eT ‘TOYO BUNKO RESEARCH LIBRARY 6 The Structure of Ancient Indian Society ‘Theory and Reality of the Varna SystemTOYO BUNKO RESEARCH LIBRARY 6 The Structure of Ancient Indian Society Theory, and Reality of the Varna System YAMAZAKI Gen’ ichi RERE Tokyo The Toyo Bunko 2005ONTENT: Published by iS s the Toyo Bunko z Auctions vi 228-21 Honkomagome, Proce ix Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 113-0021, Japan Abbreviations fi Ineduction ai PartOne The Brahmana: Proponents forthe Varna System |. Brhmanas and the Varna System: An Overview ' 1, Brdhmanas as Scen in Buddhist Sources 2 ML, Brahmanas and Kingship “4 ‘The Toyo Bunko. 2005 ISBN 4-8097.0197-2 Pan'Two The Ksatriya: Warriors and Kings TV, The Ksatriya Varna 8 V, Kingship in the Works of Hindu Law 3 VI. _ Kingship as Described in Buddhist Sources 109 Part Three The Vaisya: Citizens and Peasants 129 VII, Urban Merchants: Gahapati, Satthavaha, and Sethi BL VIII, Rural Life as Seen in Buddhist Sources 147 Part Four Sadras and Candalas: The Servile Class and Untouchables 1X, Siidras: the Servile Varna 166 X. Candalas: The Untouchables of Ancient India 192 XI, Brahmanas and Candalas: One Aspect of Ancient India’s Varna Social System 219 Epilogue Evolvement of the Varna / Caste System in Medieval India 235 Bibiography 2a Index 249 Published through a special subvention from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology for the year 2004, Print by ‘TOKYO PRESS Ca, LID. latest. Tokyo pan SLL ine nineteen!PETES RE rE SESE Ser ILLUSTRATIONS Charts EL, Offspring resulting from anuoma and pratitoma marriages Tl, Brahmanas of antiquity and the present day bramanas 1-2, Life pattems of brahmanas described in the Jatakas TW-1, Social steucture and ritual order ofthe varna system TV-2. Social structure of the gana-sayigha state 1V-3. Relationship between varnas and the state steucture of the Magadha kingdom Viel. Life patiemns of kings described in the Jatakas X-1. Offspring of the pratiloma marriage with candata blood Epilogue Inter-caste relations inthe village formed through the medieval period Tables VEL. Inscription content and common views of kingship \VL2. Inscription content and contradictory views of kingship X-1. Categorization of vamaxamkara offspring according to the Dhaymasitras X-2. Categorization of earasamkaraollspring according to the Mane-siett X-3._ A isting of wvdryas according tothe Manu-smrt X-4. Categorization of varnasamkara offspring according 0 the later Dharmasdstras and the Avthasasrea 9 37 41 6 18 197 238 ww 1s 216 217 28PREFACE Upcn embarking on what would become an over forty-year academic career in the pursuit of an historical study of ancient India, my attention was frst drawn to the legend surrounding King Agoka of the Mauryan Dynasty, leading to an analysis of the Sanskrit, Pali and Classical Chinese sources related to him.’ That was the 1950s, a time when the Japanese historical community had become deeply concerned with the social and economic issues of the past. Consequently, in addition to continued study ofthe ASoka tradition, [turned my efforts to such socio-economic aspects of ancient India as slavery, untouchability and land ownership. It was then that the ancient varna system drew my attention, eventually leading to two Japanese lan- ‘guage volumes of research.” During that time, in order to help deepen my under- standing of the varga system historically, I decided to study the modern and con- temporary caste system in India, which resulted in a Japanese language volume on the lfe and ideas of B, R. Ambedkar.” The present volume of research began with an invitation from SATO ‘Tougitaka, Head of Research at The Toyo Bunko, to participate in a new English Language series, entitled the Toyo Bunko Research Library (TBRL). While I was indeed honored to have been asked to contribute a volume to what promises to be ‘8 very important international venue for Japanese scholars to present their research to the English speaking world, I must admit that { was at fist bewildered about ‘whet the volume should contain, Finally, I decided to focus on the varna system by selecting eleven chapters fom the above two volumes composed of twenty-nine chapters on ancient Indian society; dealing with brahmanas (3 chapters), ksattiyas (3), vaigyas 2), and Sodrasfuntouchables (3) in a single four-part English version |As he reader may already be aware, Japanese Indologists have tended to concen- trate their efforts in the fields of philosophy and Buddhism, research that has reat ice much international renown. As indicated by it ttle, the present volume offers ‘rather different approach to ancient India, indicating the diversity that actually exists in the Japanese Indology community. | would like to dedicate this volume to five scholars, without whose patience, knowledge and deep insights, this volume would never have seen the light of day the late Dr. ENOKI Kazuo, the late Dr, YAMAMOTO Tatsuro, and Drs. ARA. The Legend of Aiko, A Crieal Stuy (in Japanese), Shunjasha Publ. Co., Tokyo, 1979. > Society in Ancient India, Socal Structure & Middle and Low Classes (in Japanese, ‘Tostishobs Publ, Co, Tokyo, 1986; Kingship and Religion in Ancient India, Kings cd Bedumanas (in Japanese), Tastishobo Publ. Co. Tokyo, 1994 PTadian Society and Neo-Budahism (in Japanese), Tokyo, 1979x PREFACE Matsuo, YAMAZAKI Toshio, and KARASHIMA Noboru, Regarding the publica- tion of this volume, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to The Toyo Bunko, especially Director SHIBA Yoshinobu and Head of Research SATO, for allowing me to participate in the TRL projec, to the Research Department's edi- torin-chief MATSUMOTO Akira for his helpful idews about how to put the vol lume together, and John Wisnom, a Toyo Bunko language consultant, for his help in preparing the English language text. March 2005; YAMAZAKI Gen'ichi PRD. (Univer of Tokyo) Reserh Fellow of The Toy Bunko Professor Emeius of Kokuyattin Unvesiy ~ Smite ia ion SMR Oca ABBREVIATIONS AN, Aiguttara Nika dp. Apastamiba Dharmastra Arth Arthasistra Baudh. —Baudhavana Dharmasitra Beh Brhaspastsmest Divyav. —Divyavadna DN, + Digha Nikiya Gaut, Gautama Dharmasitra 4 Jataka Katy Katyayanasmeri Manu Manu-smeti MN. Majjhina Nikaye Nar Navas Pr, Pali Text Society SBE, Sacred Books ofthe East SN. Samvutra Nika Taishd Taisho Shinsha Daz Vas, Vasistha Dharmasiva Vig Vigq sine ve. Vinasa Paaka Yai Yajiavaltya-smeriA aap indent lds etallsinaectenasc INTRODUCTION Indian social structure is made up of four stratified varnas—brahmana, ksatriya, vaigya and SOdra—in addition to sub-varga inferior classes. The varna system was, established in the upper Ganga basin during the middle of the Later Vedic Age (1000-600 BC), and from that time on spread throughout the Indian subcontinent along with Aryan migration and cultural transmission. Then, from the medieval period onward, castes (ar) began to be formed within the larger varma framework, and a social system was formed based on an inter-caste division of labor. There has always been a gap between the ideals of the varga system and its actual imple- ‘mentation; also, the system (including sub-varga classes) formed during the ancient period varied in influence depending on aay paticular region or era, Nevertheless, the most important characteristic is thatthe system has stubbornly survived to the present day, despite the fact that we do not notice it readily in everyday lie. search isto examine the question of “The purpose of the present volume of the ideals and practical implementation of the varna system, in order to clarify in ‘concrete terms the structure and characteristic features of ancient Indian society. Such a study should then provide us with helpful hints about in what ways the var ious elements of that society developed and changed throughout the rest of Indian history. The source materials used in this study can be divided into three different ‘genres: 1) the works of Hindu law (the Diarmasitvas and Dharamaastras), 2) Pali language Buddhist works (mainly the Jatakas), and 3) Kaulilya’s Arthasastra ‘Although I have used other sources, such a the Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Chinese Tipitaka and epigraphy elsewhere, the present volume will only touch upon these latter sources indirectly. The reason for choosing the above three gen- 1s for the work at hand is because they provide us with three different representa tive points of view about the varna system: that is, from the standpoints of 1) the orthodoxy of brahmanism, 2) the “heretcism” of Buddhist thought and 3) ancient political thought. It should also be mentioned here that no historical works, such as official chronicle, were recorded (or if recorded were scattered and lost) during the period in question, forcing us to turn to above three types of religious and theoret- ical sources asthe only alternative, despite their obvious Maws (biases) and lack of ‘uniformity, in obtaining an idea about how ancient Indian society actually func- tioned. One more reason for selecting these three genres of sources has 10 Jo with the fact that they have been both widely and deeply read as the basic materials for studying all aspects of ancient Indi, resulting in the compilation of critical and revised editions of them. It is my belief that a thorough historical examination of these fundamental sources will give us a foothold for an assault on the huge amountwv INTRODUCTION ‘of religious and literary sources that remain to be examined. Let us look litle eles: erat the sources selected forthe present study, 1 The Works of Hindu Law ‘This genre of materials prescribes all ofthe obligations demanded of the members of vama society as set down by orthodox brahmanism. The classic works, called the Dharmasiaras, include the Apastamba, Gautama, Vasistha, and Baudhdyana, which were compiled between 600 and 300 BC, Then there is the Manav Dharmasasira, better known as the Man-sm, which was compiled between 200 BC and 200 AD and further substantiates and supplements the Dharmasitras. Tis smrti has been handed down tothe present day a the most authoritative code for determining the wos by which Hindus were required to live their lives. Finally, there ore the later works of Hindu law, which include the Yajavalkye-, Vignw, ‘Navada-, Behaspari, and Katyayana-smrts, compiled between 100 and 600 AD. It is not clear where exactly these compilations were done, but there is enough possi- bility for assuming that they were writen by orthodox brihmana scholars based in the upper and middle eaches of the Gangs, or brahmanas who were influenced by ther ideas. Although the works of Hindu law are theoretical treatises rather than codes of civil law or royal edicts, their provisions still reflect the social norms of the period: and given the leadership role played by brihmanas in ancient Indian society, their provisions might surely have possessed authority over daily life. I is in this sense that the works of Hindu law are very important sources forthe study ‘of ancient Indian socal history. The citation here will be based on the chapter, sec- tion, and clause numbers of The Sacred Books of the East seties and the Sanskrit editions on which those renditions depended, In addition, reference was made to P. Olivelle's annotated texts and translation of the Dharmasitras. A. F.Stenelar's edition and translation of the Yajtavatkye-smeti and