c A p I T AN I A D

C A P I
 Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen
Verh a ndelingen Afd . Natuurkunde, Tweede Reeks, deel 87

A portrait of Dutch 17th century Brazil

Animals, plants and_people

by the artists of
Johan Maurits ofNassau

by P. J P. W hitehead
British Museum (Natural History), London
and M. Boeseman
Rij ksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden ~
Les dites raritis reprisentent tout le Bresil
en pourtrait, a scavoir La nation et les ~"
habitans du Pay, les animaux a quatre pieds,
les oiseaux, poissons, fruits et herbes,
tout au grandeur de vif . . .

Johan Maurits to the Marquis de Pomponne,

21 December 1678

I
r

~
North-Holland Publishin g Company Amsterdam/Oxford/ New York, 1989
 ISBN 0-444-85632-3

_-

Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
Munchen

We dedicate this book to three great scholars of Dutch Brazil - Charles

Ralph Boxer, Jose Antonio Gonsalves de Mello and the late Joaquim de
Sousa-Leao. Their enthusiasm and the sheer generosity with which they
shared their scholarship were gifts which we deeply appreciate.

'
f'
i
 Preface

M uch has been written about Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen, Governor-

G eneral of Dutch Brazil in the period 1637-44, and indeed the large exhibi-
tion at the Mauritshuis commemorating the tercentenary of his death, which
I had the great privilege of mounting in 1979, resulted in yet more publica-
tion s on h is life and work. For the first time, however, we have here a book
that reviews in detail all those artistic and scientific results that stemmed
from this enlightened colonial administrator and his brief years in Brazil.
H ere at last is a comprehensive study of all the drawings, the watercolours,
the oil paintings, the engravings, the books, the manuscripts, the maps, the
frescoes, the tapestries and so on, that ultimately owed their existence to the
patronage given by Johan Maurits to the arts and sciences. If we consider
how much more was produced but did not survive these three centuries, then
the achievement of these mere seven years is truly remarkable. In fact, it is
generally acknowledged that the information brought together in this period
not only served for more than a century as a basis for knowledge of Brazil ,
--I but largely determined in European minds the essential image of this part
~I of the world .
! At the time of Johan Maurits the Dutch expansion around the Atlantic
r reached its zenith, constantly breaching the colonial monopoly of Spain and
,,i
·I Portugal, setting an example for English and French enterprises, and con-
tributing to the shift of political power to the northwestern countries of Eu-
rope. Moreover, Johan Maurits ' Brazilian campaign did much to consoli-
date the independence of the Republic of the United etherlands. The
Americas were now linked in the European mind with Africa and Asia as
 areas that were to be dominated and yet at the same time respected for their
exoticism. Dutch Brazil was certainly exploited and had a slave-based econo-
my, but Johan Maurits' period as Governor-General was marked by a
unique degree of religious tolerance and produced a flowerin g of the arts and
sciences. His almost visionary belief in the need to explore the exotic world
around him , coupled with his wealth and his position, en abled him to bring
back to the courts of Europe a cultural dimension far exceeding the contribu-
tion made by any of the apparently equally energetic governors of the Dutch
East Indies. Contents
Although this book is written by two scientists, they deal as much with the
arts as they do with the sciences. These are now quite separate activities, but
the distinction between them was not nearly as sha rp in the time of Johan
Maurits. We live so clearly in two cultures that it is perh aps impossible for
us to adopt the seventeenth century outlook. In those d ays artists we re in the
first place artisans and technicians, intellectuals were not wholly alienated
from the common people, and what we would call scien tific investigation was
often undertaken pictorially. Considering the pictures described in this book,
and especially those recently discovered by the authors in Cracow, one asks
where in the works of Eckhout and Post does documen tation end a nd art be-
gin; how do we define natural history, as opposed to an attitude to th e natu-
ral world; and where in the visual description of the peoples of Bra zil does
ethnology give way to prejudices, beliefs and moral ou tlooks?

The authors have tackled this problem and have pointed to the essential uni-
ty between form and content, between fact and feeling, in the pictorial rec- Foreword 11
ord that stemmed from Dutch Brazil. Present day scientists, no less than
present day artists , might reflect on the limited and specialized role assigned Acknowledgements 14
to them nowadays. In fact, science and th e humanities still form a unity be-
cause fragments of knowledge and understanding a re m eaningless unless Background 19
fitted into a world view. 'All thingJ, from molecules to galaxies' wrote the
Dutch scientist and poet Leo Vroman , 'obey the unseen laws of Nature, by Historia N aturalis Brasiliae 27
which they cannot help but create beauty' (Just one more world , 1976). Scien-
tists tend to dissect out" their particular scientific vision from phen omena that Iconographic sources 32
poets see as whole and indivisible; it is artists, groping for the unknown, who The Cracow collection 33
seem to join the threads together. It would have pleasedjoha n M aurits enor- The Leningrad drawings 44
mously to have known that one of the most celebrated exa mpl es of the unity Wagener's Thier Buch 48
of science and art, the Anatomy lesson of Dr Nicolaes Tulp by his famous contem- The Niedenthal, Lebitsch and Griebe drawings 51
porary Rembrandt, is now one of the treasures in his former home, the Hoflossnitz bird paintings 55
Mauritshuis in The Hague. The Schmalkalden drawings 58
In this book the authors have brought an insight into what the Dutch ac- The Copenhagen paintings 65
complished in the seventeenth century in Brazil. May it encourage and The De Laet botanical MS 83
stimulate other such studies. In Goethe's words: Das B este was w ir von der The Locke drawings 85
Geschichte haben ist der Enthusiasmus den sie erregt (Faust, 4: 229).
West Berlin sketches 88
The Hermitage portrait 90
Hans Hoetink, Van Kessel's Americque 90
Director, Royal Cabinet of Pictures, Mauritshuis, The Hague The Mauritshuis 94
Huis Ten Bosch paintings 96
r•
\
\
 The Flehite panels 98
The Schwedt paintings 99
Tapestries 107
The Desportes drawings 140
The Brazil map 151

