I KAI MEI'AC I CTPATOIIE I AAPXHC I
KAI KTH I TWP (Fig. 144). The inscription of the foundress is
only partially legible: GEOAU>PA I ... CYMBIOC ... H E !
KTHTOPI I CA. The founder has also the family name of the
Angeli in the text of the Typicon. 10 He held the office of megas
stratopedarches before his marriage, the date of which is unknown.11
He died between 1310 and r328. 12 Theodora was the last of five
children of Constantine and Irene13 (r). John is portrayed with
black hair, moustache and beard. He is clad in a red robe, known
as a kabbadion, with gold decoration. It fastens at the front and
has a gold belt from which hangs a white handkerchief. His head~
dress, the skaranikon, is gold with a brown dark pattern and red
stipples. On the front of it an enthroned emperor is depicted out-
lined in brown. The foundress is also clad in red and gold. Her robe
1
Ps.-Codinus, 143, 2-6, n2 and 4.
8 Anna Comnena (CSHB), I, 147-48.
9 This miniature is also reproduced by Nicol, op. cit., fig. 2, and Belting,
Buch, fig. 17.
10 Delehaye, op. cit., § II6.
11 Idem, § 8, p. 144-45. The megas stratopedarches was in charge of
supplies to the army: Ps.-Codinus, 174, 10-13; see also Guilland, op. cit., I,
502-21, esp. 505. ·
12 Guilland, op. cit., I, 505.
18 Delehaye, op. cit., p. 144-45. Papadopulos, op. cit., no. II.
 TYPICA
194
seems to consist of two pieces, of which the upper one reaches to
the knees with brown tassels hanging from the end. The sleeves
are wide, reaching almost to the ground. Her face is expressive and
individualistic, with arched eyebrows, small lips and a large chin.
Her ears are decorated with luxurious earrings. Her crown is
similar to her mother's, but is partly flaked. On the upper part of
the miniature is the patroness of the convent, the Virgin with the
Christ Child, with the inscription MHP 0Y H BEBAIA EAilIC.
On f. 7r the founders are depicted in monastic garments leading
their little daughter who is clad in the brown costume of a novice
(Fig. 145)· The monk is inscribed IWAKEIM \ MONAXOC 0
KTHT I WP. The inscription above the nun is flaked, as well as
part of the inscription of the novice. What remains reads: ...
@YrATHP I TC.ON EKTHTO I PC.ON. The Virgin above has again
the inscription with the eponym of Certain Hope. From the de-
scription of the inonk as ktetor and from the text of the Typicon,
which informs us that John Synadenus (2) died as the monk
Joachim,u the identification of the monk is established beyond
any doubt. We are thus confronted with a second portrait of the
megas stratopedarches, but since his face is considerably damaged,
any comparison with his portrait on f. 2r is impossible. The nun
must be identified with the foundress Theodora, who, according
to the inscription on f. tu (Fig. 153). assumed the monastic name
Theodule. The novice is identifiable as their daughter Euphrosyne.
She entered monastic life soon after her birth. 15 She bears only her
monastic name-probably the only one she had- on f. nr where
it is mentioned along with her family names. This miniature
alludes to the dedication of the young Euphrosyne to the Virgin.
It does not necessarily imply that the parents had already assumed
monastic garments when the profession of their daughter took
place. Delehaye, followed by Papadopulos, thought that the
foundress had at least four children, considering the daughter in
this miniature as a different person from that on f. 1H.16 Chapter 22
of the Typicon, however, discussing the commemorations not only
H Delehaye, op. cit., § n6.
u Idem, §§ 4 and II8.
16 Idem, p. I49. Papadopulos, op. cit., nos. II, 15-16.
CHRYSOBULLS 195
of the deceased, but also of those living who were close family
members of the foundress, mentions only Euphrosyne and her
brothers Theodore and John.17 If Theodora had a second daughter
or other children, they should definitely appear in this chapter.
(3) The miniature on f. 8r represents the first son of the foundress
and his wife18 (Fig. 146). They are inscribed 0EOLiWPOC I
KOMNHNOC LiOY I KAC CYNA.6. Y I NOC 0 IlPOTWCT I
PATWP KAI YI I OC TOON EK I THTOPWN and EY.6.0KIA
.6.0YKAINA KO I MNHNH CYNA.6.HNH IIA I AAIOAOrI I NA
H IIPOTWCT I (PATO)PICA KAI NH I M<l>H THC I KTHTOPI I
CHC. Theodeore is clad in an identical way to his father and Eudocia
to her mother-in-law. The only difference appears in the colour of
his skaranikon, which is red and crossed with gold lines. Above the
couple is painted the Virgin and Child. Theodore reached a higher
office than his father, that of protostrator. 19 He was already men-
tioned holding this office in 1320 in the History of Cantacuzenus.20
In the civil war between Andronicus II and Andronicus III, he
was on the side of the latter. In about 1344 he was promoted by
Alexius Apocaucus to protobestiarios. 21 He died before I348.22 His
wife Eudocia23 was the daughter of Theodore Ducas Mouzakios,
commemorated in the the Typicon.u
(4) The second son of the foundress is portrayed with his wife on
f. 3r (Fig. r47). They are inscribed IW(ANNHC) KOMNHNOC I
.6.0YKAC CYNA I .6.HNOC 0 ME I I'AC KONOCTA Y I AOC
KAI YIOC I TWN EKTH I TOPWN and HPHNH AACKAPINA
17 Delehaye, op. cit., §§ II7-u9.
1s Also reproduced in Pacht, Illumination, fig. 22.
19 The potostrator took an active part in the court ceremonies. He was
entrusted, among other things, with carrying the sword of the emperor
when the Grand Duke was absent. He was in charge of the light cavalry and
of the patrol troops: Ps.-Codinus, 168, 1-173, 29; Guilland, op. cit., I, 478-97.
20
Cantacuzenus (CSHB) I, 37. Guilland, op. cit., I, 485, thought that he
appeared as potostrator only after 1328.
21 Cantacuzenus, II, 491-92. Guilland, op. cit., I, 227, 486.
22
An act of the monastery of Kutlumusiu, dated 1348, mentions him as
deceased: P. Lemerle, Actes de Kutlumus (Archives de l'Athos 2). Paris
1945-46, no. 21. Guilland, op. cit., I, 486. Cf. also Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 13.
Delehaye, op. cit., p . 150, refers to him by mistake as the father of John (4).
93 Delehaye, op. cit., p. 150. Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 13.
24
Delehaye, op. cit., § 143.
196 TYPICA
KO I MNHNH AOYKAINA IlA I AAIOAO I rHNA H ME I rAAH
KO I NOCTAYAI I CA KAI NHM I <l>H THC EKTH I TOPICHC.
John is clad in a green kabbadion with gold ornamentation and a
gold skaranikon with a red check pattern. Here too, an enthroned
emperor is depicted on it. Irene is dressed in a similar manner to
the previous ladies. Above the couple is represented the bust of
Christ blessing. Both portraits are in excellent condition and show
individual characteristics. John, naturally, had also the family name
Palaeologus.26 He held the office of Grand Constable. 26 He is men-
tioned by Cantacuzenus as an ambassador of Andronicus III to
Andronicus II in r32I. 27 The historian mentioned that he had a
brother holding the office of protostrator, who can be identified
with Theodore. Irene was the second wife of John, if we take into
account that the Typicon28 commemorates Thomais (9) as his wife,
apparently his first one.29 The latter took the nun's name Xene and
donated a vineyard to the convent. 30
(5) On f. 5r the first grand-daughter of the foundress appears
with her husband (Fig. 148). They are inscribed MANOYHA
KO I MNHNOC PAOYA I ACANHC KAI ME! rAC IlPIMHKH I
PIOC KAI rAMilPOC [ THC KTHTOPI I CHC and ANNA J
KOMNHNH [ AOYKAINA IlAA [AIOAOPINA I ACANHNA H
MErAAH IlPIMHKHPHCA KAI ErKONH THC KTHTO-
PICHC.31 They are both portrayed in a similar pose and costume
to Theodore and Eudocia (3). Above is represented the bust of the
25
Idem, §§ n9, 135, p. 149·
2a The megas konostaulos was, according to Ps.-Codinus 175, r2-r4, the
head of the Frankish mercenaries. Cf. also Guilland, op. cit., I, 469-77.
2 7 Cantacuzenus, I, r33. Papadopulos, op. cit., nos. rz and r28, and
Guilland, op. cit., I, 473, considered the official portrayed and the ambassa-
dor as two different persons, leaving the one in our miniature as otherwise
unknown. Although they both cite the Schopenus' edition of .Cautacuzenus,
where the year r321 is assigned to this embassy, they place it in 1328.
as Delehaye, op. cit., § r35.
2e Nicol, op. cit., no. 39.
ao Delehaye, op. oit., § 122.
n The transcription of this name is borrowed from Delehaye, op. cit.,
p. 13. I was able t o read only: ... NH I .:lOYKAINA IlAA I AIOAOrINA I
ACANH . ...
TYP ICA 1 97
blessing Christ Child. Manuel held the office of megas primikerios.32
Anna was taken in 132I by her father Theodore to marry Manuel
Asen, brother of the later empress Irene, wife of Cantacuzenus,33
under whom Manuel obtained the title of sebastokrator and aespotes.34
(6) The second grand-daughter of Theodora is depicted with her
husband on f. 6r36 (Fig. 149). They are inscribed KONCTAN [
TINOC KOMNH I NOC PAOYA 0 IlA I AAIOAOroc 0 I
IlPOTOCEBACTOC I KAI I'AMIJPOC I THC KTHTO I PICHC
and EY<l>POCYNH I AOYKAINA IlAAAI ] OAOrINA I H IlPO-
TOCE ) BACTH KAI I Er I KONH THC I KTHTOPI I CHC. The
miniature is very well preserved. The clothing of this couple is of
the same colour as that on f. 3r. Constantine appears to be a very
young man with a thin red moustache and short beard. Above the
couple is represented t he Christ Child blessing. Constantine has the
t itle of protosebastos which during the Palaeologan era was purely
a sinecure.36 Euphrosyne was probably the daughter of Theodore
and Eudocia (3). Theodore had a third daughter, Theodora, who
died as the nun Theodosia (rn) . She is commemorated in the
Typicon, 37 but not portrayed in it .
(7) The next grand-daughter and her husband are portrayed on
f. 4T (Fig. 150). They are inscribed MIXAHA KOMNHNOC I
AACKAPIC BPIENHOC ) O <l>IAAN0P (WilHN)OC I KAI I'AM-
(Il)POC THC I KTHTOPICHC and ANNA KANTAKOYZHNH I
KOMNHNH IlAAAIOAOrINA I BPIENHCA I H <l>IA (AN) -
®PO I IlHNH KAI Er I KONH THC I KTHTOPI I CHC. Michael
is portrayed as a young man without a headdress. His kabbadion is
38
- On this office see Guilland, op. cit., I, 312-32: In.court ceremonies during
the Palaeologan era he handed the sceptre to the emperor or held it for him.
H e was the head of the imperial escort: Ps.-Codinus, r75, 7-11.
33
Cantacuzenus, I, 125. Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 18, erroneously gav e
Anna as _the daught~r of John (4) (already noticed by Nicol, op. cit., p. 149
n36). Gmlland, op. cit., I, 3r8-r9, thought incorrectly that the Manuel of the
Typicon was ot herwise unknown.
34
Cantacuzenus, III, 33, r96 and 2ro.
86
Velmans, "Portrait," r25, figs. 47-48, reproducing by accident the
same couple twice. For a colour reproduction see Rice-Hirmer, pl. XL.
98
Ps.-Codim1s, r75, l5-r6.
37
Delehaye, op. cit., § r36. Papadopulos, op. oit., no. 14. Nicol, op. ci t.,
no. 39.
198 TYPICA
orange with gold ornamentation. Anna is clad as are the previous
ladies. Above them appears the Infant blessing. Michael does not
have any title or office.38 Anna was the daughter of John (4) and
his first wife Thomais (9). The latter is the only one of the three
daughters-in-law of the foundress who bears the family name Can-
tacuzena which also appears in the family name of Anna.39
(8) The last grand-daughter is depicted with her husband on
f. gv (Fig. r5r). They are inscribed MIXAHA KOMNH I NOC
TOPNYKHC I ACANHC IIAAAI I OAOroc KAI I rAMIIPOC
THC I KTHTOPICHC and HPHNH KOMNH I NH KANTAKOY I
ZHNH IIA I AAIOAOrr I NA ACAN I (I)NA KAI Er I KONH
THC I KTHTOPI I CHC. Michael is portrayed without a head-
dress, clad in a red and gold kabbadion. Irene is also clad in red
and gold, similar to the other female members of the family. The
portrait of Michael is partly flaked, but we can still see that he is a
beardless youth. He has no-title or office.40 Irene was the daughter
of John (4) and Thomais (9), if we judge from her family name
Cantacuzena. Above appears the bust of the Christ Child.
The dedication picture covers ff. rov and rrr41 (Figs. 152-153).
On the left page the Virgin is depicted inscribed MHP 0Y H
BEBAIA EAIII C. She stands on a low podium, clad in a brown
maphorion and a blue sticharion. The folds of her garments are
denoted in a linear, flat manner, contrasting with the painterly
way in which the faces of the Virgin and Christ are modelled.
88 Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 17, identified him with Michael Lascaris
Bryennius Philanthropenus who was active at the end of the 13th century.
This date is very early for our Michael. Perhaps he is identifiable with the
megas stratopedarches Michael Philanthropenus mentioned in a prostagma of
John V Palaeologus, dated in 1350 or 1365: V. Laurant, "Les bulles metri-
ques," Hellenika, 6 (1933), 224. Delger, Facsimiles, no. 51, pl. XX. Guilland,
op. cit., I, 511.
a11 Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 14. Nicol, op. cit., no. 40, fig. 3.
40 Papadopulos, op. cit., no. 14. Nicol, op. cit., no. 41, fig. 4. The latter
correctly observed that Papadopulos confused our Michael with Michael
Asen, the oldest son of John Asen of Bulgaria (1279-80) and Irene Palaeolo-
gina.
41 Both-miniatures are reproduced in Belting, op. cit., figs. 22-23; the
Virgin in Pacht, op. cit., fig. 21, and Rice-Hirmer, fig. 192. Velmans, op. cit.,
fig. 49, the foundresses.
TYPICA
Holding the Child in her right arm, she points with her left to the
foundress and her daughter portrayed on the opposite page. They
are inscribed with their monastic names: ®EO~OYAI I MONAXH I
H EKTHTO I PICAandEY<l>POCY I NHMONAXH j KOMNHNH
~ I OYKAINA IIA I AAIOAOI'INA I KAI 0YI'ATHP j TWN
EKTHTO I PWN. They are both clad in black. The mother offers
in her right hand a model of the katholikon and with her left hand
leads her daughter to the Virgin. The younger foundress holds a
codex in her left hand, the Typicon itself. They both face outwards,
like all portraits in the Typicon. Both faces are well preserved and
one can observe similarities between this portrait of the foundress
and that of f. zr (Fig. 144), such as the eyebrows, eyes, lips and
the pointed chin. Euphrosyne is here portrayed older in age than
on f. 7r, where she is depicted as a lit tle girl between her parents
(Fig. 145)· I have already remarked that the miniature there com-
memorated her presentation to the convent. Here she is shown at
that age when she offered her Typicon.
The series of portraits closes with an impressive miniature on
f. rzr 42 (Fig. 154)- It represents the nuns who, according to the
Typicon, must not exceed the number of thirty. 43 Their heads con-
trast with the black background formed by their vestments which
are outlined in a thin light line. The abbess holds a brown staff.
In the foreground are depicted five ljttle girls. Three of them are
clad in brown and two of them have a white headscarf. Grabar
compared this representation with that in the Hortus Deliciarum
showing a group of noble ladies in the convent of Sainte-Odile and
thought that the model of our miniature was Western. 44
The upper part of f. r3r is covered by a headpiece consisting of
blue tendrils and red flowers. All the miniatures are framed by a
simple red line. One can observe that a system has been followed in
42
Reproduced also in Rice-Hirmer, fig. 191. Beckwith, Byz. Art, 155, fig.
295. G. Mathew, B yzantine Painting, London, 20, fig. 9. Velmans, op. cit.
fig. 50. A colour reproduction in Hunger, Reich, fig. 24; he incorrectly dated
the codex to 1399-1400 based on the dated commemorations inserted later
(p. 282), a mistake repeated by Velmans, op. cit., 125.
'
3
Delehaye, op. cit., § 23. Euphrosyne increased the n umber of nuns to
fifty; Idem. § 147.
44
Grabar, Art, I, 234, pls. 41a-b and 42a-b.
200 TYPICA
the positioning of images of Christ and the Virgin in the upper part
of the miniatures, which provides a focus for the deesis compositions
beneath. The Virgin inscribed 'The Certain Hope' appears only
above the founders and, without any further inscription, above the
parents of the foundress and above her first son with his wife.
Christ, who seems to be of lesser importance than the Virgin in the
Typicon, appears above the second son with his wife, and as a
child above the grand-children, in harmony with their youthful
appearance.
To establish the date of execution of the portraits it is necessary
to determine the date of the foundation of the monastery, that is,
the date of the compilation of the Typicon by Theodora Palaeolo-
gina, and also whether our manuscript is that original Typicon or
a later copy. Since we do not know the year of Theodora's death
to establish a terminus ante quem for the foundation of the convent
we must turn our attention to the members of her family commem-
orated in the Typicon. The parents, husband, one nephew (16)
and one daughter-in-law (9) of the foundress are mentioned as
deceased in chapters 22-23 which were surely part of the first
Typicon. The date of her husband's death (2) has been placed be-
tween l3IO and 1328, while that of her nephew John (16) and
daughter-in-law, which could have occurred later, is unknown.
To narrow the period which could be used as a terminus post quem
for the execution of the first Typicon, we may use the commemo-
ration chapter45 following the first 24 chapters only after establish-
ing that this chapter was written at. the same time. The commemo-
ration of Theodora's husband occurs also in this chapter, but the
remaining commemorations could have been inserted at later dates.
In this case the date of a death in a commemoration cannot be used
as a terminus post quem for the foundation of the convent. At first
glance one would get the impression that these were inserted later,
because the dates and months-the years are not mep.tioned-are
arbitrarily given. The first commemoration, for instance, that of
the daughter-in-law of the foundress, Thomais (9), has the date
February II (§ 135), the second, that of her grand-daughter Theo-
15 Delehaye, op. cit., § § 134-144, 154, 11-27.
TYPICA 201
dora (ro), July 23 (§ 136), but the third, that of her brother Michael
(rr), June 6 (§ 137). If all the members of the family mentioned in
this chapter were already dead when the Typicon was compiled,
one would expect to find them listed according to the calendar.
Although this theory seems reasonable, we must propose the
exact opposite, namely, that all the members of Theodora's family
commemorated in this chapter were already dead when the convent
was founded. I have reached this conclusion after the following
observations:
r. The commemoration of the founder's sister Maria (13) on
September 16 (§ 139) is followed by that of her husband Isaac (14)
on June 8 (§ 140). Theodora does not refer to him as "the husband
of Maria" or as "the husband of my sister," but as "her husband"
{-roc -rou &v3poc; ocunjc; µVY)µ.6cruvoc), which implies that the latter com-
memoration was written at the same time as the former. Moreover,
in the following commemoration for July 3 (§ l4I ), that of Andro-
nicus (15), she refers to him as "their son", which again means
that these three commemorations were written at the same time.
2. The commemoration chapter closes wit h a paragraph in
which the foundress asks the nuns not to neglect to celebrate the
Liturgy in commemoration of the family members mentioned in it.
3. The commemoration chapter is followed by the chapter
defining the boundaries of the convent.
4. The first commemoration mentions Thomais (9) wife of the
foundress' second son (§ 135), the second mentions Theodora (ro),
daughter of her first son (§ 136). The following four {§§ 137-40) are
devoted to the two brothers of the foundress, Michael {rr) and
Andronicus (12) , her sister Maria (13), and the husband of the latter
Isaac {14). Then come the commemoration of her nephews (§§ 141-
42), t he parakoimomenos Andronicus {15) a nd, finally, (§ 143) that
of the father-in-law of her first son, Theodore (17).
The order of the commemorations is, thus, arranged according to
the family relation of the deceased to the foundress and not accord-
ing to the calendar. The wife and daughter of her sons occupy the
first place, then follow her brothers and sister, then the husband of
the latter followed by her nephews and, finally, her son's father-in-
law. Moreover, if the commemorations were written after the corn-
202 TYPICA
pilation of the first Typicon, they would not have been followed by
the closing paragraph mentioned above, or the chapter defining the
boundaries of the monastery, but they would have been placed at
the end of the Typicon to permit later entries of the same nature.
Thus, the date of the death of family members in the commemo-
ration chapter may be used as a terminus post quem for the compiling
of the Typicon.
The only date previously given for the Typicon was proposed by
Delehaye. 46 The brother of the foundress, Andronicus (12), was
identified as the author of a work dated 1310, and this year has
been considered as a terminus post quem for the Typicon. It is, how-
ever, possible to assign a later date of the first Typicon. The para-
koimomenos Andronicus (15) was sent in l3I5 by Andronicus II to
arrange the marriage of Andronicus II with Anna of Savoy, 47 which
took place the following year. He is, moreover, mentioned in a
chrysobull of Andronicus II, datable to 1328. 48 This year is the
latest I could establish as a terminus post quem for the foundation
of the convent of Certain Hope and the compilation of the first
Typicon of Theodora.
We may now proceed to the question as to whether the Lincoln
manuscript is that first Typicon or a later copy. A supplementary
rule was added to the first Typicon by the daughter of the foundress,
Euphrosyne, after the death of her mother. The supplement was
written by a later hand. In our manuscript a second hand is at
work in many passages belonging both to the first Typicon and the
supplement of Euphrosyne. If our manuscript was the first Typicon,
the second hand would appear only in the supplement and not in
the preceding two chapters. It is, therefore, a copy on which two
scribes have worked. The first scribe is responsible for ff. 14-122,
126-27, 133-34, 136-141; the second 123-25, 128-32, 135, 142-59,
except 157, which together with f. 160, is the work of two other
scribes. We know that a typicon was u sually followed by a number
46 Idem, p. 147-48.
n Diilger, Regesten, IV, no. 25 33, p. 103-104. Guilland, op. cit., I, 209.
cs Diilger, op. cit., IV, no. 2593 , p. u5. Guilland, op. cit., I, 209, n123.
TYPICA 203
of copies after its compilation. 49 The Lincoln Typicon is very
probably one of these copies executed, we may suggest, soon after
Euphrosyne took over the running of the convent.
T he portraits of the Lincoln manuscript are also, in all probability,
copied from the Typicon of Theodora. All the double portraits, the
founders with the child Euphrosyne in monastic garments, and the
miniature representing the group of under thirty nuns may have
existed in the first Typicon. The dedication miniature, however,
seems to have been ordered, or at least changed, by Euphrosyne
(Figs. 152-53). Here she is depicted holding a codex, the Typicon
itself. Since we have no reason to believe that she contributed to
the compilation of her mother's Typicon, this representation can
be explained only if we place its .execution after her own additions
to the rule of the monastery. The original dedication miniature of
Theodora has been changed to what we now see. Any other changes
in the family, or in the titles and offices of those portrayed, we may
assume were also brought up to date during the execution of the
copies which included the supplement of Euphrosyne. Since her
brother Theodore Synadenus (Fig. 146) is inscribed protostrator and
not protovestiarios, a title which he acquired about 1344, this year
can be considered as a terminus ante quem for the execution of the
portraits. In conclusion, we may state that the compilation of the
Typicon of Theodora and the foundation of the convent of Certain
Hope took place some time between 1328 and 1344, and that the
manuscript Lincoln College gr. 35 was executed at a later date, but
still within the same period.
There follows a genealogical tree for the family commemorated
in the Lincoln Typicon. Specialists in Palaeologan prosopography
can perhaps give more information on its members, which could
eventually lead to a more precise date for the manuscript. The
members whose names are written in capitals are portrayed in the
Typicon, those names in lower case are mentioned in the t ext; those
relatives known from elsewhere are given in italics; the names in
49
In the Typicon of the empress Irene Comnena for the convent of
Kecharitomene of about III8, for instance, it was stated that copies of the
original should be made for the Church of St. Sophia, the patron, the archives
of the convent and for daily use; cf. Delehaye, op. cit., p. 6, n 3, p. 9.
204 TYPICA TYPICA 205

brackets denote their monastic names. As for the abbreviations,

A stands for Angelus, As for Asen, B for Branas, Br for Bryennius,
D for Ducas, Ka for Cantacuzenus, Ko for Comnenus, L for Lascaris,
P for Palaeologus, Ph for Philanthropenus, R for Raul, S for Syna-
denus and T for Tornices.

The portraits in the Lincoln Typicon with their colourful costumes

furnish us with excellent visual material for a comparison of the
costumes of the officials portrayed there with the written descrip-
tions of Ps-Codinus, since both works are contemporary. In the
following table, the first column lists the officials portrayed in the
Typicon followed by a number in brackets denoting their rank in
the list of Ps.-Codinus; the second column gives the colour of their
costume and the third the colour mentioned by Ps-Codinus (page
and verse numbers refer to Verpeaux's edition); sk stands for e--__,
skaranikon and ka for kabbadion.

Sebastokrator (2) No sk, but stephanos;

f. IV, Fig. 143 red rouchon, brown red rouchon (147, 12).
tamparion·
Protostrator (9) sk red and gold with red and gold with
f. 8r, Fig. 146 enthroned emperor; standing emperor;
ka red and gold whatever preferred
(154, 8-n); both similar
to that of Grand Duke.
M. stratopedarches (xo) sk brown, red and gold both similar to that of
f. 2r, Fig. 144 with enthroned emperor; Grand Duke.
ka red and gold.
M. primmikerios (l l) sk red and gold with apricot colour with
f . 5r, Fig. 148 enthroned emperor; standing emperor;
ka red and gold. whatever preferred
(155, 1-13).
M. konostaulos (12) sk red and gold with both similar to m.
f. 3r, Fig. 147 enthroned emperor; primmikerios
ka green and gold. (155, 16-18) ..
Protosebastos (14) sk red and gold with both similar to m.
f. 6r, Fig. 149 enthroned emperor; primmikerios
ka green and gold. (155, 20-24).