P. V. Kane's edition ad tans. lation ofthe Kerwyana-snir 2, The Pali Buddhist Sources The earliest sources in this yenre depict social aspects of Indian society inthe mid dle and lower reaches ofthe Ganga from the time of the Buddha (sixth-fifhcentu- 1 BC) up to around the first century BC. In particular, the Jazaka collection of ‘Buadhist fables vividly describes life during that time among all the varnas in both their urban and rural settings. Although the story lines themselves have been fabi- ‘ated to illustrate Buddhist teachings, the social background which they unfold faithfully reflects realy. They may also enable us to observe social change by com- paring stories over a span of generations, butt is very difficult to tell which of the liffering aspects is the older and which is the newer development. Here we have i i i int INTRODUCTION ® relied on the compilations done by the Pali Text Society. In addition, a Sanskrit col lection of Buddhist tales, the Divydvacldna, compiled atound the third and fourth centuries AD willbe referred to here und there 3. The Arthasastra ‘This work is a teatise on politics written by Kautilya, a chancellor of the early Mauryan Dyanasty. I the tradition surrounding the work is indeed factual, it was completed around 300 BC; however, like all the works of ancient India, there is room for serious doubt about dating. Since the work was frst discovered only a cen tury ago, debate has continued over both its tue author and date of completion. | myself support the view that revisions were made to Kautlvas original version later ‘on, resulting in the extant version, which should be dated between the second and third centuries AD. It was probably compiled in the middle and lower reaches of the Ganga, the home territory of the Mauryan Dynasty, just about the same region as described in the Buddhist sources. R. P. Kangle’s edition and wanslation of the ‘work will be used here. Turning to the content of the present volume, Part One takes up social issues sr rounding the brahmana varna. Chapter I examines how his varna, whieh has been the paramount class within Hindu society for over three thousand years, fas man aged to preserve its supremacy over such a long period of time. One way was no ‘doubt the flexibility displayed by brahmanas when faced with reality, as exempli fied by brahmanic ideas about inter-varna mattiage and childbirth (varnasakand), ideas about how fo act when faced with life and death situations (pada), rites of purification (prayaseina), Asutriva). Other topics concerning the Hexibilly of brahmanas include their ela tionship to kingship, the formation of Hinduism and the bralymagaatiude towards the stdra (once-born) varna. Such flexibility on the part of brihmanas led to the flexible character of the whole varna system, enabling it to transcend the socal and political changes that occurred throughout India’s history. ‘The examination of the related Buddhist sources reveals that there were mem- bers of the brahmana vara who were engaged in occupations other than their priest ly duties, secular occupations not sanctioned by Vedic law. Chapter II continues with the depiction ofthe brahmana varna contained inthe Buddhist sources in com- parison withthe works of Hindu law. Focus is then placed on the criticism leveled by the Buddha himself at those brahmanas who were unable to live up to the high ideals of their varna. ‘Although in theory, varna society was supposed to be ruled tually and moral ly by the brahmana priesthood and politically by the ksatriya aristocracy, in reality the religious and secular worlds could not avoid overlapping to some extent, In and ideas of fallen oF decadent ksatriyas (vtymi INTRODUCTION Chapter Ill we tum to the problem of how brahmanas stove to maintain their social supremacy while tthe same time maintaining close ties to kingship. They did this by insisting that their supremacy over ksatriyas lay in the varoa ritual order. The {former also demanded various privileges in exchange for the roles they played in strengthening kingship and bringing prosperity to the state. Acceding to such «demands, kings guaranteed brahmanas their livelihood under the condition thatthe later render service in various ways, resulting in many brihmanas deciding t sub- ‘ordinate themselves to royalty, Part Two deals withthe various issues surrounding the ksatriya varna which we discover formed both a fairly ambiguous and complex group, since in addition ‘o their political and military duties, beginning with kingship, there were malty ‘members involved in other occupations as well as members of other varnas involved in the ants of polities and war, Chapter IV mainly utilizes the Buddhist sources to identify three different lines of ksatriyas existing in the Ganga basin from the ‘Buddha's time through the reign ofthe Mauryan Dynasty. On the other hand, there were cases in which powerful non-Aryan forces and groups on the periphery of Aryan society were incorporated into Hindu society as ksatriyas. These upstarts were frequently recognized as ksatriyas by onhodox brafimapas in an attempt to put them t the task of maintaining the varna order. It was the flexibility of the ksatiya ‘vara, represented by both openness and mobility, that contributed 50 much to the reproduction and maintenance of the varpa social order. ‘Chapters V and VI compose a comparison between the ideas of kingship described in the works of Hindu law and those in Buddhist sources, with an appendix that adds the Arthas@stra to the comparison. For example, in contrast t0 Hindu law and the Arthaséstra arguing that kings should act as protectors ofthe ‘vara social order, the Buddhist sources argue that what kings were supposed 0 protect was a more abstract version of the dharma. Buddhism also criticized the idea of the divine nature of kingship held by Hindu law, while the Arthasdstra cool ly states that the idea is noting but superstition; however, if such nonsense is use- ful in strengthening kingship and the kingdom, then it should by all means be adopt- ed. More lexibiiy in the vara system is displayed by the fat that kings with other than ksatriya origins could accede temporarily tothe throne if the existence of the social onder would in some way be threatened otherwise, Pant Three deals with the vaisya varna, the memibers of which were theoreti- cally of Aryan (wice-born) origin and were supposed to be involved in agriculture, ‘animal husbandry and commerce. However, in realty this varna was composed of| wide variety of people, including some whose wealth exceeded that of members of the ksatriya and brahmana ruling classes and others whose socal position could ‘ot be distinguished in quality from that of the Sidra varna inferior to it. It was du ing the formative period of Buddhism in the middle and lower reaches of the Ganga that members of the vaisya class were active inthe rise of urban areas and the il INTRODUCTION si development of rural society. Buddhist scripture is the best source for discovering the actual nature of such activities. (Chapter VII deals with vagyas active as merchants in the cities, while Chapter Vl focuses on them in village life. One interesting discovery from the Buddhist sources is that vaigyas were far less conscious oftheir varaa in everyday life than of tieir occupations, kinship relations, and social position which was based on ‘wealth, This lack of varga consciousness contrasts starkly with the upper wo -varas, especially the system's standard bearers, the brahmagas. Overtime, the divi- sion made between the vaigya and Sidra grew more and more ambiguous, until the former came o signify the commercial classes, while the later came to include the ‘pews clay uf ulivatory snd leidets, The Appendix to Chapter VI takes up city lie as depicted in the Buddhist sources, while the Appendix to Chapter VII dis- cust rural life and land ownership as seen in the works of Hindu law and the Anthasstra, Part Four is concerned with the lowest Sidra varna and the sub-varna inferior group of untouchables known as candalas, In Chapter IX we look at the socially nd tually discriminatory treatment recommended by Hindu law concerning the sida varna, then turn to the Buddhist sources and the Arshatastra, discovering the actual diversified character of the varpa and its members’ lack of vara consciows- nest in daly life, thus revealing a great discrepancy between the severe discrimi nation leveled at Sadeas inthe works of Hindu law and what was happening in eal- ity, We also find that @ good portion of the members of the Sidra varna became independent cultivators aver time: and despite regional differences, on the whole ‘we observe the Vedic discrimination against Sodras tending towards extinction, co the extent of SGdras forming the general masses of Hindu society during the mecieval period. Two Appendices appear on slavery and wage labor in ancient India (Chapter X turns to the social and ritual discrimination leveled towards the group of untouchables, called candalas, who existed atthe lowest echelon of the subsvarpa inferior stata and had originated mainly from hunters and gatherets ‘hic-ranke bxthmana priest performed ceremonies forthe lower-rank brshmana sub-eastes and the village's eter high- sind midle-anked casts. (5) The seth-ranked priest conduct fd ceremonies for the middle- and lower ranked casts, incdng some untouchables. ‘What this situation leads ust believe is that 1) there were brahmaras engaged in var~ fous occupations besides the Hindu priesthoed; 2) there were indeed groups closest 0 the ‘core (op ofthe sub-caste herr) of the brshmana vara seoking the highest purity, while ‘thes formes the outer layers (lower ranks) coming into contact with low caste Findus on 4 lly basis; and 3) despite such itera heterogeneity, members ofthe brahmana varna ossesod avery deep vara identity and consequently formed one soled class oecupy he top echelon of the village's Hind social microcosm.CHAPTER ONE ‘ment denouncing the authority of brahmanas, and activists appeared among the ‘untouchable castes calling for an end to caste diserimination.” Although there are those who look upon the various trends and movements during India’s modern and contemporary periods as steps taken towards disman- ting the varma/caste system, in this author's opinion, these events seem to mark ‘more of a reorganization of the system. That i to say, the flexibility that has char- acterized the system throughout its entire history—is ability to adapt to new and changing environments—will continue tobe displayed. While there is no doubt that the authority and influence bestowed upon the brahmana varna by India’s traditional social order have been weakened, the varna's core of orthodox brahmanist ideas still receives no small support. Therefore, the questions that arse for us are i what Way the system will be reorganized under such circumstances and how will the heretofore flexible, adaptive brhumana varga attempt to overcome the esis it now faces, These ae problems that need to be considered ina time framework of "cen tries.” Concerning the ant-caste movement, see G. Yamazaki, Indian Society and Neo: Buchan ‘fe and Thought of B. R. Ambedkar, with Additional Chapter on the Caste Sytem andl Untouchaity, Tokyo, 1979 (in Japanese), i ! i | | Chapter IT BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES ‘A. Brahmana Teachers and Their Students