The artists 162

Albert Eckhout 162
Frans Post 178 Foreword
Other artists 193

Epilogue 197

Bibliography 207

Plates 225

Indexes 335

For just a fleeting moment, a scant twenty-four years in the near five centu-
ries since Alvarez Cabral touched at Porto Segura, the Dutch had a foothold
in northeastern Brazil. From the capture of Olinda and Recife in 1630 until
the signing of the Capitulation of Taborda in 1654, this corner of Brazil
nearest to .Europe was colonized by the Dutch West India Company, albeit
to varying extents and with varying confidence. The apogee of the colony
was reached during the seven years that Count Johan Maurits of Nassau-
Siegen (1604 -79) was there as Governor-General, from January 1637 to
May 1644. Seven years, even twenty-four years, seems hardly enough to keep
modern scholars busy, yet the literature is extensive and while Charles Boxer
could plead in 1969 for a moratorium on the historiography of Dutch Brazil
at the Newberry Library Conference (Colonial roots of modern Brazi[), the flow
of books and papers has not been stemmed.
This continued interest in Dutch Brazil has largely centred around Johan
Maurits, who was more than just a very able and humane administrator. His
curiosity about this new country led him to employ artists and scientists, sur-
veyors, map-makers and others in order to record in great detail almost every
aspect of the colony. It would be difficult, as Boxer says, to name another
colonial administrator 'who deserves as much credit for making available to
the outside world such accurate and scientific knowledge about the country
which was entrusted to his charge.' (Boxer, 1973).
To mark the tercentenary in 1979 of the death ofjohan Maurits, a sympo-
sium was held in Recife (results unfortunately not published) and exhibitions
were mounted in Siegen, Cleves and The Hague (catalogues edited by Luck

Foreword 11
 et alii, 1979; De Werd, 1979; and Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979 - the from such a study, but we have tried to present this iconography, to identify
first two with numerous essays). In the same year a commemorative volume (with help from specialists) the objects depicted, and to point at least to
of essays was published (Van den Boogaart, Hoetink & Whitehead, 1979), where interpretations might lead. In doing so, we are conscious that such
which dealt with almost every facet of Johan M aurits' life, as well as with bridging of the arts and sciences is never more important than in an age like
the scientists and artists that he patronised. Two furth er works cover the eth- ou rs where specialist technology and language draw these areas of social ex-
nographic and still-life paintings that Johan M a urits commissioned (Dam- ploration so far apart that even the word scholarship can no longer stretch
·I
Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980; Valladares & D e M ello Filho, 1981). All these to both. In trying, perhaps at some risk, to bring these two spheres together,
~
books are rich in illustrative material, some of it drawn from obscure sources we sense a nod of approval from Johan Maurits.
and little known outside specialist circles. They also serve to summarize
much of the older literature and very often brin g refreshing ideas and new
data into what had tended to become m erely a little more finely chewed.
For all this renewed interest in J ohan M a urits , however, there still seemed
to be one aspect that required further documentation and discussion, name-
ly the scientific and artistic results of the Bra zil ven ture and more particular-
ly the way in which the paintings and drawin gs m ade in Brazil (or elaborated
upon afterwards) served a dual role. They were steeped with scientific or
documentary information, yet at the same time they bore aesthetic qualities:
they belonged to both the sciences and the a rts. We felt that, pace Charles
Boxer, there was still something to be added to the portrait of Dutch Brazil
which would be of help to future scholars.
Our interest in the J ohan Maurits p eriod da tes back more than ten years.
In fact, we each arrived at it indep endently and would no doubt have been
surprised a decade or so earlier, having co- authored a work on herrings and
anchovies, to learn that our next joint research, although touching on
ichthyology, would otherwise lead us via a fascinating ch apter of colonial his-
tory into such unexpected subjects as Gobelins tapestries, early car-
tographers, Dutch artists of the Golden Age, n eotropical ethnology and
much else besides. Are we presumptive to stride into other peoples' fields?
The results, for better or for worse, must answer, but our excu se throughout
has been the need to provide a secure and detailed docu men tation for this
episode in the arts and sciences and by doing so attempt to integrate the
many complex and disparate elements of the story. Some eminent art histori-
ans and others have already worked over much of the m aterial studied here,
but as scientists we were all too frequentl y dismayed to fin d obj ects unidenti-
fied or unmeasured, useful comparisons overlooked, and literature refer-
ences that made retrogressive hops from one op. cit. to the n ext, but when
finally cornered were found to be so bibliographically em asculated as to be
almost unretrievable. The scientific system is less elegant perhaps , but it does
ensure a smoother path for those who will inevitably want to build on our
data, use the literature, locate obscure papers, and , in these days of xerox
copies, be informed of the relevant pages and whether the work is a substan-
tial book or merely a pamphlet with a grandiose title.
In the three hundred or more books and papers that we have consulted
we have found that rather few authors had properly exploited the wealth of
information inherent in the iconography, in the actual objects depicted in the
drawings, paintings, engravings, cartoons, tapestries, maps and so on. Yet
there lay precious clues to dating, authorship and the relation of one work
to the next. We have not been able to answer all the questions which arise