Michael Comnenus (f. 4r) and Michael Tomices (f. 9v) have no
offices or titles, as we have already noted.
We see that on the skaranika of the officials in the Typicon; the
206 TYPICA
emperor is depicted seated, while according to the description of
Ps.-Codinus, he should be shown standing on the front, and
enthroned on the back of the skaranikon. The colour of the skara-
nikon of the protostrator in the miniature corresponds to that pre-
cribed by Ps.-Codinus for the Grand Duke (153, 13-17); the colour
of the skaranikon for the protostrator and the megas stratopedarches
is described as being identical with that of Grand Duke. However,
in the miniature them. stratopedarches has a brown check pattern
with red stipples on a gold background. The colour of the skaranika
of them. primmikerios, m. konostaulos and protosebastos is also red
and gold in the Typicon. Ps.-Codinus described it as ~e:pLxoxx6zpouv
(an apricot colour) and explained it as a colour µfoov xoxxLvou xixt
il.i:;uxou. The kabbadia could be of any colour according to Ps. -
Codinus. The officials in the Typicon all have kabbadia of red with
gold decoration except the last two, whose kabbadia are green with
gold.
VATOPEDI n99
The codex no. n99 in the monastery of Vatopedi on Mt. Athos
contains the liturgical Typicon of the convent of St. Eugenius, the
patron saint of Trebizond. 50 According to the colophon on f. 307v,
it was commissioned by a certain Procopius Chantzames and
donated to the monastery of St. Eugenius for the salvation of his
soul. The scribe was John Argyros and the date of compilation
February 1346. The illuminations in the manuscript consist of two
full page miniatures, twelve illustrations, one for each month, and
a headpiece on f. 309r. 51
50 Parchment, ff. 316, 19 X 14 . S. Eustratiades, Catalogue of the Greek
Manuscripts in the Library of the Monastery of Vatopedi on Mt. Athos (Harvard
Theological Studies XI), Cambridge 1924, 202. For a detailed description of
this ms. see: A. Dmitrievskij, Opisanie liturgiceskich rukopisej, Petrograd
1917 (Hildesheim 1965), III. 2, pp. 421-57.
01 The fullest account of these miniatures was given by Strzygowski,
" Bilderhandschrift," 241-63. On the illustration of the calendar cycle see
E. Stern, "Poesies et representations Carolingiennes et Byzantines des mois,"
"Revue A-rcheologique, 15 (1955), 141-86. For a reproduction of August in the
Vatopedi Typicon (f. 202v) see Weitzmann, Athos, fig. p. 109. Cf. also Belting,
Buch, 32-35, with a drawing of the dedication page and further bibliography.
TYPICA
The first full page miniature at the beginning of the codex
(f. 9v) represents St. John of Damascus and St. Sabas. A dedicatory
inscription under the miniature reads: TOY ..:lOYAOY ..:lEHCIC
TOY 8Y IIPOKOIIIOY. These two saints are depicted here,
because the Typicon of St. Eugenius is a copy of that used in the
monastery of St. Sabas near Jerusalem, to where John of Damascus
retired around 700 AD. The second full page miniature is the dedi-
cational representation and is placed at the end of the book (f. 3r5v).
Under an arch stands a saint inscribed 0 ArIOC EYI'ENIOC O
TPAIIEZOYNTIOC, and a smaller figure offering the saint a book.
This figure is badly effaced and without an inscription, but must be
identified with the donor, and the book as the Typicon itself; the
red cover of the Typicon is identical with the colour of the book
Procopius offers in the miniature.
The year of the donation of the Typicon, 1346, may be considered
as the year of the restoration of the monastery of St. Eugenius. This
monastery had been destroyed on July 2, 1340, during the civil war
in Trebizond. Sebastos Tzanichites revolted against the empress
Irene and occupied the monastery. The Grand Duke John, on behalf
of the empress, directed his army against Tzanichites, which resulted
in the burning of the monastery. 62 It was in the same monastery
that the emperor of Trebizond Alexius III was crowned on January
21, 1350, at the age of eleven, and it was also there that he celebrated
his wedding with Theodora, a niece of John Cantacuzenus, on Sep-
tember 20, 1351.53
52 Miller, T-rebizond, 45-46.
53
Idem, 56. Nicol, Kantakouzenos, no. 35.

VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
VAT. GR. n76
Codex Vat. gr. n76 contains the five acts of the Council of n66
AD and appears to be the original document.1 Fol. IIr2 has a portrait
of the emperor Manuel I Comnenus (n43-80) and his wife Maria of
Antioch3 (Fig. 155). The signatures of the Patriarch Luke Chryso-
berges (n56-69) and thirty clerical participants of the council are
placed in this manuscript4 (ff. 86v-88v). The council, summoned
on March 2, n66, in Constantinople and presided over by the
emperor himself, discussed the statement of Christ, "o 7to:tjp µ.ou
µ.d~wv µ.oo hrm", "My Father is greater than I" (John, I4: 28), on
which the secular participants also gave their opinions. Manuel
favoured the explanation that this verses referred to the human
nature of Christ, as a result of which he was accused of mono-
physitism.6 Nevertheless, his party gained the upper hand and his
opinion "seemed agreeable to the holy patriarchs and the holy and
divine synod," as he stated in the acts. 6
1 Parchment, ff. II+ 88, 25,5 X 18. Grabar, Empereur, 22 n2. Grumel,
Regestes, I, no. IOJI. Canart-Peri, Sussidi, 550. S. Sakkas, "'O ll"a'.'t~p µou
µe:L~6)\I µou foi;t11," B': WE1n1ie:~ xat au1101ioL Xa'.'rd: 'rOll IB'rt..lw11a, 0e:craa'.AOllLX"r)
1968, rn7-rn8. . her hair is blond. Nicetas Choniates praised the celebrated beauty
2 The first quire, containing the miniature, is a bifolio a little smaller in
size than the following quaternia. This does not mean that the miniature did
not originally belong to the codex; the portraits were brought from a
workshop and placed at the beginning of the manuscript, in this way making
the document even more official.
a Lampros, Leukoma, pl. 69.
4
Sakkas, op. cit., pls. 2-4.
5 The fullest account of this council is given by Sakkas, op. cit.; here also
the Greek text (pp. 120-180). See also P. Classen, "Das Konz.i l van Konstan-
tinopel n66 und die Lateiner," BZ, 48 {1955), 339-68. The edict was also
carved on stone: C. Mango, "The Conciliar Edict of 1166," DOP, 17 (1963),
317-30.
6 On the predilection of Manuel for theological discussions see L. Oekono-
mos, La vie religieuse dans !'empire byzantine au temps des Comnenes et des
Anges, Paris 1918, 238-39; the council p. 48-65. The best account of Manuel I
is still that of Chalandon, Comnene, II, 196ff.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
The miniature, bordered by a blue and a red line, shows Manuel
with a dark complexion, arched eyebrows, sharp long nose, thin
lips and a sparse, dark brown moustache and beard7 (Fig. 156). He
wears a semi-spherical crown decorated with a ruby. The aer (Ps.-
Codinus, r41, 4), falling from the back of the crown and visible
behind the prependulia, is dark brown. His skaramangion is dark
purple and his loros is gold with a check pattern, similar to that
worn by his father John II in Urb. gr. 2 (Fig. 46). It is decorated
with red stones in the centre of the squares and blue where the lines
cross. His sceptre also ends in a square subdivided into four, where
each piece is decorated with a blue stone.
Next to Manuel stands the empress Mary, daughter of Raimond
of Poitiers and Constance of Antioch, and his second wife whom
he married on December 25, n61, 8 after the death of the first (n6o),
also a Latin, Bertha von Sulzbach, 9 sister-in-law of Conrad III
(n37-52). She wears a sumptuous crown and a blue-patterned red
dress with wide sleeves. She has a high collar decorated with pearls.
The golden loros and 'thorakion' is enriched with blue and red
precious stones, much larger than those decorating the emperor's
loros. In her left hand she holds a sceptre studded at the top with
red and blue stones. The face of the empress is light rose, in contrast
to the brown complexion of the emperor (Fig. r57). She has well-
arched eyebrows, large dark eyes, a rather long nose, a small well-
shaped mouth and a small chin. The shape of her face is oval and
of Mary comparing her with the blonde and laughter-loving Aphro-
dite, the white-armed and large-eyed Hera and the long-necked
Helena. 10
Mary stands on a purple suppedion, larger than that of the
emperor, and has red shoes. The inscriptions in red around the
7 According to Nicetas Choniates (CSHB), 69, the emperor was tall in
st ature and his complexion was rather swarthy. Eustathios of Thessalonica
(Epitaphios, ed. Th. F. L. Tafel, p . 201) described him as a giant, and he too
mentions his dark complexion.
8 Cinnamus (CSHB), 210-1r.
9
On this empress see Diehl, Figures, II, 17off.
10 Nie. Choniates, 151.
210 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
haloes read: MANOYHA EN XOO I TOO ®W IlICTOC I BA I CI I
A I EI YC IIOP I <l>YPO I rEN I N(HTOC KAI AYTOKPA) TWP
PW I MAIWN I 0 KOMNH I NOC and MAPIA I H I EY I CE 1BE I
CTA I TH l AY I roy I CTA.
We know from literary sources of other representations of this
emperor. A poem devoted to a painting informs us that he was
portrayed in the gateway of a house while crowned by Christ in the
lap of the Virgin. 11 An angel and St. Theodore of Tyre preceded
him, while St. Nicholas protected his back. Another poem12 describes
a painting in the refectory of the Monastery of St. Mocius13 repre-
senting Manuel, his father John, his grand-father Alexius I and
Basil II. There exist other poems referring to similar representations
containing portraits of Manuel. 14 Mary was also portrayed else-
where. Nicetas Choniates told us about the unfortunate fate of a
portrait of hers. The usurper Andronicus I, fearing the impression
made on the spectators upon seeing her most beautiful appearance
that was truly worthy of admiration, repainted her portrait to give
the impression that she was old and shrivelled. 15
VAT. GR. 1851
The illustrated epithalamion, a poem written for the marriage of
a princess, now Vat. gr. 1851 is one of the most precious manuscripts
from the Byzantine era. 16 The order of the eight folios preserved
---'Several more are missing-and the identification of the emperor
and the other figures represented on them, is still in dispute. The
four bifolia, r-8, 2-7, 3-4 and 5-6, are now in the following order:
I 2 3/4 / 5/6 7 8.
Strzygowski described the miniatures and published the text and
a translation of the epithalamion with the help of Lampros. 17 He
11 Codex Marc. gr. 524, f. 36r, ed. by S. Lampros, "Ma:pxtotvoc; xw81!; 524,"
NE, 8 (19n), 43-44. Cf. Grabar, op. cit., 86 n5.
u Lampros, op. cit., 127 (f. 46r). Grabar, op. cit., 29.
is Janin, Eglises, 367ff.
u See Mango, Art. 224ff.
16
Nie. Choniates, 432-33. Cf. Mango, op. cit., 235.
ia Parchment, ff. 8, 22,5 x 17. P. Canart, Codices Vaticani Graeci:Codices
I745-I962, Citta del Vaticano 1970, I , 324-25. Idem, Sussidi, 650.
17
Strzygowski, "Epithalamion," 546-67.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 2II
suggested the following folio order: lacuna, 8 2 / 7 I, lacuna, 3 5 / 6 4.
He also gave the folio order suggested by Lampros : 8 2 / 7 r, lacuna,
3 6 4 lacuna 5; f. z could be placed after f. 7 or after f. r. The folio
order of Lampros is unacceptable, because most of the folios are
treated as singletons. It is obvious that Lampros' suggestions were
based only on the text and that he did not know that the manuscript
was formed of bifolia.
Strzygowski explained the miniature on f. rr (Fig. r64) as showing
a Byzantine emperor receiving a message from a Western king
whose daughter was to marry his porphyrogenitus. The m iniature
on f. zv represents Constantinople (Fig. 160). The miniature on f. zv
(Fig. r6r) depicts the arrival of the messenger by boat and the
handing over of a message to a courtier, who, in his tum, presents
it to the emperor. He gave a symbolic explanation of the miniature
on f. 7v (Fig. 162): in the upper panel are shown the emperor, the
empress and their son, and in the lower the Western king and his
daughter in Byzantine costume. He also considered the possibility
that the figures in the lower section could represent the Byzantine
emperor leading the princess to the palace. In this case, the whole
miniature would represent the impression created by the announce-
ment of the arrival of the princess at Constantinople.
Strzygowski's first explanation that the figure in the lower panel
of the miniature could represent the Western king is unacceptable,
because this figure is identical with that representing the Byzantine
emperor in the upper section and in the miniatures on ff. rr and 2v
(Figs. r61 and r64). His second explanation, in which he identifies
the smaller figure as a princess--as he did in his first-is als() unac-
ceptable. The reason is not so much that the text on the verso of
the miniature does not mention th e arrival of the princess in the
palace-this led him to assign a symbolic value to the miniature-
but principally because the figure behind the emperor is not a
princess, but the son of the emperor, who is also depicted in the
upper zone of this miniature and in the miniature of f. 2v, sitting
next to h is father (Fig. 16r). All these three figures wear similar
crowns, purple robes, loroi, segmenta on the arms, hems and, more-
over, have identical faces and hair. The differences between the two
figures in t his miniature- I refer here to the broader hem and loros
2I2 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
of the upper figure and the round ornament on the chest of the
lower figure-are minimal in comparison with the differences be-
tween the lower figure and the princess who is definitely depicted
later in the codex on ff. 3v and 6r (Figs. r67 and r70). There she is
clad in a dress of different decoration and with wide sleeves, wears
a diadem instead of a crown and has a more rounded face; her eyes
and mouth are smaller and the shape of her hair is again different.
Strzygowski correctly described the miniature on f. 3v (Fig. r67)
as showing the welcome of the princess, the changing of clothing,
and underneath, the ladies paying court. The miniature on f. 6r
{Fig. 170) shows the meeting of the princess and the daughter of
the emperor. He finally identified the Byzantine emperor as
Michael VIII Palaeologus (r26r-82), the prince as his son Andro-
nicus, and the princess with Anna, daughter of Stephen V of
Hungary, or Irene, daughter of William VI of Monferrat. This
identification was accepted by, among others, Diehl, 18 Ebersolt 19
and Gerstinger. 20 Lazarev dated the codex to the beginning of the
14th century and noted that its style is unique. 21
Papademetriou challenged Strzygowski's identification, for
several reasons. 22 The second marriage of Andronicus took place
not in r275, as Strzygowski stated, but in 1285 when his father
Michael VIII was already dead. 23 The father of Irene was not a
king (p1Jy&px"IJi;, f. 2r, v. 2, Fig. r6o), but a marquis. Concerning his
first marriage with Anna in r271, 24 the congratulator (crunocpL&pLo<;)
would arrive by land and not by sea, as the text (f. 2r, vv. 9-ro)
and the miniature make clear. Moreover, Andronicus was not a
porphyrogenitus, as the poem states the prince should be; he was
born in r256, three years before his father ascended the throne in
r259. 26 Papademetriou concluded that the epithalamion was written
is Diehl, Manuel, 789-80.
u Ebersolt, Arts, 126 n7. Idem, Miniature, 59.
20 Gerstinger, Buchmalerei, 37.
11 Lazarev, Storia, 370, 416 n58.
H S. Papademetriou, '"O ~m6oO.ceµ.~oi;; 'Avllpov[KoU B' 't'Oi:i IletA.onoA.6you,"
BZ, I I (1902), 452-60.
2s Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 58.
24 E. de Muralt, Essai de chronographie byzantine. II. ro57-z453, St.
Petersbourg 1871, 424. Papadopulos, op. cit., placed this marriage in 127~·
55 Papadopulos, op. cit., placed the birth of Andronicus in 1259-60 which
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 2I3
for Agnes (Anna), daughter of Louis VII of France, who in n79
at the age of 9, arrived in Constantinople and was betrothed to
Alexius, son of Manuell Comnenus (n43-80), who was at that time
ten years old. 26 He based his conclusion on the following points:
r. The word ~pei:p66ev (f. rv, v. 20, Fig. 165) corresponds well
with the age of the two children.
2. The sea route followed by the congratulator to reach Con-
stantinople is correct if he came from France (through Genova).
3. The seventy relatives of noble descent who were sent by the
emperor to welcome the princess (f. 3r, v. r-8, Fig. r66) are more
reminiscent of the extensive family connexions of Manuel Comnenus;
4. Maria Comnena was a porphyrogenita and the first daughter
(7tpcf>'T"IJ 6uy&'T"!Jp, f. 6v, vv. r4-r5, Fig. r7r) of Manuel by his first
wife Irene. 27 Irene's second daughter died at the age of four. 28
Alexius had only one sister in n79. The poet would have mentioned
any other brothers and sisters of the prince, if they existed, who
naturally would welcome the princess. He, furthermore, found
several resemblances between the epithalamion and the oration of
Eustathius of Thessalonica on the occasion of the arrival of Anna in
Constantinople.29
Papademetriou suggested the following folio order: lacuna,
7 r / 8 2, lacuna, 6 4 / 3 5, lacuna. F. 7r shows a symbolic repre-
sentation (Fig. 162). F. 7v contains the first message of the king
accepting the marriage (Fig. 163). F. rr contains the preparations
for the marriage and the arrival of the second message (Fig. 164).
Fols. rv, 8r and 8v contain the message (Figs. r65, 158-59); F. 2r
the farewell of the princess and the departure of the congratulator
(Fig. 160). The first quire ends with the miniature on f. 2v which
shows the arrival of the messenger in Constantinople (Fig. r6r).
Between the first and the second quire a binio is missing. Then
means that Andronicus was a porphyrogenitus. The epithalamion, however,
mentions only one sister of the prince, while Andronicus had three sisters and
three brothers all of whom, except for one brother, were living in 1273.
26
Alexius was born on September 10, 1169: Chalandon, Comnene, II, 212.
27
Maria was born in 1152: Idem, II, 212.
2s Cinnamus (CSHB), 202, 12.
29
W. Regel-N. Novossadsky, Fontes rerum Byzantinarum, Petropolis
1892, I, 80-92.
214 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
follows the miniature on f. 6r showing the meeting of the two
princesses (Fig. 170). F. 6v describes this meeting which continues
on ff. 4r and 4v (Figs. 172-73). F. 3r describes the meeting with the
relatives of the imperial family, which is shown on f. 3v (Figs. 166-
67) . F. 5r contains the appearance of the princess in front of the
emperor, the description of which the poet hesitates to undertake
(Fig. 168). On f. 5v is written a continuation in a similar manner
and here the second quire ends (Fig. 169). The latter part of the
poem is missing.
Heisenberg accepted the identification of Papademetriou.30 The
miniature on f. 7r represents, he believed, the ceremony of prokypsis,
the description of which has not survived in the text of the epitha-
lamion (Fig. 162). In the lower zone the emperor is depicted, followed
by the bride, while he ascends the stairs to the podium of the
prokypsis. In the upper zone th~ emperor, flanked by the couple,
appears again.
Velmans proposed that the text of the epithalamion dated from
rr8o and that it was composed for the marriage of Agnes of France
and Alexius Comnenus, but the illustrations were executed in the
l4th century. 31 The miniature on f. 7r represents the ceremony of
prokypsis or a similar one. The lower panel represents the emperor
ascending the stairs to the tribune followed by the princess. In the
upper section the same emperor appears flanked by the princess and
the young prince. The small figure is taken to be a courtier.
Belting. noted that some details of the illuminations, such as the
initials, together with the identification of Papademetriou suggest
a date for the epithalamion in the 12th century.32 He perceptively
noted that the princess was not only the addressee of the text, but
also the recipient of the codex. His conclusion was that the epitha-
lamion was an original work and not a copy of an older text. The
representation of f. 7r corresponds neither with the text on the
verso nor with the remaining text and, in his opinion, it is the title
picture to the manuscript, which summarizes the whole poem. The
so Heisenberg, Geschichte, 96.
n Vel.mans, "Portrait," ro2-ro3, fig. 8 (f. 7r).
89 Belting, Buch, 26-29, fig. 18 (f. 7r}.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 215
two zones of the miniature are independent of each other. In the
lower panel the emperor is depicted with the marriage contract in
his hand leading the princess into the palace, denoted by the stairs
and the door. Both figures appear again in the upper section; the
princess can hardly be recognized as she is now shown taller in
stature, standing on a cushion and clad as an empress. She is the
most important figure and the eyes of the emperor and the prince
are turned to her. We see here the ceremony of the prokypsis, which
took place after the coronation of the couple and beforethe marriage,
during which the epithalamion was read by its author.
If we are to accept Belting's interpretation of the miniature, the
Byzantine artist must have been thoroughly inconsequent in repre-
senting the princess first as a minor figure and then on a more
impressive scale. He has made the same mistake as previous
scholars in taking the figure behind the emperor as a princess. I
have already explained why I believe that this figure is the son of
the emperor and not a princess. Perhaps one of the reasons leading
to this misinterpretation is the long plaited hair of the figure.
Similar plaits are, however, seen on the high dignitaries flanking
the emperor on f. 2v (Fig. 161) and this removes any possible ob-
jection to identify this figure with the prince. How the hair of a
princess appeared at that time can be seen in the miniatures on
ff. 3v and 6r (Figs. 167 and 170). The Western princess has a very
long blond plait in both miniatures, reaching almost to the ground.
On f. 6r her plait is decorated with a string of pearls. A similar long
plait, but black, is worn by the Byzantine princess on the latter
folio. When seated she places the plait on the bench beside her.
Belting's remark that the. miniature on f. 7r was a title picture
implies that this folio should be the· first in the codex. He thus
rejected the folio order suggested by Strzygowski and Canart33 (see
hereafter) and accepted that suggested by Papademetriou who,
however, believed that the beginning of the epithalamion is missing~
F. 7v begins indeed with a capital letter, but the first verses imply
that the message of the Western king, accepting the proposal of
the emperor, preceded f. 7. It was apparently these first verses
38 Can art, op. cit., 324.
216 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
which made Strzygowski decide to place this folio in the middle
and not at the beginning of the codex.
Contrary to Belting's opinion that this miniature is not related
to the text, and its characterisation by Strzygowski and Papademe-
triou as symbolic, I should like to observe that this miniature can
be explained by the text on its verso. In this passage (f. 7v, Fig. 163)
there is expressed the joy which the arrival of the message caused
to the ruler, the people, the faithful, the nobles, the relatives, the
senate, etc. This implies that the message was announced to the
people, and this announcement is what the miniature shows. The
emperor with the message in his hand, followed by his porphyro-
genitus, ascends to the balcony. There the emperor stands flanked
by the empress and their son, while the herald announces the
betrothal by reading the message from the Western king. It would
seem strange that, while all the other miniatures are connected with
the text, this alone forms an exception.
-· To judge which of the above suggested identifications for the
figures represented in the epithalamion is correct, and also to explore
if any other candidates can be added, let us first summarize the
facts given by the text and the miniatures: The father of the
princess must be a Western king; he has sent his daughter to be
betrothed to the porphyrogenitus (f. 2r, v. n) of a basileus. The con-
gratulator dispatched by the king arrives to the capital city by sea.
This city must be Constantinople as is shown by the inscription on
the miniature on f. 2r (Fig. 160). The couple are still very young as
we know from the text and the miniatures on ff. 7r, 2v, 3v and 6r
(Figs. 162, 161, 167 and 170). The princess camps on her arrival
outside the walls of the city (f. 6r, v. l) where she is met by h er
future sister-in-law (f. 6v, Fig. 171). The sister of the bridegroom
is also a porphyrogenita (f. 4v, v. 4, Fig. 173); she is moreover the
first daughter of the emperor. The latter is shown in the miniatures
(Figs. 161-62, 164) with a short round beard and a semispherical
crown.
Since a Palaeologan emperor was suggested by Strzygowski, we
must take this dynasty into consideration. We will have, however,
to exclude all Palaeologan emperors as candidates for the emperor
in the epithalamion, because invariably they are all shown with a
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 217
long beard ending in two points, except for Michael IX and Con-
stantine XI, who are shown with a short round beard (Figs. ngi
and l2I). These two emperors must also be excluded, because the
former never reigned as a sole ruler and the latter died childless.
The emperors of the Nicaean empire must also be excluded, because
the miniature on f. 2r shows Constantinople. From the Angeli,
Isaac II (n85-95, 1203-1204) took as his second wife Margaret
(Maria) of Hungary, but his son Alexius IV (1203-1204) was not
married; he had furthermore two daughters. 34 Alexius III (n95-
r203) had three daughters but no sons. During the reign of Andro-
nicus I Comnenus (n83-85) no imperial marriage took place with
any Western princess, except that of the emperor himself with
Agnes of France, who was already in Constantinople after her
marriage to Alexius II. Manuel I Comnenus is a serious candidate,
for the reasons outlined by Papademetriou. In addition, the beard
of the emperor in the epithalamion, short and round, corresponds
to that of Manuel I as shown in Vat. gr. n76 (Figs. 155-56). Similar
also is the beard of John II Comnenus (Figs. 46, 48-49) and this
obliges us to examine his sons' marriages. His first son Alexius, born
in no6, married in II22 a Russian, and not a Western princess.
His second son Andronicus married Irene, known to us through her
commissioning the Manasses chronicle. We have no indication that
she was a Westerner. His fourth son Manuel, the later emperor,
born about n25, married Bertha von Sulzbach in n42. He was
then about eighteen and not a child. As for the t}iird son of John II,
Isaac, we know that he had two children,85 but we do not know
who his wife was. Alexius I must also be excluded as a candidate,
because he had a larger and rather square beard. The emperors
before Alexius I must also be excluded, because the shape of their
crowns was not semi-spherical.
From the above excursus we see that only Isaac, the son of
John II, could eventually emerge as a competitor of Alexius II.
It would be, however, irresponsible to favour him as a candidate on
34
See the genealogical tree of the Angeli dynasty in Brand, Byzantium,
278.
86
Idem, 277, lists five daughters.
218 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
the supposition that his wife might have been a Western princess.
If she indeed was the daughter of a Western king, it is likely that
history would not have remained silent about her marriage. The
analogies between the marriage of Alexius II and the epithalamion
are too many to be considered as accidental, and consequently the
conclusion emerges that Vat. gr. 1851 is not an epithalamion for
Andronicus II, but an epithalamion for Agnes of France.
We have seen above that the opinions of Strzygowski, Lampros
and Papademetriou differ concerning the folio order of the codex.
They were mainly guided by the text of the epithalamion, but it
seems that the text alone was not sufficient to lead them to an
identical folio order. Along with the text, I should like to examine
which of the miniatures and initials left their off-prints on the pages
facing them and together with the folio order suggested by Canart,
who applied the law of Gregory (latus pilosum latus pilosum respicit),
I shall attempt to establish the original folio order of this manu-
script.
The scholars mentioned above, with the exception of Papademe-
triou, favoured the following order for the first quire: 8 2 I 7 I. The
same folio order can also be reached if we examine the off-prints of
the miniatures and the initials. Above the initial Eon f. 8r (Fig. 158)
there are traces of an initial which is not found in the folios we
possess. From the position of these traces we can conclude that
this initial was not on the verso of the lost folio preceding f. 8, but
on its recto. Thus we miss the beginning of the poem, as is also
clear from the text wich does not begin with a capital letter. On
the right upper corner of the same folio there is an off-print of an E
which is also not found in the codex. Since this letter is reversed, it
comes from the verso of the lost preceding folio. It is also visible on
f. 8v (Fig. 159). The II under the reversed E comes from f. 8v. The
reversed E on f. 8v comes from f. 8r. Above it we can distinguish
the horizontal bar of the initial Twhich is written on f. 2r (Fig. 160).
In the right margin of f. 2r we see the off-print of II from 8v. In the
upper left hand corner of f. 2v (Fig. 161) we can distinguish, with
some difficulty, the head and the front foot of the dog forming the
initial U) on f. 7v (Fig. 163), which reached here through f. 7r
(Fig. 162) . To the left of this U) (f. 7v) we see the tail and back feet,
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
and aboye, the front feet and head of the panthers forming the
initial X on f. Iv (Fig. 165), which has passed t hrough f. rr (Fig. 164).
On the left margin of the latter folio we see the traces of a II coming
through the off-print on f. IV. The letter II itself is not present in
the codex, which means that at least one folio is missing after f. I .
The reconstruction of the second quire (ff. 3-4, 5-6), on the basis
of the text, is more difficult than the first. Each scholar suggested
a different folio order. On the right margin of f. 5v (Fig. 169), next
to the miniature, we see the off-print of the zoomorphic initial II on
f. 6r (Fig. 170), along with some spots of red coming from the
miniature of 6r. The off-print of the miniature representing a city
on f. 5v is visible on the lower part of f. 6r. From this we may
conclude that the bifolio 5-6 was in the middle of the second quire.
The initial which left its traces on the upper right corner of f. 5r
(Fig. 168) is not present in the codex. This means that a folio is
missing preceded f. 5 and consequently another folio, the compa-
nion to t he lost folio in front of f. 5, is missing after f. 6. The initial,
obviously an M, which caused the off-print on the upper right
corner of f. 3r (Fig. 166) is also missing. The decision as to whether
f. 3 comes before or after the bifolio 5-6, must be taken with the
help of the text and miniatures. The text on f. 3r describes the
reception of the princess by the court ladies, which is depicted on
f. 3v (Fig. 167). The princess is shown in the upper left corner of
the miniature arriv ing in Western costume and since she wears
Byzantine clothes in the miniature of f. 6r (Fig. 170), f. 3 must be
placed before the bifolio 5-6, and f. 4, the counter folio of f. 3, after
it. Canart applying the law of Gregory, suggested the following
folio order for the codex (X = one missing folio) :
x x 8 2 I 7 l x X, x 3 x 5 I 6 x 4 x.
As regards those folios still preserved, our analysis above suggested
the same folio order. Concerning the missing folios, Canart assumed
t hat each quire consisted of eight folios. The text of the epithala-
mion is now given according to the folio order established above
along with reproductions of all surviving leaves, to allow our pro-
posals to be verified and perhaps clear the way for a fuller under-
standing of the codex.
220 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
Lacuna
F olio 8ro (Fig. 158)
l 8r.ei..oyL~6µ71v xoc6ocu-.6v,
ExotT<X(J.EpL~6µ7jV
xotl. oMve:c; rljv xocp8locv µou
X<X't'S't'pCO'llotV µe:p(µvw'll
5 ocw11:ocp6pwv, cpof3e:pw'11,
µe:yocACOV' ocf3otO"'t'OC"((J)V.
"EAe:yot -rl)v ocvex11:A0Kov,
't'~'ll ocve:KA6-rcu-r6v µou,
TI)V
' e:xw
,, ' oc't'Lot X<XL' '*'UX'rJ",
oµµ
10 OC'llotmo-fiv, xotp8(ocv,
crOO''t"otCfLV, 7totp7j"(6p7jfLOt,
7tOVOXOCTotAUO"(ocv'
TWV o8uvwv µou xouqm;µ.6v,
btotU~'YJO'LV ~<01jc:; µou
15 XotL 'Tljc:; moljc:; µou O'UCJ't'otGLV
1t'wc; v<X -rl)v ~~rni..e~<0,
n:wc; voc ~7topfocu O'TEP'YJO"LV
v<X ~acu -rljc; 6uyoc'Tp6c:; µou,
11:wc; v<X ~rrn pfow 11:Lxp occrµov
20 'TOO'OU't'OV 'llcX U7tO!J.dVW,
Folio 8vo (Fig. 159)
11:&c; ·d-rLocv &vu7t6<popov
I
68UV1Jv voc f3occr..oc~w ;
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xotl. µ-Ji 8e rnLx_&LpW 't'O.
5 Il&ALV 8e 11:poc:; -ro µeye6oc:;,
µovocpx_oc, -rijc; OCpx_=tjc:; O'OU,
-ro cpof3e:pov ..ou xpoc-.ouc:; crou,
'TWV epy(J)V O'OU rljv 86~ocv
xotl -rov Aotµ7tpov -rou 6p6'11ou crou
IO -ro'll 'llouv µou µe:-.occr-rpe<po'll,
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 221
-.a Tiic:; ypot<pljc:; oux ~ee:A«
11:ocrwc:; voc 7totpotxo6cm1.
xotl Eaoo T'1jv 6uyot-repot µou
T'1jv ocve:xJ..u-rw-r6v µou,
15 vuµcp'Y)v xpot..ocpxw 11:eµ7tco ere:
rljv 11:e:pm661J-r6v µou
6ocppfilv <5-n OCAAOV 8e:U..e:pov
7t'ot..£pot vQ: "('llCUp(O'lj,
-rov µeyocv otUTOXp1X't°opot
20 XOCL 7t'&V6epOV foe'llotV.
Folio 2ro (Fig. 160)
,
l T otU'Tot o fLE"(otAoMvocµoc:;
xotl cpof3e:poc:; p1Jyocpx1Jc:;,
0 croc:; 8e:cr7t'6TI)c:; xotl n:ot'T-fip'
µ.e-r<X 11:0Uwv 8ocxpuc.:iv,
5 -rw cpof3e:pfil 8e:cr7t'6'T'r) µou,
,..(;) fjotcrLAe~ pCU!J.OCLCUV,
!J.7jVOO'otc;, XOt'TE<pLA'1J0'€'11
xocl cX7t€XotLpS't°LO'kv O'E,
XotL eu6uc:; 6ocf..occrcroxouv'Toupov
10 µe:'TcX cruyx.ocp Lotp (ou
7tpoc; -rov 11:opcpupoyew1J-rov
µe:-rcX cr7t'ou81jc:; Ex7t'S!J.Tm.
Miniature
Folio zvo Miniature (Fig. rfo)
Folio 7ro Miniature (Fig. 162)
Folio 7VO (Fig. 163)
I •nc:; 8e -ro -r£-rLov µ~vuµocv
~f..6e:v de; -rov xpot't'OU'll't'ot,
-r(c:; 'Tljc; Xotp8Liic:; 't'OU T~V Xotpocv
222 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 223

