SCIENCE-TECHNOLOGY RELATIONSHIPS RELATIONS SCIENCE-TECHNIQUE Alexandre Herléa Editor Presentations made at the XVIII International Congress of ICOHTEC Intemational Committee for the History of Technology. Paris ETS Box 426800, San Francisco, CA 94142-6800, USA.Copyright © 1993 by San Francisco Press, Inc., Box 426800, San Francisco CA 94142-6800, USA. Printed in the USA. Library of Congress Catalog Cand No. 92-062945 ISBN 0-911302-70.0 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION—A. Herléa GENERAL TOPICS / THEME GENERAL = 1. Interdependence of scientific and technological information and is relation to public decision making in the USA—M. Kranzberg. 2. Natural science and technology: Some aspects of interaction atthe end of the 19th and the beginning of the 2th centuries—J. 8. Voronkov 4. Relations enre science et technique &'epoque dela renaissance espegnale= L.A. Garela-Diego ‘5. Naural philosophy and the useful arts in the age of Boyle—A. Kelle 6. Engineering astronomers: The contribution of some practical men tothe science of 7. Claude-Louis Berthollet savant ot technologue dela chimic—M. Goupl 8. The school of chemistry ofthe Junta de Comere:"The inaugural address of Francesc Carbonell, Barcelona, 1805—A. Nieto-Calan. ecm 9. Relations entre savants et manufacturers: Le cas de la bougie stearique en France G. J. Emptoz 10. The significance ofthe Vienna “KK. PolylechnischesInstint forthe industalizaon of Austria—H, Janetschek 11, The position of the natural sciences in mining and metallurgy fom the 16th century to the period of industralization inthe 19th century—E, Wachtler 12, A stady of technological divergence: TCI, Slose-Sheffiel andthe turning point in the southem iron and stel industry, 1892-1907—W. D. Lewis : 13. Elements histoire et d'archéologie des machines soufflantes de haut-fomneat— P. Frangois 163 m1INTRODUCTION ‘The relationships between science and technology form one of the largest and most essential fields of investigation for both the historian of technology and the historian of science. ‘The importance of a historical approach to these relationships was noted as early as 1935 by Lucien Febvre, who published a manifesto in the Annales in Paris advocating the establishment of 1 now historical discipline—the history of technology. To achieve that goal, three stages were to be completed: the creation of a technical history of technology, followed by a thorough study of the relationships between science and technology, and finally the integration of the whole into an ‘overarching history that would include economic, socio-political, ideological, and other dimen- sions. The history of the relationships between science and technology was to constitute one of the pillars of a history “‘chained to the material world”—as Bertrand Gille defined the history of technology. In the spirit of Febvre, a good history of the relationships between science and tech- nology should first of all appeal to the skills of the scientists and technologists that are indispens- able in the analysis of “black boxes,” it is not until they are integrated into the global analysis that the historian of economics, of institution, of mentalities—in shor, of history—should inter- Certainly Febvre’s vision, which drew among others on the philosophy of Auguste Comte (for ‘whom technology was no more than applied science) and on the existence of an intemal history of science (well established in France since Paul Tannery), has helped to give prominence to a new field of research. Yet it was not until after World War II that the evolution of the relationships between science and technology began to be seriously considered, through case studies bearing on a great many epochs and fields of science and technology. These studies have made it possible to draw some general conclusions concerning these relations, conclusions that are still far from tak- ing all the complexity and diversity into account, ‘Technology, whose goal is efficacy, often economic, made its appearance at the same time as mankind—the tool being one of its fundamental criteria as defined by the prehistorian Leroi- Gourham (with upright stature, short face, a hand that remains free during locomotion); whereas science whose sole aim was pure knowledge first appeared in ancient Greece, where it developed as disinterested leaming. It was a science that could be characterized as fundamental, far from the tekhne, that “trick” that existed at that time mainly in the form of manual labor. Over the succeeding centuries, at least to the end of the Middle Ages, science and technology evolved in parallel, rarely influencing one another. There were few contacts between the philosopher-sciemtists who were concerned with speculation, and the artisans who were devoid of scientific leaning. Technology produced results that were not understood, or else were under- stood at a level that was too elementary to qualify as science. In some fields this situation lasted ‘until the 20th century. ‘The Renaissance brought changes in many areas, including architecture, the military arts, min- ing, and the construction of mills. A new profession asserted itself, that of the engineer, of which Leonardo da Vinci was the most illustrious representative. Empiricism still reigned, even though a certain rigor that might be called scientific made its appearance in many of the advances made 2by these engineers, But it was not until the beginning of the 16th century, with the establishment of modem, Galilean science based on experimental verification, that the lack of communication between the worlds of technology and science began to give way to cooperation, in several directions: the direct relationship, obviously, but also through people and institutions at the political and economic levels. ‘The writings of the great philosophers such as Francis Bacon and René Des- cartes contributed and bore witness to this fundamental change, harbinger of the modem world. ‘We find them taking stances that were clearly in favor of scientific and technological progress and that recognized the idea of their interdependence—with science being subordinate to the needs of industrial technology. The appearance, in the middle of the 17th century, of the fist scientific societies, the Royal Society and the French Academy of Science, which were from their founda- tion interested in technologies, acted in the same direction, Scientific instruments played a key role. Certain fields such as astronomy and geodesy could not have advanced if it had not been for the improvements in the instruments provided by the technicians. Its from then on that one can begin to speak of applied science—scienifie theories and discoveries that found their utility in the world of technology. The discovery of atmospheric pres- ‘made the construction of the first steam engines possible, is an excellent example. Applied science was as much the work of the scientists as of the engineers and architects of the Wider scientific culture. Men such as Huygens, Papin, and Vauban quickly fll in with the new spirit. But the effect of science on technology did not begin to exer itself in a sustained way until the 19th century, as exemplified in chemistry by Gay-Lussac’s work on sulfuric acid, or the tele- ‘graph as an application of electromagnetism. Jn the wake of these developments, a view began to form and to grow which held that techno- logical advances were scarcely more than the result of scientific advances. It was not until the second half of the 20th century that this conception came to be questioned by historians of science ‘and of technology, who showed that in our own time, even though technology owed a great deal to science and to the scientific spirit, it was still fr from being merely applied science. ‘The 18th century also saw the beginnings of experimental science which, with all the rigor of scientific procedures, tumed to the methodical study of the devices of technology and their pats, with a view to their improvement. The empirical approach was about to be replaced by a more scientific one. The works of Antoine Parent on water wheels or those of the famous John Smea- ton, the first modem engincer, along with the work carried on in the arsenals and artillery schools on guns and powders, mark the beginning of the establishment of experimental science. It flour- ished during the second half of the 19th century with the launching of experimental procedures and spread to numerous fields such as metallurgy strength of materials, machine design, ct. Let us note that applied science and experimental science were sometimes in discordance, as in the case of the thermodynamics that William Rankine applied to steam engines and that he called “generic theory," and “‘experimental theory"* of such machines worked out some years later by G. A. Him, around 1870, It was from a merger of these two approaches, from the