Foreword 13
12 Foreword

Acknowledgements
I~ a book of this nat~re, where the text is primarily concerned with specific
pictures and compansons between them, nothing is more irritating to the
reader than to find that the pictures in question are not illustrated. Obvious-
ly, we could not illustrate everything, but we have been able to present very
mu~h more th·a·n ~e ever th~ught possible, as ~ re~ult o~ the (dare one say,
typically Brazilian.) generosity of Mr Jose Mmdlm of Sao Paulo. We are
deeply gratef~l to him for showing his interest in our work in such a gener-
ous and practical way. No less gratitude is due to Shell International Petrole-
~m Company Limited, Akzo NV, the M.A.O.C. Gravin van Bylandt Stich-
tmg and the Stichting Dr Hendrik Muller's Vaderlandsch Fonds for
additional financial support, making even more illustrations possible.
Generosity of another kind came from the three scholars of Dutch Brazil
to whom this book is dedicated, Professor Charles Boxer, Dr Jose Antonio
?onsalves de ~ello and the lateJoaquim de Sousa-Leao. We used their pub-
hshed works, justly valued for their precision and detail within their broad
scope (one thinks of Post's canvases), but we gained quite as much or more
from their enthusiasm and readiness to transmit data they thought might be
useful to us.
The point d'appui of this work was essentially the re-appearance after nearly
forty years of the drawings and paintings made on the spot in Brazil, which
served as the primary source for so much that was later elaborated in
Europe. It was through the good offices of Professor Stanislaw Grzeszczuk
Director of the Jagiellon Library in Cracow, that we were both able to se~
these pictures and study them. We extend our warm thanks to him and to )
14 Acknowledgements
the Polish Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Technology, for allow-
ing us to examine these treasures.
Brazilian and Dutch interest in our work on the Johan Maurits period
brought us many personal and professional contacts, most of whom are
thanked below. However, we would like to mention in particular His Ex-
cellency Mario Calabria, Brazilian Ambassador, then in East Berlin and
now in West Berlin, who not only supplied enthusiasm and a great deal of
u seful information, but made possible the first author's visits to Dresden
and to the Hoflossnitz lodge to see the Eckhout bird paintings; also Mr
Meira Penna, formerly Brazilian Ambassador in Warsaw and now of
Brasilia, who realized the great importance of the Cracow material and ar-
ranged that the entire collection be photographed; Mr Karel Waterman of
Am sterdam whose ex pertise and most generous financial support enabled the
present considerably improved coloured reproductions, especially of the Post
pictures, after negotiating the necessary photographs; and finally, Dr Hans
H oetink, Director of the Mauritshuis in The Hague, whose initiative in or-
gan ising the sumptuous exhibition there in 1979 not only ensured thatJohan
M aurits will remain immortal, but that studies such as ours on Dutch Brazil
will continue; to Dr Hoetink we are also indebted for allowing us to use the
excellent colour transparencies mad e for the 1979 exhibition catalogue and
the accompanying book of essays. Thus, after 334 years, it would seem that
the Dutch- Brazilian connection is still very viable.
The institutions who supplied photographic material or who allowed us to
u se existing photographs are listed. We deeply appreciate their cooperation.
M aterial fo r this study has been accumulated over a number of years, dur-
ing which time numerous institutions and libraries have been visited and
very many people have gone out of their way, both to make material available
and to draw out attention to other relevant works. Zoologists, botanists, eth-
nographers, specialists in guns, swords, maps, watermarks, old handwriting
and m uch else have helped us in the identifications; art historians have ad-
vised on dating and attributions; and librarians have checked references. If
we have omitted from the list people who also gave help, then we apologise
and assure them that their contribution is no less a part of the debt that we
feel toward a world full of specialists. Our very sincere thanks go to:
Mrs Elly Albertin (nee De Vries), Sao Paulo, Brazil (photographs of
Cracow pictures); Mrs Valentina I. Aleksandrova, Archives USSR Academy
of Sciences, Leningrad (study of manuscript of Brazilian animals); Mr R.
C. Braeken, antiquarian, Utrecht (opportunity to study and photograph
Marcgraf wall-map); Mr J. B. P. Brooke-Little, Norroy and Ulster King of
Arms , College of Arms, London (appointment of Fred erik Hendrik to Ord-
er of Garter); Mr Thomas D. Burney, Rare Book Division, The Library of
Congress, Washington (coloured copy of Piso & Marcgraf, 1648); Mr Tim
Clarke (Nouvelles Indes cartoons); Mme Chantal Coural, Mobilier National,
Paris (valuable assistance with tapestries); Mrs K. Davies, British Museum
(Natural History) (identification of shells); Dr H. Deckert, Siichsische Lan-
desbibliothek, Dresden (Griebe and Niedenthal drawings, also photo-
graphs); Dr A. Diakonov, Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden
(contacts with and in Leningrad archives and Hermitage); Dr L. van Dorp,
Acknowledgements 15
 Koninklijk Huisarchief, The Hague (handwriting samples, correspondence
Johan Maurits); Mr W. Downer, Municipal Archives, Leiden (Marcgraf
notes and letters); Dr Berete Due, Etnografisk Samling, National Museet,
Copenhagen (Eckhout paintings, fruitful discussions); Dr B. G. J. Elias,
Museum Flehite, Amersfoort (pertinent pictures); Mr E . L. M. van Esch,
Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden (photography); Dr Anne
Fox- Maule, Botanisk Museet, Copenhagen (identification of botanical sub-
jects in Eckhout's Copenhagen paintings and in the D e Laet manuscript);
Dr K. Friedrich, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen,
Dresden (Wagener's Thier Buch, visits to Hoflossnitz, Siichsische Landesbib-
liothek) ; Mme Franc;oise Gardey, Cabinet des Estampes, Bibliotheque Na-
tionale, Paris (Frans Post gouaches); Dr Armin G eus, Klinikum der
Philipps-Universitat, Marburg (Niedenthal, Breyne); Mr W. C. Gertenaar,
Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden (preparation of map, text-
fig. 1); DrS. J. de Groot, Rijksuniversiteit voor Visserij onderzoek, IJmuiden
(translation of Marcgraf letter); Messrs Harari & Johns Ltd., London (op-
portunity to examine painting attributed to Eckhout); Dr Ray Harley,
Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (plant identifications in Eckhout paintings);
Dr P. J. van Helsdingen, Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden (al-
lowing and furthering the cooperation of artists and photographer of the
Leiden Museum); Mr W. G. van Hoorn, Museum Flehite, Amersfoort
(background information on Van Campen); Mr Piotr H ordynsky, Jagiellon
Library, Cracow (Libri picturati); Mr D. R. Hunt, Royal Botanic Gardens,
Kew (identification of Opuntia in painting attributed to Eckhout); Dr L. B.
Holthuis, Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden (identification of
crustaceans in drawings, paintings, tapestries); Dr Marion Johnson , Centre
of West African Studies, University of Birmingham (identification of W.
African artifacts in Eckhout painting); Dr Wolfgang Joost, Gotha (informa-
tion and help with Schmalkalden drawings); Dr Rudiger Joppien, Kunst-
gewerbemuseum, Cologne (help with literature, fruitful discussions and
much enthusiasm); Dr Eva Kraft, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kultur-
besitz, West Berlin (assistance in procuring handwriting samples for com-
parison with L eningrad manuscript); Dr Ulla Krempel, Bayerische
Staatsgemiildesammlungen, Munich (Van Kessel, exhibition catalogue) ;
Mme Marie-Henriette Krotoff, Musee des Tapisseries et du Pavillon Yen-
dome, Aix-en-Province (reproduction tapestry picture); Dr J. Kuznetsov,
State Hermitage Museum, Leningrad (Post and Eckhout pictures); Dr
Edmund Launert, Botany Department, British Museum (Natural History)
(translation of German printed and manuscript texts) ; Dr J ames Lavin ,
College of William and Mary in Virginia, Williamsburg (advice on
gun in Eckhout's mestizo painting); Mr B. B. Lj6vshin, Archives USSR
Academy of Sciences, Moscow (permission to study and photograph
manuscripts in Leningrad branch of archives); Dr Torben Lundbaek, Et-
nografisk Samling, National Museet, Copenhagen (permission to publish
Eckhout paintings in National Museet); Prof. Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer,
emeritus professor of art history, Leiden University (early zoological collec-
tions); Mr G. W. van der Meiden, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague
(handwriting samples); Dr Th. J. Meijer, formerly Academisch Historisch
16 Acknowledgements
Museum, Leiden (Marcgraf); Mrs Janice de Mello Montemor, Biblioteca
Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (early Brazilian literature); Mrs Nina J.
Moskvitchenko, Archives USSR Academy of Sciences, Leningrad (coopera-
tion during visit); Mr A. V. B. Norman, The Armouries, H. M. Tower of
London, London (identification of rapier and dagger in Eckhout painting);
Dr Ted Pietsch , University of Washington, Seattle (identification of anten-
nariids in Theatri and Handbooks); Dr Jan Pirozynski, J agiellon Library,
Cracow (assistance during visit); Mme Tamara Preaud, Manufacture Na-
tional de Sevres, Sevres (access to Desportes drawings, photographs and
much help); Mr John Priest, London (translation of Mentzel's Latin
prefaces to the Theatri); Miss Diane M. J. Raymakers, secretary to Mr K.
Waterman, Amsterdam (help with correspondence); Dr Klaus Sattler, En-
tomological Department, British Museum (Natural History) (translation of
G erman printed and manuscript texts); Dr Werner Schmidt, Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen, Dresden (Wagener, Niedenthal drawings, photographs);
M r Puccio Speroni , Farbekonservingen, National Museet, Copenhagen (dis-
cussions on restoration of Eckhout paintings); Mr Vitali Sussloff, State Her-
mitage M useum, Leningrad (permission to study and photograph Post and
Eckhout paintings); Dr H . Voorn, Papier-Historische Afd., Museum Meer-
m anno-Westreenianum, The Hague (dating watermarks of Leningrad man-
uscript and Libri picturati); Mr D. de Vries, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Leiden
(Allard map); Dr H elen Wallis, Map Department, British Museum, London
(access to Klenck Atlas and De Jonghe map, much help) ; Mr J. J. A. M.
Wessendorp, Rijksherbarium , Leiden University, Leiden (retouching photo-
graphic copies of Cracow pictures); Dr J. T. Wiebes, Rijksmuseum van Na-
tuurlij ke H istorie and Rijksmuseum van Geologie en Mineralogie, Leiden
(promotion of publication by the Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen,
Am sterdam); Dr Liselotte Wiesinger, Verwaltung der Staatlichen Schlosser
und Garten , West Berlin (various information); Dr Ursula Winter, Hand-
schriften Abteilung, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, East Berlin (Rawe cata-
logue, Libri picturati catalogue); Dr B. Woelderink, Koninklijk Huisarchief,
The H ague (Mascarenhas letter); Mr M. J. Zerafa, Museums D epartm ent,
Valletta, Malta (tapestry); Dr Eva Ziesche, H andschriftenabteilung, Staats-
bibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, West Berlin (Libri picturati documenta-
tion) ; Dr Wolfgang Zimmermann, Museum der Stadt, Gotha (Schmalkalden
drawin gs, photographs, inform ation) .
Acknowledgements 17
I I