As a background to the description of brahmana pedagogy contained in the works ‘of Buddhism, let us Gist look at what Hindu law has to say about the subject: that is, the frst stage of life After passing through initiation (upanayana), male members ofthe first three (wice-born) varnas enter the stage of student in thir lifecycles, during which they study the Veda under a brahmana master (dearya). Inthe ease of the brihmana varna, initiation ceremonies ate held inthe spring for male children who have lived cight to sixteen years since their conception (heretofore “years old”). Ksatriya i tiation takes place in the summer for males between eleven and twenty-two years of age, and the vaigya ceremony is held in the fall for males between the ages of twelve and twenty-four, However, if desired, twice-born boys can be initiated and enter the student stage earlier. During the initiation ceremony, participants ae pre- sented with a special girdle (methald) an upper garment made from animal skin (carma-uniariya, a cloth (visa, vastra) and a staf (danda), all of which differ in ‘quality according to one's vara, Afier the ceremony, the new initiates (brafmacdrin) go to the homes oftheir teachers to board and perform such obligations as serving the teacher and his house- hold, living a life of abstinence, learning the Veda, Keeping the sacred fre, and prac- licing daily mendieancy. The duration of the student stage varies among twelve, twenty-four, thity-six and forty-eight years, The unit of twelve years is the amount of time thought necessary to learn one Veda: therefore, the earliest age at which an ‘ordinary brahmana could leatn all the four Vedas would be theoretically fifty-six. However, possibly out ofthe realization that such terms of study were unteaistic, Wwe find more ambiguous statements in Hindu law determining the student stage as “until one has learned the Veda.” Now since sueh long periods of time gave stu- dents many opportunities to break their vows of abstinence and commit other sins, both grievous and venial, we see here and there acts of expiation designed for them ‘Those who have completed their study or have at least completed the amount of time required to study, express their gratitude by presenting gifts to their teach- es, then participate in retuning home ceremony (samxivartana) accompanied by bathing. They reuin to their Fathers, marry and enter the householder (second) stage of thei lifeeycles. Those householders who desire further study are allowed to return to their teachers from time fo time andl resume their student lives, including ‘vows of abstinence. Thete is also the option of not entering the householder stage2 CHAPTER TWO of life, but rather choosing to remain atthe teacher's household to study and serve him for the ret of one's lite (naisthika-brahmacdrin).It is said that anyone who lives such a life of abstinence and service will enjoy all the fruits ofthe eternal world ‘The above-mentioned rules forthe student stage of life apply in theory to all three twice-born varpas. However, practically, they were rules pertaining especial- ly tothe orthodox brahmanas, in general not experienced by all the twice-borns, It would be safe to say that the majority of ksatriya and vaisya students had almost no real connection to orthodox Vedic education, but got a mere tase of it after their initiation ceremonies, They, and the members of the Sidra varna as wel, were des, ‘ined fo succeed their fathers in their respective family oecupations. | contrast tothe idealist works of Hindu law, Buddhist sources particularly the Jaiaka genre of tales, contains more or less concrete descriptions based on social reality surrounding brahmana teachers and their students. ‘The students we find in this literature are by no means limited to brahmanas, bu the latter do make up the ‘majority. Let us look at some typical examples, ‘Concerning the age t which brahmana males embarked on ther student lives, there are such ambiguous references as “alter coming of age” (vayappatto)," while some tales clearly state “after reaching the age of sixteen” (solasavassakale) According fo the above rules, the age of sixteen was the upper limit fora brahmana ‘tending to be initiated. According to the Arshasastra, an ancient Indian treatise on Politics, sixteen was the minimum legal age of adulthood.’ I was therefore only common sense that brahmana males would have before reaching that age aleady been initiated and studying with thei fathers or with nearby teachers. However, in the Buddhist literature, there is almost no mention of that preliminary phase, so in this section, fetus concentrate on the second phase of student life 1k was inthe city of Taxita (Taksasila, Takkasilé) that many widely known teachers (disdpamolitho deariva) resided and many young brahmanas (and ksatiyas and vaisyas also) gathered to obtain their knowledge and technical skills, Many of the students were from urban areas, but there were sons of wealthy rural families, 85 well, who brought thei tuition with them to Tanita It is related thatthe most Well-known masters would normally have about $00 students (paicandnavakusa: ‘ni studying under them at onetime.’ The next most popular city For scholars was Benares (Bardnas), where well-known teachers were also frequently surrounded by 41 pp. 356, 431,447,510, © L.Ap. 285; 1V, pp. 7.237 * Arai, 3 1. According to the Mamet (65) the har clipping ceremony (esnt), symbolizing passage into young adulthood, was perormed among bedhmanas at age svcen [satryas at age twenty and vaiyas at age wenty four, FA. Mpp. 52.53, 68, 394: 1, p. 50 © Xb pp. 317, 402; 1V, p50 et BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES 2 “500 students Many of the teachers active in Benates had originally stedied in ‘Tasila?” i seems that brahmana teachers residing in cities would select a quiet place cither in one comer of the city or on its outskirts for their schools; but there were ‘others who taught their students in huts built deep in the forest? There is also an account of a brahmana teacher living in a Himalayan forest together with a large number of students.” ‘Young men who flocked to these teachers would upon arrival introduce them= selves, present monetary gifts of gratitude and ask tobe accepted as students, These gilts were called dcariyabhdiga, meaning “the teacher's share,” and normally came {© a thousand kahdpanas.” Those who could not pay the tition in advance would render labor services in lieu, Here is one interesting account of the later. [After the teacher questioned his new pupil about where he was from, hs fam- ily origins and purpose of study). he asked the young man, “Have you brought Your tution fees with you, oF do you wish a dhkamma apprenticeship (alam ‘mdntevésika)?”.. A dhamma apprentice works for is teacher during the day and acquires learning in the evening. Those who pay tuition are treated like first born sons in the teacher's home and only concern themselves with learn- ing “The above citation comes from a sry about dhe schooling of prince, but it prob- ably pertains to young brahmapas studying ana from home aswell. There i also an account ofa balmana who after completing his studies, went out to beg forthe ‘wherewithal pay his teacher” This later method isthe mos ideal way of obtin- ing one's wition according to Hinds law, while the Jakes cite i 8 exception Concerning what was actualy studied by young men, there are many abbr ated references to “ll forms of learning (sabbasippant.” the three Vedas ad eigh- teen sciences (tayo vede arthdrasa vijiathandnisippani)” and “Vedic mantas (manras)° As tothe actual cuiculum that bahmapa should adhere o, we fd, ‘A brthmana should be a scholar ofthe sacred texts, knowing the mantas, hav ing ead the three Veulas though, being thoroughly acquainted with [the Vedi} © 4.1, 299-300, 4365 Hp. 421, p18 > 1, pp. 447,463,510: Hp. 47, 100, 137, ee. * “Apaddna, pp. 158,166, 179: 1, p. 325, 328, 411 * Sl p. 537 ea or sy ofa CHAPTER TWO vocabulary, liturgy, etymology, ancient traditions, phraseology and grammas, and having expertise in popular philosophy and the special marks of a ereat ‘The term “sippa” (Skt. silpa) generally means “technical skills” and “handicrats," and is used in Hindu law to refer to the “erafis” or “arts” that are a part of Sodva livelihoods. However, in the Jarakas, the term is used in its broadest sense, refer. ring not only to learning the Veda, but also to such skills as elephant training,” ‘mazical spells" and martial ans”. The cities of Taxila and Benares described in the Buddhist literature were large areas of urban culture where teachers ofall kinds of Scholarly pursuits and technical know-how had gathered, Students were required to keep their minds off secular matters and live lives of abstinence. Cited as examples of things that could upset one’s diligence for study were in the case of householders “clothing, baubles, male and female staves, arable fields, residences, cows, water buffaloes, children, wives, ete" several of them ‘would also apply to students studying avay from home, However, due tothe nature ‘of the sources, when comparing the lists contained in the works of Hing law and the rules for Buddhist monks contained in the Vinaya Pitaka, they are far from exhaustive - setts wre abo teuied to perform such tasks for thei teachers col lecting firewood, hulling rice, cooking, water carrying and personal attendance” However, thee were also tudes wh comma to ter eacher's hones nem their own homes or rented lodgings.” There is a ease of one student from a distant Province who came to the city and found a teacher, just to give into seduction and inary ae whch he sommie tothe home of hs teacher stay and pei Various tasks.” ‘We find very litie in the sources indicating status discrimination among stu: dents along varna lines. Any status differences seemed to be more along the lines of years of study and learning ability. The top students (erhdntevdsikay were called teaching assistants (ptyhizcariya) and not nly taught courses for their teachers bat also went in their place to preach atthe homes of pious houscholdery and receive "DNA. 120A, Dp. 814, 10.138 "Leaning te Ve hah pa i's anu) tomate Toxila. J Hl, pp. 47-48, (ceo ne ‘en eer es Lp Bete. 28 ¥ 9.128 © gp. 9-0 Sp OV... 19.317, 4% V9 20 Sep asp 96 "Tee BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES 8 alms." From among the top level students, husbands for teachers’ daughters and successors 10 retired eachers were occasionally chosen We see very litle indicating any fixed term of study: however, one Buchist source does introduce the practice based on the ideals of orthodox Brahmanism of “sponding forty-eight years in study and abstinence, then going out 0 Be repay ‘one’s teacher.” After completing their studies, students were allowed by ther teachers to retum home, marty and takeover their family’s occupations, There were those who became well-known eachers in their omens “with 5 students” or “many young ksaiya and brabmaga men” gathered around them.” Die tothe unorthodox nature ofthe Buddhist sources, teacher-student rela tionships described inthe Jatakas tfer from descriptions in the works of Hind law on many points. Fst, apanayane, which is emphasized by the later, is almost ignored in the Buddhist sources, and we find thatthe age of students and terms of study were not being strictly followed as required by Hindu law. As places to stu, the city of Taxila beyond the upper reaches ofthe Ganga where brihmana culture ‘was most dominate and the city of Benares, which canbe said to be a point of eon tuct between the onhodox and unorthodox factions, were the most popula & phe= nomenon that can probably be explained by 1) a sense of rivalry on the part ofthe umorinodox factions, and 2) the existence of these two cities asthe most culturally advanced in India at that time. The curriculum studied was far more diverse than rere Vedic scholarship, and the umber of students studying under a si eas many as "500," was surprisnely greater than the “several atthe most” image 1 get from the works of Hindu law. In contrast the rules of Hind aw imply- ing the existence of status discrimination along the lines of the vara system, ve observe no such stratification inthe Buddhist sources." While Hind las calls for school terms with frequent ritual breaks and vacations we Find hardly a reference to sucha practice inthe Buddhist literature. The later describes tition fees Being paid to teachers in advance, while the former calls forthe payment of fees after completion, P. V. Kane offers the following characters features of ancient India’s edu cation system based on the works of Hind la: (1) High status and prestige bestowed on teachers. ® J. 1h. 100; V. pp 487-58: 1V, pp 0-51: p17 2 Fil pp. 1819. 