t I .... ) ........
va lcrxocni xoc-roU..e~etv, 5 U7tEp'te:pe: 'rltlV e:v 't'l) Y'Yj
5 -rte; 't'OU AOCOU 't'~\/ xocpµov~v 7tcXV't'WV OCU't'OXpot't'6 pWv,
\ ..... .... ,
XOCt 't'(l)\/ 7tt0"'t'(l)V 't'OU 7tOCV't"ltlV
I OC7t0 't'OU VU\/ 't'~V ~0e:)..e:c;
-r&'V euyevwv, -rwv cruyyevwv, XOd OpE'(OU VcX xe:p8~cr'Yjc;
't'C...llV OCV(J)\ -
,, Xott 't'Cll\/ XOC'' t'(l) / I < I
vuµ<p'1)V wpoct<Xv, 7tocve:uyevov,
I

't'WV Tijc; cruyxf..~'t'OU 7t0AL't'WV, IO Tijc; Mcre:wc; -rljv xoU..1..lcxv,

IO -rwv fo<il xocl -r&v l~w. -r~v 86~<Xv rijc; <Xvoc-ro/..7ji;
cX7tAwc; EL7te:i:v we; &v XO\/TW x<Xl. 7toccr11c; olxouµev'1)c;,
xod 6lc; EV o/..lyCJ.> A6yw, voc ~v rn7jc; µe:-roc S(e:o)v
oc7to -rov oc1hoxpoc"C'opoc de; o/..tycXc; i)µepocc;,
xocl. µexpt "C'OU -rux6V't"oc;, IS xoct 7tocv-roc -roc -rijc; \mocvrijc;
r5 e:tc; crxtpnicrµoc; xoct xpe:µoccrµoc; &i; lvoct 1)-rotµoccrµev<X.
xocl. &:7to~o/..~ xocp8(occ; -.ov 8£ 7top<pupoyevvri-.ov
-ro µ~vuµa. E-yeve:-rov -.ov oco6e:V't"67toU)..6v µou
de; &7ta.v-ra.c; hdvwv. crunoclpoµoct l:S·n '1JU-.ux_l)crev
~'t"OV f.xdvl) ~ xocpµov~ 20 xcd &xep811cre:v ~pe:cp66e:v
20 xocl xpe:µoccrµoc; e:tc; 7tocv-rocc;.
Lacuna
Folio rro (Fig. r64)
Folio 3ro (Fig. 166)
I o
Kocl. -roc -rou yciµou ~occ:n)..e:1'.11:;
'YJV-rpem~e:v we; &µa., r Me:-r<X 8e -roo-.ouc; l7teµ~e:v
xocl. m~l..tv &!..Ao µ~vuµocv 7toccrocc; -rou cruyye:vl8occ;,
' "C'ouc;
e:x \ '
<X7tOO"ltlO"' ' (JOU
t"OCc; µexpt -rwv e~8oµ~xwroc
5 -r& ~a.crt/..e:"L xoc-.e)..a.~e:v xocl hexe:tvoc voµl~ltl,
yeµov xocpocv µe:ycXA'Y)V. 5 voc ~voct xoctcrcipc.uv &7toccroct
-rou 8E xpucroµ'Y)vuµoc-roc; xoct\ cre:~occr-roxp<X-ropwv
A I