happy marriage between applied and ‘experimental science, hatched case by case and field by field, that there arose what the Germans call Technikwissenschaft and we call engineering science, that blending of theory and practice ‘that became essential to the progress of technology. This process of putting in place engineering science in various fields developed in the course of the second half-of the 19th century, in improvements of steam engines, the synthesis of organic dyes, the employment of polyphase currents, the invention of the Diesel engine and of steam turbines, etc. accelerated in the 20th century with the cracking and refining of petroleum, the production of synthetic fibers, the inven- tion of transistors and microprocessors, the biotechnologies, etc. One of the most striking aspects of the science of engineering has been the mathematization of technologies since the mid-19th century, which made the establishment ofthe major technological fields possible. Sull, we should 4‘ote that this development deepened the gulf between formal and empirical knowledge. Applied science, experimental science, and engineering science are yet imperfect labels, often ‘substituted one for another. We have tried to specify their meaning. In France, to define more precisely the field which encompasses the relations between science ‘and technology, we often use the word fechnologie—not to be confounded with the English word “wehnology"” (ic., modem technology}—which according to Maurice Daumas is the kind of theoretically informed technique that has since the 17th century come to exemplify the mutual interdependence of science and technology. D’Alembert grasped this mutual influence when he affirmed in his ‘preliminary discourse" to the Encyclopeldie: “If one considers the links that exist between the various discoveries, it becomes clear that the sciences and the arts assist each other ‘mutually and, consequently, that they are united as by a chain.” ‘The relationship between science and technology flourished during the 19th century, particu- larly during its second half, both in terms of men and institutions. Graduates of the new engineer- ing schools supplanted the traditional liberal-educated managers of industry; and in addition to the ‘engineering schools, other specialized institutions were established, notably industrial research laboratories. Envisioned earlier by both Francis Bacon and Descartes, these laboratories accelerated the pace of invention and innovation, dependent on science-technology relations. The industrial research laboratories (of which the first worthy of the name appeared at the end of the 19th century) are perfectly representative of 20ch century industrial society, one of whose traits is the systematic and generalized application of scientific methods to the domain of production— primarily for economic motives. Rationalization, interchangeability, and standardization in indus- ‘uy are all examples of the application of the scientific spirit to production. At every stage of the process of techno-economic development, including research and inven- tion as well as the “‘socialization"* of inventions through innovation and development, the rela- tionships between science and technology are at stake. Consequently, this relationships must be Considered both in terms of its intemal aspects and in terms of its evolution within an environment of economic, political, social, ideological, and other forces, Nor should we forget the prepori- derant effect of war on the development of the relationships between science and technology. The very existence of both nuclear and space technologies attests to that. In the past two decades, ethi- cal and ecological considerations have begun to show their influence, primarily in the domains of biotechnology, computer science, nuclear energy, and so on. The systematic evaluation of techno- logies was first established in industrialized countries, beginning with the United States, in order to appraise the impact and facilitate the democratic control of techno-scientific progress. ‘The study of the relationship between science and technology has preoccupied virtually every historian of science and of technology. In France, the two founding fathers ofthe history of tech- nology, Maurice Daumas and Bertrand Gille, have attributed an important role to this relation- ships, the later devoting a chapter of his 1978 treatise to it. Jacques Payen is interested particu larly in the relationships between thermodynamics and the steam engine; and the economic his- torian Francois Caron, a leader in the history of technology in France, has brought the question to ‘bear on the history of innovation and the dynamics of evolution of technological systems. ICORTEC itself devoted its 1986 meeting in Dresden to the relations between technology and the science of engineering, The goal of the meeting in Paris in 1990 was to broaden the debate and discuss the relationship between science and technology in all its various aspects. ‘That was in keeping with one of ICOHTEC's main priorities over the years, reflected in its various confer- ences since 1969: to define sufficiently broad themes to allow all the different positions in the his- tory of technology to express themselves. Thus, discussions were initiated on such themes as The Historical Origins of Technology, Energy in History, Education and Technological Style, Failed Innovations, and Art and ‘Technology, to name but the recent ones. Another ICOHTEC priority 6‘was to encourage the extensive participation of researchers from all over the world, which of course implied liberal rather than strict criteria for the selection of papers and explains the pres- ence in this volume of papers of varying relevance both in terms of form and content, and also explains why some of them do not stick to the suggested theme. ‘The relationships between science and technology are approached here from a very broad per- spective, ranging from abstract and philosophical considerations to concrete and historical descriptions, In addition to analyses of what may be called the internal aspects of the science- technology relationships, readers will find analyses that address economic, social, political, ideo logical, and ethical aspects in ther reciprocal and complex relations. Science-technology relations are considered in numerous areas and modalities, including information, education, institutions, legislation, and mentalities; in a number of fields, including chemistry, metallurgy, machine design, energy, telocommunications, computer science, and civil engineering; and in a number of periods, although most fall within the 19th and 20th centuries. ‘These relations are also considered in all stages of the process of innovation, usually in reference to one or several historical actors, or through a product, a line of products, a procedure, a structure, or an industrial sector. It should be noted that in some of the contributions, the relationships between science and technology are ied rather than expressed, "The volume begins with a contribution by Melvin Kranzberg, the founding father and guiding spirit of ICOHTEC. Kranzberg addresses the relationships between science and technology in global and theoretical terms, presenting a survey of their evolution from its origins to the present. He emphasizes the important role in the 20th century of institutional structures (schools, labora- tories, associations, government agencies) and the circulation of information. The spread of infor- ‘mation, enriched by the appearance of new fields and interdisciplinary approaches, was further facilitated by developments in computer technology. Kranzberg’s essay could stand alone as an inuroduction to this volume, but complements the present one through its emphasis on several ideas such that the difference between applied and fundamental science depends largely on the context in which research is being conducted, General considerations on the relationships between science and technology at various Periods, generally consistent with the perspectives drawn in this introduction, will be found in many of the other contributions. For example, in his discussion of science-technology relations during the Spanish Renais- sance, J. A. Garcia-Diego, acting president of ICOHTEC, recalls Fernand Braudel’s conclusion that in many cases “science is a belated superstructure of technology.” Such is the case with ‘mining and hydraulics, two technical domains in which Spain was a leader during the Renais- In his study of the first application of steam technology in Spain—a precursor of the steam in the mines and patented by Jéronimo de Ayanz. in 1606—Nicolas conclusion. ‘This previously unknown development antedated that Of the Englishman Thomas Savery by ninety years and is presented here by Garcia-Tapia for the first time, Perhaps the best example of the character of science-technology relations during the Renais- sance, however, is the work of the mathematician, clockmaker, and hydraulic-machine builder Juanelo Turriano, presented by J. A. Garcia-Diego. Here scientific and technological activities remain separate and develop on parallel tracks rather than running together, H.