zo
250 km

Fortaleza (Ft. Schoonenburgh)

Background

The story of the iconography of Dutch Brazil and of the scientific explora-
tions that were (or now seem to b e) so closely bound up with the artistic en-
BAHIA DE TODOS
deavours, is a story that must begin with Johan Maurits. As far as
OS SANTOS
on-the-spot observations go, it also ends with him. The seven years before
he arrived and the ten years after he left show no artistic or scientific contri-
Paraguafu butions that were not either subsumed within the 'Mauritian' oeuvre or, in
0 retrospect, were not merely repetitive. No-one before or after Johan Maurits
Jaguaribe h ad the powe r, the wealth, the vision or the enthusiasm to initiate or to con-
I. ltaparica
tinue such an enlightened programme of exploration.
0
J ohan Maurits was born in 1604 at Dillenburg in Germany and was the
eldest son of Count Johann 'der Mittlere' and his second wife Margaretha
von Holstein-Sonderburg. His family tree, well set out by Luck (194 7), in-
cluded many illustrious personalities. On his father's side, for example, his
Fig. 1. Dutch Brazil in 1643, showing the maximum extent of the West India Com- grandfather was the brother of Prince William of Orange, founder of the
pany holdin gs (stippled). Inset, locat ion of main map and the Line of Tordesillas Netherlands, while on his mother's side his great-grandfather was Christian
dividing the western Spanish from the eastern Portuguese spheres of influence, as es- III of Denmark. Among his cousins were Frederik III of Denmark and
tablished by the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494. Friedrich Wilhelm the Great Elector of Brandenburg, both of whom
received from Johan Maurits important collections of Brasiliana; it was in-
deed the Elector who took Johan Maurits into his service after his return
from Brazil.
When h e was ten, Johan Maurits went with the sons of Moritz, Landgraf
of Hessen-Kassel, to the university of Basle and not long afterwards to that
at Geneva. In 1616 they returned to Kassel and for three years Johan
M aurits studied at the Collegium Mauritianum , found ed there by Moritz