"1jmxv ot t..6yot -roihot. cr't'E<p'1)<popouv-rc.uv 8e:crno-.&v,

7top<pupocv6&v 7tocta£oc.
Miniature xocl. µlocv oc7to -rocc; 7tp6xpe:t'tocc;
IO de; ~v t0cippe:t 7tASoV,
Folio Ivo (Fig. r65) 7t<Xp~yye:t/..e:v a ~oc1nl..e:uc;
-rouc; 6)..ouc; va 7tpo:M~11
I X<Xlpou rijc; pwµl)c; ~<XcrLl..eu, xocl. µ6\1'1) &xdvl) voc ere t81j
&~-re µovcipxoc, 8txoc£w -roi3 YVYJcrtc.u-repCi.>c;
-rwv &v -r& x6crµCJ.> 8uvcxO"t'wV rs xocl. voc aE &t..Aoc~'1J pc.uµoctx6v,
&.cruyxp11-re: -.&v i:St..ltlv, 8e:crnotvtxov tµoc-rtv,
224 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
xoct 7tcXcrocv &_").)..Yjv x6crµYjcrLV
&:pµo~ouaocv ocuyoua-.octc;,
xocl oiSTc.>c; VcX O'C rnouv &7totV-re:c;
20 xoc1 v..X a& 7tpoaxuv-fiaouv.
Folio 3vo Miniature (Fig. I67)
Lacuna
Folio sro (Fig. r68)
I
xocl XcXflt'TCXV ocvexcppOCO''°'OV
X<XL E~e:tpYjµeV'Y)V '°'epljJtV.
Koci -rocu-roc fLEV -rwv cruyye:vwv
xoct -rwv cruyye:vta&v aou,
S -rwv e:uye:vwv tjc; xwpocc; crou,
7tcXV't'C.UV 'TWV µe."(tO''tOCVW\I,
ohtve:c; µe:-rcX. xocpµov!fic;
7t60'Y)c;; dm:rv oux ex.w
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- , ,
IO 'tC.U xpoc-re:t O"OU 7tpe:7tOUO''YJ<;,
7tpoc;; -rov ocuaovoxpchopoc
auvI A,
crot' XOC'tOCAOCµl-"ocvouv.
..
h 'tOCU't'Y)c;; 8E: "!fie; 07tocvT1jc;;,
't"Yj<; cpo~e:piic;, we; o!µoct,
IS TYic;; &.ve:xcppoccr-rou xocl cpptx't-rjc;;,
de;; 07tocvTI)v hepocv,
cpo~e:po"t'epocv epxoµoct
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x<Xl 'tpeµw µ~ &x To &.vexcppoccr'tov
20 tjc;; 07tocv'T-rjc; exe:rvo,
Folio 5vo (Fig. I69)
I pocy-Yj ~ xocp8(oc µou xocl 0'7tota6Yj,
xocl &µoc <moca61j &.7t' eµevocv,
~ •tfao"t'e: EX "a em~auvoc
ye:vlj µe:-.<X µe:y&.1.oc.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 225
S 'A").).' oµcuc; xocv xoct x(vauvoc;
7to").)..oc &.7to -rooc; µe:y<XJ.ouc;,
x&v 0cfw~-.oc; &7twauvoc;
µ& 7rp6xe:t-roct &.7to -.ou-rou,
xcxt &.7tocpoctT~-rwc; &x 7tCXVToc;
IO XcXVc.>µoct &.7to 'rOU xoaµou,
'rOAfL~O"e:tv 0eA<U, cxuyoucr-roc µou,
\ - ,... I
'rCX TY)c; Ttµ Y) c;; O'OU 7t0CV't"OC,
x&v e:t Tt 0eJ.Yj µe: cruµ~-rjv,
x.oc-...X J.e:u-rov vO: ypoclj;<U.
Miniature
Folio 6ro (Fig. I70) Miniature
I llAYjcr(ov 't'OU 'to(x.ouc; e~c.u0e:v
tjc;; 7t6J.e:<Uc;; tjc;; µe:yocl.Yjc;;,
"t'OU x&.cr-rpou Tou m:ptcpocvouc;;
'T-rjc;; x.wpocc;; -.&v pcuµoc(cuv,
Folio 6vo (Fig. I7I)
I ~ µii.J./..ov 'tWV 07t' oupocvov
OC7tOCV'tc.u\I -rou xoc").)..(ou,
'tOU µ~ fLE:'TcX -rtvoc; 7toawc;;
cruyxp L'JOµtVQI) XcXtr-rpOUI
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XOC't'lX e:r 't'L &v &~7t'YJ<; 7tpiiy(!ot,
,
e:tc; ~
o(\ µe:-roc\ .,,v ocuptov
d
-.& ~occrtA.e:r pcuµcx(wv,
-.ov µ£ycxv cx1hoxp1hopoc
IO xocl 7te:V0e:p6v O'OU ocuyoucrTot,
µe:-.0: 7to").)..-rjc;; 1.ocµ7tp6T"Y)-roc;;
VcX t8-Yjc;; XOC't'C:O'X&Uctcr6'Y),
e~e~'1l" ~ &.v8poc8eA.cplJ aou,
Tou ~ocatMcuc;; ~ 7tpWT1j
· IS 6uyoc't'Tjp xoct ~ocatf..taaoc,
226 VARIOUS MANUSCRiaTS
VtX cre (;UVot7totV't"fi<J'1/
xotl 8ou).ixwc; Tw xp<he:t crou
Xott\ otU't'
, .l. ' ,
'l Vot 1t'pocrxUV'1/t:r'Y/·
(M)e:'t"tl 8e 7tolotc; ).ocµ7tp6ni-roc;.
20 XOCL 7t'O't'ot7t'i)c; e#~'Y/V
Lacuna
Folio 4ro (Fig. 172)
l 'E~e~'Y]V vo:l. Xotl. "fivcii0'Y]V cre:
xocl. 7tpocre:xuv'Y]crev ere:,
Xotl. 0 ~Ae7tCilV VcX c:tae:v ~V(J}O"LV
&cr-.epcuv Mo µe:y&./..(J}v
S 8'Y]"Aoucro:v x60"µou &v&.7to:umv
xod 7tAot-r:ucrµov pco µo:Lcuv.
't'cX 8e 1foTpOC 00X ~O'otV OC\j!UXIX,
O'UV~0'Y] oUpotvoap6µo:,
oc).).oc -roc e:uye:v txw-re:poc
10 xocl. -.oc xoc)./..(oc -rou x6aµou,
TOC xpe:['t"TOVIX xccl e7t'e)(e:LVot
O'CUµOCT(J}V y~c; &7t0Ct:r'YI<;·
cr&iµ.oc-.oc -.oc &xoc/../\wmo:e:\I
"fi qiuatc:; tl7tep (j)Ucrtv,
15 &qi' 6.iv -.o µ.ev -.'Yjc; Mcre:cuc;
~TOV "fi a6~oc 7t'OCt:r'Y/c;,
TO crov oce:p oxpua't'OCALVOV'
eµ\jluxc.uµevo\I crwµoc.
TO 8e &).).o TO xocl. aeu-re:pov,
20 &c; 7t'poc; TO crov' oti'>yoomoc,
Folio 4vo (Fig. 173)
l TO oux gxcuv 5A(J}<; cruyxptcrLV
µe TO e8tx6v O'OU x&.).).oc:;,
.JjTOV -.'i)c:; ocv8p~8eA.rp1J<; crou
-.'Yj~ 'Tt'opqiupoye:w~Tou.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 227
5 xocl. -re).oc; 7t&.).iv g).oc~e:v
OCAAO de; foev, ocuyoocr't"ot,
TO 0uyoc-repe:c; ev tj cr'Yj
Ttµ-Yj xotl. 7t'ocpoucrlot
7topqmpo~).&.cr-rcuv 8uvoccr't"wv,
IO µe:y&.Awv ~otcrLAeCUV.
xocl. -rtl µev µexpi xo:l. -rou vuv
&c; ~8uv&.µ'1/v e:faov.
Toc ae µe:Tt3: TYjv cr~µe:pov
xocl Ta µe:Toc TYJV f}.).).'1/v,
15 TcX µe:-r' ExdV'Y)V µ&.ALO"TOC,
vo:[' xotl. TOC µe:TOC TotUTot,
ocvLo-Topw xocL ocvLo-Topwv
&µ-t)XotVW xoc06A.ou
7t'wc:; TcX xot66"Aou &vexqipoccr-.o: .
20 yvwcrL<; eµYj XotL y).wucrOC
Lacuna
Thus, the beginning of the epithalamion is missing. F. 8r (Fig. 158)
sets forth the letter of the Western king to the emperor. He ex-
pr~sses his grief at the thought that he will lose his daughter.
Nevertheless, on f. 8v (Fig. 159), he accepts the request of the
emperor, whose power he praises, and decides to send him his
daughter.
On·f. 2r (Fig. 160) the poet addresses the princess from whom
her father sadly parts. The king sent a congratulator by sea to the
porphyrogenitus. The miniature on the lower part of this folio shows
the walls of a city wich is surrounded by the sea. In the middle of
the city a large church is visible. The inscription in red denoting the
name of the city is partially flaked. Strzygowski thought that the
first word reads KAT', but more probably we see here an CJ) and
a c;; the second word reads I;IIIOAIC, forming Kro(N)CT(ANTI-
N)OYIIOAIC or K(J)(N)CT(ANTINOY) H IIOAIC.
The miniature on f. zv shows the arrival of the congratulator by
the emperor and must be read from the bottom upwards (Fig. 161) .
A ship speeds over a blue sea with waves shown by white strokes.
228 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
Six persons are sitting in her, of whom three are clad in red and
three in green costume. The congratulator in red disembarks with
the help of a figure whose head is flaked. In the middle zone of the
miniature he kneels in front of a male figure, clad in purple garments
with yellow decoration, a white headdress and red beard, to whom
he hands the message from the king. In the upper zone the message
is presented to the enthroned emperor. To the left his son is seated,
a beardless boy with long hair, purple robe and gold loros. Next to
him a man is standing dressed in green with a white triangular
headdress with two gold stripes. Behind him another figure in
purple is partially visible. To the right, four high dignitaries with
similar triangular headdresses are standing. The first is higher in
rank than the others in this group, since he has two gold stripes
on his headdress and holds a red staff. All the courtiers have long
hair. The headdress of four other officials appear above those of
the first row.
In the opposite miniature, on f. 7r (Fig. 162), the emperor with
the message from the king in his hand ascends the stairs, followed
by his son who is holding a sceptre. On the upper part we see the
emperor, flanked by the prince and the empress standing on red
suppedia. A herald, depicted much smaller than the imperial
family, reads the message to the people announcing the betrothal
of the young prince. The text of f. 7v (Fig. 163) describes the joy
of the emperor, the court and the people, caused by the arrival of
this message.
On f. rr (Fig. 164) the arrival of another message is announced,
while the ·emperor is making preparations for the marriage. The
miniature below the text depicts the arrival of a messenger who
gives the message to the enthroned emperor. The first high dignitary
on the right must represent the protospatharios, who held the sword
of the emperor. F . rv (Fig. 165) contains the text of the message
in which the princess announces her arrival in a . few days and
congratulates the porphyrogenitus. The continuation of the message
is missing.
From the first words of f. 3r (Fig. 166) we may assume that the
missing text had described the arrival of the princess and her recep-
tion by a delegation from the emperor. After this, more than seventy
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 229
prominent ladies were sent to the princess. One of them hastened
ahead to supply the princess with a Byzantine costume, suited to
an augusta, in which she could be seen and greeted by the court
ladies.
The miniature on f. 3v (Fig. 167) shows in the upper left corner
the arrival of the princess clad in red and gold. She has a round face
and a long blond plait. Her eyes are shown by two black dots.
Behind her is a group of Western court ladies with covered heads,
and in front a group of Byzantine court ladies. They all have purple
robes with wide sleeves and large fan-shaped headdresses with gold
stripes. In the upper right hand corner the princess is clothed in
Byzantine costume, a purple robe with rich gold decoration in
which we can distinguish a bird. In the middle of the miniature is
shown a bridge with statues and crosses. The landscape and houses
are painted in an impr-essionistic manner recalling the harbour
views of Pompeian wall-paintings. The lower zone of the miniature
shows, in accordance with the text, the enthroned princess flanked
by these ladies paying her court. After f. 3, one folio is missing.
On f. 5r-v (Figs. 168-69) the poet announces with emotion the
description of another meeting for the princess, more important
than that with the court ladies. On the lower part off. 5v is depicted
a city surrounded on three sides by the sea. In the center of the
city a church is shown with a large blue cupola flanked by two
smaller ones similar to those of St. Sophia in Constantinople.
F. 6r-v (Figs. 170-71) begins with the description of the second
meeting. The daughter of the emperor came out to the city walls
where the princess was encamped. The poet praises the city which
the princes would be able to see next day when she meets her
father-in-law, the emperor. The text abruptly ends here, when the
poet begins to describe the splendour with which the Byzantine
princess came out from the city. This description continued in the
missing folio after f. 6.
F. 4r-v (Figs. IJ2-73) describes the meeting of the princess with
the daughter of the emperor. They are compared to two stars, not
lifeless stars in the sky, but having extreme earthly beauty, one
coming from the West and the other from the East. The princess
is praised as being the more beautiful. The meeting of the two
230 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
princesses had already been depicted on f. 6r (Fig. 170). The setting
consists of a red tent with gold decoration, of which the ropes
continue onto the margin. In the upper part is the meeting repre-
sented. H ere we see again the princess with her round face and a
diadem consisting of one row of pearls with a blue stone in the
middle, as on f. 3v (Fig. 167). The emperor's daughter has a larger
face, a heavier crown with three blue stones, and black hair forming
a plait reaching almost to the ground. In the lower left corner the
two princesses are depicted seated on a bench, while on the right
we see three court ladies in attendance.
I should like finally to devote some time to the costume of the
figures of the epithalamion, since Ebersolt rejected Papademetriou's
identification by stating that the costume was of the Palaeologan
era. 36 Let us examine if it also accords with a 12th century date.
We have already seen that the round crown was worn in the l2th
century. The T-shaped loros had already appeared in the nth
century, as we see it worn by Constantine IX (ro42-55) on the
Crown of Budapest. 37 The high collar of the empress in the epi-
thalamio,n (Fig. 162) can also be seen in Vat. gr. n76 in which the
same empress Mary of Antioch is depicted (Fig. r55). The robes
with wide sleeves and the fan-shaped headdresses of the court
ladies (Figs. 167, 170) are also worn by the dancing Hebrew women
in the Psalter Vat. gr. 752, f. 449v, dated to 1059.38 The triangular
headdress of the high dignitaries (Figs. 161, 164) appears also in
the same codex; it is worn by Uriah in the miniatures on ff. 9ov
and l63r. 39 Thus, the costumes pose no problems in dating Vat.
gr. 1851 to rr79 AD.
PANTOKRATOR 234
The Codex Pantokrator 234 on Mt. Athas contains the Four
se Ebersolt, Arls, r26 n7.
37 Wessel, Emailkunst, pl. 32b.
as E. de Wald, The Illustrations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint.
Vol. III. P salms and Odes. Part 2: Vaticanus Graecus 752, Princeton 1942,
41, pl. LIV.
39 Idem, 17, 21, pls. XXIV, XXX.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 231
Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the Epistles and Psalms, the
Homilies of St. Gregory Nazianzenus, the works of St. John of
Damascus, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, the epistles of various Church
Fathers and even imperial novellae and nearai. 40 Along with these,
there is a poem by Michael Psellus addressed to the emperor
Michael VII Ducas (1071-78) .
The manuscript is decorated with r9 fine miniatures rather small
in size,41 and preceded by five full page Canon Tables42 (ff. 5v-7v).
Of great interest are the miniatures of the Evangelist s (Mt 9r,
Mk 23v, Lk 3u, Jo 43r), because of their iconography and shape.
They are broader than they are long and their rich backgrounds,
with elaborate edifices and even gardens,43 is more sumptuous than
usual. I n addition, a second figure accompanies each Evangelist. 44
The tiny figures, e.g., James (83v) and Jude (88r) are similar to
t hose in the Codex W 533 (olim Iviron 24) of the Walters Art
Gallery in Baltimore. 45 The manuscripts nos 7, 15 and 93 in the
National Library o.f Athens belong to the same group.46 Demus has
•0 Parchment, ff. 547, 16,5 X II,5. Lampros, Catalogue, I, II2-1 3. Exhibi-
tion Athens, no. 727.
41 The miniatures, except that representing Psellus (Lampros, L eukoma,
pl. 62), have not yet been p ublished. My study was based on the photo-
graphs in the .collection of Prof. K. Weit zmann.
42 The Canon Tables belonged,. according to Exhibition Athens, no. 727, to
a tenth-century manuscript.
43 . Another manuscrip t showing gardens in the .a rchitectural background
t o the Evangelists, although less rich than in the Pantokrator 234, is the
manuscript M 639 in the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York, executed
towards 1100 and published by K. Weitzma nn, "The Constantinopolitan
Lectionary, Morgan 639," Studies in Art and L iterature for Belle da Costa
Greene, Princeton 1954, 358-73, figs. 290-330, esp. p. 361. figs. 309-10. On
this manuscript see also Exhi'bition Princeton, no. 28, with further biblio-
graphy.
" On miniatures showing the Evangelists accompanied by another
figure see Weitzmann-Fiedler, "Begleitfiguren," and K. Weitzmann, "An
Illustrated Greek New Testament of the Tenth Century in the Walters Art
Gapery," Gatherings in H onor of D. E. Miner, Baltimore 1974, 19-38, esp.
25 n27.
45 S. Der Nersessian, "The Praxapostolos of the Walters. Art Gallery,"
Gatherings, op. cit., 39-50.
48 A. Delatte, Les manuscrits a miniatures et a ornements des Bibliotheques
d'Athenes, Liege-Paris 1926, 37ff., 75ff., 82ff. Exhibition Athens, n os. 284-85,
317, with further bibliography. L azarev, Storia, 21~, 260 nr29.
232 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
dated the three Athens manuscripts to the end of the r2th century.47
Many of the works in Pantokrator 234 are prefaced by the portrait
of their author, i.e., the Evangelists, St. Paul, Jude, St. Athanasius.
The verses of Psellus with the title 1tpo<; ..ov ~cxcn:Aecx xup MLxcx~A. -rov
Aouxcx [xcxl.] 1t'epl. -rou CSpou Tij<; 7tLa-re:wi;48 are no exception (f. 254a).
Psellus is shown as a white-bearded monk addressing the young
emperor Michael VII with outstretched hands (Fig. 174). The
latter is drawn in black and red brush strokes on a gold background,
gesturing with his right hand and holding a sceptre in his left.
The inscriptions are largely effaced, but the names of the two
figures can still be read: O 'YEAIOC, MX (MIXAHA) I 0 AO Y (KAC).
Although Psellus is shown here with a strongly individual and
expressive face, it is difficult to say whether we are confronted with
a genuine likeness of the great Byzantine scholar. Undoubtedly
there must have existed contemporary portraits decorating his
works. This one is probably a copy of such a portrait. The tiny
dimensions of the portrait-the whole figure measures less than
3 cm-and its execution approximately a century after his death
reduce the likelihood of it presenting a genuine likeness. On the
other hand we should not discount the fact that the Byzantine
artist was quite skilled in executing minute portraits with great
success and that the illustrator here wished to give a genuine
likeness of Psellus. We could say in conclusion, that perhaps the
outlines and the most striking features of Psellus, such as the
hawk nose and severe features, are reproduced in this portrait. Less
can be said about the portrait of Michael except that his age is in
full accordance with the picture.
47
Demus, Sicily, 434-35.
'8 On Michael Psellus see the introduction in Sathas, Bibliotheca., V.
P. Joannou, "Psellus et le monastere ta narsou," BZ, 44 (1951), 283-go.
Hussey, "Psellus". On the date of his death see D. I. Polemis, "Notes on
the Eleventh-Century Chronology," BZ, 58 (1965), 60~76, esp. 73-75.
Gautier, "Monodie," 164 (1078 AD). For further bibliography see M. E.
Colonna, Gli sto-rici bizantini dal IV al XV secolo, Napoli 1956, I, I 13ff.
The text of the Pantokrator manuscript is published under the title, -rOii
7t'otvvm:p-r&-rou qn/..oa6qiou xuptou MtxccTj).. -rou 'Ye:J../..ou o-rtxot 7t'OAtT,JGol 1t'po~ -rov
~ot!J,ASIX x,Sp,ov Mt:x,a:Tj).. Tov ilouxccv 7tEpl 86yµcc-ro~ in PG, 122, 8u-17 (I owe
this information to Dr. L. G. Westerink, Buffalo, N.Y.).
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 233
PAR. SUPPL. GR. 309
The emperor Manuel II Palaeologus (r39r-1425) is depicted as
author on p. VI in the Codex Par. Suppl. gr. 309,49 which contains
his funeral oration50 on the death of his brother Theodore, despot
of the Morea51 (r384-r407). Manuel was a prominent theologian and
aside from his theological works, which he began when at the
Turkish court, he wrote several letters and rhetorical works.s2
He is depicted here standing on a red suppedion decorated with
golden bands and eagles53 (Fig. r75). His stemma is gold as are his
loros and the segmenta on the purple sakkos, the colour of which
seems to have been painted over at a later date. His akakia54 and
the lining of the loros are of the same red as the suppedion. His face
is painted in a rather flat style in a rose colour with white highlights
on the cheek-bones and above the eyebrows; his distinct features
are shown very well on this portrait (Fig. 176). If we compare this
portrait with the best preserved portrait of Manuel, that in the
Louvre (Fig. 94), we see that in both portraits he has well-arched
eyebrows, blue eyes, a long nose and a long beard ending in two
points. His beard is grey with white lines and corresponds well with
'9 Parchment, ff. VI+49, 24,5 x 16,5. H. Omont, lnven taire sommaire des
manuscrits du supplement grec de la Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris 1883, 38.
Bordier, Description, 281-82. Heisenb erg, Geschichte, 27ff. Exhibition Paris,
no. 52.
60
PG, CLVI, 181-307. S. Lampros, Ilcc/..cctoA6yEtlX xccl Ile:/..07t0Wl)otccxi:i,
Athens 1912-30, III, 11-u9. On the date of this epitaphios see Barker ,
Manuel II, 525ff.
n Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 85.
52
Krumbacher, Geschichte, 489ff. Beck, Kirche, 747f. Barker, op. cit., 395ff,
579, with an index of the literary works of the emperor.
63
Lampros, Leukoma, pl. 85 (colour). Velmans, "Portrait," 100, fig. 5.
Belting, Buch, 52, 76, n256. For other portraits of Manuel II by Western
artist$. for example, on the gold medallions of Constantine the Great and
H eraclius (Paris, Cabinet des Medailles), in the manuscript Les T'l'es Riches
Heu'l'es du Due de Berry, ff. 51v-52r (Ch antilly, Musee Conde) and in Grandes
Chroniques de France, Par. fr. 6465, ff. 444r-v, 446r, see Marinesco, "Deux
empereurs", 29f. and Barker, op. cit., 534-39, with bibliography.
54
Barker, op. cit., 533-34, frontispiece, erroneously thought that even in
the Palaeologan era the emperor was shown holding "the trad itional mappa,
the red napkin or cloth used to signal the beginning of races and games in
the Hippodrome."
234 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
the age of the emperor who was fifty when he wrote this funeral
oration. The beard of the emperor in the Louvre manuscript, finished
when he was five years younger, is a little darker.
PAR. GR. I783
The Codex Par. gr. r78355 contains the Patria Konstantinopoleos
(f. r), a brief chronicle from the time of Julius Caesar to Michael
VIII by an anonymous writer (f. 67v), a list of imperial tombs in
the SS. Apostoli in Constantinople and various monasteries56 (f. 69v),
a list of the officia in the Byzantine court57 (f. 96r) and a list of
Constantinopolitan Patriarchs (f. 97r) ending with Joseph II58
(1416-39) which provides us with , a terminus post quem for the
execution of the manuscript. A mediocre drawing on the upper part
of f. rr shows the busts of Constantine and Helena.
The bust of the Patriarch Joseph is drawn in pen on f. 98v59
(Fig. 177). He is shown as an aged man with wide nostrils, a thick
moustache and an enormous beard ending in two points. Under it
appear two crosses which decorate his omophorion. The nimbus is
edged with an S-like design. The drawing is unique; its fluency, the
detail of the face and the caricatural way it exaggerates the feature
of the Patriarch, have no parallel in Byzantine art. Therefore, it
may have been made by an Italian artist or by a Greek working
under strong Western influence.
The main facial features of Joseph in this drawing are in accord-
ance with those in his portraits above his tomb in S. Maria Novella
65 Paper, ff. 98, 2-i x 14. Omont, Inventaire, 142. Bordier, Description,
267.
H A. Maricq, "Notes philologiques," Byz, 22 (1952), 357-72, esp. 370.
Ph. Grierson, "The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-rn42),
DOP, 16 (1962}, 3-60, esp . 8.
51 The list is published by Verpeaux, Ps.-Codinus, 303-306.
68 On this Patriarch see V. Laurent, "Les origines princieres du patriarche
de Constantinople Joseph II," REB, 13 (1955), 131-34. G. Jill, "Joseph II,
Patriarch of Constantinople," OCP, zr (1955), 79-101. I. Dujcev, "Apropos
de la biographie de Joseph II Patriarche de Constantinople," REE, 19
(1961}, 333-39, with further bibliography.
n Lampros, "Etx6ve<;," 407-408. Grabar, Miniatures, pl. 66. Ch. Delvoye,
L'art byzantin, "Paris 1967, ill. 207.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 235
in Florence60 and in the representation of the miracle of St . Ber-
nardin in the Pinacoteca Vannucci of Perugia, a work attributed to
Fiorenzo di Lorenzo. 61 Joseph was a fervent supporter of the Union
of the Churches, but died at about 80 years of age before being able
to sign the tomos of the Council of Florence. He was held in high
estimation by the Latins, and was buried in the same church where
the Pope had his residence. Some drawings by Pisanello made during
the stay of the Greek delegates in Italy probably show the Patri-
arch.62
A paper sheet smaller and thinner than the other folios in the
codex is inserted between f. l and 2. On it are drawn three Palaeo-
logan portraits who are named in the inscriptions63 (Fig. 178). They
are John VII (1390), his uncle Manuel II (1391-1425) and the son
of the latter John VIII (1425-28). There is a stylistic similarity
between this drawing and those in the Modena manuscript (Figs.
l2Ie-g) . Furthermore, some of the features of the emperors are
common in both manuscripts. All three have beards ending in two
points. John VII has a thin moustache in both manuscripts, Manuel
has bushy eyebrows and a long white beard and John VIII a bent
nose. In the drawing in the Paris manuscript a later hand has made
some unfortunate additions, such as the hands and crosses. Barker
thought that the portrait on the left shows the father of Manuel,
John V. 64 The latter is, however, shown in the Mutinensis (Fig. 121c)
as an elderly man. Schlumberger identified these three portraits as
Manuel II and two of his sons. 65 Manuel had, however, only one
son with the name of John.
so A. Munoz, "La tomba e il ritratto del patriarca di Costantinopoli,"
Rivista d'Arte, 6 (J909), n5-r9. Cf. also Belting, Buch, 93 n3o8a.
61 J oseph is portrayed here next to the emperor John VIII. For a detail
see Les 'Memoires' du Grand Eccltfsiarque de l'Eglise de Constantinople Syl-
vestre Syropoulos sur le concile de Florence ( r438-39} , ed. V. Laurent, Paris
197J, fig. 4·
• 82 Louvre, no. M.I. rn6z and Chicago, The Art Institute: Les dessins de
Pisanello et de son ecole conserves au Musee du Louvre.a Paris J9II-I3, I,
pl. 71; M. Fossi-Todorow, I disegni del PisaneUo e delta sua cerchia, Firenze
1966, 8of., pls. LXIX-LXX, with further bibliography.
63 Lampros, op. cit., 385£., pl. Z'. Idem, Leukoma, pl. 86.
64 Barker, Manuel II, 532, fig. 32.
' 5 G. Schlumberger, "Un empereur de Byzance a Paris et a Landres," in
Byzance et les croisades, Paris 1927, 145-46, pl. VI.
 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
PAR. SUPPL. GR. n88
The Codex Par. SuppL gr. n88 contains the orations on friend-
ship, vituperation and envy of Michael Psellus (?) addressed to
an emperor (ff. I-3 and 6-r4v), the compositio salsi intinctus of
St. Luke, xocpx(vot a-rtxot, versified aenigmata and fragments of
fabulous chronicles (inserted ff. 4-5v), all in different hands of the
15th century. 66
On f. 4v a pen drawing represents emperor John VIII Palaeologus
(1425-48), as is indicated by the inscription 'lc.>&.vvl]c; ~ocatAeuc; xocl
ocu-roxpa:TC.Ofl pc.oµoc(c.ov o 7tOCAOCtoA6yoc; (Fig. 179). He is shown with a
lean face, thin eyebrows, almond-shaped eyes, a long curved sharp
nose, small lips and the long beard with two points, typical of the
Palaeologi. The stemma is richly decorated with precious stones in
a rose colour which is also used for the prependulia and on the nose
and cheeks. Showing through the text, which was written after
the execution of the portrait, we see the forearm and the hand
forming a fist as if holding a sceptre.
Although the drawing is flat and mannerist, one can easily
observe that the facial features of the emperor correspond to those
in the Renaissance painting in Sinait. gr. 2123 and in the medallion
of Pisanello (Figs. 20-21). It is amusing to note here the conclusions
of Weiss about the inner qualities of this emperor drawn from an
observation of the medallion: "The full mouth, with the slightly
protruding upper lip covered by the moustache, suggests a mixture
of cruelty and cunning. It is a mouth of a man that cannot be
trusted, and this, together with the long and thin hooked nose and
the small, almost slit, eyes, do not certainly reveal a very engaging
personality." 67 Needless to say, history would support a different
opinion about this emperor. 68
68 Paper, ff. 15, 21,5 x 13,5. Ch. Astruc- M.-L. Conc~ty, Bibliotheque
Nationale. Catalogue des manuscrits grecs, IIIme partie, Le suppl8ment grec,
Tome III, nos 901-1371, Paris· 1960, 357-58. Lampros, "El><6'1ci;," pl. VII.
Idem, Leukoma, pl. 87. R. Weiss, Pisanello's Medallion of the Emperor John
VIII Palaeologue, London 1966, 18, pl. VI, r.
&7 Weiss, op. cit., 18, frontispiece.
as J. Gill, "John VIII Palaeologus, A Character Study," in idem, Persona-
lities of the Council of Florence and Other Essays, New York, 1964, 104-24.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 237
An Italian origin is ascribed to this manuscript. 69 Perhaps is not
purely accidental that the words ev Xpta<t<";"l -r<";"l 6e:<fi, occurring in the
official title of an emperor, but missing here, are also omitted in the
medallion of Pisanello. What is certain is that the paper used is of
Western origin. 70
STUTTGART CODEX HIST. 2° 601
A portrait of an emperor Andronicus appears in the Codex Hist.
2° 6oI of the Wiirtembergisch e Landesbibliothek at Stuttgartn
(Fig. 180). This miniature, together with another representing
Andronicus' wife Anna (Fig. I8I), was sent in a letter dated April 7,
1581, by Theodosius Zygomalas, chief notary of the Patriarchate
of Constantinople, to Martinus Crusius. The portraits were cut out
and stuck on ff. 2 and 4 of the codex, which contains this letter and
a letter of the same Zygomalas to the professor of Theology, Stephen
Gerlach, dated March I, r58I.
Andronicus is clad in a sakkos melas with decorated hem, golden
stemma, loros and trachelia set with blue and red precious stones.
The akakia is brown, as well as the lining of the loros. Anna has a
higher stemma and identical trachelia, loros and hem. Her himation
is of brownish purple and has a pattern of the same colour in a
lighter tint, resembling that of the empress Helena on .the Louvre
manuscript (Fig. 93). The sleeves are wide and decorated at t he
end in a similar way to the loros. A new addition is the cloth around
the shoulders of the same colour as the himation. The emperor holds
a long cross and the empress the baion, decorated at the top with
precious stones, both of the same colour. They are standing on
plain red suppedia. The left side of the face of Andronicus is dam-
aged. His features are drawn with simple lines, as are those of Anna.
The question that arises here is whether the portrait represents
89
Exhibition Paris, p. XIV, no. 69.
70
One of the two watermarks represent s an arch (Briquet, 779-99), while
the other cannot be easily determined.
71
Paper, ff. 14, 34,5 x 22. W. Heyd, Die historische Handschri ften der
kgl. offentlichen Bibliothek zu Stuttgart, Stuttgart 1889-90, 255-56. Exhibition
Athens, no. 370.
 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
Andronicus II or his grand-son Andronicus III, both emperors being
married to empresses with the name Anna. Andronicus II, co-
emperor since 1272,72 first married, at the age of 14, Anna, daughter
of king Stephen V of Hungary, on November 8, 1273· Anna died in
1281-82. Andronicus became sole ruler after the death of his father
Michael VIII on December II, 1282. His second marriage in 1285
was to Yolande of Monferrat, who took the name of Irene.
Andronicus III, co-emperor since 1325, was first married at the
age of 22 to Irene of Braunschweig in March 1318 73 Irene died in
1324 and the emperor in 1326 married Anna, daughter of Amadeo V
of Savoy. 74
We must not ignore the possibility that the miniature represents
Andronicus II and Anna of Hungary during the period when he
was co-emperor, since Anna did not live to become the wife of a
sole ruler. The key here is the inscriptions. That of Anna (ANNA
EN XW TW 0W IIICTH A YI'OYCTA IlAAAIOAOI'INA) with
the title augusta does not help us much. An examination of the
inscriptions accompanying portraits of empresses shows that most
of them have only the title of augusta and only a few the title of
autokratorissa (Maria Ducaena and Helena Palaeologina, Figs. 70
and 93) . Nor can we say that the empresses in the course of time
changed their title from augusta to (augusta and) autokratorissa,
because, while Maria Ducaena is named augusta and autokratorissa
-in contrast to the previous empresses described only as augustae--
Irene Ducaena (Pala d' Oro), Irene wife of John II (mosaic in St.
Sophia) and Maria of Antioch (Fig. 155) have the title augusta and
only Helena Palaeologina is again denoted as augusta and auto-
kratorissa (Fig. 93). We cannot, therefore, say that Anna is not an
empress because she has not the title autokratorissa.
The inscription of Andronicus (AN.!iPONIKOC EN XW TW
11 Papadopulos, Genealogie, no. 58. . .
73 Idem, no. 68. U. V. Bosch, Kaiser Andronikos III Palaiologos. Versuch
einer Darstellung der byzantinischen Geschichte in der J ahren z32z-z34r,
Amsterdam 1965. . . . .
74 D. Muratore, Una principessa Sabauda sul trono di Bisanzio, Giovanna
di Savoia imperatrice Anna Paleologina, Chamberg 1go6. Delger, Paraspora,
208-2i. Diehl, Figures, 245.
VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS 239
ew IlICTOC BACIAEYC KAI AYTOKPATOJP POJMAIWN 0
IIAAAIOAOroq provides the solution. It is true that the first
co-emperor in the P alaeologan era was entitled to be called basileus
and autokrator after gaining the consent of the emperor, 75 but the
first co-emperor to enjoy this privilege was probably Michael IX76
(1295-1320). The portrait in our manuscript, consequently, does
not represent Andronicus II when he was co-emperor, but the
emperor Andronicus III and his wife Anna of Savoy.77
The same conclusion can be reached by another method. Breuning
v isited Constantinople in 1579-80 and saw in the Pammakaristos
church, ·on the right of the entrance, the figures of the emperor
Andronicus and Anna executed in mosaic. He published the in -
scriptions accompanying the figures which correspond exactly to
those in the two miniatures. 78 Schweigger was in Constantinople in
1581 and illustrated his publication with an imperial couple from
the Pammakaristos which differs from the couple in the mlniatures. 79
Zygomalas wrote to Crusius, regarding the miniatures, that the
painter copied the portraits of Andronicus and Anna from the
same church. 80 Gerlach81 also wrote to Crusius from Constantinople
7
&Ps.-Codinus, 252, 24-253, 3.
76 Whether Andronicus II was given the title of autokrator while still co-
emperor is in dispute. P achymeres (I, 319, 8-II) said that h e should sign
only as basileus. Heisenberg, Geschichte, 50-51. deduced from this passage
that Andronicus did not hold the title of autokrator. Ostrogorsky, "Das
Mittkaisertum im mittelalterlichen Byzanz," in E. Kornemann, Doppel-
prinzipat und Reichstellung im Imperium Romanum, Leipzig-Berlin 1930,
166-78, and "Autokrator," 178-83, and Delger {in BZ, 33 [1933], 136-44)
are of a different opinion.
77 For representations of Anna see T. Bertele, Monete e sigilli di Anna di
Savoia imperatrice di Bisanzio, Roma 1937·
78 H. J. Breuning von und zu Buchenbach, Orientalische Reysz, Straszburg
1612, 67. .
7 ~ S. Schweigger, Ein newe Reyssbeschreibung auss Teutschland nach Con-
stantinopel und Jerusalem, Niirnberg 1613, 121. He did not name the imperial
coup le who he saw "under the gate of the monast ery, on the vaulting above."
The emperor wears a crown considerably narrower than that on the minia-
ture; his beard is white ending in two points and his hair falls to his shoul-
ders. There is a background with a tree, a plant, a church and a tower with
a half moon. For a reproduction see also Bosch, op. cit., pl. 4.
80 The letter of Zygomalas in our manuscript is published by M. Crusius
in Turcograecia, Basel 1585, 73-98, esp . 75 the p assage over the portrait.
81 Turcograecia, op. cit., 189f.
 VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS
on March 7, 1578, that the Pammakaristos church was decorated
with mosaics representing Christ, the Virgin, the Apostles, Greek
emperors and the founders of the church with the inscriptions:
ML)(OC~A ~oux.oc~ rt..oc~ii~ a Ilpw't'ocr-rpoc't'Cilp xoct X't'~'t'Wp. Mocptoc ~OUXOCLVOC
Koµv'Y)v~ IlixA.ocLOAoylvoc BpocvocLvoc ~ Ilpw't'ocr't'poc't'6pLcrcroc xoct X't'YJ't'6pLcrcroc.
Glabass2 (1250/60-c 1315) was responsible for the restoration of the
church which took place, according to Janin, 88 before 1293 or,
according to Grabar, 84 between 1282 and 1294· The former thought
that the portraits mentioned by Breuning represented Andronicus
III, while Grabar proposed Andronicus II. It is conceivable that,
since Glabas served under Andronicus II, the portraits of this
emperor would have been depicted on the walls of the church. It
85
is also probable that there were more imperial portraits than that
of Andronicus II decorating the church, which can be supported by
the plural--imperatorum--of Gerlach. The emperor, however,
referred to by Breuning and Zygomalas and copied by the miniatu-
rist must be Andronicus III. If it had been Andronicus II, he should
be represented with Irene and not Anna, who died in 1281-82,
before Glabas began his restoration of the church.
BB On Michael Glabas see Polemis, Doukai, no. 89, and on Maria no. I53.
with further bibliography.
88 Janin, Eglises, 2I7-22, esp. 2I8.
H Grabar, Art, I92.
85 For examples of representations of the founder of a church and his
sovereign see Velmans, "Portrait," 122f.
CONCLUSIONS
The occasions on which a manuscript was executed
By examining miniatures with portraits, the accompanying in-
scriptions, and the colophons, we can sometimes establish on what
occasions a manuscript was executed. Thus, because Basil II is
shown at a quite advanced age in Marc. gr. Z 17, and in the pose
of triumphator flanked by soldier saints and prostrate enemies, it
has been assumed that the manuscript was executed after his
return from his last expedition in Bulgaria1 (Fig. 6). Since the small
son of the imperial family in Barb. gr. 372 holds a book, the psalter
itself, and all three figures are crowned by angels and Christ, the ·
manuscript must have been executed on the occasion of the corona-
tion of the child as co-emperor (Fig. 7). Par. gr. 74 was executed
and offered to the abbot of the monastery on the occasion of his
installation as hegoumenos, as the dedication poems reveal. The
sumptuous manuscript Par. gr. 510 was executed for offering to
Basil I after his return from the expedition to Germanicia, as can
be deduced from the miniatures and the inscription around the
portrait of Basil (Fig. 62). The manuscript in the Louvre, Ivoires
roo, was executed for presentation as a gift to the abbot of St. Denis,
whom the emperor Manuel II visited during his stay in Paris. It is
only due to the colophon written by Manuel Chrysoloras that we
have this information, since the iconography of Manuel's family in
this manuscript tells us nothing about the purpose behind its
execution and use (Fig. 93). From the inscriptions around the
image of Anicia Juliana in Vind. Med. gr. I, we can conclude that
the codex was executed on the occasion of the completion of a
church in Honaratae built by the patricia (Fig. 95). Concerning the
manuscript Vatopedi n99, we know that the monastery of St.
Eugenius was burnt in 1340 during the revolt of Tzanichites. Since
1 Der Nersessian, op. cit., (p. 25), u5.
 CONCLUSIONS
242
the manuscript is dated to 1346, a few years after the demolition of
the monastery, we may assume that it was executed on the occasion
of the restoration and re-opening of the convent. The Lincoln
Typicon was executed because new copies of the original Typicon
had to be issued after the nun Euphrosyne added extra rules to it
when she took charge of the monastery of Certain Hope. The pre-
sence of the miniatures referring to the death of I van Asen in Vat.
Slavo 2, on the other hand, do not mean that the codex was executed
on the occasion of his death; they were added because this occurred
when the manuscript was commissioned.
Miniatures which show the emperor crowned by Christ do not
necessarily imply that the manuscript in which the miniatures are
found was commissioned on the occasion of the coronation. There
are perhaps two exceptions: The Barberini Psalter where attention
is drawn to the co-emperor by representing him holding the psalter,
which could mean that the occasion on which it was offered was
his coronation, and the Sinait. 364 where the presence of Theodora
places the execution of the codex not later than three months
after the coronation of Constantine IX (Fig. 66). It is, therefore,
probable that this manuscript also was executed on the occasion of
a coronation. The portraits in Urb. gr. 2 show clearly that the
depiction of Christ placing crowns on the heads of the emperors
need not refer to the coronation itself (Fig. 46). I have shown above
that Alexius is depicted older in age in this manuscript than in the
mosaic of St. Sophia which refers to him as co-emperor (Fig. 51).
The dedication poem of Par. gr. 922 is addressed to the empress
Eudocia. Since I have identified one of the portraits of her two
sons as that of Constantine, who was born after the coronation of
his parents, it is unthinkable that the codex was executed on the
coronation of Eudocia (Fig. 68). It is possible that it was executed