-W. Schit, in his study of theology in its relation to science and technology, presents a more nuanced view: ‘True, Leonardo and the other engincer-artists did not analyze the relationship between techniques, nature, and the understanding of nature as clearly as we, retrospectively, imagine they might have, bbut we should consider that for them the bridge between technique and nature was constructed out of skillful and elegant combinations, exactitude, and ambitious institutions, and to a certain degree 8relied on the cultivation of a lucid and artistic sensibility.”* ‘The Renaissance was not the only period in which individuals from the worlds of science and technology developed parallel activities in separate domains. R. A. Buchanan examines the case of several famous British engineers of the 18th and 19th centuries, all of whom made significant Contributions to astronomy. John Smeaton conducted serious research, the results of which were published by the Royal Society; C. B. Vignoles was interested in solar eclipses; James Nasmyth studied the craters of the moon; C. A. Parsons perfected instruments of observation by improving their glasswork. Buchanan argues that the contribution of these engineers to astronomy is not accidental but derives from their other work. The case of Smeaton, whose research on irregulari- astronomical observations produced important discoveries conceming the measurement of power, is revealing. Alex Keller's discussion of science-technology relations in 17th century Britain concludes that, despite deliberate efforts to apply Galilean physics in certain areas (such as artillery and ship-building), the rapid development of modern science in this period did not significantly affect the development of technology. He cites two exceptions to this generalization: clockmaking and the design of scientific instruments. Keller demonstrates that the mine technicians, metallurgists, ‘and mill-builders of this period did not join the Royal Society, but created their own separate insti- tution in the following century. His perspective will appear to be slightly at odds with the con- siderations discussed above, which placed greater emphasis on the positions adopted by the great Philosophers of the 17th century, notably Francis Bacon, as well as the interest in technology shown by the nascent scientific societies, including the Royal Society Keller also stresses, justifiably, that modem science in the 17th century fostered the establi ‘ment of a mechanistic philosophy. The great physicist Robert Boyle believed that the purpose of science was above all to create “a philosophy, which was 10 become a religion, based on ‘The influence that theology and philosophy have exerted on science and technology, and vice versa, is addressed in several ofthe contributions to this volume. H.-W. Schiitt presents a learned analysis of the relationship between technology, science, and theology in European civilization, from ancient Greece to modem times, demonstrating the importance of mutual and reciprocal influences among these forces. Schitt describes the approaches to technology and nature of the Greek philosophers and early biblical scholars—at the foundations of Western civilization—and follows their transformation through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance; his survey ends with the 19th century after considering the achievements of Galileo, Kepler, Bacon, Descartes, and Laplace. ‘The contributions of Jacques Payen and Pierre Gire introduce us to the philosophical work of G. A. Him through a discussion of the generalization of physical theories to the universe as a whole. Based on the latest scientific information avaiable to him (especially thermodynamics, in which the relationship between experimentation and theory was particularly compelling), Him advocated the establishment of a genuine “experimental metaphysics."” The fundamental onto- logical principle he proposed, nihil ex niko, niki in nihilum, was a reflection of the first law of thermodynamics. There can be no doubt that Him was one of the most illustrious representatives of the dominant philosophy of the Ite 19th century, according to which science would solve and explain all the problems of the worid. This outlook, in turn, influenced Him’s scientific and technological work. He was a perfect example of an individual who contributed as much to the development of science as t0 that of technology. This aspect of his work is presented in Jacques Payen’s essay and, with a particular wealth of detail, in the contribution of Henri Tachoire. ‘These studies are concemed essentially With intemal relations between science and technology. Particular attention is paid to the work Him completed between 1845 and 1880 on the use and manufacture of lubricants obtained though oil distillation, as well as on the phenomena of friction and the functioning and efficiency 10of steam engines. Characteristically, Him began with an economic imperative that he sought to meet through scientific methods. That is how he discovered the mechanical equivalent of steam (he was ‘unaware of previous studies) and how he created an experimental theory of the steam engine that ‘opened the way for a reconciliation of thermodynamics and steam-engine mechanics. These stu- dies, which resulted in the publication of Him's treatise Theorie mécanique de la chaleur, had extremely important practical repercussions, such as the implementation of Him’s superheating. technology. ‘Through an analysis of Him’s accomplishments we can discem the relations of reciprocal influences woven among fundamental science, experimental science, and practical applications; i is almost a textbook case. ‘The work of Him’s collaborators and contempor importance for an understanding of internal relations between science and technology, as ‘exemplified in the domain of thermodynamics and the steam engine, J.M. Combe is therefore interested in the application of double expansion by Benjamin Nor- ‘mand and Pierre Verrier to marine engines and by Anatole Mallet to locomotives. His contribu- tion is concerned primarily with technological achievements rather than with an interpretation of science-technology relations. By contrast, Bemard Escudié presents a scientist’s perspective on the evolution of science technology relations in the work of Hirn’s disciples Leloutre, Bienaymé, Nadal, and Chapelon. He argues that “the future of Him’s theory was determined in part by theoretical advances, but ‘more so by the interest industry took in the piston engine.” In particular, Escudié demonstrates the significance of the combination of supetheat and multiple expansion as an application of the theory. The works of Chapelon provide an opportunity to examine the problem of improving the {instruments of measurement and the establishment of protocols for rational experimentation. CChapelon demonstrated the eminent role played by measurement and experimentation in deter- ‘mining the relations between practice and theory. “Only with Chapelon and the improvement of ‘methods of measurement through the Watt diagram and the use of thermoelectric devices was the experimental theory finally verified,” writes Escudié. ‘The work of Chapelon has interested other eminent engineers as well, such as L. D. Porta and George Carpenter, who honored the 18th ICOHTEC meeting with their participation. Their con- tributions concern the final stages of the improvement of steam locomotives, including the gas combustion process developed by Porta himself. This improvement, Porta writes, “was achieved (on a semi-empirical basis with the help of a theory that was still elementary."” It represents an excellent example of internal science-technology relations observable within a particular context. Jn addition to the relationship between thermodynamics and the steam engine, this collection addresses the relationship between science and technology in numerous other industrial and exper- {mental sectors in the 19th and 20th centuries. interested in the contributions of C. L. Berthollet to the development of several branches of the chemical industry: dyeing, bleaching, powder explosives, and iron and steel metallurgy. Berthollet's achievements were characterized by the successful establishment of 4 tight working relationship between science and technology. Through applied science, discoveries made in the laboratory were transformed into concrete techniques, This process is of inherent interest to Goupil, but she places special emphasis on Berthollet’s attempts to train management and spread information, as