Background 19
18 Map Dutch Brazil
 (Mout, 1979). It was presumably through the Collegium and the enlighted
court at Kassel (modelled perhaps on that of Rudolf II) that Johan Maurits
first gained an interest in the arts and sciences. At the outbreak of the Thirty
Years War in 1618 he went to stay with his uncle, Count Willem Lodewijk
of Nassau-Dillenburg, Stadholder of the Dutch provinces of Groningen and
Friesland, but was considered too young for a commission in the army and
it was not until 1620 or 1621 that he joined a cavalry regiment under
Frederik Hendrik, Stadholder in The Hague, and began a military career
as an officer in the army of the States-General (Mout, 1979) . Between sum-
mer campaigns he participated at the courts of Frederik Hendrik and
Friedrich V, the exiled Winter King of Bohemia, the first rather staid com-
pared with the court at Kassel, the second enlivened by Friedrich's wife
Elizabeth, daughter of James I of England.
In August 1636, the Dutch West India Company invited Johan Maurits
to become Governor-General of Dutch Brazil, with special powers to restore
order in this badly run colony and, if possible, to extend its holdings there.
A fundamental reorganization was considered essential if the colony was to
pay its way, for the Company was now seriously in debt and could ill-afford
to lose this source of revenue, Brazil being at that time the most important
producer of sugar for Europe.
On his arrival in Recife in January 163 7, J ohan Maurits was not quite 33
years old, yet he came both as governor of the colony and as commander-in-
chief of the armed forces , with a handsome salary from the West India Com-
pany, a large lump sum for immediate expenses, retention of his pay as
colonel in the States-General's army, table money for himself and his
retinue, and the services of a chaplain, a secretary and a physician. When
he left Brazil only seven years later, in May 1644, he had built for himself
two imposing palaces, Vrijburg and the 'country house' Boa Vista; he had
laid out a new city, Mauritsstad; he had built the first astronomical observa-
tory in both the New World and the Southern Hemisphere; he was the first
European to establish a zoo and a botanical garden in the New World, or
to have a museum there; and all the while his splendid residence in The
Hague, the Mauritshuis, was being constructed ready for his return. Broad-
ly educated, of an illustrious family, and with a tremendous zest for the job
on hand, Johan Maurits comes close to the archetypal Renaissance Prince.
Under Johan Maurits' patronage, guidance and enthusiasm, a body of
men , and in particular two talented scientists and two equally talented art-
ists, set out to document in detail this new land. His first physician, Willem
de Milaenen, died shortly after arrival in Brazil and he was replaced by
Willem Pies (1611- 78), better known by the latinized name Piso, son of a
German musician, Herman Pies of Cleves, organist at the Hooglandsche-
kerk in Leiden (and once a medical student) . Piso registered at Leiden
university in 1628, then later studied medicine at Caen, where he graduated
in 1633 and practised medicine in Amsterdam before being invited to sail
for Brazil. He became head of medical services there and after his return to
Holland in 1644 continued an illustrious career in Amsterdam, becoming
Inspector of the Medical College in 1655 and its Dean in 1657. He is buried
in the Westerkerk next to Rembrandt 's tomb. His life and work are
20 Background
documented by Stokvis (1884), Van Andel (1924, 1937), Vos (1959), Vander
Pas (197 4), G uerra (1979) and especially by his descendant Eike Pies (1971,
1972 and the most complete, 1981). All have paid tribute to Pies' pioneering
studies of tropical medicine and materia medica in the New World.
The second scientist employed by Johan Maurits in Brazil was Georg
Marcgraf (1610- 43) from Liebstadt in Saxony, often given in the literature
as Marcgrave, Markgraf, etc., who served as astronomer, cartographer and
naturalist. His studies had taken him to ten different universities in about
as many years, where he studied mathematics, astronomy, medicine and
botany, his final two years being at Leiden before his engagement by the
West India C ompany (or perhaps personally by Johan Maurits) and his
departure for Brazil on New Year's Day 1638. In Brazil, he seems to have
been subordinated to Piso, at least until 1641, and their relationship was ap-
parently not a happy one (Meijer, 1972). After five and a half years in Brazil,
Marcgraf was sent to Angola, where he died not long afterwards. A short
account of his life was given by his brother Christian, based in part on his
Brazilian j ournals (Marcgraf, 1685; English version in Whitehead, 1979b)
and more detailed studies are by Hantsch (1896), Gudger (1912, 1914), and
Whitehead (19 79a).
Marcgraf's natural history notes were brought back to Holland, where
they were combined with Piso's work on tropical medicine and diseases to
form the H istoria natura/is Brasiliae, published at Johan Maurits' expense in
1648. This elegant volume was a virtual encyclopedia of the zoology, botany
and medical topography of northeastern Brazil, with information also on
meteorology, geography and ethnology. Marcgraf's astronomical observa-
tion s went almost unpublish~d (North, 1979), but the large map bearing his
name and issued in 1647 remained the best for the area for a century or Pages
more. 151-161
The artistic results were no less impressive. Originally there must have
been at least a thousand sketches and finished works in pencil, crayon, gou-
ache, watercolour and oils depicting the animals, plants and people seen in
Brazil, thus 'fleshing out' the Latin descriptions and rather poor woodcuts
of the Historia. Here indeed was 'tout le Bresil en pourtrait'. Although not
responsible for this entire work, the major artist associated with it was Albert
Eckhout (about 1610-64), presumably paid directly by Johan Maurits. The
second major artist was Frans Post (1612- 80), best known for his Brazilian
landscapes, but perhaps employed by Johan Maurits more particularly for
detailed plans of buildings, sites and fortifications.
The scientific data, as published in the Historia only four years after the
return to Europe, were eagerly seized and used by scholars and until the first
few years of the nineteenth century were hardly superceded. The Historia
served as a key work for anyone interested in Brazilian, or indeed neotropical
zoology and botany and it was used extensively by Carl Linnaeus a century
later. He provided proper Latin names for many of Marcgraf's species and
since these Linnaean names persist in the modern literature, the Historia is
still of interest to naturalists today (Boeseman, 1979).
The art works had a more chequered history. Landscapes and the larger
paintings became 'art' and thereafter suffered all the vicissitudes of taste and
Background 21
 the market. The pictures of animals, plants and people remained as an
almost complete single collection of about eight hundred items, but this col-
lection hovered between art and science. For naturalists, it supplied essential
clues to the species described by Marcgraf and so badly reproduced as wood-
cuts in the Historia ; but it was hardly exploited. For art historians, it provided
~xtremely valuable comparative material for any study of the larger paint-
mgs or other art works associated with those brou ght back fro m Brazil; but
again, little use was made of it.
This n eglect of such a precious source was all the more unfortunate be-
cause not only did the collection, until then in the Preussische Staatsbib-
liothek in Berlin, b ecom e inaccessible to scholars at the outset of the Second
World War - it completely disappeared almost immediately afterwards. By
many, it was assumed that the collection was irretrievably lost. The last to
have used these natural history pictures was the ornithologist Adolf Schnei-
d er in 1938, who m ade a detailed study of the birds. Thereafter, any discus-
sion of the real identity of Marcgraf's species, of the accuracy of extant and
related pictures , and of the authorship of the originals, was mere specula-
tion. Interest in the artistic bequest of Johan Maurits did not wane in the
post-war years, but the material basis for any new insights, either in science
or in art, could no longer be consulted.
However, by good fortune - or perhaps sheer persistence - these eight
hundred or so pictures of Brazilian animals , plants and people surfaced in
Cracow in 1977 and they are again available to scholars after almost forty
years of oblivion. They comprise two volumes of watercolours, the Hand-
books; four volumes of mainly oil paintings, the Theatri; and part of a mixed
volume, the Miscellanea Cleyeri. In the Staatsbibliothek they had formed part
of the series Libri picturati.
These seven Libri picturati volumes not only 'flesh out' the Historia,
howeve r. They also underpin a large body of secondary or related icono-
graphic sources mostly derived (directly or at one or two removes) from the
pictures of the Handbooks , Theatri, Miscellanea Cleyeri or earlier sketches. Most
of these related works have now been studied. First comes a series of water-
colours and pencil sketches in the Archives of the Academy of Sciences in
Leningrad, of which 121 drawings were copied from the Handbooks, and 162
from the Theatri. These represented the most important source for
knowledge of Marcgraf's animal sp ecies before the rediscovery of the seven
volumes now in Cracow. A second important source is the Thier Buch
of Zachari as Wagen er, quartermaster to J oh an Maurits, in the Kupfer-
stich- Kabinett in Dresden; the majority of his watercolours a re copies
from the Handbooks and Theatri, or perhaps from sketches that preceded
the latter. In the same library is a transcript of Wagener's autobiography a nd
a~ anonymous volume o~ r,atercolours from the 18th century containing co-
ptes from the Thzer B~ Also in Dresden, in the Siichsische Landesbib-
liothek, is the Naturalien-Buch of jacob Griebe, which not only contains copies
from Wagener but also has oil paintings which a ppear once to have been part
of the Theatri. Again relevant are the eighty paintings of Brazilian birds at
the Hoflossnitz lodge at R adebeul near Dresden, many of which match
paintings in the Theatri. When returning from Cracow, PJPW had the oppor-
22 Background
tunity to study this Dresden material, being apparently the first zoologist to
do so since the war.
Not seen in Dresden, however, and known only from photographs are the
three volumes of drawings collected by Samuel Niedenthal and the single
volume (birds only) associated with Abbe Joseph L ebitsch, all containing
material related to the Cracow pictures. Also related are the drawings m ade
by Caspar Schmalkalden, now in Gotha, again known to us only from photo-