on the occasion of the coronation of Constantine, but since neither
in the dedication poem, nor in the miniature is special attention
drawn to him, it could equally well have been executed at a later
date. What we can say with certainty is that the above examples
show the symbolic coronation of the emperor. He receives his
principal attribute from God Whose power he represents on earth,
just as he enjoys the protection of Christ, since he has been chosen
CONCLUSIONS 243
by Him as His successor to rule a Christian Empire. 2
Manuscripts as Gifts and for Private Use
Those manuscripts in which an individual is portrayed in the
act of presenting his gift- the book itself shown in the dedication
miniature-were in all probability offered to a person or a founda-
tion and not kept for private use. Since Belting has argued that
Iviron 5, where the donor is portrayed holding the manuscript
(Figs. 53-54), remained in private hands (seep. 87), I will examine
such representations together with the information provided by
their inscriptions and colophons, in order to establish whether the
manuscript was indeed offered or not.
One such manuscript representing the act of presenting the book
is Vat. Reg. gr. I, where the inscription states that Leo is depicted
offering (7tpocr<pepc.uv) the Bible, apparently to his brother's monastery
(Fig. r). In the Melbourne Tetraevangelion, Theophanes is qualified
as 'giver' (~oT"YJp) (Fig. 43). In the colophon of Vatopedi n99, the
dedication miniature of which shows Procopius presenting the
Liturgical Typicon (see p. 206), it is stated that the manuscript
was offered (&:qm:pw6'1l) to the monastery of St. Eugenius. The
colophon of Kutlumusiu 60 does not specify whether the manu-
script was offered or kept by the protospatharios Basil who is only
mentioned as ktetor (Fig. 52). The inscriptions in the inserted
dedication miniature in Codex no. 3 in the Dumbarton Oaks Col-
lection do not supply any relevant information (seep. 54). On the
scroll held by the proedros John in the Speer Library manuscript
the verb 7tpocr<pepc.u occurs again {Fig. 42). Where the book is placed
on a lectern, in B.M. Add. 39626, the Metropolitan of Serres Jacob,
1 W. Sickel, "Das byzantinische Kronungsrecht bis ins lo. Jh.," BZ, 7
(1898), 5n-57. F. E. Brightman, "Byzantine Imperial Coronations," JTS,
2 (1901). 359-92. G. Ostrogorsky-E. Stein, "Die Kronungsordnung des
Zeremonienbuches," Byz, 7 (1932), 185-233. P. Charanis, "Coronation and
Its Constitutional Significance in the Late Roman Empire," Byz, 15 (1940-
41), 49-66. A. Christophilopoulou, 'Ex).oy/j, &vocy6peucrn; xa.l a-Telji1<; -rou
Bvl:ocvnvoii ocui-oxp&'t'op~. Athens 1956. Hunger, Reich, 61-67. Idem, Prooi-
mion, 49-81, and especially Treitinger, Kaiser- a)ld Reichsidee, passim, and
Grabar, Empereur, I 1 2-22.
 CONCLUSIONS
244
who commissioned the work, states in the inscription "I offer"
(Fig. 57). The monk Sabbas in Coislin 79 without any doubt offered
his manuscript to the emperor (Fig. 69).
From the examples above only two do not clearly state that the
manuscript was offered, but in neither of these exceptions are
there any grounds for believing that the codex remained the pro-
perty of those who commissioned it. Here, as in Iviron 5, the picture
alone can provide an answer to our question and the balance of the
evidence would favour their interpretation as donor portraits.
In those miniatures where the presentation of the book is not
represented, but the ktetor is depicted in proskynesis or in a standing
dee.sis position, one manuscript, M. Panagia I, was certainly offered,
since the verb 7tpoaq>epw occurs in the inscription of the dedication
miniature (Fig. 26). The Egbert Psalter, on the other hand, was
definitely in private hands when the Byzantine miniatures were
added (Figs. I3-I4)- In no other manuscript with this type of
portrait does an inscription or colophon state that they were offered
or presented after completion. We may provisionally presume from
the evidence available that where a donation is not specifically
, shown the manuscript was commissioned for private use. The
1 manuscripts forming this group are: The Harvard and Hamilton
Psalters (Figs. I5-I6), Sinait. gr. 6r, 283, I98 (Figs. 17, 23, 56).
Dionysiu 65, Lavra A ro3 (Figs. I8, 45) and Leningrad 291
(Figs. 27-28).
Those manuscripts in which an individual is portrayed receiving
the book were certainly executed for private use. In most cases it
is impossible to establish whether the person shown r eceiving the
manuscript was the one who commissioned the work and who was
responsible for its contents, or whether the initiative lay on the
part of the donor. We, thus, do not know if Par. gr. 510 or Barb. gr.
372 were ordered by the emperor, nor do we know why Juliana
received a Dioscurides codex and Constantine Monomachus the
Homilies of St. John Chrysostom.
In those manuscripts where the act of receiving the gift is rep-
resented, the donor, strangely enough, occurs only once-the
monk Sabbas in Coislin 79. In all other cases the donor is replaced
by an allegorical figure in an early manuscript, and elsewhere by
CONCLUSIONS 245
the author of the work. Thus, the 7t66oc; Tijc; qnAox"T£cr"TOU presents the
Dioscurides codex to Anicia Juliana, replacing the community
of Honoratae (Fig. 95). Those monks, who offered Par. gr. 74 to
their abbot, depict ed in one of the miniatures St. Matthew handing
the Tetraevangelion to him (Fig. 29), while in its Slavonic copy
the donor was replaced by St. John who offers the codex to Ivan
Alexander (Fig. 37). In Dionysiu 6I the donor is replaced by the
author of the book, Gregory Nazianzenus (Fig. 77), and in the
second dedication miniature of Coislin 79 the monk Sabbas is
similarly replaced by the author of the Homilies, John Chrysostom
(Fig. 72).
In the majority of manuscripts which were executed for private
use, the act of receiving the codex is not represented. The icono-
graphy of the possessor is more variable, partly due to this omission.
The emperor, who is depicted in most of those manuscripts, is
represented as triumphator and crowned as victor in Marc~ gr. Z 17
and Par. gr. 510 (Figs. 6 and 62). He is shown flanked by high
officials in the palace or by the Virgin and Abraham in Paradise in
Coislin 79 and B.M. Add. 39627 (Figs. 71 and 32), or while being
crowned or protected by Christ in Barb. gr. 372, Urb. gr. 2, Sinait.
gr. 364 and Coislin 79 (Figs. 7, 46, 66, 68, 70). The abbot in Par. gr.
74 is portrayed receiving his staff and in Paradise (Fig. 31 and 36).
Apocaucus is represented enthroned while an allegorical figure is
depicted beh ind him (Fig. 96). The contents of t his last group of
manuscripts is not exclusively theological, but also scientific.
Introductory Saints and the Place of the Portrait in Manuscripts
The ktetor is invariably portrayed in dedication miniatures of
manuscripts with theological contents, before Christ, the Virgin or
the saints, but not in front of a figure from the Old Testament.
This is self-evident for New Testament manuscripts, but even in
psalters David is replaced by the Virgin and Christ. In the Harvard
Psalter, the author of the psalms is shown to one side watching the
donor in proskynesi s in front of the 'deesis' trios (Fig. 15)- In some
3
Exceptions t o this rule can be found in Sinai icons, perhaps because of
the significance the mount has in the history of the Old Testament. Thus,
 CONCLUSIONS
cases a saint is added in the dedication miniature as protector,
except for Mary, who is almost always depicted in the role of
mediatrix. He is the homonymous saint of the person portrayed,
as in the Egbert Psalter and in Iviron 5 {Figs. r4, 53-54). In Codex
no. 3 in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, St. Stephen has a different
name from the monks Gregory and John. He is obviously the patron
of their monastery as is St. Nicholas in Reg. gr. I (Fig. 2).
The dedication miniature was usually painted at the beginning
of a manuscript. The position of those few placed elsewhere can
sometimes be explained by the fact that the saint in front of whom
the ktetor was portrayed was depicted elsewhere than at the be-
ginning of the manuscript. Thus, the two high officials flanking
St. Paul' in Sinait. gr. 283 were depicted on f. lo7v, because the
portrait of the saint was placed at the beginning of his Epistles
(Fig. 23). The monk Germanos, kneeling at the feet of St. John, is
portrayed in Sinait. gr. 198, f. r99v, opposite the beginning of the
gospel of this evangelist (Fig. 56). The abbot in Par. gr. 74 accom-
panies the portraits of the evangelists who are depicted at the end of
their gospels.
The Official Portrait
The imperial portraits on chrysobulls, those manuscripts with an
official character par excellence, appear first in the Palaeologan era,
to judge from what has survived. The earliest preserved, that of
Andronicus II (Fig. r34), represents the emperor alone, the latest,
that of Brankovic, represents the despot with his whole family,
which means that a certain evolution had taken place. In all cases
the chrysobull was offered to the patron of the church for which it
was issued. Thus, Andronicus II presented the chrysobull of 1301
to Christ, to whom the church of Monembasia was dedicated; that
the bishop of Sinai Abraakios is shown in frroskynesis before Melchisedeck
on an icon dated ea. 1100 by K. Weitzmann, "A group of early twelfth-
century Sinai icons attributed to Cyprus," Studies in Memory of D. T. Rice
Edinburgh r975, 47-63, esp. 54-55, figs. 21 and 22c. Furthermore, the monk
Peter is prostrate in front of Moses, and Theodosius Salustius kneels at the
feet of Aaron and Moses; the former icon is dated ea. x200, the latter in the
14th century by G. and M. Soteriou, lc6nes du Mont Sinai, Athenes 1958,
141-43, figs. r61-r62.
CONCLUSIONS 247
of 1307 was offered to the Virgin, since the church of Kanina was
dedicated to her Nativity. St. John the Baptist, the patron saint
of the Dionysiu monastery, is depicted above Alexius III and
Theodora Cantacuzena in their chrysobull of r374 {Fig. 136). Christ
is painted above the family of Brankovic, since the Esphigmenu
monastery, for which the chrysobull of r429 was issued, was
dedicated to the Ascension of Christ.
While the number of members of the imperial family depicted
on the miniatures of the chrysobulls was on the increase, the size
of the figures representing the patron was reduced. Christ is slightly
larger than the · emperor on the chrysobull of Andronicus II for
Monembasia, but in the Esphigmenu chrysobull he is depicted as a
tiny half-figure above the family of Brankovic. In this miniature
a new feature appears which is absent on the other chrysobulls,
namely, the architectonic background which can be interpreted as
the monastery itself.4 All these portraits were probably not executed
in a monastery, but in the palace scriptorium. The artist at the
imperial court used for the chrysobulls the e~isting iconography
of the offering emperor. 6 The oldest surviving representation of
this subject, shows the emperor Constantine IV (668-85) in the
apse mosaic of San Apollinare in Classe handing a scroll to arch-
bishop Reparatus on which is written: privilegia. .
The portraits of Manuel I and Mary of Antioch on the Acts of
the Council of rr69 in Vat. gr. n76 have also an official character
(Fig. 155). Along with the signature of the emperor in the acts, bis
portrait guarantees the authenticity of the tomos and confirms the
verdicts of the assembly. The portrait of Cantacuzenus presiding
at the Council of r35r in Par. gr. 1242, on the other hand, is of a
different nature (Fig. 86). It only decorates a theological treatise
of this emperor included in the manuscript, ·and has no official
character. The codex was, in fact, not written as an official docu-
ment, but only as an edifying treatise.
The portraits of the founders of the two ktetorika Typica, the
Codex Taurin. gr. 237 and the Lincoln Typicon can also be con-
' Velmans, "Portrait," 105.
6
On the iconography of the offering emperor see Grabar, op. cit., 1o6ff.
 CONCLUSIONS
sidered as official. The miniatures representing Maliassenus and
his wife, and that of Theodora and her husband (Figs. 141 and 144)
have almost the same function as the miniature representing the
emperor in Vat. gr. rr76. This is, however, one of the many aspects
of the portraits in the ktetorika Typica. The Maliassenus couple is
at the same time portrayed as donors offering a model of their
church to St. John the Baptist. We see the same action in the
Lincoln Typicon, where Theodule and Euphrosyne offer the model
of their church and the typicon itself to the Virgin (Fig. 153).
Moreover, the latter are also the authors of the monastic rule, the
contents of the manuscript, and Maliassenus was responsible for
gathering and copying the documents of his two monasteries. The
double portraits of the family in the Lincoln Typicon have, along
with the votive character expressed by the deesis gesture, also an
official character as co-founders of the monastery.
The Author Portrait
In some of the manuscripts containing imperial portraits, the
contents are works of the emperor himself. Thus, Manuel II is
shown as an author in Par. Suppl. gr. 309, which contains his funeral
oration for his brother Theodore, in what I would call the 'official'
pose of the emperor: stranding in a frontal position, clad in stemma,
sakkos and loros, and holding the sceptre in one hand and the
akakia in the other (Fig. 175). Cantacuzenus is depicted in the
same position in Par. gr. 1242, which contains his theological treatise
(Fig. 87). This imperial portrait is accompanied by the portrait of
the same author in monastic garments, and is closely connected
with the following treatise through the representation of the
Philoxenia on the upper part of the miniature. The emperor could
also be considered as the author of the chrysoboulloi logoi through
his chancellor. The iconography here follows that .of the offering
emperor.
Authors, other than emperors, are represented while offering
their works-Manassestolrene (Fig. roo)- or addressing the person
for whom the work is written-Psellus and Michael VII (Fig. 174)-
or shown in a deesis gesture-Pachymeres (Fig. 106). Manasses is
CONCLUSIONS 249
portrayed seated in a frontal pose in Vind. Hist. gr. gr {Fig. ror),
and shown standing and writing in Vat. Slavo 2 (Fig. 102). The
problematic portrait of Choniates shows the author seated while
writing, an iconography derived from evangelists and biblical
authors (Fig. 98). Again the type of Manasses shown standing and
writing derives from the quite unusual iconography of the standing
and writing evangelist as, for example, Luke in the Praxapostolos
Vat. gr. 1208 from the r3th century. 6 The frontal portrait with
Manasses enthroned recalls the Pantokrator representations.
However, it is more probable that the artist in Vind. Hist. gr. gr
borrowed from secular rather than from religious portraits, since
his author was an historian. Hippocrates as author is depicted in a
very similar pose in the r4th century Codex Par. gr. 2144. 7 He is
also represented en face, seated on a round throne and holding an
open book on his knee while he points with his right hand to the
beginning of his work, exactly as Manasses.
The iconography of the frontal enthroned author originates in
the antiquity. 8 Virgil is also portrayed seated in a frontal position le.
and holding his works in the fifth century Codex lat. 3867 in the
Vatican Library9 and in the third-century (?) mosaic from a house
in Sousse (Hadrumetum), now in the National Museum of Brado in
Tunis. 10 The idea of representing an author offering his writings
must also be sought in antiquity. Flavius Josephus presenting his
Beltum ] udaicum to Vespasian and Titus in the nth century Par.
lat. 5058, ff. 2v-3r, suggests that the original work of the first
6
W eitzmann, Studies, fig. 3r6. H. Buchthal, "Notes on Some Early
Palaeologan Illustrations," Kunsthistorische Forschungen 0. Piicht zu seinem
70. Geburtstag, Salzburg r972, 36-43, esp. 39, fig. 6. Belting, Buch, fig. 39.
Canart-Peri, Sussidi, 556. Esposizione Bibbia, no. 68, pl. 32a in colour where
it is incorrectly dated in the r2th century.
7
See above under Par. gr. 2144, n. 17.
8 For the author portrait in antiquity see E. Bethe, Buch und Bild im
Altertum, Leipzich-Wien 1945, 84-98. and Weitzmann, Ancient Book, 116-27.
9
Idem, r2r, fig. r30. Idem, Studies, n5, fig. 9r, with further bibliography .
1° Catalogue des M usees et collections A rcheologiques de l' A lgerie et de la
Tunisie. Musee Alaoui. Supplement, Paris r gog-10, no. 266, pl. X, I. G. Ch.
Picard, "La datation des mosaiques de la maison de Virgile a Sousse," Atti
del settimo congresso internazionale di archeologia classica, III, Roma rg6r,
243-49, with further bibliography. R. Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome. La fin de
l'art antique, Paris r970, 236, fig. 218.
 CONCLUSIONS
250
century was also decorated with a similar dedication miniature. 11
The standing Pachymeres can be compared with the standing
emperor as author. Pachymeres, as an official of the Great Church,
is portrayed clad in deacon's garments and in the gesture of deesis,
and the emperors Cantacuzenus and Manuel II in their official
costume, holding the attributes of their sovereignty. The portrait of
Pachymeres, thus, deviates from the more common author icono-
graphy mentioned above. In one case the author has humbly
refrained from depicting himself offering his writings. Euthymios
Zygabenos, the author of the Panoplia Dogmatica, lets the Church
Fathers, whose works he used for his treatise, offer their writings to
Alexius I (Figs. 78-79).
The Portrait in Histories
Manuscripts with hist0rical texts were decorated with scenes
corresponding to the passages they illustrate. We have seen,
however, that Monac. gr. 442 is decorated in a different way.
Theodore II, Michael VIII and Andronicus II are here depicted in
the 'official' standing pose of an emperor (Figs. ro8-no), each
covering a full page. This iconography does not occur in historical
manuscripts of an earlier date.
The Zonaras manuscript in Modena with its numerous bust
portraits of emperors has also no parallel among surviving historical
manuscripts. We may, however, assume that many historical works
were illustrated in a similar way throughout the Byzantine era,
since the decoration of a manuscript with medallions representing
portraits of persons with whom the text deals goes as far as the
first century BC. Weitzmann concluded that the 700 portraits
depicted in Varro's Hebdomades were painted in medallions or were
bust portraits. He found evidence to link the medallion with serial
portraiture, giving as examples the late Byzantine medical manus-
cript Ambrosianus E 97 sup., where more than sixty physicians are
portrayed in medallions, and the ninth-century Sacra Parallela,
11 Exhibition Paris, no. II4, pl. 3i. Weitzmann, Studies, 117-18, figs. 96-97,
with further bibliography.
CONCLUSIONS
Par. gr. 923, where almost all of the 1300 portraits are in medallion
or bust form. 12 It cannot be pure coincidence that some of the
authors included in t he Sacra Parallela Par. gr. 922, the manus-
cript which belonged to Eudocia Makrembolitissa, are also por-
trayed in medallions (Fig. 68).
The Family Portrait
The family portraits of the Palaeologan era in Byzantium,
Armenia and the Slavonic countries have been studied by, among
others, Grabar, according to whom they have their origin not in
the palace of the emperor, but iri the castles and manor houses of
the feudal nobility. 13 The imperial portraits of the type in the
Louvre manuscript (Fig. 93) were in fact nothing other than the
application of the formula of the collective family portrait, as
created for the Byzantine high nobility, to imperial portraits. The
family portraits before the 13th century, again according to Grabar,
were always executed for a special reason. Thus, the portrait of
Basil I and his family in Par. gr. 5ro (Figs. 62-63) and in the
mosaic of the Kainourgion Palace14 show an exceptional icono-
graphy created for an extraordinary family. This is especially the
case in the mosaic where the family was shown with raised arms,
and as the inscription read, thanking God for raising Basil from
Davidic poverty and anointing him with the unction of the Holy
Ghost. Again exceptional, according to Grabar, is the family of
Constantine X and Eudocia in Par. gr. 922 (Fig. 68), and the
family of Jaroslav portrayed in the nave of St. Sophia in Kiev16
dated about 1037, an isolated, very developed and precursive work.
The role of the Byzantine aristocracy in the Palaeologan era was
also stressed by Belting who stated that the donors of manuscripts
u Weitzmann, Anc;ient Book, rr6-20, figs. 124-27, with more examples of
portraits in medallions. Idem, Studies, 40-41, fig. 2r.
18 Grabar, "Pyxide," 233ff.
14
Vita Basilii, 89 (PG, 109, 349-50). English translation by Mango, Art.
197 f.
15 V. Lazarev, Old Russian Murals and Mosaics from the XI to the X VI
Century, London 1966, 47£., 236, p ls. 30, 36, fig. 27, with a date c;a. 1045 .
 CONCLUSIONS
belonged mainly to the great families of Byzantium and that the
emperor in no way dominated them. 16
The contribution of the aristocratic families to the arts in Byzan-
tium in general and especially in the Palaeologan era cannot be
denied. 17 To name but one example, Theodore Metochites (ea.
1269-1332) has left his mark for ever in portraying himself in the
Chora Church and by financing the restoration of the same
church.is Whether, however, the iconography of the imperial
family derived from the family iconography of the nobility is
questionable. The arguments of Grabar in considering the portraits
mentioned above as exceptional do not seem very well founded.
Every imperial portrait or representation of an imperial family
throughout the whole Byzantine era has its reasons. Basil's family
may have been exceptional, but this does not mean that the repre-
sentations of his family in Par. gr. 510 and the Kainourgion Palace
must also be considered exceptional. As regards Par. gr. 922, the
fact that Eudocia was the possessor does not justify Grabar's
declaration that the family portrait in it was exceptional. Further-
more, we add nothing new if we assert that the fresco of J aroslav's
family in St. Sophia in Kiev is unthinkable without its Byzantine
forerunners. There are many other Byzantine imperial families
from before the Palaeologan era. Some examples are the following:
In the Chalke of Constantinople a group of statues represented
Theodosius I and his family. 19 The family of Valentinian was
depicted in a mosaic in the Palace of Ravenna. 20 The family of
Leo I was shown in mosaic on a ciborium. 21 The family of Constan-
16 Belting, Buch, 51.
11 See G. Ostrogorsky, "Observations on the Aristocracy in Byzantium,"
DOP, 25 (I97r), r-32.
ie Beckwith, Byz. Art, pl. z77. Underwood, Kariye Djami, I, frontispiece,
II, pl. 3. On Metochites see H.-G. Beck, Theodoros Metochites. Die Krise des
byzantinischen Weltbildes im x4. ]h., Miinchen r952, and I. Se_vcenko, "Theo-
dore Metochites, Chara et les courants intellectuels de l'epoque," in Art et
Societe, 13-39. . .
19 Scriptores originum Constantinopolitanat'um, 2 rec. Th. P reger, L1ps1ae
1901-1907, I, 70, II, r96. . Other funeral portraits are t o be found in Constantinople, in the Chora
eo Cf. J. B. Bury, "Justa Grata Honoria," ] ournal of Roman Studies, 9
(1919), r-13, esp. 7-8.
21 Cod. Par. gr. r447, ff. z57-58, ed. by A. Wenger, REB, 10 (1952), 54££.
CONCLUSIONS 253
tine X represented in Barb. gr. 372 (Fig. 7) and that of Michael VII
in Leningrad Codex gr. 214 (Fig. 9). We may, therefore conclude
that a tradition existed of portraying the whole imperial family
which continued into the Palaeologan era. One would rather
expect an influence from the iconography of the imperial family on
the aristocracy than vice-versa. The representations of the Slav and
Armenian royal families were slirely modelled on imperial, rather
than aristocratic, Byzantine prototypes.
In I voires rno and in the Hamilton Psalter we see how a family
in the Palaeologan era was portrayed as one group (Figs. 16 and 93).
The family in the Lincoln Typicon deviates from this family
iconography. In Vat. Slavo 2 the entire family was portrayed
around the death bed of Ivan Asen, but at the end of the same
manuscript the female members were excluded (Figs. 103 and 105).
In Par. gr. 922 not only the female members of the family of Con-
stantine X were excluded, but also his uncrowned son Andronicus
(Fig. 68).
The Portrait of the Dead
The iconography of the portraits of the dead is identical to that
of the living. There is no characteristic in the portraits of the dead
parents and husband of Theodora in the Lincoln Typicon which
distinguishes t hem from the ·living22 (Figs. 143-44). If I am mis-
taken in my belief that the protospatharios Constantine in Vat. R eg.
gr. I was alive when this manuscript was executed, then we have
another example, this time from the Macedonian Renaissance,
where someone who was dead was represented exactly in the same
way as one still alive (Fig. 2). Except for the clear funeral character
Translated into English by Mango, Art, 34-35, who observed that Leo II
(474), held in the arms of Veronica (Verina), wife of Leo I, is not their son
as we read in the manuscript, but the son of Zeno and Ariadne, hence .their
grand-son.
22
Church, the Lips Monastery, the Euphemia Church, and at Mistra. For
more . examples see Belting, Buch, 76ff., figs. 46-,n. with further biblio-
graphy.
 CONCLUSIONS
254
of the miniature showing the death of Ivan Asen in Vat. Slavo 2
(Fig. 103), in the miniature at the end of this codex he is recog-
nizable as dead only through the addition of an angel (Fig. 105).
Likeness
On the question whether the Byzantine artist was concerned
with reproducing a genuine likeness of the 'sitter,' we must first
remark that he was working within certain restrictions. The
emperor and other secular portraits are mainly painted using a
frontal pose with less movement than religious portraits. Their
garments are less pleated and consequently less plastic. The
difference in 'style' between the individual and religious portrait
will become obvious by observing the miniatures where both kinds
of portrait are present. In Vat. gr. 666 or the Ivoires roo, for
example, the figures of the Church Fathers, Christ, and the Virgin
are much better modelled and show a plasticity and volume lacking
in the figures of Alexius I and of Manuel's family (Figs. 78, 80 and
93). The face of an individual portrait was painted in an almost
'abstract' way, with little modelling in comparison with religious
portraits. The colour used for the face was lighter and less vivid
than in the religious images. Within the flat facial area of an indi-
vidual portrait the artist gave the characteristics of the 'sitter' and
achieved a 'realistic' portrait. This mode of portraiture was used
not only after the iconoclastic period, whence come most of the
portraits I have examined in this study, but also before. The por-
traits of the pre-iconoclastic period have been examined by Kit-
zinger who observed the same differences between individual and
religious portraits. 23 Thus, over the whole Byza ntine period artists
used the same mode in portraying contemporary persons. This is
2a Kitzinger, "Portraiture." Millet, "Portraits," was the first to observe
that Palaeologan portraits at Mistra were executed in a different manner to
religious portraits. The same mode was also applied for the po:traits of
Slavonic origin (S. Radojcic, Portreti srpskih vladara u sredn;em veku,
Skoplje 1934, J9ff., 24f., 89; French resume, roof.), Italian (Ladner, Papst-
bilnisse, I, 66ff., 76, 84) and Armenian. The E ast Christian world inherited
this mode from Byzantium, while the West could see it in its own monuments.
Most of the portraits studied by Kitzinger are on Italian soil.
CONCLUSIONS 255
valid not only for book illumination, but also for portraits in other
artistic media, such as mosaics and frescoes. 24 The purpose of por-
traying an emperor, high official or cleric in this flat way and ahnost
inevitably in a frontal position was obviously to express the
necessary dignity and severity.
That the artist intended to represent a genuine likeness of the
'sitter' we can deduce from the poem II2 of Christophoros Mityle-
naios (first half of the rrth cent.) written for the painter Myron.25
We read here that the artist should endeavour to reproduce even
the virtues of his model: "If you are painting only Michael's appear-
ance, then mix your ochre and grind the other colours, but if,
together with his appearance [you include] all his virtues, set him
up alive, if you can do so:" 26 That the Byzantine artist succeeded
in reproducing a genuine likeness we have been able to judge by
comparing a portrait of the same emperor executed in two different
media. I have pointed out the striking similarity of the features of
John II in Urb. gr. 2 with the mosaic of St. Sophia (Figs. 48-49).
The miniaturist was able to show all the facial traits of the emperor
present in the mosaic, in a portrait smaller than one centimetre. In
so far as the documentary material available gives more than one
portrait of the same person or a description by an historian, the
artists accurately recorded the colour of the eyes, the countenance,
the beard or the hair. We have seen, for example, that Manuel II
is portrayed in two different manuscripts with blue eyes (Figs. 94,
r76), that the empress Maria the Alanian is shown with the red
hair described by Anna Comnena and that John II is depicted with
dark features in accordance with his nick-name 'the black.'
My conclusion is, therefore, that the Byzantine artist not only
H Kitzinger, op. cit., noticed that there is no essential difference in the
~tylistic tre'."tme~tof the faces of Christ and Constantine IX in the Zoe panel
m St. Sophia (Fig. 67). Furthermore, the faces of Makar and Constantine in
the Vat. Reg. gr. r, f. 3r (Figs. 2-4) are painted in the same manner as the
biblical figures in the codex. The face of Leo, on the other hand, is flat and
less modelled following the mode (Fig. 1).
25
Edited by E. Kurtz, Die Gedichte des ChristopJuwos Mitylenaios, Leipzig
1903, 75.
28 Translated by Mango, Arl. 220. He thought that the emperor meant
here was probably Michael IV (1034-41).
 CONCLUSIONS
tried, but has in most cases succeeded in representing a genuine
likeness of the. person portrayed so convincingly as to satisfy even
a modern critic.
The higher the ability of the artist the more 'naturalistic' was the
portrait. The portraits of Cantacuzenus in Par. gr. 1242 (Figs. 86-
89), executed by a supremely talented miniaturist, ~re much closer
to the real appearance of this emperor than that m th~ Mod~na
manuscript. Likewise, the artist of the Louvre manuscript (Figs.
93-94), more capable than his colleague in P~r. Suppl. gr. 309
(Figs. I75-76), furnished us with a better portra~t of Manue~ II.
To show the age of a male the artist applied three different
colours for the beard. Dark for the younger, grey for the middle
aged and white for those of advanced age. The age of a chil~ was
more difficult to represent. The difference in age between children
was denoted by difference in stature, as we see in Par. gr. 922, Add.
39627 and Ivoires 100 (Figs. 68, 38-39, 93). An infant was shown as
larger than its actual stature, as we see in Leningrad Cod. gr. 214
(Fig. 9). It was also difficult to represent the a~e of a woman. No. oi:e
could guess the advanced age of Zoe by looking at her portrait m
Sinait. gr. 364 or the panel in St. Sophia (Figs. 66-67). . Constantine the Great.35 Later artists took over that bearded
Most of the historical portraits depicted in scenes decoratmg
chronicles or homilies do not represent a genuine likeness of em-
perors or other officials. I think here of the Sky~itzes_ Ch:onicle,
Cod. vitr. 26-2 in the National Library of Madnd with its 574 ·
miniatures, believed to have been executed in the second half of
the 13th century in Sicily. 2 7 The portraits of Julian and Leo VI
with a skiadion in the Dioscurides of the University Library of
Bologna, Cod. 3632, f. 357r, from the r4th century, show ~one ?f
the characteristic features of these emperors. 28 The same is valid
for the portrait of Arcadius, depicted prostrate in front of three
martyrs in the Homilies of John Chrysostom, Cod. Athen. 2II, f. 63r,
n Cirac Estopaiian, Skylitzes. Bofkov, Miniatjur~. ~th mai;iy colour
reproductions and English resume. Also I. Seveenko, Sviatoslav in Byzan-
tine and Slavic Miniatures," Slavic Review, 24 (1965), 709-13, esp. 7II, con-
cluded that the five miniatures representing Svjatoslav (ff. 171v, 172v) tell
us nothing about his appearance.
2a Lampros, Leukoma, fig. 48.
CONCLUSIONS 257
from the end of the ninth or the beginning of the tenth century. 29
The artist used very probably here as model the ruling emperor
Leo VI, as we see him prostrate in the mosaic of the narthex of
St. Sophia, to portray the unbearded Arcadius. These and many
other portraits of a decorative character have been excluded from
this study as not representing a genuine likeness of the emperor
they portray. I am aware, however, that I may in this way have
done an injustice to some portraits of the same genre. The minia-
tures of Julian in Par. gr. 5IO, ff. 374v, 309v, for example, may
represent a genuine likeness of this emperor.30
The Byzantine emperor was the neos Constantine and the empress
the nea Helena. 31 He was the descendant of Constantine the Great,
the neos Moses. 32 In the acclamations he was addressed as David, 33
and he was also compared with the kings of the Old Testament. 34 In
Byzantine art, the latter were often represented in imperial costume
and it is possible that the portrait of the ruling emperor was also
used as a model to depict these rulers and St. Constantine. The fact
that the latter was always shown with a beard proves that at some
early date a bearded emperor was used as a model for the beardless
portrait and often changed it in accordance with the appearance of
the ruling monarch. 36 We have examined the Neapolitanus manu-
29 Buberl, Miniaturhandschriften, 6-7, fig. 7. A. Grabar, "Miniatures
Greco-orientales, II. Un m anuscrit des homelies de Saint Jean Chrysostome
a la Bibliotheque Nationale d'Athenes," SK, 5 (1932), 259-97, esp. 279-80,
pl. 21.2. Idem, Les manuscrits grecs enlumines de provenance italienne (!Xe-
Xle siecles) (BCA 8), Paris 1972, 25-27, fig. 48, assigned an Italian origin to
this manuscript (?); here also the older bibliography. Spatharakis, "Pros-
kynesis," 194-95, fig. 5.
so Omont, Miniatures, 28-29, pls. 53-54.
31 Constantine VI and Irene, for example, were mentioned as such in the
Second Nicaean Council of 787 (Mansi, XIII, 416 E).
31 Eusebius, Vita Constantini, I, 12. Cf. also the comparison of Manuel I
and Michael VIII with Moses in the pyooimia of the chrysobulls: Hunger,
Prooimion, 201, n97·
83 De Caeremoniis (CSHB), I, 69: 322, 13£, I, 73 : 367, 23-368, 2.
St See Grabar, Empereur, 95£. Treitinger, Kaiser- und Reichsidee, 129ff.
with further bibliography.
85 See Harrison, "Portrait," 79-96, figs. 1-49.
88 The image of Constantine the Great offering his city in the South
 CONCLUSIONS
script where Heraclius is portrayed as Job (Fig. 5) and the Princeton
Leaf where Michael VII is portrayed as St. Constantine {Fig. 4I).
We have also mentioned the identification of King Abgarus as
Constantine VII on an icon at Sinai proposed by Weitzmann. 37
I should like to mention another two examples of St. Constantine
which probably depict ruling emperors. The shape of the beard of
St. Constantine in a mosaic in what remains of the former Patriar-
chate beside St. Sophia is similar to that of Basil I as shown in
Par. gr. 5Io (Fig. 62), the Modena manuscript {Fig. r27b) and on
the coinage (Fig. 128b). St. Constantine in a fresco in the church of
the Panagia at Asinou in Cyprus, 38 from no5/6, has similar features
to Alexius I. A study of the portraits of St. Constantine and the
biblical kings would make it possible to recognise more emperors,
thus providing more accurate dates for the monuments containing
these portraits.
Reattribution
The manuscript Barocci 87 in the Bodleian Library at Oxford,
containing works of Aristotle, Porphyrius and Psellus, has a
portrait in pen and red, yellow and blue water colours on f. 33v,
which is inserted and pasted on a half folio 39 (Fig. r82). A figure is
Vestibule of St. Sophia is meant as a portrait of this emperor and he is,
therefore, shown beardless.
a1 The same scholar saw in the mosaic medallion in St. Catherine's Mona-
stery on Sinai representing David a portrait of Justinian I: K. Weitzmann-
G. H. Forsyth, The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai . The Church
and F01'tress of ]ustinian, Plates, Michigan w. d., 15, pl. 119, in colour. He
observed that the prophet is represented beardless as is Justinian at Ravenna.
However, David has a moustache in the Sinai medallion which is missing in
all portraits of Justinian.
as G. A. Soteriou, Tdt ~u~ct,rnvdt µ.v'l)µe!ct -r'ijr; Ku71'pou, A' Ai:i'ixc.:iµ.ct, Athens
1953. pl. 78b (before the restoration}. D. C. Winfield-E. J. W. Hawkins,
"The Church of Our Lady at Asinou Cyprus. A Report on the Seasons of
1965 and 1966," DOB, 21 (1967}, 261-66, fig. 12 (after the restoration).
M. Sacopoulo, Asinou en l 106 et sa contribution al'iconographie (Bibliotheque
de Byzantion 2), Bruxelles 1966, pl. 26.
19 Paper, ff. 353, 14,5 X 21,5. Coxe, Catalogi, I, 151-52. The watermarks,
antles and scissors (Briquet, 4534, 3652-54}, date from the middle of the
14th century.
CONCLUSIONS 259
shown seated in front of a rich architectonic background. Behind
the portrait is written John didaskalos Argyropulos. On the upper
part of the miniature, an inscription by a later hand gives the
names of six pupils of Argyropulos. On the open book on the lectern
are written the first words of the Organon of Aristotle, which
begins on the opposite page, f. 35r (there is no. f. 34).
The portrait was published by Marcovich40 and also studied by
Belting. They both identified· it as the teacher and rector of the
University of Constantinople John Argyropulos (ea. r415-87), and
the building in the background as the xenon of the Kral Milut in,
the university in question. 41 However, the portrait does not seem
to show any individual features and, moreover, in the inscription
above the head of the figure, now crossed by two lines, was written
the real name of the person portrayed: Aristotle. 42
While in the middle of the 15th century a portrait of Aristot le
could easily be changed to that of Argyropulos by merely adding a
new inscription, this was not the case in earlier times. The imperial
portraits in the Barberini Psalter from the middle of the eleventh
century were also re-used for a Palaeologan emperor, as we have
seen afore. Here the paint of the early portraits was removed and
new portraits have been painted to accord better with the physio-
gnomy of the Palaeologan emperor and his family to whom the
psalter was offered for the second time (Fig. 8).
In Coislin 79 the portraits of Michael VII were changed to those
of Nicephorus Botaniates. Here significant adaptation had to be
made. The erasion of the name of Michael and the insertion of that
of Botaniates was not sufficient for the new attribution of the
portrait. Along with this, the shape of the beard had to be changed
&o M. Marcovich, "Drei Miszellen zur byzantinischen Literaturgeschichte,"
Akten des XI. internationalen Byzantinistenkongress, Munchen r958, ed.
F. Dolger -H.-G. Beck, Miinchen 1960, 341-44, pl. 38.
~ 1 Belting, Buch, 26, n88. Both scholars incorrectly give the signat ure as
Barocci 84 instead of 87. According to S. Lampros, Arguropouleia, Athens
1910, p. xy' n3, pl. B, who also accepted this miniature as a portrait of
Argyropulos, the miniature was first so published by H. Hodius, De graecis
illustribus, London 1742, p. 195.
u Hunger, Reich, 435 n198, also failed to notice that the name of Aristotle
had b een crossed out.
 260 CONCLUSIONS CONCLUSIONS