well as on the crucial administrative, political, and cconomic-commercial determinants of Berthollet’s work. Though Berthollet succeeded as an inventor, he failed in his attempts at innovation—the industrial development of his products. ‘The subject of Gerard Emptoz’s study is a case of successful innovation, also in the domain of carly 19th century chemistry: the development in France of the stearin candle and its industraliza- tion, A product of the “‘pure”” academic research of such scientists as Gay-Lussac and M. E. Chevreul (“whose work provided the basis for the future stearin industry"), the stearincandle was developed thanks to a tight working relationship between science and technology. The author emphasizes the importance of the internal elements of this relationship, not only for the inception ofthe innovation process, but also in its development. Eberhard Wiichtler examines the relationships between science and technology in the mining industry and metallurgy in Central Europe between the 16th and 19th centuries, paying special attention to Saxony and to the role of such personalities and institutions as Agricola and the Freiberg Mining Academy. The author highlights the emergence of the scientific approach in these areas and the consequent creation of several new scientific fields: mineralogy in the 18th century, and geophysics and metallurgical chemistry in the 19th century, He also underscores the contribution of pure science to the improvement of technologies. W. D. Lewis describes the development in the late 19th century of the two largest steel com- panies in the south of the United States, and how they overcame difficulties in the production of cast iron and steel through the use of minerals rich in phosphorus and silicon. ‘The author does not stress the science-technology relations that certainly contributed to these developments as much as he does the technical, financial, socal, and cultural aspects. Pierre Francois" contribution also examines the stel industry atthe tum of the century without stressing science-technology relations. He describes a little-known method of energy production used in this field: the blast-furnace gas driven motor. H. S. Torrens is also concerned with the creation of a new kind of motor at the end of the 19th century, the two-stroke engine invented by Joseph Day, which was a commercial failure. Although science-technology relations are not addressed in this study, the detailed analysis of the two-stroke engine suggests (as was certainly the case) that it was a purely empirical achievement. Yet it was developed at a time when theoretical approaches, especially the application of thermo- dynamics to steam engines, already existed. In his study of the development of the coherer, Jean Cazenobe not only presents a case study of the relationships between science and technology, he also proposes a theoretical model for the process of innovation, “In so far as it was the product of a genuine technical synthesis, the coherer could doubtless only have been invented after the main elements of that synthesis were already available,” Cazenobe affirms. He discems fur factors, two scientific and two technologi- cal, which conditioned each other chronologically and which fall into a definite logical order. Despite appearances to the contrary, the coherer was essentially a product of science. Its creation raised the question of “‘the transformation of one kind of knowledge, whose origins and intended uses were entirely scientific, into another kind, suited to the achievement of practical goals— knowledge of a technical sort.” At stake was nothing less than the science of engineering, Gen- cralizing further, Cazenobe writes, “In order to invent something, one must have fist the desire and second the capacity to invent it; finally, one must know that itis possible—how and why it possible—and of course all of it with some certainty. The desire to do itis nothing other than the intent to produce, or technical intent; the capacity to do it depends on the available means, that is, cither on past achievements or current developments; and finally, the knowledge that is needed depends both on the technical exploitability of certain properties of the physical world and on the ‘methods for producing such phenomena. Still, to this logico-chronological law must be added an inverse material law, no less rigorous than the first, such that the historic factors (the determining conditions of the invention) are ultimately recirculated. That is demonstrated in the case of the coherer” As if in response to Cazenobe’s model, Francoise Le Guet Tully analyzes Henri Chretien’s invention of the hypergonar, showing the intimate relationship between science and technology in optics. Yet though this invention was a success, thanks to a sound application of the science on ‘which it was based, its development was delayed by several decades for socio-economic reasons ‘which the author explains very clearly. 4After providing a brief outline of the beginnings of the aeronautics industry, J. S. Voronkov ‘advances the following generalization: that ‘*during the formation of an industrialized society, sci- fence seems more like a reéxamination of the path taken by technology than the elucidation of something unknown.” In his study of the work of Nobel prizewinning chemist W. F. Giauque, A. N. Strangers focuses on science-technology relations in a fundamental research laboratory, particularly the relations between the latier and the use of scientific instruments, Giaugue made important contri- butions to the establishment of the third law of thermodynamics and to low-temperature physical ‘chemistry through his development of experimental methods and instruments essential tothe fcld, including the adiabatic demagnetizing cooling apparatus, or carbon thermometer. Stranger's con- tsibution is essentially an intemal history ofa scientific field, presented with rigor by a specialist ‘A. W. Giebelhaus also studies the application of thermodynamics to chemistry. Rather than focusing on scientific content, however, Giebelhaus’s study describes the juridico-instinutional, administrative, organizational, and managerial framework, as well as the politcal and socio- eonomic dimensions of research projects established jointly between a university (Berkeley), an associations (the American Petroleum Institute), and the Federal government. These joint pro- grams resulted in the publication of tables indexing the thermodynamic properties of several hun- ‘dred constituents, ‘The author stresses the importance of communications (publications, confer- ‘ences, et.) in this process. ‘The relationships between science and technology are not spelled out. Industrial research, understood from a politico-administrative and socio-economic perspective, is also the topic of A. J. Butrca’s contribution. The author traces the origins and development of the activities of the research laboratories of Air Products Inc., an American company engaged in the manufacture of refrigeration equipment and plants. Without reflecting explicitly on science- technology relations, Butrica describes the evolution of a process of empirical research. The relationship between science and technology proves 10 be crucial in another area, presented in the contributions of HJ. Braun and Alain Peirissans: industrial ceramics. Braun's study traces the history of the development of ceramics and ceramic-metal compounds and their use in the intemal-combustion, gas-turbine, and piston-engine industries. Germany played a pioneering role a the beginning of the century as well as during World War I, when public inti- tutions such as the Air Ministry and private ones such as MAN and BMW conducted paratle! and Joint research projects. ‘Their results were disappointing, but they provided the starting point for subsequent research conducted after the war, mainly in the USA and Britain, Peirissans’s study concerns the organization of new fields of research in France in the 1970s and 1980s in both public institutions (universities, CNRS) and private ones (industrial groups such as Renault and CGE). A specialist in ceramics, Perissans analyzes the reasons for their industrial failure. He describes three phases between 1960 and 1990: the incubation period (1960 to 1973), the establishment of the field (1973 t0 1985), and its rationalization (1985 to 1990). For each of these periods, the author attempts to identify the essential elements of scienific-technological interdependence on the level of content, in the dynamics of fundamental experimentation and research, and on the institutional level inthe organization of laboratories and the management of research programs. The author identifies communication problems among the various entities and analyzes the causes of industrial failure, B. C, Hacker is interested in a different failure, that of three American military programs for the development of nuclear-powered planes and rockets. The main causes for this failure were safety problems. Nearly three decades of research were conducted beginning in 1946 by three public agencies: the U.S. Air Force, the Atomic Energy Commission, and NASA. Without ex} Citly broaching the question of science-technology relations, Hacker reviews the several stages of research that led 10 the creation of a prototype, stressing administrative questions. 