219: VE p37 Vp. 128 2% AN ll pp. 22428. See abo pp. 2627 of his caper. ® See mae? ® However there isan example of candi untouchable igusing hin as a bethnana inorder ind a teacher J IV pp. 39192 PPV. Kane, History of Dharmas, Vol. pp. 369-70.25 ‘CHAPTER TWO (2) Intimate relationships fostered between teachers and students {G) Students living in theie teackers™ homes like family members (4) The oral-aural teaching method without the use of textbooks. (6) Strict discipline and abstinence. (6) Inexpensive wition fees () Conservative impractical content due to a concentration on scripture ‘The type of education in ancient India described by Buddhist sources is indeed in Tine with these features in many cases B, Brahmapa Lifestyle ‘The Buddhist sources, beginning with the takes, describe rather well the actual lives led by brabmapas. In this setion, some typical examples willbe introduced ‘The brahmanas so depicted are deeply aware of their existence as the purest and highest clas in the social hierarchy. One brabmana who is defiled becomes ashamed of himself, lamenting that he isnot fit to be member of hs a, ineage (ora) or Family (hua) and a we sal ee, brahmanas sought the origins oftheir Iivlegd social position i knehip and pedigree, Genealogy wae an important tae dition to be transmied from generation t generation,” and spouses were always sought fom Families of equal pedigre.” It goes without saying that marrage to a ‘women ofa different varpa was met with derision. Oe brhmana relused to bestow Family name (kulanna) on a child borne by an inferior woman and had the child reared by the mother” Brahmanas were accustomed to ask a stranger his li cage or varna. and they addesse one another with the special word of “bho.” Gama Buda is sid to have divided brahmanas int the following five cat- (1) Brahmasama (those equal to Brahman). Those bor of parents from pure brahmana lines of descent, studied the Veda for fory-eight years in lives of abstinence, followed by the customary manner of mendicaney, the alms fom which were used o repay their teachers. After this, they renounced the world and upon death would be reborn into Brahmaloka (the world of Brahman, % rtp. 8 > apd 260. © 19498 I pp. 11315; Il pp 93-94, 162,219, 1. 1V.p, 298. However, he story zoe on oy that he child Became an asst pr faa ins res) is ater. Vp 308 Sunita, ve 485-57. SN |p. 168 ® Satanipta, 620. lso,Ap. 12,5, 12 Va XIN, 48 Buh, 2, 3,27. Man 124, ° AN. Il pp. 223-20 BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES 2 2) Devasama (those equal to gods). ..same as (1) .. After paying back their teachers through medicancy as above, took brihmana wives in accordance with ‘customary lav, approached no women of different varna or despised people, and came into contact with their wives only for the purpose of bearing chil- dren; that is, only during gestation, After te birth of sons, they renounced the ‘world and after death would be born into heaven (sagga). (3) Mariyada (rule-practicing brahmana). same as (I), (2). After the birth of, sons as in (2), lived their remaining lives as householders in accordance with tradition. ‘Sombhinnamariydda (non-pracicing beahmana). After paying back their teach- fers as in (1), acquired wives by means other than allowed by customary law like purchase, approached non-brihmana or despised women, and came into contact with their wives at any time for the purpose of sexual pleasure and ‘amusement, thus living lives contrary to the traditional rules by which braiumagas were expected to abide (5) Brithmanacandala (candala-tike brahmana). Those who repaid their teachers ‘with wealth obtained from means other than mendicaney like agriculture, com merce, herding, military skills royal service and handicrafts, married like in (@), eared their livelihoods in all kinds of occupations, white at the same time insisting on their purity as brabmanas. “ From the above categories, we can see that 1) descent and genealogy were impor tant factors for brihmanas, 2) it was obligatory for them to marry within their own vvarna, 3) thatthe true purpose of marriage among them was to bear sons, but 4) there were, in fact, diverse lifestyles among them. We find similar factors in the works of Hindu law, as well; however, we do find the householder stage of life, ‘which Hindu law emphasizes as the most important phase of brihmana life co spicuously missing from the highest form of existence described above. The “eandala-ike brahmana” category, which was in actuality quite pervasive, will be discussed later on (Of the examples concerning the problem of brahmanas struggling to avoid any contact with people and things considered unclean, we find references to encoun- ters with candalas: for example, the daughter of a brahmana washing her eyes after ‘gazing upon a candala; a young brahmana fearing that he might find himself stand- ing downwind from a cangala; another brahmana youth shamefully hiding himself inthe forest afer eating food leftover by a candsla; anda brahmana fearing that his funeral pyre may be located in the same place as despised people. Those who were so defiled and bereft of their purty were often excommunicated from their pees: for example, a group of brahmagas were stripped of thei status asthe result of eat- ° See pp. 201, 226.29 of this volume, The lst example canbe found in JL. S&8 CHAPTER TWO ing candala leftovers; a brahmana was deprived of his inheritance after drinking liquor.” According to one Buddhist passage, an offender could have his head shaved, be covered with ashes from head to foot and sent on his way into banish: ‘ment, his brahmapa peers refusing to eat or even st with him, give him water, wor ship together with him or allow him to mazry within the varna.” ‘Those brahmanas who resided within their center of culture in the upper reach- ¢s ofthe Ganga basin looked upon its middle and lower reaches, where non-ortho- 4dox religions, such as Buddhism had arisen, as regions of disorder and litle puri- 'y. The Buddhist sources refer to such brahmanas, and their descendants who were living inthe fatter region, as udicea- (northern) and pacchabhimaka- (western coun ty) brahmanas, describing them as stately and proud of their purity.” For example, {in one source we finda description of what extremes they went to in onder pro tect their purty. Here the pacchabhamaka-brahmanas cary water vessels, make wreaths out of ‘moss grass, attend a fire and do ablutions. They teach their students, “Boys, {You ae 10 rise early and touch the earth. If you do not touch the earth, touch ‘wet cow dung. Ifyou do not fouck wet cow dung, touch green grass. If you do not touch green grass, atend a fire, LF you do not attend fire, join your hans in prayer to the Sun. Ifyou do not pray tothe Sun, bath for the third time (that lay] inthe early evening.” The Buddha criticized such formalized purification rituals of pacchabliamaka- ‘brahmanas, arguing that true purification (soceysa) was realized by purifying one’s actions, worus and thought according to the tenfold code of pure behavior, poo hiiting the killing of living beings, stealing, lying, ete.” Incidentally, many of those bhikkhus of brdinmaga origin who became active in the earliest Buddhist order (saigha) were eastern-bor, and looked down upon by the western-born brihianas." ‘The relationship between brahimanas and the kings, who were ther protector, will be discussed in Chapter If; however, in terms of numbers, there were far more brahmanas active in the cities and villages performing religious services for local ‘residents in exchange for stipends and alms than those who depended for theit livelinoods on the king. Wealthy urban households are depicted feeding, many MV, p 388: V, pp. 466-68 'DN. Ip. 98. The “ashes” pre comes from Buddhaghasa’s annotation 4.1. 9p. 361,436. AN. V,p. 263 AN. V, pp. 263-68, CConceming the wester-born pitas and eastern bom “populacwordly bran,” see R. Fick, The Social Organisation in North-East India Buda's Time by 8. Matra, 2nd Dr Varanasi, 1972, pp 212-16. BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES ~ brahmanas on a daily basis and giving them alms, We find such wealthy families requesting brahmanas to name their sons and hiting them to teach thei children" Rich families in rural areas also invited brahmanas to perform ceremonies and give sermons. After preaching and bestowing words of good fortune, these brhmanas ‘would be fed and given tokens of appreciation." The resident of one particular vik lage collectively decided to provide a brahmana (oF someone they thought was & bxahmapa) with remuneration and housing in exchange for lessons. There were probably many such brahmanas who decided to settle down in villages to perform ‘ceremonies fo the local residents and advise them on daily matters. There were also brahmanas residing in towns and marketplaces (nigama, nigamagama) located between the cites and villages." one case of which describes & wealthy brabmana family owning property worth “800 million." On the other hand, the poorest of braimanas mad the rounds of villages and towns to receive food and objects of wort." We find one ofthese mendicans insisting, “No one ca refuse a brihmana begging for food.” Inthe Jdtakas, there appear many persons making a living pat- ly through fortune telling and magie spells," many of whom can be assumed to have been of brahimana origin. However, there were many brhmanas who were notable to earn their living through the three legitimate means of performing ceremonies, teaching the Veda and besging for alms, These were the “candalalike brihmanas” desribed by the Buddha, whose ways of life were recognized under Hind law as “in distress,” as liseussed in Chapter L According to Hindu lw, the reason for recognizing these ince a brahmana’s essential existence is pure, under con- ditions of distress or emergeney, he will not be defied, w) matter what actions he 4s forced to take." In the Buddhist sources, brahmanas also defend such abetrant behavior with such words as “though the fre burns something pure or impure. it will never be defiled; likewise, no matter what occupation he engages in a brahmana will never be died," ‘Such seculatized brahmanas appear frequently inthe Jatakas, particularly those ‘who have tured to agriculture fora living (Aassakabratimana).” There are those ‘wo oven large tracts of arable worked by slaves o hited laborers, and those who temporary measures was, JIN, pp. 378-19. 