from the very short round one of Michael to the longer and some- in significance, when we consider that what was the rule in Byzan-
what pointed beard of Botaniates. But even this alteration was not tium was the exception in the West. Thus, Byzantium maintained
sufficient as we have seen afore. The face too had to be adapted to the classical tradition even in portraiture, yet another of the many
show the features of Botaniates. This is visible on the portrait on humanistic features that survived in the Empire.
f. zv (Fig. 75) where a brush line of a more greenish colour than that
used by the first painter has changed the shape of the nose and goes
higher under the right eyebrow. In addition, the upper lip above the
moustache has been shadowed, perhaps to denote that Botaniates
had a broader moustache than Michael. Judging by the fact that
the retouching was not continued on the other parts of this portrait
and on the same portraits in the other three miniatures, we may
conclude that the second artist-if he was an artist-realized that
it was impossible to change successfully the portraits of Michael to
those of Botaniates, and finally abandoned his endeavours. He
started with the easier substitutions, replacing the inscriptions in
the margins and on the gold background, and changing the beard,
but he was deterred by the more difficult task of changing the
features of Michael's face. Since the latter undertaking was never
finished, I believe that Coislin 79 was never offered to Botaniates.
I The attempt to change the portraits of Michael to those of Bota-
niates and the re-painting of the Barberini portraits offer further
proof that the Byzantine artist tried to represent a genuine likeness
of the person portrayed and that the inscription with the name alone
!
was not enough to constitute a portrait.
Unfortunately there are only a few outstanding portraits sur-
viving in Byzantine illuminated manuscripts. As such one can
consider the portraits in Vat. Reg. r (Figs. r-4), those of Michael VII
and his wife Maria in Coislin 79 (Figs. 73-76), Alexius I in Vat. gr.
666 (Figs. 8r-82), John II in Urb. gr. 2 (Fig. 48), Manuel I and his
wife Maria of Antioch in Vat. gr. II76 (Figs. r56-57), John VI Can-
tacuzenus in Par. gr. 1242 (Figs. 86-89), the bishop of Serres, Jacob,
in Add. 39626 (Fig. 58), Manuel II in the Louvre manuscript
(Fig. 94) and the Palaeologan family in the Lincoln Typicon
(Figs. r43-54). Nevertheless, they are enough, together with the
even fewer mosaic portraits in Ravenna and Istanbul, to show that
the Byzantine artist continued to reproduce throughout the Middle
Ages the physical likeness of the person portrayed. This increases

APPENDIX
I have used the following terminology for costume.
Clerical
Sticharion : A descendant of the Roman tunic. It was stipulated
that it should be of white and made of linen, as it symbolized
purity. We met it, however, in other colours, usually in lighter
shades as well as in brown gradations, the latter worn by monks.
It derives its name from the stichoi ( clavi) decorating it.
Potarrwi: Another name for the stichoi. They are vertical bands,
originally purple, but also later in other colours.
Orarion: A narrow white band hanging from the left shoulder. The
word ArIOC is written on it in triplicate. It is an attribute of
deacons and was held to symbolize the wings of angels.
Epitrachelion: a white band, a little wider than the orarion. As the
word denotes, is placed around the neck. Its lower end, with
some decoration, appears hanging in front of the sticharion. It
was understood to symbolize the rope which was tied around the
neck of Christ, when he was led to Caiaphas.
Phelonion: A type of chasuble worn over the sticharion and epitra-
chelion and usually brown. The word is a diminutive deriving
from paenula.
Polystaurion: The phelonion worn by patriarchs and later by some
bishops. It is white and decorated with the crosses from which it
derives its name.
Gammata : The crosses decorating the polystaurion. They refer to
the four gammas which form a cross.
Omophorion : A broad, wide band worn by bishops around the
shoulders, suspended at the front and back of the body. It
derives from the Roman toga trabeata and is decorated with
crosses. It was held to symbolize the lost sheep that Christ
carried on his shoulders.
Poloi: The dark coloured crosses decorating the omophorion.
APPENDIX
Encheirion: A large usually ornamented handkerchief, hanging
from the girdle.
Imperial
Skaramangion: A purple or blue elaborated outer tunic on which
the loros was used. It is usually decorated with floral motives.
Sakkos: The name given to the same garment in the Palaeologan
era. It was dark in colour without ornament and, when black,
was called sakkos melas. When worn in mourning, it was white.
Segmenta: The gold patches decorating the above garments.
Loros: A wide gold band worn around the shoulders and the waist.
One end is wound around the body and the other is thrown
over the left arm. It was a descendant of the Roman trabea
triumphalis and was at first worn loosely, forming a Y on the
chest; later it was wound more firmly, as if sewn on the sakkos,
in the shape of a T. The latter appears for the first time on the
costume of Constantine IX (1042-55). It was studded with pre-
cious stones and usually has a red lining. Ps.-Codinus called it a
diadema, the word loros occuring only once, in the sense of a
bludgeon (p. 181, 30). In the early Byzantine period it was
worn by the consuls and also by other officials.
Anexikakia: The purple or red scroll-like silk bag held in the left
hand of the emperor. It contained dust symbolizing, according to
Ps.-Codinus who called it akakia, that the emperor, being mortal,
should be humble.
Stemma: The crown of the emperor. It gradually increased from a
diadem to a semi-spherical crown-after ea. noo AD. That of
the empress was higher and more luxurious, having a ray-like top.
Prependulia: Strings of pearls hanging from the stemma alongside
the cheeks.
Skiadion: A hat of the Palaeologan era with a projection on the
front throwing a shadow, as the word denotes. It was also worn
by private citizens.
Tablion: A rectangular piece of cloth decorating the chlamys of
the emperor and other officials at the height of the chest.
Thorakion: A modern term for the shield-like piece made from the
 APPENDIX APPENDIX

same material as the loros of the empress. The actual thorakion Ebersolt, Arts.
was a kind of tunic. Jerphanion, "Le 'thorakion'."
Baion: A Palaeologan name for the sceptre of the empress. Its Koukoules, II.2, 5-59.
upper part was studded with precious stones. J. Deer, "Der Ursprung der Kaiserkrone," Schweizer Beitrage zur
Suppedion: A large podium on which the imperial family stood. aUgem. Geschichte, 8 (r950), 51-87.
There could also be a separate piece for each member of the M. L<a>TI)plou, "To )..e:y6µe:vov 6wpcfxLov -r'ijc; yuv(xtxe:lo::c; o::ihoxpo::-roptx'ijc;
family, high and semi-spherical during the middle Byzantine a-ro)..1jc;", EEBL, 23 (1953), 524-530.
period, or having the shape of a cushion from the middle of the A. Hofmeister, "Von der Trabea Triumphalis des romischen Kaisers
uth century on. It is usually red and often decorated. iiber das byzant. Lorum zur Stoia der abendlandischen Herr-
scher," in P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik,
SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY Stuttgart 1955, I, 25-50.
G. P. Galavaris, "The Symbolism of the Imperial Costume as dis-
Clerical costume: played on Byzantine Coins," Museum Notes, 8 (1958), 99-n7.
E. Piltz, "Loros-ett bysantinskt insignium," Konsthistorisk Tid-
Isidorus Pelusiata, epist. IJ6, PG 78, 272C. skrift, 41 (1972), 55-62, with a French resume.
S. Germanus, Historia ecclesiastica, PG 98, 393-96. Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, III, 369ff.
Theodore Balsamon, PG 138, 1025, 1028.
Symeon of Thessalonica, PG 155, 408, 422B, 712-13. Although much has been written on imperial costume, a systema-
P. Bemardakis, "Les ornements liturgiques chez les Grecs," EO, 5 tic examination of it is still required.
(1901-1902), 129-39·
I'. }.;wTI)plou, "<H E~<a>-re:pLx~ m:pt~o)..-Yj -rwv XA'YJpLxwv", I'pYJy6ptoc; o
ITo::t..o::µac;, 3 (1919), 367££.
- - "To oplfpLov -rou ~Lo::xovou ev "TI &.vo::-ro/..tx7j ExXA'YJGLc{', 'EmO"TI)-
µovLx~ e7te:TI)ptc; -r1jc; 0e:o/..oytx1jc; ~xot..1jc; 't"OU AS~V'YJO"L IIo::ve:mO'TYlµ(ou,"
l {1926), 405-49.
T. Papas, Studien zur Geschichte der M essgewiinder im byzantinischen
Ritus, Miinchen 1965.
N. Thierry, "Le costume episcopal byzantin du IXe au XIIIe s.
d'apres les peintures datees (miniatures, fresques)," REB, 24
(r966), 308-15.
Ch. Walter, "Pictures of the clergy in the Theodore Psalter," REB,
91 (1973), 229-42.

Imperial costume:

Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, De caeremoniis aulae lryzantinae.