16Also concerned with a failure, but in this case a business failure, is the contribution of P. E. Mounier-Kuhn. The Bull machine company, one of the world’s largest manufacturers in the 1950s, was unable to adapt efficiently to changes in the computer industry and lost its indepen- dence in the early 1960s. One of the main reasons for this failure was the neglect of available resources in the domain of fundamental research. The author argues that Bull was too self- contained and did not know how to open itself to scientific discoveries. “Computer science,” he writes, “like the other advanced technologies developed since mid-century, is characterized by a lose relationship between science and technique. A business that ignores this relationship deprives itself of an essential resource.”” But in his relatively lengthy contribution Mounier-Kuhn does not specify the content of these science-technology relations, nor does he stress them as a factor in the Bull failure. Instead, they are integrated into his survey of the evolution of business between 1950 and 1964. In her contribution Soha Stbdhové analyzes the evolution of the relationship between biochemistry and molecular biology on the one hand, and biotechnology on the other. She distin- guishes among three major periods: 1840-1900, 1900-1960, and the post-1960 period. Relations were panicularly tightly woven in the first and last periods. The scientific foundations of biochemistry were discovered, through traditional Biotechnologies, inthe second half of the 19th century; the creation of molecular biology was made possible by contemporary biotechnology. By contrast, the second period is marked by a slackening of science-technology relations, despite the proliferation of products created by the biotechnology industry. Her study describes the inter- nal aspects of these relations as well as institutional, economic, political, ecological, ethical, and philosophical aspects, comparing their respective importance over time. Peter Milner presents an original approach to the relationships between science and technol- ogy. He points out the value of studying the sites and machinery that have been preserved through industrial archeology, not only for a historical understanding of science-technology relations, but also as a pedagogical tool. ‘The importance of education in general and especially of the specialized Ecoles supérieures for the development of science-technology relations is addressed in several contributions to this volume. André Guillerme analyzes the Ecole des Ponts et Chaussées, Helmut Janetschek the Vienna Polytechnic, and Augusté Nieto-Galan the School of Chemistry of the Junta de Comer ‘The Ecole des Ponts et Chaussées played a leading role in the establishment of a scientific basis for civil engineering in France and abroad, where it served as a model for many national schools. Guillerme describes the reforms the school underwent, especially under Prony in 1806, and discusses their impact on science-technology relations. ‘The Vienna Polytechnic, founded in 1815, was remarkably popular with Central European industry. Janetschek explains that the school established an excellent system “‘which linked theory and practice in order to meet the needs of the chemical, textile, and machine-building industries.”” ‘The author traces the development of thi tion and the role it played during the first half of the 19th century. Nieto-Galan’s study of the School of Chemisty, created in Barcelona in 1805 by Francesc ‘Carbonell, treats the same period. Most of the paper focuses on Carbonell’s inaugural address, hich stressed the need to use scientific knowledge in the development of industrial and agricul- tural technologies. To this end, the school contributed to the foundation and development of a ‘number of chemistry-related Catalan industries by providing indispensable scientific knowledge, "The impact of these specialized schools on the evolution of science-technology relations may also be measured in terms of professional training and the role played by engineering graduates in industry and administration. This role is analyzed in the contributions of Georges Ribeill and Picon, Ribeill examines the Journal du Genie Civil, des Sciences et des Arts over some twenty years beginning in 1828. The editorial board of this journal was composed of eminent 18personalities from the worlds of science, leters, and technology, and was known for its radical stance on a number of questions linked to the professionalization of civil engineering. Ribeill takes stock of the science-technology relations at stake in these debates, viewing them from a broad perspective including ideotogical, institutional, administrative, legislative, and econo ‘dimensions. On the subject of canals, the journal denounced administrative bureaucracy as an ‘obstacle to innovation in contrast to the private initiative: “The catastrophic fate of the suspension bridge of Navier proves our point; and if Vicat’s innovations in the manufacture of mortars were a ‘success, iis due not only to his methods of investigation, which were just as scientific as those of a Newton or a Lavoisier, but also to the fact that he was able to work alone, and was accountable only to himself.” Ribeill also analyzes an article on the creation of the Ecole Centrale in 1829, in which the author enumerates “three classes of people who contribute to the production’ of knowledge: scientists, artists, and artisans. The tryptich is hierarchical: the first observe natural Phenomena, deducing relationships and discovering laws; the second make use of the laws once they have been written... finding concrete applications; finaly, the artisans work on the actual ‘material, shaping it under the guidance and direction of the artists.” ‘The Journal saw the artist as a kind of civil engineer, responsible for integrating “theory and practice within a given speci alty."" Names cited in this article include Prony, Navier, Cordier, Vicat, Girard, Dutens, Polon- ceau, and Seguin. In his contribution, Antoine Picon examines the ole ofthe civil engineer in the renovation and planning of cities during the pivotal period of the early 19th century, when “‘urban composition’ ‘became “urban engineering.” The engineers, writes Picon, “‘could no fonger legislate the overall shape of the city; they were to equip the city according to technico-economic criteria that were ‘becoming increasingly alien to the space of architectural composition.”” Urbanization meant Adapting to the various urban systems being put into place, beginning with water distribution. The rise of urban engineering at the expense of urban composition was also a function of science- technology relations. Urban composition suffered from a crisis of “geometric tools being applied to the city too systematically,” while in the installation of new systems, “data of a theoretical nature, general considerations about the system and practical knowledge became inseparable. Organized into specialties and according to specific applications, this form of knowledge became ‘an asset tothe partisans of engineering.” In Europe, especially in France, urban engineering began to develop at the beginning of the 19th century; in the United States it did not appear until the end of the century, That is what J. C. Williams shows in his contribution on the birth of urban engineering in California. Engineers, the author writes, exerted increasing influence within the “‘City Beautiful Movement" until 1910, when that movement was finally replaced by the “City Efficient Movement.” ‘The principal objective of the latter was the establishment of infrastructural networks: water supply, gas, electri- city, canals, transportation, etc. With the birth of urban engineering in the United States, ‘engineers began to play the dominant role in municipal councils. Without referring explicitly 10 science-technology relations, Williams reflects on the construction of the first water-supply net- ‘works in San Francisco and Los Angeles, emphasizing the role of several engineers who contri- buted to the development of urban engineering in California: McCullough, O'Shaughnessy, Mulholland, Their achievements mark the beginning of the giant projects that were to character- ize urbanism in the United States. ‘The establishment of urban water supplies is also the topic of the contributions of R. M. Vasquez de Parga and Arwen Mohun, although here again science-technology relations are not explicitly addressed. ‘The first of these contributions concerns the water supply of Madrid, where ‘such projects had been considered since the 15th century. The author pays special attention to an 1848 project, designed by Juan Rafo and Juan de Ribera: the ‘Isabelle II Canal," built between, 1851 and 1858, which was the first modern public works project built in response to a city's, requirements. 