graphs. Further relevant material is in the British Library (some drawings
of plants and of Brazilians), in West Berlin (drawings of Brazilians), in the
Hermitage in Leningrad (portrait of Indian), in Copenhagen (paintings of
Brazilians and Africans and still-lifes), at The Hague (painting of two tor-
toises and large paintings with Brazilian elements), in Munich (painting
with people a n d animals, stemming apparently from the Cracow material),
formerly at Schwedt a .d. Oder but destroyed in the war (paintings with
Brazilian animals, again with strong relations to the Cracow pictures) and
at Amersfoort (paintings with fruits and artifacts). Also related are the eight
Gobelins tapestries based on cartoons and other material which stemmed
from the artists employed by Johan Maurits in Brazil and in which there are
numerous natural history and ethnographic subjects. Associated with these
are the cartoons and drawings produ ced for a second and modified series of
tapestries. We have also studied the iconography of the Marcgraf map of
Brazil published in 164 7. Finally, there are zoological, botanical and eth-
nographical elements in the Brazilia n landscapes of Frans Post, and some
authors have taken this as evidence that Post was responsible for the water-
colours of the Handbooks.
This rather exceptional range of iconographic material, partly ethno-
graphic but largely concerned with natural history, obviously had great im-
portance while the original pictures were lost. At that time it was possible
to derive from it quite a lot of otherwise unavailable information on the iden-
tity of certain Marcgraf species by reference, for example, to their represen-
tations on tapestries. Nevertheless, this rich complementary iconography is
still of the greatest valu e since we find that it contains numerous elements
not represented in the Cracow collection, or even drawings and paintings
that had become detached from the main series and lost sight offor two cen-
turies or more.
The relationship between the various collections or items has never been
full y worked out, largely because a number of those discussed here were
unknown or unrecognised as such in the period before the disappearance of
the principal source, the Handbooks , Theatri and Miscellanea Cleyeri, some fort y
years ago. Of major importance is the question of attributions since, of more
than eight hundred original drawings and paintings apparently made in
Brazil, a signature appears only thirteen times. The artists responsible for
the Handbooks and Theatri have never been satisfactorily identified, and there
remain serious doubts about the Hoflossnitz bird paintings and the pictures
once at Schwedt; nor is it clear whether the cartoons for the tapestries are
those painted by the artists of Johan Maurits, or whether they are repainted
versions by the tapestry-makers. No certain answers are given, but from a
comparison of the iconographic elements in the pictures a firmer basis
emerges for such an analysis.
Background 23
 For scientists, an accurate knowledge of the history of all these sources is
of value since it can throw light on the degree to which the pictures can be
trusted, as well as point to their use (non -use or misu se) by later naturalists,
l' for it must be remembered that in the 18th and much of the 19th centuries
naturalists frequently named new species partly or even wholly on the basis
of a picture. On the whole, the complementary iconographic sources listed
above are not well known to scientists, nor the exten t to which they can sup-
plement knowledge of Marcgraf or Piso's species, some of which have been
consistently misidentified ever since Linnaeus gave them Latin names (he
himself evidently never saw the Theatri or Handbooks, nor any of the related
material) . It is not difficult to understand how errors in plant and animal dis-
tribution patterns can arise through such misidentifications. Again, a history
of the drawings and paintings and of the circumstances under which they
were made can help to untangle problems of dating introductions of exotic
species, or in tracing distribution patterns before European interference with
the environment. Although only 19 of the C racow pictures show people
(and another five in West Berlin), these are a m ost valuable source for eth-
nologists and they are considerably augmented by elements in the com-
plementary iconography, not least the tapestries.
For art historians, the zoological, botanical and eth nographic elements in
both the Historia and the complex iconography associated with it are a poten-
tial source for exploring many problems of dating, au thorship and the inter-
relationships of the various drawings, paintings, frescoes, tapestries and so
on. Some items have already been used in this way, as fo r example the
representations of the guara or scarlet ibis and the finely patterned Congo-
lese baskets that reappear in a number of differen t guises, b ut many more
items are available. Great care must be taken, however, to identify the object
correctly. The mistaking of a capybara for a hippopotamus in Frans Post's
painting of the Sao Francisco river (Destrem, 1919) resulted in postulating
a quite needless journey by Post to West Africa; the misinterpretation of the
Javanese gamelan 'gongs' as gold weights in Van Kessel's Americque (Honour,
1976: 138) transferred the iconographic emphasis to symbols of wealth rather
than to the perhaps more interesting musical aspects of the picture; water-
marks in the Leningrad copies of some of the Cracow pictures can now sup-
port other indications that these were not, as supposed by Schaeffer
(1968b: 71), field sketches made in Brazil prior to 1644. As Aby Warburg is
reputed to have said, der Iiebe Gott steckt im Detail (Heckscher, 197 4: 101).
The analysis of the pictures and the identification of their iconographic
elements given here is in no way definitive. We have merely tried to establish
a basis, on one hand for those who want to use the iconography to solve
scientific problems, on the other for those who want to use the contained
data in the iconography to reach artistic or historical conclusions. There are
sorts of scientists and sorts of art historians who view each other's disciplines
with misgivings - the science is too complicated and needs a special train-
ing; the arts are too diffuse and are primarily for mere enjoyment. At the
time that the Historia was written, however, art and science were not such
separate ways of exploring the world as they appear to be nowadays. Fully
to understand the Historia and the artistic heritage from Johan Maurits'
seven years in Brazil, the two must go hand in hand.
24 Background
For art and for science, the seven Brazilian years of J ohan Maurits form
a unique episode, both in scope and in grasp of detail. Not until the next
century would the threads of such careful exploration be taken up again.
Meanwhile, the Capitulation of Taborda restored the colony to its former
Portu guese owners and the brief Dutch flirtation with Brazil was over. J ohan
Maurits continued with his military career, but Brazil was clearly the high-
point in his life and he never again achieved the distinction and glory for
which he justly may have hoped. In the early years he did much to promote
the Brazilian work of his scientists and artists, first by publishing a general
account of his command of the colony, written by Caspar van Baerle or
Barlaeus (164 7), and then by publishing the Historia naturalis Brasilae in 1648,
which brought the studies of Piso and Marcgraf to the attention of scholars
throu ghout Europe. For a while he liv~d in the Mauritshuis in The Hague
and filled it with Braziliana - paintings by Post and Eckhout, specimens
and artifacts on display, frescoes of Brazilians and other exotic peoples
around the staircase - in this way bringing Brazil, its people and its
products to the attention of numerous distinguished visitors.
J ohan Maurits also gave away numerous collections, the first even before
he returned, being the Schreiben, Mahlereyen und Papegoyen (documents, paint-
ings and parrots) which he requested Zacharias Wagener to deliver to The
Hague, Haarlem, Delft, Rotterdam and Leiden, as Wagener recorded in
1641 in his autobiography. The Leiden Anatomy Theatre received a number Page 50
of zoological specimens, listed in their early catalogues (Blancken, 1698),
and it seems likely that private cabinets of curiosities were also enriched. He
also m ade three major gifts, each with the hope of some reward. Tr.e first
was to the Elector of Brandenburg, which was virtually a quid pro quo for the
Electorship of Cleves, together with the property Freudenberg. It was made
in 1652 and consisted of the Handbooks, the natural history oil paintings later
to be bound up as the Theatri (or with the Miscellanea Cleyeri), 7 large and 9
smaller oil paintings which could be hung as tapestries, books of plans and Pages 34,
fortifications, ivory furniture, weapons, statues, and so forth; two versions 108
of a listing of this material are given by Driesen (1849: 356- 359), repeated
by Larsen (1962: 252-254, Doc. 50), and a third version is given by Panhuys
(1925: 440 - 441). The second major gift, made to Frederik III of Denmark
in 1654, resulted in the Order of the White Elephant, although more perhaps
was hoped fo r. It consisted of 26 oil paintings, mostly by Albert Eckhout, but Page 65
may also have included specimens and artifacts. The final gift, made in 1679
at the end of his life and almost certainly in the hope of financial gain, was
to Louis XIV and consisted of cartoons which were later to be woven as
tapestries by the Gobelins in Paris to produce the famous set of Tenture des Pages 109
Indes. Paintings (by both Post and Eckhout) were also sent and specimens et seq.
and artifacts were included.
In this manner, and for over thirty years after the return to Europe, the
fruits of the Brazilian years were spread to a Europe which was already tast-
ing the exoticicsm of the East. Through the Historia and the specimens, the
names of some of the Brazilian animals and plants were becoming familiar
to both naturalists and artists; through the paintings of Post and Eckhout,
a conception of Brazil and its peoples was built up; and through the tapes-
Background 25
 tries a perh~ps distorted, ?ut non~t?eless powerful and lasting image
emerged, which was essentially a VISIOn of Brazil by the Dutch in the
mid-17th century.
. In this book we_ have dissected the elements of this Brazilian image and
tned to show, not JUSt ho_w the pieces fit together, but how they were shaped
to do so; how one set of Images led on to the next and to the next; and how
each, whether drawn, painted, engraved, printed or woven exists in its own
right and yet is eventually just a part of the superb herita~e bequeathed by
one of the most remarkable colonial governors in history Johan Maurits the
Brazilian. ' His to ria N aturalis Brasiliae