Ps.-Codinus, De oficiis.
 INDEX

Arsenius, metropolitan of Cyzicus 133, figs. 86, 91

Arsenius of Tyre 134 n134
Asaph 44
INDEX Ascension of Christ 63, 68, 247, figs. 33-34
Athanasius, patriarch of C/ple (1287-93), 1303-9) 84 moo
Aaron 12, 246 n3
Abgarus 72-73, 258 Baekovo 165
Abraakios, bishop of Sinai 246 n3 Bagrat IV (zo27-72) 38, 109
Abraham 29 n73, 62, 68, 135-36, 164, 245, figs. 31-32 Baptism of Christ 80
Aelia Eudocia 4 Basil I (867-86) 96-99, 182, 241, 251-52, 258, figs. 62, 65, 127b, 128b
Agnes of France 213, 217-18 Basil II (976-1025) 20-25, 56-57 n8, 93-95, 173, 18r, n101, 182, 210, 241,
Alexander (912-13) 97, 182, 11104, figs. 63, l25i figs. 6, 61, 115, 125c, 126c
Alexiakos triklinos 132 Basil, donor 58-59, fig. 26
Alexius I (1081-1I18) 28-31, 33, 37, 40 nn5, 116, 122-29, 132, 172, 174, Basil, 'epi tou kanikleiou 1 I 7
180, 192 n4, 210, 217, 250, 254, 258, 260, figs. 79-82, 84-85, 122 Basil, protospatharios 84, 243, fig. 52
Alexius II {II80-83) 157, 174, 180, 213, 217-18, fig. n7c Bellinzona, Archivio Cantonale no. 364 (drawing) 177, fig. 133
Alexius III (n95-1203) 155-57, 179-80, 217, figs. II7f, 118e Benedict VIII, pope (1012-24) 94
Alexius III of T rebizond (1349-90) 185-88, 207, 247, figs. 136-37, 139 Bertha of Sulzbach (Irene), wife of Manuel I 209, 217
Alexius IV (1203-4) 180, 217, fig. n9a Bessarion 20, n49
Alexius V (1204) 152, 155-58, 180, figs. 99, II9b Birth of St. John the Baptist So, n81
Alexius Apocaucus 148-51, 156, 195, 245, figs. 96-97 . Bojana 141 nI68, 156
Alexius, son of John II 29, 31, 79-83, 158, 217, 242, figs. 46, 50-51
Anastasis 80 Callistus I, patriarch of C/ple (1350-54, 1355-63) 133, 137, 139, figs. 86, 90; 92
Anastasius II (713-15) 182, figs. r29d, 13od Canon Tables 51, 56, 59, 67, 70, 76, 79, 84, 88, 231
Andronicus I (n83-85) 157, 180, 210, 217, figs. 117d, n8c Catherine, daughter of George Brankovic 188, fig. 140
Andronicus II (1282-1328) 140 m63, 154, 166-70, 176-77, 184-85, 188, 195- Charlotte, queen of Cyprus 45, n135, 48
96, 202, 212, 218, 238-40, 246-47, 250, IIO, II2b, II4b, 119h, 134-35 Churches and monasteries
Andronicus III (1328-41) 150, 177, 195-96, 202, 238-40, figs. 121a, 180 Asinou (Cyprus)
Andronicus IV (1376-79) 178, fig. I21d Panagia Phorbiotissa 48, 258
Andronicus Asen, panhypersebastos 134 Athos
Andronicus Ducas, protoproedros u6-17 n74, II8 St. Paul 90
Andronicus Palaeologus 138 Attica
Andronicus, parakeimomenos (monk Antonius) 201-2, 205 Daphni l r 1 n52
Andronicus, son of Constantine X 33, 37 n105, 105-6 Classe
Andronicus, son of John II 158, 217 Sant' Apollinare 16, 247
Andronicus, son of John VI 138 n152 Chalcidice
Andronicus, son of Manuel II 140-41, fig. 93 St. Anastasia Pharmakoly tria l 3 r
Anicia Juliana 145-46, 241, 244-45, fig. 95 Constantinople
Anna Comnena 28, 37, 60, 81, 108-10, 113, 117, 126, 193, 255 SS. Apostoli 234
Anna Dandolo 163 Chara Church 10 m4, 47 nqr, 167, 252-53 n22
Anna Philanthropene 197-98, 205, fig. 150 St. Euphemia 253 n22
Anna of Savoy, wife of Andronicus III 150, 202, 238 -39, fig. 181 Hodegon Monastery 46-47, 137
Anna, wife of Andronicus II 212, 238, 240 Lips Monastery 253 n22
Anna, wife of Manuel Asen 196-97, n33, 205, fig. 148 Manuel Monastery 37
Anna, wife of Nicholas Maliasenus 189, figs. 141-42 St. Mocius 210
Annunciation 80 n81 Pammakaristos 239-40
Anthousa, nun 189, figs. 141-42 Peribleptos 22
Arcadius (395-408) 4, 24, 256-57 Prodromos Monastery 6 5
Aristotle 172, 258-59, fig. 182 St. Sophia ro nq, 28-29, 81, 83, 101, 177, 180, 182, nro4, 242, 255,
n24, 256-57 n36
268 INDEX INDEX

Churches and monasteries Constantine V (741-75) 182, figs. 129b, 13ob

Studios Monastery 31, 33-34, 37, 65 Constantine VI (780-97) 182, nro6, 257 n31, figs. 127V128i
Theotocos of Certain Hope 190, 242 Constantine VII (913-59) 27, 72, 94 nr37, 181, 258, figs. 125h, 126h
Theotocos of Pharos 145 n4 Constantine V I II (1025-28) 72, 93-95, 101, 181, figs. 61, 125b, 126b
Demetrias (Thessaly) Constantine IX (1042-55) 32, 72, 83 nr35, 99-102, 181, 230, 242, 244, 255,
Theotocos Makrinitissa 188 263, figs. 66-67, 123g, 124g
St. John the Baptist (Nea Petra) 188 Constantine X ('1059-67) 32, 34, 59, 72, 74, 93, 102, 104-6 n4o, n5, 181,
Florence ng9, 251-53, figs. 68, 123d, 124d
S. Maria Novella 234 Constantine XI (1449-53) 143, 172, 176, 179, 217, fig. 121h
Goreme Constantine Manasses 68, 158-65, 248-49, figs. 100-102
Karanlik Kilise 110 n5o Constantine, brother of Michael VII 192-93, 205, fig. 143
Jerusalem Constantine, protosebastos 197, 205, fig. 149
St. Sabas 207 Constantine, protospatharios II, nr6, 12, 13, 255 n24, figs. 2-4
Kiev Constantine, son of Basil I 14, 98-99, figs. 64-65
St. Peter 42 Const antine, son of Constantine X 32-34, 37 mo5, 93, 105-6, 242, fig. 68
St. Sophia 251-52 Constantine, son of Michael VII 29 n10, 37, 93, 121 n92, figs. 9, 12
Mikra Bryse Constantinople 14, 25 n61, 46 nr38, 52 nr61, 73, 142-43, 153, 155. 167, 208,
St. Theodore 83 2II, 213, 217, 227, 239, figs. 160, 16g
Milesevo Augusteon 173
Ascension 86 Blachernae palace 132, 139
Palarmo Chalke 252
Cappella Palatina 23 Forum Tauri 156
Martorana 79 Hippodrome 24, 233 n54
Paris Honoratae 147, nm, 241, 345
St. Denis 143, 241 Kainourgion palace 251-42
Phocis Pantheon 145 ll4
Hosios Lucas 23 Xenon of Milutin 259
Pyrga (Cyprus) Costume
St. Catherine's Chapel 45 nr35 aer 209
Ravenna akakia 69, 132, 140, 156, 184 n4, 185, 233, 237, 248, 263
San Vitale l 6 anexi.kakia 26, 81, 97, 263
Rome baion 140, 237, 264
S. Paolo fuori le mura 94 clavus 10, 61, 86, 88, 125, 262
Sohag (Upper Egypt) codicillium 145, n4
White Monastery 14 delmatikion 145 n4
SopoCa.ni diadema 263
Holy Trinity 164 encheirion 86, 123, 263
Sosthenion epitrachelion 86, 89, IIg, 123, 132, 262
Archangel 102 fibula 15, 22
Trebizond gammata 86, 89, 132-133
St. Eugenius 206-207, 241, 243 kabbadion 149, n 2o, 154 n12, 156, 193, 196-98, 204, 206
Panagia of Soumela l 87 kampagia 22
Panagia Theoskepaste 187 labarum 96
St. Sophia 187 lorica 57
Commissioning of the Apostles 61, 68, figs. 29-30 loros 15, 26, 36, 40-41, 69, 71, 81, 96-98, lOO, 125, 129, 132-33, 168-79,
Consta.ns II (641-68) 182, figs. 131a, 132a 171, 174n79, 184, 186, 209,211,228,230,233,237,248,263-64
Constantine I (324-37) 176, 179. 257 n36. fig. 121i maphorion 8, 15, 49-50, 60, 76, 78, 85, 87, 140, 145 n4. 1g8
Constantine III (641) 182, figs, 131c, 132b mappa 233 n54
Constantine IV (668-85) 16, 182, 247, figs. 129i, 13oi omophorion ro, 86, 89, ng, 122, 132-33, 159, 234, 262
 INDEX
f
i INDEX

Costume Elea2ar 7 n3, 12

oration 54, 167, 262 Elijah 52, 96, fig. 62
paludamentum 15 Epiphania-Eudocia 19
phelonion 10-11, 49-50, 6r, 88, u9, 122-23, 159. 262 Eudocia, daughter of Heradius 17
poloi 10 Eudocia Makrembolitissa 32, 34, 59, 74, 93, 102-6, 115, 242, 251-52, fig. 68
polystaurion 86, 89, 122, l28, 132-33, 163, 262 Eudocia, wife of Basil 97-98 n4, fir. 63
potamoi lO, 86, 89, 122, 132-33, 262 Eudocia, wife of Theodore Synadenus 195-96, 205, fig. 146
prependulia 26, 69, 71, 168, 209, 236, 263 Eudocia-Fabia 17-19
propoloma 145 n4 Euphernia 17
rouchon 204, 192 Euphrosyne, nun 190, 194-95, 199, 202-3, 205, 242, fig. 145, 153
sagion 22 Euphrosyne, protosebaste 197, 205, fig. 149
sakkos 69, 132, 140, 168-69, 184, 186, 233, 237, 248, 263 Euthymius Zygabenus 122, 126, 128, 250
segmentum 26, 140, 211, 233, 263
sella curulis 145 Flavius J osephus 249
skaramangion 26, 71, 81, 96, 100, 125, 209, 263 Filaret e 53
skaranikon 149, 193, 196, 204, 206
skiadion 52-53, 134, 154, 256, 263 Gabriel, archangel 22, 97, figs. 6, 62
stemma 69, 132, 140, 168, 233, 236-37, 248, 263 Geiza I (1074-77) 38, 74, fig. 12
stephanos 193, 204 Genesis 8 n6-n7
sticharion 10, 61, 76, 78, 85-86, 88-89, ug, 122-23, 132-33, 159, 167, 198, George of Antioch 79
262 George Brankovic 188, 246
stichoi 262 George Pachymeres 134, 166-71, 248, 250, figs. 106-7, 11a, n3a
suppedion 22, 26, 6g-70, 78, 81, 84, 97, 100, 106, 111, 124, r29, 132, 141, George Palaeologus 56 n1
149, 156, l6o, 168-71, 184, 209, 228, 233, 237, 264 George Spanopulos 87 nIIo
tabarion 192, 204 Gennanicia 99, 241
tablion 84, 263 Germanos, monk 89, 246, fig. 56
thoralrion 26, 36, 40, 145 n4. 209, 263-64 Gertrude 39, 41, 43, figs. 13-14
toga trabeata 145, 162 Goliath 44
trabea triumphalis 263 Gregory, monk 54, 246
trachelia 119, 23 7 Gregory Palamas 130, 133-34 m34, figs . 86, 90
Creation 8 Gregory, son of Brankovic 188
Crossing of the Red Sea 44
Crown of B udapest 72, 102, 181, 230 Helena, wife of Manuel II 53 m65, 140, 237-38, fig. 93
Crucifixion 39 Heraclius (610-41 ) 4, 16, n33, 17-20, 71, 182 mo7, 258, figs. 5, 131d, l32b-c
Cunigunde 42-43 Heraclonas (641) 182, fig. 131b
Cyrillus 25 n61 Hippocrates 148-50, 249
Hodegetria 46, nr37-38, 47-48 nr44, 76
David 7 ns, 20-21, 25, 34-35, 36 n96, 44, lo6, 162, 245, 257-58 n37, figs. 15, Holy Crown of Hungary 38, 74, 115, 181, fig. 12
68 Honorius 24
deesis 38, 40-41, 44, n127, 46, 48-50, 52 n161, 68, 89, 102, 156, 167, 193, 200, Horologion Tables 5r
207, 244-45, 248, 250
Demetrius Palaeologus (monk David) 91, nr21, fig. 60 Irene Asen 138
Desislava, daughter of Ivan Alexander 70, fig. 38 Irene of Braunschweig 238
Desislava, wife of Kalojan 156 Irene, daughter of Andronicus Ill r63
Dionysius of Athos 186-87 Irene Gabras 6o, fig. 28
Dioscurides 145-46 n6, 244-45, 256 Irene Lascarina 195-96, 205, fig. 147
Dormition of Mary 58 Irene, sebastokratorissa 158-61, 248, fig. 100
Irene of Trebizond 187, 207, fig. 139
Egbert, archbishop of Trier (977-93) 39 Irene, wife of Alexius I 28-29, 33, 117, 238
272 INDEX INDEX 273
Irene, wife of Andronicus II 212 Jonah 36
Irene, wife of Brankovic 188 Joseph II, patriarch of C/ple (1416-39) 234-35, fig. 177
Irene, wife of Constantine Palaeologus 192-93, fig. 143 Julian (361-63) 256-57
I rene, wife of John II 29, n7I, So, 82, 83, 238 Justin II (565-78) 181-12, figs. 131h, 132g
Irene, wife of John VI 197, 205 Justinian I (527-65) 16, 173, 258 n37
Irene, wife of Manuel I 213 Justinian II (685-95, 705-n) 182, figs. 129h, l3oh
Irene, wife of Matthew Cantacuzenus 138-39
Irene, wife of Michael Tornices 198, 205, fig. 151 Kalojan, sebastokrator 156
Isaac I (ro57-59) 32, 174, 181, figs. r23e, l24e Keraea (Maria) 70, fig. 38
Isaac II (u85-95, 1203-4) 157, 179-80, 217, figs. n7e, u8d Khakhouli triptych 38, 74, 109-ro, 115, n8, 181, fig. II
Isaac, son of John II 217 Koimesis 163, n41
Isaiah 36, 52 ktetor 4, 31 n78, 44, 51, 55, 149, 157, 189, 193-94, 240, 243-46
I van Alexander (133r-7r) 67-70, ro6 n4o, 160-65, figs. 30, 32, 34-35, 37,
39-40, ro2-5 Last Judgement 62, 68, 90 figs. 31-32
Ivan Asen 69-70, 161 n2 r, 162-15, 242, figs. 39, ro3, ro5 Lazar, son of Brankovic 188
Ivan Sisman 69, fig. 39 Leo I (457-74) 252, n21
Ivan Stratsimir 164, fig. ro5 Leo II (474) 253, n21
Leo III (717-41) 182, figs. 129c, 13oc
Jacob, metropolitan of Serres 89-90, 243, 260, figs . 57-58 Leo IV (775-80) 182, figs. 129a, l3oa
Jaropolk-Peter 39-43, figs. 13-14 Leo V (813-20) 182, figs. 127f, 128£
Jesus Sirach ro6, fig. 68 Leo VI (886-912) 97, 182, 256-57, figs. 63, 65, 1:z7a, 128a
Joachim, monk 194, 205, fig. 145 Leo, king of Lesser Armenia 48
Job 14-18, 71, 73, 258, fig. 5 Leo, patricius 8-14, 255 n24, fig. r
Jobab 17 Leontius (695-98) 182, figs. r29g, 13og
John I (969-76) 181, figs. l25d, l26d
John II (n 18-43) 28, 33, 37, 79-81, 83, 157-58, 173, 180, 209-ro, 2 17, 238, Macedonian Renaissance 7, 8 n9, lO n14, 12 n 19, 50-51, 88, 97
255, 260, figs. 46, 48-49, l17a, II8a Makar, abbot 11-12, 255 n24, figs. 2-3
John III (1222-54) 79, figs. u9d, l2ob Manasseh 49 m47
John IV (1258-61) 174, 179, fig. u9f mandorla 92, 100
John V (1341-91) 135, 138-39, 150, 177-78, 198 nJ8, 235, figs. 12oe, 121c, Manuel~ (n43-80) 157-58, 161, n24, 180, 208-10, 213, 217, 2471 257 n32,
1 33 260, figs. n7b, u8b, 155-56
J ohn VI (1347-54) 87 mro, 129-39, 150, n2r, 154, 166, 177, 197, 205, 207, Manuel II (1391-1 425) 53 m 65, 140-44, 174-75, 178, 233, ns3, 235, 241, 248,
247, 250, 256,. 260, figs. 86-89, 92, I2Ib 250, 254-56, 260, figs. 93-94, 121f, 175-76, 178
] ohn VII (1390) 178, 235, figs. 121e, 178 Manuel A sen 134, 196-97, n 33, 205, fig. 148
J ohn VIII (1425-48) 52-53, 140-41 m 67, 142, 154, 178-79, 235, 236, figs . Manuel Chrysoloras 142-44, 241, fig. 94a
20-22, 93, 120£, 121g, 178, 179 Manuscripts
J ohn XIX, pope (1024-32) 94 Athens, Nat . Libr . 7 Ps. 231. 15 Ps. 231. 93 T et raevan g. 23r. 118
J ohn Argyropulos 259 Tetraevan g. 84. 2 71 Chrysostom 256. 7462 Chrysobull 184 n3
John Branas (monk Joasaph) 200, 205 Byzant. Mu seum 80 Chrysobull 170, 177, 184-85, 246-47, fig. 134
John, Grand D uke 207 Athos, D ionysiu, Chrysobult 185-87, 24 7, figs. 136-38. 67 N a zianzenus
J ohn, ktet or 84-87, fig. 54 118-:1, 123, 245, fig. 77. 65 Ps. 49-51, 77, 83 n96, 244, fig. 18. 587
J ohn, megas drouggarios tes bigles 76 Lection ary I 20
J ohn, megas konostaulos 192 n3, 195 -96, 198, 205, fig . 147 E sphigmenu, Chrysobull 188, 246-47, fig. 140
J ohn, m onk 54, 246 I viron 5 T etraevang. 84-87, 243-44, 246, figs. 53-54
J ohn, proedros 75, n 65, 243, fig. 42 Kutlumusiu 60 L ectionary 83-84, 243, fig. 52
John (Yovhannes), protospatharios 56, n4, 57, fig . 25 Lavra A92 Lectionary 23. A 103 Lection ary 78-79, 244, fig. 45
J ohn, son of Ma tthew Cant acuzenus 139 Pantokrator 6 1 P s. 33 n9 I. 234 miscella ny n 5, 230-32, fig. 174
J ohn Syn adenus 193-94, 205, fig. 144 V atopedi 1199 Typicon 206-7, 24 r, 243
J ohn Zonaras 172-73 Baltimore, Walters A rt Gallery W533 Praxapostolos 231
274 INDEX
Manuscripts
Bari, Archivio della Cattedrale, Exultet 1 72, 91-95, 181, fig. 61
Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett 78 A9 Hamilton Ps. 45-48, 244, fig. 16
Bologna, Univ. Libr. 3632 Dioscurides 146 n6, 256
Cambridge, Harvard College Libr. gr. 3 Ps. 44, 244-45, fig. 15
Cividale del Friuli, Museo Archeologico, Egbert Ps. 39-44, 244, 246, figs.
13-14
Cleveland, Museum of Art, acc. no. 50154 Ps. 54 n168
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, Plut. VI. 23 Tetraevang. 61
Jerusalem, Greek Patriarchate, Megali Panagia 1 Lectionary 57-59, 244,
fig. 26
Leningrad, Bibl. Publica, gr. 21-27a Lectionary 7. gr. 118 Tetraevang.
90-91, figs. 59-60. gr. 214 Ps. 29 n10, 33, 36-38, So, 115, 253, 256, figs.
9-10. gr. 291 Tetraevang. 59-60, 244, fig. 27-28
Leyden, Univ. Libr. BPG 46 Cantacuzenus 135 n138, 138
London, British Libr. Add. 19352 Theodore Ps. 31-32 n79, 33-34, 65.
Add. 36749 miscellany 13. Add. 39626 Tetraevang. 89-90, 243, 260,
figs. 57-58. Add. 39627 Tetraevang. 67-70, 90, 160, 164 n45, 245, 256,
figs. 30, 32, 34-35, 37-40. Egerton 1739 Ps. 21 n5I
Madrid, Nat. Libr. Vitr. 26-2 Skylitzes 160
Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria 710/5 Tetraevang. 51, 76-78,
. 243, fig. 43
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana E 97 sup. Medical 250
Modena, Bibl. Estense, gr. 122 Zonaras 20, 28, 38, 72, 97, 104, u5, 125,
156, 168, 170, 172-83, 185, 235, 250, 258, figs. II5-17, II9, 121-23, 125,
127, 129, 131
Moscow, Historical Museum, Add. gr. 129 Chuldov Ps. 33, n9I. gr. 23J
Cantacuzenus 1300120, hr. 382Menology 32. gr. 387 Zygabenus 122,
128-29, figs. 83-85. gr. 407 N.T. 45. gr. 429 Akathistos 129, 137-38,
fig. 9;z. muz. 2752 Tomic Ps. 171
Munich, Bayer. Staatsbibl. gr. 442 Pachymeres 134, 154, 165-71, 176, 179.
185,- 250, figs. 106-ro
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale IB 18 Job 14-20, 257-58, fig. 5
New York, Pierpont Morgan Libr. M398 Chrysobull 185, 247, fig. 135·
M639 231 n43· M748 Tetraevang. 70, 74
Oxford, Bodleian Libr. Auct. T inf. 1.10 N.T. (Codex Ebnerianus) I2I.
Barocci 87 Aristotle 258-59, fig. 182. Lincoln gr. 35 Typicon 141
n168, 190-206, 242, 247-48, 26o, figs. 143-54
Paris, Bibl. Nationale Coislin 79 Chrysostom 57, 74-75 n65, 77, 86, 107-19,
121, 123, 156, 244-45, 25g-60, figs. 69-76. fr. 6465 Chroniques de France
233 n33. gr. 36 miscellany 77, fig. 44. gr. 54 Tetraevang. 85. gr. 74
Tetraevang. 61-68, 241, 245-46, figs. 29, 31, 33, 36. gr. 139 Paris Ps.
7. gr. 510 Nazianzenus 7, 14, 96-99, 182, 241, 244-45,.251-52, 257-58,
figs. 62-64. gr. 550 Nazianzenus 123. gr. 922 Sacra Parallela 72, 102-6,
181, 242, 251-53, 256, fig. 68. gr. 923 Sacra Parallela 251. gr. 1208
Kokkinobaphos t23. gr. 1242 Cantacuzenus 129-37, 141 m68, 177,
247-48, 256, 260, figs. 86-91. gr. 1783 miscellany 178, 234-35, fig. 178.
gr. 2144 Hippocrates 148-51, 156, 249, figs. 96-97. gr. 3047 Violarium
105 n33. lat. 5058 De bello judaico 249. suppl. gr. 309 Manuel II 178,
INDEX 275
Manuscripts
233-34, 248, 256, figs. 175-76. suppl. gr. 1188 miscellany 236-37, fig.
179
Louvre, Ivoires 100 Ps.-Dionysius 139-43, 178, 233-34, 237, 241, 251,
253-54, 256, 260, figs. 93-94
Princeton, Art Museum acc. no. 32.14 70-74, n5, 258, fig. 41 Speer Libr.
acc. no. 11.21.1900 Lectionary 74-76, 243, fig. 42
Univ. Libr. Garett 2 Tetraevang. 84. Garett 16, Climacus 32
Rossano, Archivescovado Code,; P urpureus Tetraevang. 16
Sinai, St. Catherine's Monastery gr. 61 Ps. 48-49, 244, fig. 17. gr. 172
Tetraevang. 59. gr. 198 Tetraevang. 87-89, 244, 246, fig. 56. gr. 283
Praxapostolos 55, 244, 246, fig. 23. gr. 364 Chrysostom 72, 99-102,
181, 242, 245, 256, fig. 66. gr. 2-123 Ps. +NT 51-53, 91, 154, 236, figs.
19-20
Stuttgart, Wiirtemberg. Landesbibl. hist. 2°601 miscellany 177, 237-40,
figs. 180-81
Turin, Bibl. Nazionale gr. 237 miscellany 188-89, 247, figs. 141-42
Tiibingen, Univ. Libr. Mb 13 Pachymeres 170-71., figs. 1na-n2b
Vatican, Bihl. Vaticana Barb. gr. 372 Barberini Ps. 22 n52, 26-36,. 82,
241-42, 244-45, 253, 259, figs. 7-8. Barb. lat. 4406 miscellany 94. gr. 463
Nazianzenus 32, 61. gr. 666 Zygabenus 28-29, 31, 122-29, 136, 180,
254, 26o, figs. 78-82. gr. 674 Prochorus Cydones 130 nn8. g'I' ..• 752
Ps. 230. gr. 1156 Lectionary 61. gr. 1176 Tomos of u66 180., 208-10,
217, 230, 247-48, fig. 155-57. gr. 1208 Praxapostolos 249. gr. 1613
Menology of Basil II 25, n61. gr. 1851 Epithalamion 2rn-30, figs.
158-73. lat. 3867 Virgil 249. Reg. gr. 1 Bible of Leo 7-14. 22, 50, 121,
243, 245, 255 n24, 266, figs. 1-4. Slav. 2 Manasses 68, 106 040, 160-65,
242, 249, figs. rn2-5. Urb. gr. 2 Tetraevang. 28-30, 79-83, 120, 127-29,
180, 209, 242, 245, 255, 260, figs. 46-48, 50
Venice, Bibl. Marciana gr. Z 17 P s. 20-26, 94, .241, 245, fig. 6. gr. 404 2
Pachymeres 168-69. gr. 479 Ps.-Oppian no n50. lat. 342 m iscellany
181 lll02
San Lazzaro, Mehkitarist Library 887/176 Tetraevang. 55-57, figs. 24-
25
Vienna, Nat. Libr. hist. gr. 53 Nie. Choniates 152-58, 180, figs. 98-99.
hist. gr. 91 Manasses 159-60, 249, fig. IOI. med. gr. 1Dioscurides145-48,
241, fig. 95. Phil. gr. 33(69) Pachymeres 171. phil. gr. 149 miscellany
158-59, 161, fig. 100. theol. gr. 154 Tetraevang. 61
Washington, Dumbarton Oaks no. 3 Ps.+NT 32, 54, 243, 246
Maria of Antioch 208-10, 230, 238, 247, 260
Maria Comnena 213, n27
Maria, sister of Heraclius 19
Maria, wife of Glabas 240
Maria, wife of Michael VII 33, 36, n98, 38, 74, 108-10, q6, 238, 255, 260,
figs. 9-II, 70, 74
Maria-Mara 188
Margaret (Maria) of Hungary 217
Martina 17-20
Martinus Crusius 170, 237, 239
 INDEX INDEX 277
Matthew, metropolitan of Ephesus 130, 134 m34 Pentecost 120 n90
Matthew, son of John VI 138-39 Peter, monk 246 n3
Maurice (582-6o2) 182, figs. l3If, 132e Philippicus (7II-13) 182, figs. 129e, 13oe
Melchisedeck 246 n3 Philotheos, patriarch of C/ple (I354-55, 1364-76) 133, 137, 139, figs. 86, 91-
Methodius 25 n61 92
Michael I (8n-r3) 182, figs. l27g, 128g Philoxenia of Abraham 29 n13, 135. 248
Michael II (820-29) 182, figs. 127e, l28e Phocas (602 -ro) 16, n34, 182, figs. 131e, 132d
Michael III (842-67) 182, figs. l27c, 128c Photios, disypatos 56, n 1
Michq.el IV (1034-41) 73, 181, 255 n26, figs. l23i, 124i Pisanello 53, nx66, 154, 179, 235-37
Michael V (1041-42) 73-8u, figs. l23h, 124h Prochorus 51, 80, 88-89
Michael VI (1056-57) 32, 174 n79, 181, figs. u6, l23f, 124£ Procopius Chantzames 206-7, 243
Michael VII (1071-78) 32-34, 37-38, 73-74, 93, 105-6, 109-18, 121 n92, 174, prokypsis 2I4
181, 231-32, 248, 253, 258-60, figs. 9-12, 41, 68-73, 75-76, l23b, 124b, 174 proskynesis 9, n10, 10 m4, 23-24, 41, 46, 48, 50, 57, 78, 84, 102, I46. 244-45,
Michael VIII (1259-82) 52, 91, 154, 166-71, 176, 188-89, 192, 205, 212, 238, 246 n3
250, 257 n32, figs . 19, 59, I09, 112a, II4a, II9g, 12od Proverbs (Book of) I4, 17
Michael IX (I295-132.o) I71, 217, fig. 119i Ps.-Codinus 82, 134· n135, 154, 193. 204, 206
Michael, abbot 31 n78
Michael, archangel 22, 59, III n32, n54 (Choniates), II8, figs. 6, 72 Ravenna (s. also s.v. Churches) 258, 60. Palace 252
Michael Asen I34 Reparatus, bishop 247
Michael Glabas 240 Resurrection 58
Michael Philanthropenus 197-98, n38, 205, fig. 150 Romanus I (920-44) 181, figs. 125g, I26g
Michael Psellus 24, 37, 101-2, 105, 117, 153> 158-69, 23I-32, 236, 248, 258, Romanus II (959-63) 29 n10, 94, I8r, figs. l25f, l26f
fig. 174 Romanus III (1028-34) 73, ror, 181, figs. l25a, r26a
Michael, son of Ivan Alexander 164, fig. I05 Romanus IV (1068-71) 33, 73, 105-6, 174, l8r, n98. figs. l 23c, I24c
Michael Torn.ices 198, n4o, 204-5, fig. 151
Mission of the Apostles no, n5o Sabas, monk 77, 108, 244-45, fig. 69
Moscow (s. also s.v. mss.) Saints
Historical Museum, ivory plaque 72, 94, I37, I8I Antonius 52
Oryzejnaja Palata, reliquary 104 Athanasius of Alexandria I23, 231-32, figs. 78, 83
Moses 7 n11, 44, 50, Io6, 246 n3, 257, fig. 68 Athanasius of Athos 25 n61
Myron, painter 255 Bartholomew 59
Basil 52, 103, 106, 23I, figs. 68, 78, 83
Nativity 39, 52, 79-80, 120 n9o, 247 Constantine 52, 71, 73, 9I, 234, 257758, fig. 41
naziraios 51, 77 Cyril of Alexandria 122, I59, figs. 78, 83
Nicephorus I (802-II) 182, fig. l 27h, 128h Demetrius 23, I 73. fig. 6
Nicephorus II (963-69) 181, mo2, figs. 125e, r26e Dionysius 123, 139. 141, fig. 78, 83
Nicephorus III (ro78-81) 33, 37-38, Io7-I8, I74• I81, 259-60, figs. 69-73, Eugenius of Trebizond 206-7
75-76, 123a, l24a George 23, fig. 6
Nicephorus (Nikephoritzes) l 17 Gregory of Nazianzus 32, 52, 96, 103, 106, II8-23, 128, 136, 23I, 245, figs.
Nicetas Choniates 152-58, 209-10, 249, fig. 98 68, 77-78, 83
Nicholas Maliasenus, monk Joasaph 188-89, 248, figs. 14I-42 Gregory of Nyssa Io6, 122, figs. 68, 78, 83
Nicodemus, monk 77, fig. 44 Helena 43, 52, gr, 234
Irene 41, 43
Pantokrator 92, 96, IOO, 125, 249 James 23 1
Pantaleon, painter 25 n61 John the Baptist 23, 44, 65, 80, n81, III n52, 162, I73, I86, 188-89, 247-
Paris (s. also s.v. mss) 48, figs. 136, I41-42
Cabinet des Medailles, ivory of Romanus 29 n10 John Crysostom 16-17, 52, 86-87, 99-Ioo, 103, 1o6-7, III, n53, 122-23,
Louvre, drawing inv. 9849b 143-44, fig. 94a. M.I. 1062 235 n62 IllOO, 128, 159, 244-45, 256, figs. 53, 68, 72, 78, 83
Paschal Tables 2I, 44, 49 John of Damascus 103, 122, 207, 231, figs. 78, 83
 INDEX INDEX 279
Saints Theodora, wife of Alex.ius III of Trebizond 186 nr1 , 187, 207, 247, figs. 136,
John the Evangelist 51, 56, 64, 68, 70, 80, 83, 87-89, 'II I n54, 231, 245-46, 138-39
figs. 36-37, 56 Theodora, wife of Ivan Alexander 6g, 163-65, fig. 103
Jude 231-32 Theodora, wife of John Synaden us 190, 193-94, 200-201, 203, 205, 248, fig.
Luke 36 n96, 51, 56, 59, 65-66, 68, So, n81, 83, 121, 231, 236, 249, fig. 35 144
Mark 51, 56, 62-64, 68, 80, 83, 231, figs. 33-34 Theodora, wife of Justinian I 16
Matthew 51, 56, 61-62, 67-68, 70, 79-80, 83, 85, 89, 99, 231, 245, figs. 29- Theodore I (1204-22) 153, 179, figs. n9c, 12oa
30, 47 Theodore II (1254-58) 154, 166-71, 179, 250, figs. 108, rub, II3b, n9e,
Maximus 103, 106, 122, figs. 68, 78, 83 I20C
Mercurius 23, fig. 6 Theodore I, despot of the Morea (1389-1407) 233, 248
Nestor 23, fig. 6 Theodore II, despot of the Morea (1407-43) 45 n135, 140, fig. 93
Nicholas 10-II, m6, 13, 210, 246, fig. 2 Theodore Gabras 60, fig. 27
Nilus 106, fig. 68 Theodore Metochites 10 n14, 167, 252
Paul 52, m6o, 55, 59, 106, 232, 246, fig. 23, 69 Theodore Synadenus 129 n3, 195-97, 203, 205, fig. 146
Peter 7 n5, 29 n73, 39-41, 52, 55, 59, 106, figs. 13-14, 68 Theodosius I (379-95) 24, 252
Philip 1I I n54 Theodosius Salustius 246 n3
Procopius 23, fig. 6 Theodule, nun 194, 199, 205, figs. 145, 153
Sabas 207 Theopempte 49 nr47
Spyridon 52 Theophilus (829-42) 182, nro5, figs. 127d, 128d
Stephen 52, 54, 246 Theophilus 121
Theodore 23, 102, 210, fig. 6 Theotime, nun 49, fig. 17
Theodore Studites 33 Thomais 196, 198, 200-201, 205
Thomas 52, 59 Tiberius II (5'l8-82) 8 n8, 182, figs. 131g, 132f
Scribes Tiberius III (6g8-705) 182, fifs. 129f, 13of
Alexios Pyropulos (14th) 149 Titles and Offices
Callistus (1354) 90 augusta 97, 100, 103, 140, 210, 239
Joasaph (1375) 131, n125, 137 augustos 140
John (1061) 59 autokrator 81, 100, 107, 129, 132, 140, 167, 184, 186, 210, 236, 239
John Argyros (1346) 206 autokratorissa 108, 238
Kirakos (1007) 56 basileus 22, 37-38, 52-63, 66, 81, 83, 91, 100, 107, 129, 132, 140, 142, 167,
Luke (n69) 83 184, 186, 210, 216, 236, 238
Nikodemus (14th/15th) 77, fig. 44 basilissa 108
Sabas of Nicodemia (r2th) 49-51, 77, fig. 18 dekanos 109 n47. IIo, IIJ, fig. 71
Simon (1356) 67 despotes 23, 66, 96-98, 100, 140, 145 n4, 161, 031, 193, 197
Theodore (1066) 31 dikaiophylax 134, 167
Theodore Trichas (1342) 51 m57 disypatos 56 n7
Theophanes (ea. noo) 77-78, fig. 43 domestikos ton scholon 56 n4
Zacharias (1067) 60 eparchos 75
self-portrait 4, 77 epi tou kanikleiou uo, 117, fig. 71
Sinai (s. also s.v. mss.) Abgar icon 72, 181, 258. Other icons 245 n3. logothetes ton agelon 183
Mosaic 258 n37 logothetes tou dromou u 7
Sinus Abrahae 62 logothetes ton sekreton 153, n8
Solomon 106, III n52,' fig. 68 magister rnilitium 145 nr
Spylaiotissa, Virgin 54 magistros 13, n2r
Stephen, son of Brankovic 188 megas domestikos 134, n135
Stephen Vladislav, king of Serbia (1233-42) 86, fig. 55 megas drouggarios tes bigles 75-78, 173
m egas dux 150, n22, 204, 206-7
Thamara, despotiea 70, fig. 38 m egas konostaulos 191, 195-96, n26, 204-6
Theodora (1055-56) 32, 93, 95, 99-102, 242, fig. 66 megas primikerios IIO, n7, 149, n2Im, 196-97, 204-6
280 INDEX