2.1, p 318 IM p. 1715 IV, p39, 2 FA. 239, 296, Tt p. 232 I, pp. 36,308 “Ll pp. 98.497: 1V, p28, 2.1, p96 Up. 383; VE. p 52, 2 LV. pp. 63:64, © 1 pp? AN. Ip. 239. *LAlLp. 182; V,p. 68. VP. IV, pp. 47, 266, 33445, 455.58,» CHAPTER TWO work the land themselves along with their families.” In addition, among the brahmanas who became merchants, we find some leading enravans in bath inland and maritime trade (saithavahabrdkmana), and others peddling wares cetied on their shoulders through villages and towns.” There are brahmanas occupied as shep- herds, physicians, archers, carpenters, woodworkers, hunters, sake charmers; and there was even one who became a king!” The next chapter will describe those brahmagas who became ministers, judges and other government officials. One Jaa tale describes that there are brdhmanas engaged in as many as ten different types of occupation”: physician, servant, heavy-handed tax collector, woodsman, merchant, Ambattha-vess,” butcher, cowherd-cum-robber, hunter and bath atten- dant It therefore follows that there were great income and wealth differentials among members ofthe brahmana clas. In addition to the owner of property worth 800 million” previously mentioned, there was another bemana who buit sx alms dispensaries (danasala)—one at each of his city's four gates, one in the city center, and one in front of his home—to serve the local poor,” while on the other hand, ‘we observe a brahmana who was so far in debt that he was contemplating suicide; a brihmana and members of his family having to work for others; a former puro: ‘ita family living in squalor, etc.” As discussed in detail in the next section, the Buddha looked critically upon brahmanas who, while earning an ordinary living no different from other vatnas, stil regarded themselves as socially superior. C. Assertions of Brahmanas and Their Buddhist Critique During the Later Vedic Age (¢.1000-600 BC), when the brahmana vara was ist formed into an exclusive, endogamous class of priests, the ideology of “braimana supremacy” was already being proposed. And we find similar claims in the Dharmasitras compiled during the next period, For example, based on the well known human origins mythology dating back to the Re Veda, the Vasitha Dhs. (LV, states that brafimanas, originated from the mouth of the Creator, possess the I, p. 293: 1V, pp. 276-77: J lp. 165 1. pp. 15-16: V, pp. 22, 47124. Mp. 1S. 213: J. IV, p. 207 4.1, pp. 396-59: V, pp. 127-3: $M. Lp. 179: Up. 467; VI p. 170. 1V,p. 4875 J. Vie pp 185-86: 1, p. 326, 51.1, pp 361-65 © “The tle explains that they engaged in agriculture an commerce, raised gous and sep, ‘sold their daughters, sen them into mareage and sometimes obtained ther wives by yin them, See note 45 and JI, 428: JV, p. 1S. A. MVip. 178: 4.1 p 475: Ih pA, u t BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES 3 highest form of purity and should occupy the highest position in te ritual hier ‘chy. Therefore, the words uttered by brhmanas were believed to have the power to purify defilement. For example, the defilement caused by talking to a ritually unclean person can be purified by conversing with a brahman, and itis sometimes necessary for purification ceremonies to be acknowledged with words uttered from the lips of brihmanas.* According tothe Apastamba Dhs, (I, 3,9, 13), whenever it is necessary for anyone about to study the Veda to speak with @ menstruating ‘woman, he should frst converse with a brahmaga before speaking t0 the woman, then converse again with the bralmana afterwards, before beginning his studies. Brahmanas depended heavily on alms and services received from others for theie livelihood. The Dharmasiias repeat aver andl over how much meri is derived from such gestures towards brihmanas, thus promoting frequent almsgiving not only at ceremonies, but also in everyday life. It is also said that almsgiving will result in good fortune both in the present and next world, like absolution for sins committed in the past and attainment of heaven after death.” The Vasstha Di (XXX, 6) has one rule that compares the mouth of a brahmana to flame bursing with the fire ofthe Veda, thus any offerings partaken by that mouth (alms given to 1 brahemana) will protect and save both the almsgiver ad receiver from sin Despite the Dharmasitvas singing the praises of brihmana superiority in such ‘way, it does not follow that the other vargas must honor all brakmanas uncondi- tionally. For example, uch statements as "Any twice-bom person who does not pet- fom twilight devotions a the right times each day, atthe break of dawn and sun set, doesnot deserve to be called a brahimana” and “Not studying the Veda or teach ing it and not keeping the sacred fire lit make a brahmana no different from a Sidra! show that Hindu law would not recognize brahmanas who either filed to perform thei religious duties or were ignorant of the Veda as legitimate members of their varna. Also, those brahmagas who lived their lives merely onthe strength of their heritage were ridiculed as “jatimatropayivin” (subsisting only by bis biel) or “ndmadidraka” (keeping his name only). Furthermore, such brahmapas were seen as unworthy to receive alms, and the alms they did manage to receive were considered meaningless, even detrimental, to both parties in the exchange “The Manu-snrti, which is an expanded compilation of the provisions contained in the Dharmasitras, is fundamentally consistent with them, but tends to represent ‘4 more developed stage of Hindu law and clearly contains a more extreme version ‘of the idea of brahmana supremacy. In its first chapter, after explaining the origins © Apt Boul 1.5.9, 9. ‘Baud, I 11, 10 16. Vas M5. © Vas. 4, B10; VI, 32; XXVIIL 17,2 CHAPTER TWO. ‘of the four varnas and thei main responsibilities, the Manu-smrti offers ten verses {emphasizing the purity superiority and absolute legitimacy ofthe beahmana varna, Here are a few examples ‘The br3hmana was bor from the mouth fof Brahman, the Creator), he was the firstborn and he isthe preserver ofthe Veda, and as such, is by right the lord (Prabhu) overall creation... Through his mouth, the gods always partake of offerings (havye) and the spirits of ancestors partake of offerings tothe dead (Gaya) Is there any living being that can surpass him?... The brhmana is born as the highest on earth, i te lord (Ivara) over all living beings, for the pur- pose of guarding the treasure house ofthe dharma, All things that exist inthis World are the possessions of the brahmaga, Due to their superior origins, brahmanas without a doubt possess sovereignty over all [of creation) (1, 93, 95, 99-100) Nor does the Manu-smrii stop there. It goes on to attribute to brahmanas even divine supremacy. A brahmana, regardless of ignorance or wisdom, is a great divinity (daivatam ‘mahat) just as the fre, whether carted [tothe altar} oF not, is great divin 'y.. Therefore, brahmanas are to be respected in all ways, regardless of their ‘being employed in all sorts of mean occupations, That is because of theit supreme divinity (parame davaram) (IX, 317.319). Its said thatthe bratimana isthe ereator of the world (vidhate), the disc plinarian (Sasi), the teacher (vaker) and the comforter (maitra). Words of ill ‘omen or ill manner should never be uttered towards him. By virtue of his birth alone, a brahmana isa deity even for gods (devia ap daivatan), His teaching is authoritative for men. This is because the Veda forms its founda tion (XI, 35, 85) Along with such directives emphasizing the divinity and inviolabilty of brahmanas, items frequently appear calling forthe deprivation oftheir status due to improper behavior. Iti also said that any brahmaga who does not live up to his name will upon his death be plunged into the depths of hell (IV, 190-97), ‘Therefore, in the works of Hindu law we find provisions seeking respect for the brahimana varna as a whole Jue to its sacred and pure character together with other provisions that such respect be directed ony at its learned and virtuous men bers. However, the compilers ofthese works did not consider the two to be conta dictory, and deat with both as sucred law. Such ambiguity would trouble scriptural !annotators in later eras, but this aspect also lent a great deal of flexibility in inter: Preting Hindu law, which, as we have seen, was necessary for preserving the varpa r | | | i BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES 3 system and brahmana supremacy within it throughout Indian history. In the Buddhist literature as well, we find brahmagas making claims about themselves similar to those that appear in the works of Hindu law. OF course, most fof them become the subject of censure by the Buddha and the compilers of his ‘words, but let us look fist at what claims were actually made by bralmanas, thea consider their Buddhist critique. To begin with, one brahmana claims that a tue member of bis varpa must sat isfy five conditions” (1) There must be no doubt about his birth: his mother and father must be of prop- er bieth, pure blooded with no sign of miscegenation for atleast seven genera- (2) He is a scholar of sacred scripture (ajjhdyaka). knowledgeable of the mantas (mantras), and thoroughly familiar with all Uwee Vedas and other Vedic stud- G) He is handsome, presentable, clean, with the best physical features, an air of dignity and authority, never mean nor ignoble. (4) He possesses moral discipline (sla) and superior moral deportment: his moral training is complete (5) He has an excellent grasp ofall scholarly knowledge, he is wise, and is ranked first or second among those who earry the sacrificial ladle (su). Hore are some other definitions offered by brahmagas themselves (1) The bra borahmanas have white skin, all others havin ymana is the highest varna, all others being inferior to it, Only dark complexions. Onl Drahmanas are pure, all others being otherwise. Brahmanas are the sons of Brahman, born from his mouth, Born from Brahman, created from Brahman, timate heirs.” Brahinan’'s Brahmans are the children of Brahman... They ae superior to anyone and pos- ‘sess great authority. They also possess great virtue. Those who give alms 10 braihmanas with sincerity, will definitely be reborn into the world ofthe gous nowhere else... Therefore, brahmanas are the best recipients (aggadakKhineyya) among those to be provided for. (@) Brahmanas study the Veda, make offerings, celebrate the fir. It is for these DWI, p. 120, Also. DN. pp. 11314, © DWI p81. MN. pp. A, 148 © SVL pp. 200-02, 138. MN Upp 165-66,a CHAPTER TWO thee reasons that one must never kill a brahmapa. (4) Brahmapas are determined to follow the five dammas (dharmas) for earning religious merit and doing good... Truth (sacca)... Asceticism (apo). Pure Deeds (bvahmacariya)... Study (ajhena)... Relinguishment (edga).”” All ofthese claims more or less correspond to the works of Hindu law, while the focus tends to be on pedigree, monopoly over ritual, and superior intelligence