The drawings and paintings produced in northeastern Brazil under Johan

M aurits derive their scientific importance from the Historia natura/is Brasiliae,
published at Maurits' own expense in 1648. The Historia contains 4 books
(132 pp.) entitled De medicina Brasiliensi by Willem Pies or Piso (1611-1678),
dealing mainly with medical and culinary aspects of the country, followed by
8 books (303 pp.) entitled Historiae rerum naturalium Brasiliae by Georg Marc-
graf or Marcgrave (1610 -1643), dealing with Brazilian botany and zoology,
as well as some meteorology, ethnology, and geography. The critical role that
the Historia played in New World natural history can be judged by the fact
that it was hardly supplemented and in no way superceded until the works
of Spix, Martius, Wied Neuwied and others at the beginning of the 19th cen-
tury. For a hundred and fifty years it provided vernacular names and
descriptions of some 301 Brazilian plants and 367 Brazilian animals. Time
and again Piso and Marcgraf's species found their way into 17th and 18th
century compendia of natural history, until eventually many hundreds of
them emerged into the modern era of plant and animal taxonomy through
their use as the basis (or part basis) of properly named species proposed by
Linnaeus in the 10th and 12th editions of his Systema naturae (17 58, 1766).
An account of the production of the Historia has been given elsewhere
(Whitehead, 1979a: 433-439). It was edited by Johan de Laet (1582-1649),
a Director of the Dutch West India Company, an amateur naturalist and
author of an authoritative work on the New World (De Laet, 1625 and later
editions, each of which shows an increasing interest in natural history - see
Whitehead, 1979a: 433). He deciphered Marcgraf's coded notes, sorted the