20Arwen Mohun studies the restructuring of London's water supply system in the mid-19th cen- tury. She reveals the concern with sanitation which, together with technical considerations, shaped London's water supply and canal systems. She evokes the arguments of the two main pro- fessional groups involved in the project—physicians and engineers—and the disagreements that ‘often pitted them against each other. M. R. Levin's contribution concems an aspect of urbanism in which science-technology rela- tions are not at stake. She examines the production and utilization of billboards and posters in France during the belle epoque as an integral part of the communications system developed to ‘mark the democratic and liberal character of a public space in which the urban working classes ‘were supposed to recognize themselves. ‘The development of interurban transportation systems is the subject of the final three contribu- tions, by Michel Cotte, Andoni Sarasola-Martinez, and M. H. Rose, ‘The first makes several expli- cit references to the relationship between science and technology; however, such references are absent from the latter two, Alter reviewing the various patents forthe improvement of navigation on the Rhéne River at the beginning of the 19th century, some of which relate to the use of steam engines, Cotte turns his attention to Mare Soguin. Seguin “*had intuited,” as early as 1822, “the equivalence of heat ‘and mechanical work." With scientific knowledge and techniques, he was able to contribute sub- stantially to the improvement of steamship navigation on the Rhdne. Seguin's method for build- ing the steam engines themselves, though on the cutting edge, was not original; but his develop- ‘ment ofthe cylindrical boiler witha forced draught and continuous feed of the bummer was a major invention. The problem of the hydrodynamics of the boat and its propellers also raised mathemat- ical problems. Mare Seguin’s scientife approach 10 the resolution of technological problems, previously demonstrated in his construction of the Tournon Bridge in 1825, is analyzed by the undersigned, distinguishing between “the three poles on which Seguin relies: weight, materials, and implemen- tation.” Also stressed are Seguin’s efforts to seck out relevant scientific information, not only in France but also in Britain, as well as the economic, political, legislative, and technical deter- minants of his work. ‘Andoni Sarasola-Martinez writes on the construction and implementation of the Ojos Negros- ‘Sagunto railroad, of which he isthe former general manager. This was a private railroad, built by the mine company of Ramon de la Sotao y Llano for the transport of ore to the seaport of Sagunto. ‘The author outlines the economic, administrative, and technical constraints on the running of the railroad, whose contentions (and choice of evidence) give the impression that this is a plea pro domo. M. H. Rose in his contribution on the construction of the highway system in the United States distinguishes three periods between 1956, when the construction program was launched, and the late 1980s: a period of technical rationality dominated by the engineers; a period of the emergence of ecological concems; and a period when national policy was abandoned in favor of local poli cies. The author analyzes the economic, political, administrative, ideological, and cultural dete ‘minants of highway construction inthe United States. The studies gathered in this volume provide new data on various aspects of science- technology relations. They also demonstrate that each particular case has unique characteristics ‘and that it is impossible to establish a rigid general framework. It is our hope that the work presented in this volume will inspire further research on the complex relations between science ‘and technology, not only for its historic value, but also because of the relevance of such questions to contemporary research, both fundamental and industrial, 2To conclude, as the organizer of the 1990 ICOHTEC meeting in Paris and editor of the Proceedings, I should like to extend my thanks to all who helped to make these accomplishments possible: above all the participants (numbering 150), in particular those who made presentations; the members of the scientific committee, particularly Profs. Jacques Payen and André Guillerme; ‘our sponsors, in alphabetical order, the Centre d'Histoire des Techniques; the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique; the Cité des Science et de I'Industrie; the Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers; the Ministries of National Education, of Works, and of Research and Technology; the Municipality of Paris; the Musée National des Techniques; the Société Francaise d'Histoire des Science et des Techniques; and last but not least, San Francisco Press and its director Prof. Charles Siskind, without whom these Proceedings would not have seen the light of day. Alexandre Herléa Centre d'Histoire des Techniques-CNAM, Paris ‘Member of the ICOHTEC Executive Commi ‘ntroduction translated by Mare Rovdebush.INTRODUCTION Les relations science-technique constituent pour I’historien des techniques comme pour celui des sciences un des plus vases et essentiels champs investigations. ‘L'importance de approche historique de ces relations fut signalée dés 1935 par Lucien Febvre qui publiait & Paris dans les “‘Annales”” un manifeste dans lequel il plaidait pour Pétabtissement dune nouvelle discipline historique—’Histoire des Techniques. Pour y parvenir, tuois é1apes devaient éire franchies: réaliser d’abord une histoire technique des techniques suivie «une étude approfondie des relations science-technique avant de tout intégrer dans une Histoire globale of les aspects économiques, socio-politiques, idgologiques, etc. trouvent leur place. histoire des relations science-tectnique devait constituer l'un des pivots sur lequel soit batie cette histoire “‘enchainée par le monde matériel” comme définit Bertrand Gille IHistoire des ‘Techniques. Pour qu'elle soit correctement écriteI’histoire des relations science-technique devait faire appel dans esprit de Febvre d’abord aux compéiences des scientifiques et des techniciens indispensables &I'analyse des “boites noires”; ce n’est qu’au moment de son intégration dans une ‘analyse globale que I’historien de l'économie, des institutions, des mentalités, de Mhistore tout ‘court devait intervenir. Certes Ja vision de Lucien Febvre, qui était tibutaire entre autre de fa philosophic d Auguste Comte (pour qui la technique n’était que science appliquée) et de I’existence d'une histoire interne des sciences (gia bien éablie en France depuis Paul Tannery), a permis de metre clairement en. cexergue un nouveau domaine de recherche. Pourtant ce n’est qu'aprés la Deuxiéme Guerre Mon- diale que ’évolution des relations science-technique commence a étre sérieusement appréhendée a travers les études de cas portant sur une diversité d”époques et de domaines scientifiques et tech- niques. Is ont permis de dégager des schémas généraux de ces rapports; schémas qui sont pour- tant loin de rendre compte de toute leur complexité et divers Si la technique, dont la finalité est ’efficacité souvent économique, fait son apparition en méme temps que Phomme—outil figurant au nombre des critéres fondamentaux de I"humanité tels que les définit le préhistorien Leroi-Gourhan (avec la station debout, une face courte et une main libre pendant la locomotion), la science qui ne vise que la connaissance pure apparait en Gréce Antique od elle se développe comme un savoir désintéressé. Tl sagit d'une science qu’on ualfie de fondamentale, loin de la ““tekhné”, cette “‘ruse"” qui se manifeste & l'époque surtout sous la forme de travail manuel. Science et technique évoluent ensuite, pendant de longs siécles, au moins jusqu’a la fin du ‘Moyen-Age, parallélement, s‘influencant rarement. Il y a peu de contacts entre philosophes et savants attachés a la spéculation et les artisans dépourvus de connaissances scientifiques. La tech- nique produit des effets sans qu’ils soient compris ou que cette compréhension est trop Aémentaire pour qu'elle puisse Gre qualifie de scientifique. Cette situation dans certains sur le contenu scientifique, mais sur le cadre. juridico- {nsttutionnel, sur les aspects administraitifs, organisation et de gestion, sur ceux politiques et socio-économigues des programmes de recherche établis conjointement par l'Université (dont