and Knowledge, the exact three points to which the Buddhist critique of brahmanas assertions was directed. ‘Tuming to that critique, to begin with, regarding the claim that superiority and purity were based on birth, the Buddha retort, Even those born into brihmana households, but who have done evil will be ‘censured in the present world and suffer an adverse rebirth in the next, What is important is not one’s birth, but rather individual behavior. People are aot bom inferiors or brahmapas, they become inferior of brhanas asthe result, oftheir deeds. Becoming a warior, cultivator, erafstan, merchant or slave is the result of one's behavior." He is said to have inserted a bit of irony, stating, “Even a brahmana flatters a wealthy stdra and tiesto win his favor” Although there were in fact thse of both exemplary and disgraceful character ‘among brahmanas, many oftheir varna grew arrogant about their bicthright and formed groups characterized by cliquishness and exclusivity. For the Buddha, brahmanas by birth “are not true brahmapas, but rather a group of people who have the audacity to call each other “blo” (bhoveidita)."” Moreover, “A person of pie ty is one who abandons his personal desires and tries his hardest to Follow the right Path. The ultimate purty can be achieved by anyone, even those born as Stidras or ‘candalas."" Also, “As tothe results of doing right and wrong, there is no difference {nthe etibution meted out to humans in this world and the next (corporal punish ‘ment, damnation, salvation, etc) between brahmanas and those of other varnas.""" ‘And, “Although there may be various differences in form among animals or plant, all humans have similar physical features, Brahmanas ate no exception, possessing J.1V, 302, anv. th p19 Sutanipata, v.40, 68.56 MN The. 85. ‘Sutanipaa, v.62. Dhammapade,v396, Mahdniddesa p. 248, ‘98.1 p. 165.4. 1V, pp. 302-0, MN. Tp. 83-90, BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES no distinctive physical characteristics, The only things that are different are the ‘work that people engage in and the various names they are known by." ‘Buddhist scripture does not recognize the human origin mythology contained in the Voda — thatthe four varnas were created from various pats of the Creator's body — implying that at the moment of Creation, humans were thus relegated to four separate classes. It argues instead thatthe four varmas derived from specific hhuman behavior. According to the Agga/iia-surtana, in antiquity human society ‘was egalitarian, but greed took over and threw society into chaos, resulting in peo- ple with politcal power working for preserving the social order (ksattiya), those ‘who renounced the vulgar society to live a life of asceticism (brhmana), those who ‘married and settled down in various occupations (vais), and those who became engaged in hunting and various forms of service (Stra) * OF these four varnas, the braumanas were also called “jhayin” (meditators) and “aijkdyaka” (scholars), the origins of which are described as follows.” he tem “brafimana” has the meaning “one who avoids evil and wrong doing” (Papke akusale dhamme bahent). Brahmanas used to live inthe forest, in huts made from leaves. Other than i the morning and evening when they would 0 into town to seck food, they spent thee time in thie huts in deep media tion. This is why they were called "jhdyin.” Later, there were those whe could not endure such a life and decided fo move to residences on the outskirts of villages or towns to compile seripture (gana). Because they no longer med- itated (na jhdyanti), they came to be known disrespectully as “ajihavaka,” Today, learned brahmanas are regarded as the highest (seta); however, in antiquity they were looked upon as despicable (hinasammmata) ‘The Buddhist literature criticizes the whole vanna system, held as absolute by brahmapas, inthe following manner.” According to the accounts given by brahmanas, the absolute being Brahman treated the system: but in reality, the varga system is not strictly followed ‘There are brdhmanas who carry weapons... ec. Despite the fact that society is in chaos and filled with unhappiness, Brahman has done nothing about i \which means that their absolute god created injustice and lawlessness. This is ‘a contradiction which proves the unreasonable nature of the vara system, Sutranipat, wv 600-19, 648 DN. IL pp. 80-98, DN. Il, pp 9394 4. Vl, pp 207-08,% CHAPTER TWO. ‘Turning to the second brahmana claim, their monopoly over ritual, we find both sardonic and sharp-pointed criticism among Buddhists over worshipping fire and saerificing animals. Concerning fre worship (agsijuhana), one Jataka cites the example of a fire worshipping brahmana who discovered how meaningless the offerings made to fre were, and has the Buddha say, “In antiquity there were wise ‘men who thought that there was some advantage fo be gained from worshipping fire and continued the practice fora long time, However, they eventually discovered thatthe practice had no value whatsoever, so they doused thet fires with water and beat them out with tree branches or whatever was available, never to look upon ‘hem again.” ‘The Buddhist sources are, not surprisingly, filled with darmning remarks con- cceming animal sacrifice. Reganding the brihmana contention that animal sacrifice ‘brought about many good results (mahapphala) and therefore should be highly praised, Buddhists rebut that not only is the practice meaningless, but it constitutes tan act of cruelty, resulting only in misery as retribution, an actin which both the sacrifcer and his victim end wp none other than tormented.” The Buddhist rebutal to Vedie rials is summed up in one Jétuka as “yatabhedavada” (arguments controverting sacrifice). Here are some examples.” (1) How can fire, that can burn everything and still not be satiated, be managed to satisfy? (2) Fire fas no absolute existence. It starts and continues only in relationship to something else G) If the act of throwing wood or grass on fire is suered, then charcoal makers, salt makers, cooks and eremators accumulate the same merit a fire worship. pers Fire isnot divine, since it is capable of tormenting and doing physical damage leis said that even the Creator, Brahman, worships fie, Why would anyone pray to something he himself ereated? If the act of sacrifice really causes happiness for both the sarificer and the ani ‘mal sacrificed, why don't brahmanas sacrifice each other? In spite of the fat that no living being wishes death, brahmanas snatch away the lives of their unwilling sacrificial victims in the interest of their own exis- rence. a 6 © a With respect to the third brahmana claim that they are outstanding intllectu- © Je t.pp. 49395; th pp. 3, ™ For example. AN. Ml, pp. 42-8, 207.08 1V, pp. 1-13.41 pp 16668 "J. pp 205-17 BRAHMANAS AS SEEN IN BUDDHIST SOURCES a als, the Buddhists retort with the argument that today brahmapas just epeat over ‘and over the verses and pases thatthe ancient sages created.” Furthermore, aty- body, even a candila, can become well-versed in the sacred scripture, beginning with the Veda, without bringing divine wrath down upon him, and even the most erudite brahmana is capable of doing evil, being censured in this world and being ‘born into an inferior lie in the next."” One Buddhist source goes on to compare those who have complete knowledge of the Veda and practice it with those who completely know and practice the teachings ofthe Buddha, and come up with the calculation that the worth of the former constitutes one-sixteenth of the latter.” Furthermore, a true expert of the Veda (vedagi) and a true intellectual (sotiya) is rot someone versed in Brahmanistic seripeure, but ane who has obtained perfect knowledge transcending all the various scholarly disciplines" Indeed, the Buddhist teacher ~~ dvcplestaughers— the king (ph. 6, 14,15); sons ~*hiftep-sons~>teacherdisciples “>the king (Vas. XVI, 81-83), sons > kin -> extended family teacheelisciplespriests the king (Baud, 1, 5.11, 1-18) See also, Man, IX, 18789.Py CHAPTER THREE Other economic privileges enjoyed by brahmanas included a 2% interest rate, as opposed (0 3%, 4% and 5% rates respectively for the other thee varnas" and 100% share of any unclaimed property they unearthed, as opposed to a one-sixth share for finders belonging to the other varnas, the other Five-sixths going to the king.” Customarly any unclaimed property used by someone else beside the owner for ten years reverted tothe user. withthe exception of the property of srotriyas and the king. ‘The penal code also favored brahmanas in various ways, which may be summed inthe following manner. ‘The brahmapa should be exempted by the King from the following six kinds of treatment: capital punishment, imprisonment, fines, exile, revile and exclu sion. (Gaut. VIM, 12-13) ‘The item just preceding this provision meations that it applies only to learned brahmanas who live their lives in accordance with the law; however, there are other provisions in the Dharmastras that prohibit the heaviest of punishments for all bets of the brshinana vain Brahmanas must never be sentenced to corporal punishment for any crime, Brihmanas must never be subjected to corporal punishment. (Their punish- ‘ments must be] preventing recidivism, making publicly known the erime, exile and branding.” These prohibitions on corporal punishment (vada, S@riadanda) probably refer to such forms as the death penalty and dismemberment. The worst crime imaginable, ‘the murder of a brahimaga, was for bréfimanas themselves punishable by “branding and exile” "as. 48. Manu, VII, 182. © Vas I, 13-14, ef Gant, X, 43-85, Soo also pp. 106-07 of this vole ® as. XVI, 16:18. Mama, VIN, 148-9, aah 1, ¥, 18, 17- ef. Ap. Mh, 5, 10,16 © Gat Xt, 46-47 cf. Mana, VI, 123-24, 379.805 1X, 241, There were exceptions, however. Anyone, including Brahmagas, who atacked with intent {0 Kill (aadyin) was subject wo death. Vas IH, 16-18, Baudh. 1, 1, 18, 12-13, Many, VU 4350451, One farm af atonement forthe grievous crime of stealing gol! fom abana was appearing before the king and presenting a cl forthe king 0 use to administra lethal bea. BRAHMANAS AND KINGSHIP 5L For the crimes of verbal abuse. rape, and assault, bethmana perpetrators were ‘weated moze leniently than others, while similar crimes involving bramana vets were treated with more severity than otherwise. One exception was theft, in which cease a brahmana would be subject to the heaviest of fines A Sara thief mast pay eight times the amount stole, andthe fine is doubled for each varna thereafter. Tis is because the more educated the offender, the more severe the penalty should be. [What this means is that a brahmana thief would end up being fned sixty-four times the value of the stolen property. This type of escalation according to rank is based fn the ideal thatthe quality of one's moral conduct should correspond tothe qual- ity (rank) ofthe varna into which be was born, In actuality, however, Severe pun- ishment, including capital punishment, was meted out to SOdras guilty of thef.