Titles and Offices

megas stratopedarches 193-94, 198, n38, 204-6
panhypersebastos 134 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
parakeimomenos 201-2, 205
parakeimomenos t ou koitonos 134, n135
parakeimomenos tes sphendones · 134, n135 r. Leo Patricius, Vat. Reg. gr. I, f. 2v.
porphyrogenitus 37-38, Sr, 83, 100, 140, 211-13, 216, 227-28 2. Makar and Constantine, Vat. Reg. gr. I, f. 3r.
praepositus 9 n12, 13
proconsul 13, n21 3. Abbot Makar, detail fig. 2.
proedros 75, no, n51, 117, 243 4. Constantine protospatharios, detail fig. 2.
protekdikos 134, 166 5. Job and his daughters, Neapol. IB r8, f. 4v.
protobestiarios 110, n51, 117, 156, 195, 203
protobestiarites 87, m 10 6. Basil II, Marc. gr. Z r7, f. IIIr.
protoproedros no, n51, n6-17 7. Barb. gr. 372, f. 5r.
protosebastos 197, 204-6 8. Detail fig. 7. ,
protosekretis 173
protospatharios 9 m2, II, 13-14, 56, 84, 134, 228, 243 9. Michael VII, Maria and Constantine, Leningrad, Cod. gr. 2r4,
protostrator 1.34, 191, 195, n19-20, 196, 203-6, 240 f. Ir.
proximos 56, n4 ro. Michael VII and Maria, Leningrad, Cod. gr. 2r 4, f. 3nv.
referendarius 134
sacellarius 9, n9, II, 13-14. 134 II. Michael VII and Maria, Khakhouli Triptych, Tiflis.
sebastokrator 134. 156, 158, n22, 186 nu. 192-93, 197, 204-5 r2. Michael VII, Constantine and Geiza I, Holy Crown of Hun-
topoteretes 60 gary.
Titus 249
Transfiguration 136 r3. Jaropolk and Gertrude, Egbert Psalter, f. 5v, Museo Archeo-
trochoi 41 logico, Cividale del Friuli.
r4. Petrus and Irene, Egbert Psalter, f. rov. Museo Archeologico,
Uriah 230
Cividale del Friuli.
Varro 250 15. Cod. gr. 3, f. 8v, Harvard College Library.
Venice (s. also s.v. mss.) r6. Palaeologan family, MS. 78 A 9, Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin.
San Marco, marble relief XII n52, Pala d'Oro 28-29, I II n52
Vespasian 249 17. Nun Theotime, Sinait. gr. 6r, f. 256v.
Virgil 249 r8. Monk Sabbas, Dionysiu 65, f. r2v.
Washington, Dumbarton Oaks, lead seal 13, ivory pyxis 138-39
lg. Michael VIII, Sinait. gr. 2r23, f. 3or.
20. John VIII, Sinait. gr. 2r23, f. 3ov.
X ene, nun 66 2r. John VIII, Medallion of Pisanello.
22. John VIII, bronze by Filarete (?),Vatican.
Yolanda of Monferrat 238
23. St. Paul and two high officials, Sinait. gr. 283, f. ro7v.
Zacharias 66 24. Enthroned Virgin, Cod. 887, f. 7v, Mekhitarist Library, S.
Zoe (1042) 32, 99-102, 181, 255 n24, 256, figs. 66-67 Lazzaro.
25. John protospatharios, Cod. 887, f . 8r, Mekhitarist Library, S.
Lazzaro.
26. Basil, Megali Panagia I, f. rv, Greek Patriarchate, Jerusalem.
27. Theodore Gabras, Leningrad, Cod. gr. 29r, f. Ilv.
282 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

28. Irene Gabras, Leningrad, Cod. gr. 291, f. IIIr. 6r. Byzantine emperors and Pope, Exultet of Bari no. r.
29. Abbot and St. Matthew, Par. gr. 74, f. 6rv. 62. Basil I, Par. gr. 5ro, f. Cv.
30. Ivan Alexander and St. Matthew, B.M. Add. 39627, f. 86v. 63. Leo, Eudocia, Alexander, Par. gr. 510, f. Br.
3r. The Last Judgement, Par. gr. 74, f. 93v. 64. Constantine, Par. gr. 510, f. Bv.
32. The Last Judgement, B.M. Add. 39627, f. r24r. 65. Follis with Constantine, Basil I and Leo, Cabinet des Medail-
33. Abbot and St. Mark, Par. gr. 74, f. IOIV. les, B.N., Paris.
34. Ivan Alexander and St. Mark, B.M. Add. 39627, f. r34v. 66. Zoe, Constantine IX and Theodora, Sinait, gr. 364, f. 3r.
35. Ivan Alexander and St. Luke, B.M. Add. 39627, f. 212v. 67. Constantine IX and Zoe, mosaic St. Sophia, Istanbul.
36. Abbot and St. John, Par. gr. 74, f. 213r. 68. Michael, Constant ine X, Eudocia and Constantine, Par. gr.
37. Ivan Alexander and St. John, B.M. Add. 39627, f. 272v. 922, f . 6r.
38. Constantine, Thamara, Maria, Desislava, B.M. Add. 39627, f. 69. Monk Sabbas offering his codex to the emperor, Coisl. 79, f. I
2V. (2bis)r.
39. Ivan Alexander, Theodora, Ivan ~isman, Ivan Asen, B.M. 70. Michael VII labelled as Nicephorus III and Maria, Coisl. 79,
Add. 39627, f. 3r. f. r (2bis)v.
40. Ivan Alexander, detail fig. 39. 7r. Michael VII labelled as Nicephorus III and courtiers, Coisl.
4r. St. Constantine, Cod. acc. no. 32.r4, Art Museum, Princeton. 79, f. zr.
42. John proedros, Cod. ace, no. rr.2r.1900, f. r*r, Speer Library, 72. St. John Chrysostom offering his Homilies to Michael VII
Princeton. labelled as Nicephorus III, Coisl. 79, f . zv.
43. Monk Theophanes, Cod. 710/5, f. rv, National Gallery of 73. Michael VII, detail fig. 70.
Victoria, Melbourne. 74. Maria the Alanian, detail fig. 70.
44. Nicodemus miniaturist, Par. gr. 36 f. r63v. 75. Michael VII, detail fig. 7r.
45. High official in proskynesis, Lavra A 103, f. 3v. 76. Michael VII, detail fig. 72.
46. John II and Alexius, Urb. gr. 2, f. r9v. 77. Nobleman receiving the Homilies of St. Gregory of Nazian-
47. St. Matthew, initial B, Urb. gr. 2, £. 2rr. zus, Dionysiu 61, f. rv.
48. John II, detail fig. 46. 78. Church Fathers, Vat. gr. 666, f. rv.
49. John II, detail mosaic St. Sophia, Istanbul. 79. Alexius I, Vat. gr. 666, f . zr.
50. Alexius, detail fig. 46. · 80. Alexius I, Vat. gr. 666, f. 2v.
5r. Alexius, detail mosaic St. Sophia, Istanbul. 8r. Alexius I, detail fig. 79.
52. Basil protospatharios, Kutlumusiu 60, f. Iv. 82. Alexius I, detail fig. 80.
53. Christ and St. John Chrysostom, Iviron 5, f. 456v. 83. Church Fathers, Synodal gr. 387, f. 5v, Historical Museum,
54. The Virgin and John, Iviron 5, £. 457r. Moscow.
55. Stephen Vladislav, fresco Ascension Church, Milesevo. 84. Alexius I, Synodal gr. 387, f. 6r.
56. Monk Germanos, Sinait. gr. 198, f. r99v. 85. Alexius I, Synodal gr. 387, f. 6v.
57. Jacob, Metropolitan of Serres, B.M. Add. 39626, f. 292v. 86. John VI Cantacuzenus presiding at the Council of 1351, Par.
58. Jacob, detail fig. 57. gr. 1242, f. 5v.
59. Michael VIII, Leningrad Cod. gr. rr8, f. 22r. 87. John VI as emperor and monk Joasaph, Par. gr. 1242, f . r23v.
60. Demetrius Palaeologus, Leningrad Cod. gr. rr8, f. 385v. 88. John VI Cantacuzenus, detail fig. 86.
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
89. John VI as monk Joasaph, detail fig. 87.
90. Gregorius Palamas and Callistus I, detail fig. 86.
91. Philotheus and Arsenius, detail fig. 86.
92. Akathistos Hymn, strophe 20, Synodal gr. 429, f. 28v.
Historical Museum Moscow.
93. Manuel II and his family, MS. Ivoires roo, f. 2r, Musee du
Louvre.
94. Manuel II, detail fig. 93.
94a. Manuel Chrysoloras, Inv. 9849 bis, Departement des Dessins,
Musee du Louvre.
95. Anicia Juliana, Vind. Med. gr. r, f. 6v.
96. Alexius Apocaucus, Par. gr. 2144, f. nr.
97. Alexius Apocaucus, detail fig. 96.
98. Nicetas Choniates (?),Vind. Hist. gr. 53, f. Iv.
99. Alexius V Murtzuphlos (?), Vind. Hist. gr. 53, f. 291v.
lOO. Manasses and Irene, Vind. Phil. gr. 149, f. ror.
IOI. Manasses, Vind. Hist. gr. gr, f. rr.
102. Christ, Ivan Alexander, Manasses, Vat. Slavo 2, f. rv.
103. The death of Ivan Asen, Vat. S.avo 2, f. 2r.
ro4. Ivan Alexander, detail fig. ro3.
ro5. Ivan Alexander with his sons Ivan Asen, Michael and Ivan
Stratsimir, Vat. Slavo 2, f. 205r.
106. George Pachymeres, Monac. fr. 442, f. 6v.
ro7. Pachymeres, detail fig. 106.
108. Theodore II, Monac. gr. 442, f. 7v.
rog. Michae. VIII, Monac. gr. 442, f. r74r.
no. Andronicus II, Monac. gr. 442, f. l75v.
n1a. Pachymeres, Codex Mb 13, f. l4r, University Library, Tii-
bingen.
lIIb. Theodore II, Codex Mb 13, f. 15r, University Library, Tti-
bingen.
n2a. Michael VIII, Codex Mb 13, p. 247, University Library, Tti-
bingen.
n2b. Andronicus II, Codex Mb 13, p. 252, University Library, Tii-
bingen.
n3a. Pachymeres, after Wolfius.
n3b. Theodore II, after Wolfius.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 285
n4a. Michael VIII, after Wolfius.
II4b. Andronicus II, after Wolfius.
n5. Basil II, Mutin. gr. 122, f. 22rv.
n6. Michael VI, Mutin. gr. 122, f. 26ov.
n7. a) John II, b) Manuel I, c) Alexius II, d) Andronicus I,
e) Isaac II, f) Alexius III, Mutin. gr. 122, f. 293v.
n8. a) John II, b) Manuel I, c) Andronicus I, d) Isaac II, e) Alex-
ius III.
n9. a) Alexius IV, b) Alexius V, c) Theodore I, d) John III,
e) Theodore II, f) John IV, g) Michael VIII, h) Andronicus II,
i) Michael IX, Mutin. gr. 122, f. 294r.
120. a) Theodore I, b) John III, c) Theodore II, d) Michael VIII,
e) John V, f) John VIII.
121. a) Andronicus III, b) John VI, c) John V, d) Andronicus IV,
e) John VII, f) Manuel II, g) John VIII, h) Constantine XI,
i) Constantine I, Mutin. gr. 122, f. 294v.
122. Alexius I, Mutin. gr. 122, f. 28ov.
123. a) Nicephorus III; b) Michael VII ; c) Romanus IV; d) Con-
stantine X; e) Isaac I; f) Michael VI; g) Const antine IX;
h) Michael V; i) Michael IV; Mutin. gr. 122.
124. a) Nicephorus III; b) Michael VIII; c) Romanus IV; d) Con-
stantine X; e) Isaac I; f) Michael VI; g) Constantine IX ;
h) Michael V; i) Michael IV.
125. a) Romanus III; b) Constan tine VIII; c) Basil II; d) John I;
e) Nicephorus II; f) Romanus II; g) Romanus I; h) Constan-
tine VII, i) Alexander, Mutin. gr. r 22.
126. a) Romanus III; b) Constantine VIII; c) Basil II, d) John I,
e) Nicephorus II, f) Romanus II; g) Romanus I; h) Constan-
tine VII.
127. a) Leo VI; b) Basil I; c) Michael III; d) Theophilus; e) Mi-
chael II; f) Leo V; g) Michael I; h) Nicephorus I; i) Constan-
tine VI, Mutin. gr. 122.
128. a) Leo VI; b) Basil!; c) Michael III, d) Theophilus, e) Michael
II; f) Leo V; g) Michael I ; h) Nicephorus I ; i) Constantine VI.
129. a) Leo IV; b) Constantine V; c) Leo III ; d) Anastasius II;
e) Philippicus; f) Tiberius III; g) Leontius; h) Justinian II;
i) Constantine IV; Mutin. gr. 122.
286 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

r30. a) Leo IV; b) Constantine V; c) Leo III; d) Anastasius II; r54. The Nuns of the Convent of Certain Hope, Lincoln College gr.
e} Philippicus; f) Tiberius III; g} Leontius; h) J ustinian II; 35, f. 12 r.
i) Constantine IV. r55. Manuel I and Maria, Vet. gr. rr76, f. IIr.
r3r. a) Constas II; b) Heraclonas; c) Constantine III; d) Hera- r56. Manuel I, detail fig. r55.
clius; e) Phocas; f) Maurice; g) Tiberius II; h} Justin . II; r57. Maria of Antioch, detai. fig. r55.
Mutin. gr. r22. r58. Vat. gr. l85r, f. 8r.
r32. a) Co:astas II; b) Heraclius and Constantine III; c) Heraclius; r59. Vat. gr. 1851, f. 8v.
d) Phocas; e) Maurice; f) Tiberius II; g) Justin II. 160. Constantinople, Vat. gr. r85r, £. 2r.
r33. John V, drawing by G. Fossati of a mosaic in St. Sophia. 161. Arrival of the messenger of the king, Vat. gr. 1851, f. zv.
r34. Chrysobull of Andronicus II of r301, Byzantine Museum, 162. Announcement of the betrothal, Vat. gr. 1851, f. 7r.
Athens. r63. Vat . gr. 185r, f. 7v.
135· Chrysobull of Andronicus II of 1307, Pierpont Morgan 164. Arrival of the messenger of the princess, Vat. gr. 1851, f. rr.
Library, New York. r65. Vat. gr. 1861, f. rv.
r36. Alexius III of Trebizond, Chrysobull of Dionysiu, Mt. Athas. r66. Vat. gr. r85r, f. 3r.
137· Alexius III, detail fig. 136. 167. Reception of the princess, Vat. gr. r85r, f. 3v.
138. Theodora, detail fig. 136. 168. Vat. gr. 1851, f. 5r.
139· Irene, Alexius III of Trebizond, Theodora, drawing by Texier 169. Constantinople, Vat. gr. l85r, f. 5v.
of a fresco in the Panagia Theoskepastos in Trebizond. r70. Meeting of the two princesses, Vat. gr. 1851, f. 6r.
r40. Catherine Cantacuzena, detail of the Chrysobull of George l7I. Vat. gr. 1851, f. 6v.
Brankovic for the Monastery of Esphigmenu, Mt. Athos. r72. Vat. gr. r851, f. 4r.
l4I. Joasaph Maliassenus and Anthusa, Taur. gr. 237, f. 256r. 173· Vat. gr. r85r, f. 4v.
r42. J oasaph and Anthusa after Pasinus. 174- Michael Psellus and Michael VII, Pantokrator 234, f. 254r.
r43. Constantine Palaelogus and Irene, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. r75. Manuel II, Par. Suppl. gr. 309, f. VI.
IV. 176. Manuel II, detail fig. r75.
r44. John Synadenus and Theodora, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. 2r. r77. Patriarch Joseph II, Par. gr. r783, f. 98v.
r45. Joachim and Theodule, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. 7r. 178. John VII, Manuel II, and John VIII, Par. gr. 1783.
146. Theodore Synadenus and Eudocia, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. r79. John VIII, Par. Suppl. gr. rr88, f. 4v.
8r. r8o. Andronicus III, Cod. Hist. 2 ° 601, f. 2, Wiirtembergische
147· John Synadenus and Irene, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. 3r. Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart.
r48. Manuel Asen and Anna, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. 5r. 181. Anna, Cod. Hist. 2° 601, f. 4.
r49. Constantine Raul and Euphrosyne, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. r82. Aristotle, Barocci 87, f. 33v, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
6r.
r50. Michael Philanthropenus and Anna, Lincoln College gr. 35, f.
4r.
15r. Michael Tomikes and Irene, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. 9v.
r52. Our Lady of Certain Hope, Lincoln College gr. 35, £. rov.
r53. Theodule and Euphrosyne, Lincoln College gr. 35, f. nr.