Berkeley), les associations (Insttct Américain du Pétrole) et le Gouvernement Fédéral. Ils ont abouti a Ia publication de tables portant sur les propriétés thermodynamiques de plusieurs cen- taines de composants. Le role de la diffusion de T'information (publications, réunions, etc.) est souligné. Les relations science-technique ne sont pas explictées. La recherche industrielle, vue surtout sous langle politico-administratif et socio-éeonomique forme aussi le sujet de la communication de A. J. Butrica. Il s'agit du démarrage du développement de Mactivité des laboratoires de recherche de la société américaine’ Air Product Inc, engagés dans la fabrication d'équipements et d’installations du froid. La transformation d'une recherche empirique en recherche scientifique sans que les relations science-technique soient vraiment explicitées est relevée. Les relations science-technique sont également mises en évidence dans le domaine des ‘céramiques industrielles. Les étwies de H. J. Braun et Alain Petrissans les concement, La ppremiére porte sur I’historique de la création des différents matériaux eéramiques et composites (céramiques + métaux) ct leur utilisation principalement dans l'industrie des moteurs a 7‘combustion interne, @ piston et turtine & gaz. L’Allemagne joue un rble de pionnier tant au début du sidcle que pendant Ja Deuxiéme Guerre Mondiale, quand les recherches sont réalisées parallélement et en coopération par plusieurs organismes publics tel le Ministre de I’ Air et privés {els la MAN et BMW. Les résultas plutot décevants serviront de point de départ aux recherches. réalisées aprés Guerre surtout aux Etats-Unis et en Angleterre, La seconde étude conceme surtout I"émergence et I’organisation en France dans les années 1970-80 d'un nouveau champ de recherche dans des institutions publiques (Universités, CNRS) et privées (groupes industrcls tels Renault, CGE). Petrissans, un spécialiste des céramiques, analyse les causes de I'échec industriel. Il distingue trois phases de 1960 a 1990: une période d'incubation (1960-1973); une de la structuration du champ de recherche (1973-1985); une de la rationalisation (1985-1990), et essaye de dégager pour chacune d’entre elles les éléments caractéristiques des interdependances science-technique tant au niveau du contenu, en mettant en évidence les apports dela recherche fondamentale et expérimentale, que des aspects institutionnels notamment organisation de laboratoires et la gestion des programmes de recherche. Les difficultés de com- ‘munications entre les différentes structures sont soulignées. Les causes de I'échec industriel sont analysées. B.C. Hacker s'intéresse lui A un autre échec, celui des trois programmes militaires américains portant sur la propulsion nucléaire des avions et fusées. Les problemes techniques liés essentielle- ‘ment a la sScurité du fonctionnement furent les principales causes. Les recherches menées pres de trois décennies & parti de 1946 furent conduites par trois organismes publiques: la USAF (forces aériennes), la AEC (commission pour 'énergie atomique) et la NASA. Les différentes étapes de recherches jusqu’a Ia réalisation du prototype sont passées en revue sous plusieurs aspects, surtout administatifs, mais sans que les relations science-technique soient explicitement abordées. ‘Sur lanalyse d’un échec, cette fois-ci celui d'une entreprse, porte aussi la communication de P.E, Mounier-Kuhn, La Compagnie des machines Bull, I'un des principaux constructeurs mon- diaux dans les années 1950, est incapable de s'adapter efficacement aux changements intervenus dans l'industrie de informatique ce qui fait que I’entreprise va perdre son indépendance au début des années 1960, L'un des principaux facteurs de 'échec se trouve dans la non-utilisation des res- ‘sources provenaint de la recherche scientifique fondamentale. Bull, affirme I'auteur, est fermée sur elle-méme et ne sait pas s‘ouvrir aux nouveautés scientifiques. Or, écrit “informatique comme les autres technologies avancées depuis le milieu de ce sidcle se caractérise par une interaction étroite entre 1a science et la technique. Une entreprise qui n’en tient pas compte se prive dune ressource essentielle”. Mais dans sa communication, de dimensions relativement importantes, Mounier-Kuhn n’aborde pas le contenu des relations science-technique, ni ne met accent sur elles dans l'analyse de l'échec de Bull. Ces relations se trouvent intégrées dans étude globale de ’évolution de Mentreprise dans les années 1950-1964, L*évolution aux XIXe et XXe sitcles des relations entre la biochimie, la biologie moléculaire, un cdté et la biotechnologie de l'autre est analysée par Soia Stbbéhova qui reléve trois étapes: 1840-1900; 1900-1960; aprés 1960, pendant lesquelles ces relations évoluent différemment. Pen- dant la premigre et la demiére ces relations sont tes étroites avec notamment la mise en place des bases scientifiques, découvertes en biochimie par les biotechnok seconde moitié du XIXe siécle; création de la biologie moléculaire pour les biotechnologies con- temporaines. Par contre la deuxiéme période marque un reléchement des relations science- technique malgré la multiplication du nombre des produits de 1a biotechnologie industrielle. L'étude fait référence tant aux aspects internes de ces relations qu’a ceux d’ordre insitutionnel, économique, politique, écologique, éthique, philosophique en soulignant I’évolution de leur poids respectif avec Ie temps. Peter Milner aborde les relations science-technique sous un angle original, Il remarque Vimiér€t que présente étude des sites et machines industrielles préservés par larchéologie 19industrielle, non seulement pour I'analyse historique des relations science-technique, mais, également comme outil pédagogique. L'importance de Venseignement en général et tout spécialement des écoles d'enseignement supérieur dans T'établissement et le développement des. relations science-technique est abordé dans plusieurs communications don: celle de André Guillerme qui porte sur 'Ecole des Ponts et ‘Chaussées, celle de Helmut Janetschek sur l'Institut Polytechnique de Vienne, celle de Auguste ‘Nieto-Galan sur Ecole de Chimic dela Junta de Comerc. L’Ecole des Ponts et Chaussées joue un role de premier plan dans I'établissement des bases sciemifiques du génie civil tant en France qu’a I’étranger ob elle sert de modele pour la plupart des différentes écoles nationales. Les réformes qu'elle subit, surtout celle de Prony en 1806 et Jeur impact sur les relations science-iectinique sont mentionnées. ‘L'Insttut Polytechnique de Vienne fondé en 1815 a connu un remarquable suocds auprés de VVindustrie dEurope centrale suite, ffirme Janetschek, a excelent systéme mis en place “'Tiant la thdorie et la pratique pour les bescins des industries chimiques, textiles et de construction des machines”. Le développement de cette institution et le le qu’elle a joué sont suivis pendant la premiére moitié du XIXe sigcle. Sur la m&me pétiode s’étend aussi étude de Nieto-Galan concemant I"Ecole de Chimie créée ‘en 1805 a Barcelone par Francesc Carbonell. L’analyse du discours inaugural de ce dernier, qui souligne la nécessité d’utiliser les connaissances scientifiques dans le développement des tech- nigues industrielles et agricoles, forme la majeure partie de ta communication. L’Ecole ainsi orientge contribua & la création et au développement des diverses industries catalanes liges & la cchimie en leur fournissant des connaissances théoriques indispensables a leur essor. ‘L'impact des écoles d’enscignement supérieur sur I'évolution des relations science-technique epparat aussi & travers la qualification’ @t le ro qub les ingéniours qu'lles formentjouent dane industrie ou administration. Ce rite est anlaysé dans les communications de Georges Ribeill ‘Antoine Picon. Le premier, en dépcullant sur une vingtaine d’années (depuis 1828) “Le Journal du Génie Civil, des Sciences et des Arts”, publication & laquelle collaborent des personnalités du ‘monde intellectuel, scientifique et technique de tout premier plan, et qui prend position militante sur un grand nombre de sujets liés 21a profession d’ingénieur civil, s'aréte épisodiquement sur Jes relations science-technique. Ells sont vues sous langle le plus large incluant les aspects idéologiques, administrativo-institutionnels, Iégislatifs, économiques, etc. Ainsi au sujet de la construction des canaux “‘Le Joumal"” dénonce la burocratie administrative comme frein & innovation en l'opposant a Vnitiative privée, “‘Le cas du funeste sort du pont suspendu de ‘Navier I'ateste, tandis que si Vicat réussit A innover dans la fabrication des mortiers, c'est la fois par ses méthodes d’investigation aussi scientifiques que celles pratiquées avant ui et dans autres domaines par un Newton ou un Lavoisier, mais aussi grace au fait qu’il ait pu travailler seul & ttre privé, écrit Ribeille. En analysant un article qui aborde Ia création de