™ ‘One more legal privilege bestowed upon britmanas was that they could not be summoned as trial witnesses agains their wills.” There is also the provision that ‘commiting perjury forthe sake of a brhmana would not result in the Loss of one's (On the other hand, the Dharmasitras do not forget to provide for the punish- ‘ment of brahmanas who are derelict in their religious duties. Brahmanas who do not perform their dawn and twilight devotions atthe pre- determined times do nat deserve to be called such. A just king should order such brahmanas to do the work of sdras, ashe sees ft (Baud I. 4, 7,15). . Supplementation Added by the Manu-smet In the Manu-srinr, kings are described us figures superior to all creation in their brilliance (eas), equal to Indra and the other gods in valor (prabhdv) and embody. ing. Ap. 9. 25,458. Gate XU, 484, Vas. XX. 4, Bahl, 1,167. Manu, XL, 10 (1. The same applied ithe hie? was a brhanas however, the gesture seems to have been symbolic situa of atonement, nota oem of the death penalty. In the later works of Hindu Taw, prohibitions on the death penalty For brthmanas became more Renbl, as execution was ‘ecognized under cerain conditions. . V. Kane, op. cit. Vel IL, pp. 0-13, Gat XU, 13-17. f. Man, Vll, 337-38. * For example. a Sra guilty of murder, thet oe legal land seieure will have his property seized and then executed; a brahmana guy ofthe same crimes isto be blinded (Ap. 1, 27, 16-17), According the annotator Harada, such “blinding (culsunirodha)” did ot involve damaging or removing the eyeballs but depriving the erin of sigh through some Kind of blindfold, Buble’ tp. 166, note. Also, P. Olivelle, Dharmasitras, p 528 not > Get, Ill, 4, Bau 1,10, 19, 13. ef. Mane VIN, 6. Vas. XVI, 35. ef Mom, VIL, 112CHAPTER THREE ing grand divinity (devaea) in human form (Vil, 3-12), Brihmanas are also imbued with a sacred existence, and together hoth have been entrusted by the Creator with the fate of all living beings (IX, 327). However, when comparing the two, the ‘Manu-simrti never fails to insist thatthe divine nature of brahmanas exceeds that of kings. Here are some passages, the content of which cannot be found in the Dharmasitras ‘The king must never incur the wrath of brahmapas, even under the worst of distresses. This is because angering brahmagas will instantly destroy him together with his toops and vehicles (IX, 313). Whenever kstriyas become overbearing towards brhmanas in any way, itis the duty of bratimanas themselves to puta stop to it, Tis is because Ksatriyas \were born from bralumanas. Fire is born from water, kstriys from bethamanas And iron from stone, The all-penetrating force of those (ire, ksatriyas and iron) is all assuaged within their mother's wombs (IX, 320-21). ‘A brahmana well-versed in the diavma is not required to report anything to the king. He himself may punish those who do him harm by his own power alone. His own power is greater than that of the king. For that reason, brahmana can punish his enemies by his own power alone. He should have no ‘qualms about employing the sacred scriptures as taught by Athravan and Aigiras (magical spells ofthe Atharva Veda) in such pursuits. Speech, indeed. is the weapon of the brahmana, with that he should slay bis enemies (XL, 3 33), ‘The second citation is none other than an explanation of van origins with the pur- pose of subordinating ksatiyas to brahmanas." while the third entrusts brahmanas With the extra-statutory prerogative to work magic as they see fit. Besides the emphasis on brafhmana superiority, the Manu-smeti iterates the Dharmasitras fundamental view that the two varnas should cooperate in allowing each other to accomplish their roles: one cannot prosper without the other (IX, 322). In ane place, brahmanas are described as the root ofthe tree (mila), and ksatriyas a its tip (agra) (0X, 88), AAS to the day-to-day relationship between brahmanas and kings, the Mane syne says that after the king arises in the morning, he isto purity himself, make “The argument that Kyat (power, ksasya) originated from Brahman (bethmanas) as an explanation why religious authority is superior to secular authority can be observed in the Iteraure as erty asthe Later Vedic Age. U.N. Ghoshal, op. cz, pp. 38:38. B. K. Smith Glassfhing the Universe, The Ancient Indian Varga System andthe Origins of Cast, New York. 194.41. The same argument i contained inthe Mahbhdna(Sdmtipurvan, 22 181, 10-14, | | | | BRAHMANAS AND KINGSHIP 3 offerings to the fie, pay his respect fo the brahmanas around him, and then enter the audience hal. In addition, day in and day out he should respect brthmana elders well-versed in the Veda and lear from the most scholarly among them not only Vedic scripture, but also the disciplines of political science, ethics and the philos- ‘phy of drman (ultimate sel). Kings of course have their own close politcal adv sors and ministers, but from time to time they should consult with the most er among the brahmanas in making their final decisions on issues of erucial impor- tance and should put their complete trust in their opinions and act accordingly. Kings are to select brihmanas as both chef priests (purohita) and officiating priests (rei) 10 perform their household rituals and to conduct large-scale srauca sact fices. Finally, kings should ever be aware that almsgiving to brahmanas will reap unlimited merit and should never worry about the amounts spent on them.” The obligation on the part of kings to support brihmanas and the economic and legal privileges ofthe latter are described in greater detail and with more urgen- cy than in the Dharmasitras. The Manu-smrti also insists that any king who pro- {ects the people in the proper manner will reap one-sixth of the merit accumulated bby them (including beahmanas), and he who does not will suffer for one-sixth of the sins commited by the people, being destined for hell upom his death (VII, 304- (08; X1, 23), Provisions in the Manu-smrti not found in the Dharmasttras include 1) gradual payment for brahmanas and hard labor for members of other varnas Who are unable to pay debts or fines (VIII, 177; IX, 229); 2) encouraging kings, upon retirement, to donate the wealth accumulated from fines to brabmanas (IX, 323). In the later ease we find the following provision, No righteous king would expropriate the property of a man guilty of a grave sin [for his own profit), for such an act of greed would merely defile him with the guilt fo the offender}. He should either throw the fine into the water as an offering to Varuna or give it to a brahmana of superior scholarship and vie. ‘This is because Varuna is the ford of punishment and wields a whipping cane even over kings, while the brahmana well-versed in the Veda is the lord over the emtre world (IX, 243-45). In sum, brahimanas were to receive wealth stemming from penal compensation in place of the gods, constituting proof that atonement had been made, ‘Another provision found in the Manu-smrti specifies that kings should take pains to protect both the brahmanas and the gods of conquered lands( VI, 201, thus indicating the importance of brahmanas as the preservers of the social order Furthermore, brahmanas are listed along with arms, food and water, ete. as neces: sities forthe defense of foritesses (VII, 75), since thei magical powers were prob- Manu, Vil, 37-43, $459, 7.86, 145,st CHAPTER THREE ably considered militarily important ‘The final chapter of the Manu-smrti contains a nine-level schematic of the uni versal ritual order from the god Brahman dovsa to plants and beasts. While kings, their purohitas, and ksatriyas form the fifth rank, brihmagas belong tothe thi rank along with hermits, ascetics, etc. (XIl, 46, 48), indicating that the orthodox brahmana compilers of the work regarded purohita brahmanas, who were deeply involved in secular matters, as inferior members oftheir priestly varna” 2. The Arthasastra ‘The Arthasastra is the work explaining measures by which ambitious kings ean both expand their realms and defend their territory. Since the order ofthe state to be safeguarded by such kings is based on the varna system (III, 1, 38), the Arthaséstra like the works of Hindu law, recognizes the superior position of Dbethmanas, their role as interpreters of the dlkerma and theiespiritual-magical pow: esas the performers of ritual. Furthermore, it argues that kings are always iavin cible with their support (1. 9, 11), eneoursges kings to respect and protect brahamanas, and warns them that any acts of persecution would result in the decline ‘and fall oftheir kingdoms (, 6, 5-6) Despite such general similarities, the Arshasdstra displays a very different attic {ude in its distussion concerning brahmanas. That is to say, in contrast tothe deep concern with the ideology of brahmana supremacy in Hindi law, the main concera of the Arthasastra is with such problems as how useful brhmanas are to kings and their realms, and how they should be employed in the process of governance. ‘Therefore we seein the latter not much emphasis on the idea that brahmanas should be put above royalty. Rather, we find propositions that brihmanas and thei disci ples, men and women who have renounced the world, etc. should be employed as intelligence agents, or that intelligence agents disguise themselves as brifimanas, ‘ete. to win the hearts ofthe people, stamp out rabble rousers at home, stir up dis Content among the people of enemy countries, and even exploit the masses.” We also find in the Arthasastra the politcal viewpoint that gives royal edicts ‘The commentator Bharuci describes a purohita as a person with both ministerial and beahana qualities (onthe Manu, VIL, 78) a one section ofthe Mahbhareta (Sparse, 77.4). purohitais described as “a brahmana equal to kstriy,” akong with ar, a coun. ilo,» diplomat, a teacher of practical matters, and places him in an inferio position to "a ‘ranmana equal to Brahman” or “a brahmana equal tothe gods" 1. C. Heesterman expns thatthe role of puroitas would be to exchange he defilement ofthe king for their own pu 'y. which he ses asthe eason why omhodox bramanas looked down pon them. Te Fane Confit of Tradtion, Chicago, 1985, p. 37-38, SAI, 10-14; 1, 46; V, 1-25 XU, 25; XI, 13, ete BRAHMANAS AND KINGSHIP 5 (rdjasdsana) precedence over not only transactions (yyavahdra) and customs (car itra), but even the diarma (Il, 1, 39-48) Concerning the relationship between kings and brahmanas, the Arthasastra contains even more detailed accounts than the Manu-smirt. To begin wit, we find brahmanas teaching kings the various scholarly disciplines, starting with the learn- ing the Veda. This education isto begin atthe time the kings are stil princes (, 5, 1-16) and continues afte their enthronement. According to daily schedules of kings recorded in the treatise, they would take time out twice a day, once in the morning, ‘once in the afternoon, to study the Veda (I, 19, 11 19) Next there were brahmanas ‘who served kings as priests performing magic, reciting prayers, and making offer- ings, all for the purpose of protecting the royal family and the state from harm, including fire, floods, plague, famine, insect infestation, animal atacks, and evil spirits (IV, 3, 1-44; [X, 7, 82-84). They also are to go tothe battlefield to pray for victory (X, 3, 32-37). OF these teachers and priests who served the king, the most prestigious were personal instructors (Zedrva), purohitas, and officiating priests (evi). Everyday kings would receive benediction from them (I, 19, 3). According toa listing of salaries appearing inthe treatise, all three received the highest salary ‘0 48,000 pana, the sue as royal councilors (mami, geneva, the crown prince, and the king's mother and wife (V, 3, 3). They were also