I'Ecole Cen- trale en 1829, il trouve énumérées les “trois classes de personnes qui concourrent la production ddu savoir: les savant, les artistes et les artisans. Triptype hi¢rarchisé: les premiers observent les faits natures, en déduisent des rapports et découvrant des loi; les seconds s’emparent des lois traces ... en font des applications; enfin les artisans opérent sur la matire, la faconnent d apres des regles données sous la direction et la surveillance des artistes". L’artiste dans esprit du “Journal” est Vingénieur civil qui doit réunir “‘la pratique & la théorie dans une certaine spécialité””. Les noms de Prony, Navier, Cordier, Vicat, Girard, Dutens, Polonceau, Seguin, et autres sont cites. ‘Antoine Picon examine dans sa communication le rble de T'ingénicur civil dans Vaménagement des villes& I"époque du passage de la “‘composition urbaine”” au ‘*génie urbain””. Ainsi les ingénieurs écrit Picon ‘‘n’auron plus & légiférer sur la forme globale de la ville mais & Véquiper en se conformant & des logiques technico-économiques de plus en plus étrangéres & espace de la composition architecturale". Il s'agit d’adapter l'urbanisation aux différents a1réseaux urbains qui se mettent en piace en commencant avec celui de distribution d'eau, L'échec de 1a composition urbaine et I’émergence du génie urbain sont liés aussi aux relations science- technique. La premidre est affectée par une crise des “outils géométriques appliqués de manidré trop systématique a la ville” tandis que dans I’établissement des réseaux ‘“les données de nature théorique, les considérations générales sur les réscaux et les savoirs constructifs sont indissoci- ‘ables, Leur alliance vient & l'appui des partisans dune technologie de l'ingénieur, s’organisant en fonction des filtres et des types d’applications”. Si en Europe, notamment en France, le génie urbain se développe & partir du début du XIXe site, aux Etats-Unis ce n’est que vers a fin qu’l fait son apparition comme le montre J. C. Wil- liams dans sa communication sur I'essor du génie urbain en California. Dans le cadre du “City ‘Beautiful Movement”, les ingénieus, écrit I'auteur, jouent un role de plus en plus important Jjusqu’en 1910, quand Je mouvement est remplacé par le “City Efficient Movement’, dont TYobjectif principal est la création t le développement des différents réseaux: alimentation en eau, ‘gaz, Cectrcité, canalisation, transport, etc. Le rble des ingénicurs dans les Conseils municipaux devient de toute premiére importance. Ceci marque I’établissement du génie urbain aux Etats- Unis. Sans référence explicite aux relations science-technique, J. C. Williams s'arréte sur la con- struction des premigres alimentations en eau des villes de San Francisco et Los Angeles en mettant en Evidence le role de plusieurs ingénicurs qui ont contribué au développement du génie urbain en Californie: McCullough, O'Shaughnessy, Mulholland, Leurs réalisations marquent le début des projets gigantesques qui caractériseat I’urbanisme aux Etats-Unis, ‘L’alimentation en eau des villes forme le sujet d’autres comm RM, Vasquez de Parga et Arwen Mohun; les relations science technique n’y sont pas explicite- ment abordées. La premiére porte sur I'alimentation en eau de Madrid oi partir du XVe sigcle, sont congus de tels projets. L'autears'arréte en déail sur celui de 1848, dd aux ingéniours Juan Rafo et Juan de Riberra. It s’agit cu Canal Isabelle II” constuit entre 1851 et 1858, premizre realisation d’envergure répondant aux besoins de la ville. Arwen Mohun étudie la restructuration du systéme d’alimentation en eau de Londres au mi du XIXe sitcle, Elle met en Evidence les considérations d’ordre sanitaire qui, avec les contraintes @ ordre technique, ont faconne les réseaux d’alimentation d'eau et de canalisation. Les arguments évoqués par les deux groupes professionnels—les médecins et les ingénieurs, qui s'affrontent souvent, sont mentionnés, Sur un aspect de T'urbanisme, aspect dans Iequel les relations science-technique ninterviennent pas, porte la communication de M. R. Levin. Elle s*intéresse & la production et utilisation en France a la Belle Epoque des affiches et posters, comme partie intégrante dun systéme de communication concu pour marquer le caractére démocratique et libéral de I'espace public dans lequel la population urbsine laborieuse puisse se reconnaftre, Le développement des transports interurbains consttue le sujet des dernigres communications. 1 s'agit de trois études: celle de Michel Cotte, de Andoni Sarasola-Martinez et de M. H. Rose. Si dans la premiére on trouve plusieurs référence explicites aux relations science-technique, dans les deux demniéres, elles sont absentes. Ainsi Michel Cotte, aprés avoir passé en revue les différents brevets portant sur I'am de la navigation rhodanienne au début du XIXe siécle, dont certains concernent l'utilisation des | machines & vapeur, s‘aréte et analyse I'apport de Marc Seguin. Ce demier qui avait eu des 1822 “une bonne intuition de equivalence chaleur-travail mécanique” contribue substantiellement Pamétioration des bateaux & vapeur adaptés A la navigation sur le Rhine, en s’appuyant sur des connaissances scientifiques et techniques. Si dans la construction des machines a vapeur propre- ment dites les solutions envisagées, bien qu’a la pointe du progrés, ne sont pas originales, celles ‘concernant la chaudiére tubulaire avec tirage forcé et alimentation en continu du foyer représente ‘une grande invention. Des éléments mathématiques apparaissent également liés au probleme 23@hydrodynamique du bateau et de ses propulseurs. L'approche scientifique de Seguin dans la résolution d'un probléme technique dgja prouvée & occasion de la réaisation du pont de Tournon en 1825, est analysée par auteur qui met en { évidence les “trois poles sur lesquels s'appuient Seguin: poids, matériaux, ét mise en ceuvre”. ‘importance de l'information qu'il doit chercher, non seulement en France mais également en ‘Angleterre, les contraintes d’ordre économique, politique, égislatf, a cbé de celles imposées par le systéme technique Iui-méme sont soulignées. Sur la construction et ’exploitation du chemin de fer Ojos Negros-Sagunto porte la communi cation de Andoni Sarasola-Martinez ancien directeur général de celuici. Il s'agit d'une voie ferrée privée construite par le société miniére de Ramon de la Soto y Llano pour le transport du minerais au port maritime de Sagunio. Les contraintes d’ordre économique, administratif et tech- nique liges a I’exploitation de cette ligne sont relevées par I'auteur dont les prises de position (et Jes détails présentés) donnent I'impression d'une plaidoirie pro domo. 'M. H. Rose dans sa communication sur la construction du systéme autoroutier aux Etats-Unis, met en évidence entre 1956, date du lancement du programme de construction et la fin des années 1980, trois étapes différentes: celle de la rationalité technique dominée par les ingénieurs, celle marquée par I’émergence des préoccupations écologiques et celle caractérisée par T’abandon dune politique au niveau national en faveur des politiques locales. Les contraintes dordre économique, politique, administra, idgologique, ainsi que celles liges aux mentalités dans la réalisation des autoroutes aux Etats-Unis sont analysées. Ces communications bridvemen: présentées et regroupées dans le volume apportent certaine- ment de nouvelles précisions sur divers aspects des relations science-technique. Elles montrent en méme temps que chaque étude de cas est particuliére et qu'il n’est pas possible d’établir des schémas généraux rigides. Ces étades devraient inciter & poursuivre des recherches sur les rela- tions complexes science-technique en sachant qu’elles ne présentent pas uniquement un intérét historique mais portent également sur des aspects de Ia recherche fondamentale et industrielle contemporaine, Pour conclure, en tant qu’organisateur du Congrés ICOHTEC Paris 1990 et éditeur de ses ‘Actes, nous tenons A remercier tous ceux qui ont rendu possible ces accomplissements: les partici- pants d’abord (au nombre de 150), et en particulier ceux qui ont présenté des communications, les ‘membres du comité scientifique parr lesquels tout spécialement, les professeurs Jacques Payen et André Guillerme, les sponsors, par ordre alphabétique: le Centre d’Histoire des Techniques, Ie Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, la Cité des Sciences et de lIndustrie, le Conserva- toire National des Arts et Métiers, la Mairie de Paris, les Ministéres de I'Education Nationale, de Equipement, de la Recherche et de la Technologie, le Musée National des Techniques, la Société Francaise d'Histoire des Sciences et des Techniques et “Last but not least”” San Francisco Press et son directeur le professeur Charles Siisskind sans lequel les Actes n’auraient pas pu voir le jour. Alexandre Herléa Centre d’ Histoire des ‘Techniques-CNAM, Paris, ‘Membre du Comité Executif de I'ICOHTEC 25