the recipients of newly reclaimed land, tax free tobe inherited by their descendants (I, 1, 7). “The conditions for being appointed a purohita included hailing from a pedi greed family, being of impeccable virtue, being well-versed inthe Veda and its aux: iliary sciences (ariga, the divine signs (daiva), omens (nimitta), and political sci- fence, and having the ability to use the magie of the tharva Veda to prevent natu ral and human disasters (, 9, 9) in other words, all ofthe things necessary to bring bout good fortune and prosperity forthe state. There isan item that instructs kings to be as obedient 10 their purohitas as disciples to their teachers, sons to thei fathers and servants to their masters (, 9, 10). Puroitas were in principle not considered ‘bureaucrats within the governmental administration, but they often went beyond their priestly duties to become involved in both judiciary and executive affairs. For ‘example, they were considered to hold the highest ranking advisory position with ‘ther royal councilors, many of them probably also brahmanas (I 9, 11; 1,10, 1) ‘They were also put in charge of appointing and supervising ministers of tate (I, 10, 1-4), trying Veda scholars and ascetics (I, 19, 31), and praying for victory and rais- ing morale atthe batlefront (X, L,6; X, 3, 28.37843-44). On the other hand, the tremendous privileges and power enjoyed by purohiras became a threat to the very existence of kingship itself. The Arthadastra advises that kings should employ intel- ligence agents to keep watch on councilors and purohitas (I, 12, 6: IX, 3, 12-14, Italso encourages kings who had conquered their enemies to separate the councilors and purohites of the enemy kingdom and have them reside in border areas (XILL, 5, 16),56 CHAPTER THREE ‘The Arthasdstra also gives detailed descriptions of the bureaucratic adminis: tration surrounding the kag, although mention is seldom made of the varnas to which the officials belonged. However, considerable par of the upper level bureau ‘rats were surely of brihmaya origin. There is no doubt that the judiciary function was dominated by bralamanas, as well asthe diplomatic comps (I. 16. 14-13). The Previously mentioned listing of salaries includes fortune-tellers, sooth-sayers, astrologers, narrators of the ol tradition, assistants to purchitas (ll receiving 1000 ‘panas), and teachers and scholars (1000-500 panas), almast all of supposedly brahmana origin (V, 3, 13418). These salaries are equivalent to those of mid-level bureaucrats, Neither does the teatise deny that both brifimanas and sOdras served {inthe military (IX, 2, 21-24, contrary 0 the formal prohibition on such a practice in the works of Hindu law. 1 seems that brahmanas received special compensation for pesforming sacti- ficial ceremonies sponsored by kings (I, 6, 11; V, 3, 20) and were also granted land (ax exempt and inhertable) from them in search of religious merit (IL, , 7; I, 10, 9). Details concerning such land grants along with other religious expenses are ‘econded in registers kept by administrative offices on both the central and provin. cial levels (I, 6, 11: I, 7, 2). Ascetics and outstanding brihmana scholars were offered forests in which to tran and perform ceremonies (Il, 2,2): and brahmanas were also given salt free of charge (Il 12,33), ha the right to gather lowers, Fe and fallen grain and seeds for teligious purposes (Il, 24, 30), were allowed free pas, sage at river erossings (I, 28,18; IIL, 20,14), and given priority in matters of inher. itance (Ill, 5, 28-29; Il 16, 37, Bratimana privileges in penal matters are more of less the same as mentioned in the works of Hindu law. For example, hard labor as payment for fines, torture and capital punishment were prohibited (Il, 1, 37; 1V, 8, 19827): and for even the ‘most serious of crimes, branding, exile and work in the mines were the most severe penalties (IV. 8, 28-29), Even in the cases of treason and conspiracy, considered to be the ultimate offenses and punishable by death, bridkmanas were to be imprisoned. exiled or subjected to some form of lesser corporal punishment (IV, 11, 12: 1X, 3, 14, Doing harm to brahmana was considered more serious than harm done to ‘a member of any other vara (ill, 18, 7; IV, 10, 12-13; 1V, 13, 12832) in accor, ance with Hindu law. Inthe provision to prevent children from falling into slav. ey (Hl, 13, 1-2), the fine imposed on kinfolk for selling a child was 12 panas for S0dras, 24 panas for vaigyas, 26 panas for kgatriyas and 48 panas for brahmanas, indicating that the treatise is urging brahmanas to be aware that they occupy the top Position in the social system. On the ther hand, the punishment for persons of other The phrase, “should plac in datkness(tamal provesayet)” (LV, 11, 12) is explained by RP. Kangle a “blinding.” rahe han “imprisoning in a dark cella” (WoL I, p. 428 note, Concerning the meaning of blinding, see also Note 28 to this chapter, BRAHMANAS AND KINGSHIP vara sling brihmana tld was dea One ofthe eon why the Athair urged kings o prot bh in thei qust fo miltaly stag, economy prosperous Kings Wes the ters fle in preserving the soi or. Ils oon kings omit the vara sem inthe etre they congred xl, 6, fbi them rom appropriating the pert of balan in ht ry 128) and recommends rang tem Hing eal ix exemptiny ee RI, 5 1), One mow enon tems em he magia powers posterity brahimans enabling them o svete Kingdom rom ater and so exonerate nd pu wrongdoing onthe pat of kings. Whenever a king punishes an innocent person, thirty times the value ofthe fine is to be dropped in water as an offering to Varuna and then given to braimanas, In this, the king's sin arising from bis mistake will be purified. This {is because it is Varuna who punishes kings who govern the people improper- ly AY, 13, 42-43), Fite, flocd, sickness, plague, panic, famine and demonize mischief, these dis: tresses are the results of providence; they can be overcome by prostration before the yous and beshmanas. When heavy rain. drought of demonic mis- chief does occur, it ean be overcome by rites prescribed i the Athanvw Veda and undertakings of holy men (IX, 7, 82-84). 3. Buddhist Sources While the tenets of Buddhism prohibited varna socal straiication from penetrat ing into the world of renunciation, they recognized the reality of the four-varma framework in the secular world, In the dialogue carried out between the Buddha and the king of Kosala we Find: King: Blessed One, there are Four varas:ksatiya,brhmana, vaya and Soda Is there discrimination among them, or other differences? ‘Buddha: Your Majesty... of those four vargas, kstriya and brahmana are con- sidered the highest and are said to be worthy of a salute, sanding at attention, joining o° hands, and showing of respect." ° MMW Il,p. 128 However the Buddha continues to mention that 0 attain the inal objet ‘of renucaton, here s no varna distinction; it depends‘on personal ability and elf. AN 1, pp. 129-30,8 (CHAPTER THREE ‘This is probably not a direct quotation from the Buddha, who was critical about dis- crimination based on “birth,” but itis noteworthy that this was the view on the vara system prevalent among the early Buddhist monks. One Buddhist source states: “Buddhas do not come from vaisiya or Sidra families, only ksatriya and bbrihmana ones.”” Furthermore, as the order of vargas in the Buddhist sources shows, the compilers considered ksatryas to be the highest vanpa in contradiction to Hindu lay, We also see the following statements (Of those who value lineages (gona), the ksatriyas are the most exalted, Among gods and men, those who possess knowledge and practice are superior. ‘Among two-legged (ie. mankind), ksatriyas are the most exalted; among four legged animals, the bull.” Now, in order to argue the superiority of the kgariya varna, one would have to refute the idea of brahmana supremacy recognized under the vara system. This refutation was developed in the Ambatsha-sutta. Tere, Ambattha, a young man of brithmana origin, tells the Buddha that ksatriyas and the other two varnas are obliged to serve brahmanas, to which the Buddha replies wit four reasons why that (1) The Kanhayana, to which Ambattha belongs, is in fact a lineage of mixed blood stemming from a female slave (dasT) who served Sakiya ksatriyas, A child born between a ksatriya man and briana woman will be considered by bramanas to be a full-edged member; but among ksatriyas, since the child is of inferior blood on the maternal side, he would not be allowed enthrone- ment with abhigeka, A child born between a ksatiya woman and brahmana male would be aecept- ed among brahmanas a a full-fledged member, but among ksatriyes he would be treated in the same way as (2), since his paternal bloodline has been tant- ed ‘Those who have been expelled from a brihmana community lose all contact with its members, while those who have been exiled from a ksatriya commu- nity would be taken in by beShmanas 2 a « " J.1,p. 49. This passage follows with he words, “Today kgatriya families are respected Jn society, be that Ibe born into one” ™ DN. p.99.58.1,p 153. ” SWI. * DN. I pp. 87-99, BRAHMANAS AND KINGSHIP = Of cours, all ofthese one-sided arguments would prove nothing from the stand- point of an orthodox bribimana; the reason why such attempts appear in the Buddhist literature can be explained as follows: (1) Much of Buddhist seripture was compiled in the middle and lower Ganga basin, where the constraints of the varna system were relatively lose, and ksatriyas were very active both in politcal and cultural affairs. (@) Ksatriyas supported Buddhism in those regions {G) Gotama Buddha was born from a ksatriya family (4) Buddhist groups, which consisted of members from all vatnes, criticized brahmana supremacy." Next, let us look at what the Jatakas have 10 add about the relationship between brahmanas and kings. Concerning purahitas, we find such expressions as 60,000 brahmanas led by a parohia."® The duties of purolitas are mentioned as “guiding kings in both secular and sacred affairs." Early every morning the puro- ‘hta would goto the king and inquire about his health and be at his side to advise him. There is also a story of a purohita frequently enjoying @ game of dice with his king.® The children grew up with princes, and in some stores they travelled together Taxila to study. This close friendship was often continued in te eax tionship between kings and thie purohitas.” There are accounts of a brabmana from a foreign country being appointed purohita, «purohita’s student who sue ceeded his teacher, and a purohita who had been dismissed from his dries"; but usually prohitas’ sons (especially first-born) inherited thei fathers’ posts.” Such sons were sometimes appointed assistants (uppuroita) to thee Fathers.” We ind jan account of one puro family’s younger brothe vying for its traditional pos but losing out to his nephew, the family's eldest son * We observe the same tendency in he Jana literate. For example, the founder of nism \Vardhamsing, ssid to have been wansered from a beahnana oa Kaiya womb aed bon into the later family. GS, P. Misra, The Age of Vinay, New Delhi, 1972, p. 166 PAV, p78 7.1L p. 173; p. 400; Vi. p13 J.1V, pp. 270, 372, 473; Vip. 132. Jap. 289, J.Ill, pp, 30-31, 238, 391-92; V, pp. 247,263 © Mp. 392; 1V,p. 473, f.th p. 2825. IV, p. 287: JM pp. 173.427 2 L.lyp. 437: Up. 173: I, p. 400. DN. I, pp. 230-32. Lavi, 2th pp. 454-55,