26 Background
Historia Naturalis Brasilia 27

illustra~i~I_ls and arran?ed for woodcuts to be made from them, and added
notes o 1s own and p1ctures for species with which he felt he was familiar.
The text seems to have been finished by October 1646 but was h ld b seen in subsequent zoological and botanical compilations where these in-
h ·u . . ' e up Y
t e 1 ustratwns and d1d not appear until early in 1648.
. In one w~y or an?ther, or at one or more removes, the drawings and paint-
Plates 2-4 mgs n:ade m_B~az1l supplied the basis for most of the 533 woodcuts in the
Hzstorza. In P1so s portion there are 3 woodcuts of sugar mills, 9 of animals
and 92 of plants, ~orne repeating those in Marcgraf's portion, which has
wo?dcu:s of 222 ammals, 200 plants and 7 native people. It is still not certain
wh1ch ptctures were the actual basis for the woodcuts, whether those that are
Pages 33 now extant (e.g .. the Cracow collection), or tracings made fro m them or
et seq. ~k:tches made pnor t~ the existing wa:ercolours or oil paintings. In any c~se,
1~ 1s often the same ammal or plant as m the extant pictures, in the same posi-
twn and _often o~ exa~tly the_ same size. The woodcuts are frequently rather
cr~de, w1_th de:a1~s qu1te obvwusly misinterpreted, while the Latin texts con-
tam a fa1rly hm1ted range of_taxonomic characters. Thus the extant pic-
tures often supply the best gmde to the species described. To some extent
however, coloured copies can be of use, and we know of six: ' by Dory (1974: col. 1496), the Tapuyas and the Chileans appear, somewhat
Washington,_Library o_f Congress (R are Book Dept., QH 117.P68)
Rt? de Jan~tro, :o~lectwn of the late Joaquim de Sousa- Leiio
Letden, Umversttelts Bibliotheek
Leiden, Rijksmu seum van Natuurlijke Historic
Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek
West Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbest"tz , H an d schriftenabteilung,
Lh. 11450a (annotated).
Lichtenstein (1818: 208) spoke o~ a coloured copy owned by Karl Rudolphi,
Professor of ~natomy _and Physwlogy, which had marginal annotations by
Jo~an Maunt~ matchmg the Handbook notes. Driesen (1849: 111) refers to
t~us , but mentwns another copy (p. 361) with such annotations and on the
t1tle page the name of Otho L . B. Schwerin, Councillor and Chief Minister
t? the Elector of Brandenburg; he implies that both were in the Berlin
hbrary. The Schwe~in copy is the one in West Berlin and is described by De
Werd (1979: 335,_ 1:em B 27) and Kohl (1982: 294, pl. 196-title page, in
colour); perhaps 1t 1s also the Rudolphi one.
Where a Marcgraf species was taken as the sole basis for a Linnaean or
later name? then the type of that species must be Marcgraf's own specimen.
?orne poss1ble Marcgraf plant specimens have survived in Copenhagen and
Pages 66, 85 m Oxf?rd (catalogued by Andrade-Lima et alii, 1977). Whether Marcgrafs
herbanum or D e Laet's, some 15 of the plants exactly match their Historia
wo_o dcuts ar:d sh?uld be conside~ed types of those species. Not a single
ammal speCimen 1s ki_Iown to surv1ve, however (Whitehead, 1979a: 433). In
the absence o~ a spe~1men , then a drawing or painting must qualify as the
next best phys1cal ev1dence of the animal or plant actually in fro nt of Marc-
graf when he composed the Latin description. Obviously, if such a picture
~losely matches the woodcut, then more credence can be given to it, although
~t must be remembere~ that D e Laet, as editor, sometimes put the woodcuts
m the wro_ng plac~ or mserted one of his own which may not have been the
same speCies (Wh1tehead, 1979a: 437 -438). For the most part, however, the
28 H istoria Naturalis Brasiliae
pictures in Cracow have enormous importance, if not to typify the species,
at least to identify them.
As a source for later works, the influence of the H istoria woodcuts is mainly
cluded New World species. The first use seems to have come only two years
after, in the redrawn versions used by Jonston in his Historia naturalis of 1650
(and many later editions) . Some of the Historia woodcuts appear in the Muse-
um Worm ianum of Ole Worm (1655), published in Leiden by Elsevier, who
presumably still owned the wood-blocks and would use them three years later
for the Piso edition of 1658. A number of the bird and fish woodcuts were
redrawn for Willughby's Ornithologiae and H istoria piscium, edited by John
Ray (Willughby, 1676, 1686), some were used by Rochefort (1658), and
others (including plants) are seen in Erasmus Franz's Ost- und West-lndischer
... L ust- und Stats- Garten (Francisci, 1668). Adam Olearius (1603- 71), cura-
tor of the Duke of Gottorp's library and Kunstkammer at Schloss Gottorp
in Schleswig, included a few of the Historia woodcuts (presumably redrawn)
in his Gottorfische Kunst-Kammer (Olearius , 1666). As might be expected, the
few woodcuts of people in the Historia were of great interest and, as noted
modified, in Erasmus Franz's Neu-polirter (Francisci, 1670). Almost certainly
there were other books of this period that used Historia woodcuts.
The use of the woodcuts by artists is also possible, although they may have
been deterred by the poor quality. However, we have explored this possibility
in the case of Van Kessel's painting Americque and for the Tenture des lndes Pages 91,
134
tapestries.
The title page for the H istoria was a copper engraving and it was used again Plate 1
for the edition of Piso (1658 - which also used many of the original wood-
cuts), but areas were erased and new subjects engraved; the Tapuya woman
is replaced by an Indian with a turban (source unknown) , the dancing
Tapuyas are replaced by a dodo and a rhinoceros (the latter a poor and
reversed copy of the famous Durer woodcut of 1515 - see Coste, 1946), and
the mythical figure in the foreground is replaced by a babirossa and a
leopard. According to Borba de Moraes (1958(2): 154), the original title page
was drawn by T heodore Matham and the drawing was in the Albertina
Library in Vienna (not located for us). Joppien (1979: 351) noted that the ti-
tle page of Mentzel's Index nominum plantarum universalis (1682) included a
Tapuya Indian based on or inspired by an Eckhout drawing (title page
reproduced by Artelt, 1940: pl. 26 and 1975: pl. 1). Joppien claimed this as
'the only example in European art where an Eckhout figure is used for such
a purpose'. Actually the Tapuya bears rather little resemblance to that on the
title page of the H istoria, either in posture or in details , although the right
arm is identical to that in Van Kessel's version, which is otherwise closer to
the Historia. On the other hand , the Indian with a turban representing Asia
on the right of Mentzel's title page is clearly taken from the Piso edition of
the H istoria of 1658, or both were taken from the same source. The Indian
appears in the same place on the frontispiece of Erasmus Franz's Ost- und
West-lndischer ... Lust- und Stats-Garten, at least in the British Library copy
(Francisci, 1668), and this could have been the source for Mentzel's version
published fourteen years later.
H istoria Naturalis Brasilia 29
 For the moment we refer to the text figures in the Historia as woodcuts, Huygens, Theodor Graswinkel, Alexander Morus, Frans de Vicq, Hendrik
but careful inspection of the lines of hatching leaves some doubt that the ef- Bruno Mateus Sland and Nicolaas Heins or Heinsius. The first book and
fect could have been achieved in this way, rather than by simple engraving. the d;scriptions of sugar production, wild honey and manioc cultivation
Where the hatching lines cross lines in the drawing (e.g. leaf venation) the were used in the 1660 German translation of Barlaeus and it was the 1658
latter are in no way distorted. This would have involved cutting out very edition that accompanied the gifts sent by Johan Maurits to, Louis XIV.
small and extremely accurate diamond shapes, for woodcuts which are Rodrigues (1957: xvn-xvm) reviewed the 'Piso pr?blem' and concluded that
otherwise crudely done. However, we can find no plate marks in the copies if Marcgraf was indeed brought by Pi so to Braz1l as meo domestzco (or else-
we have inspected. where, worthy assistant), then Piso's use of Marcgraf's notes cannot be called
Ten years after publication of the Historia, Piso corrected and extended his plagiarism. Pies (1981), perhaps predictably, defends his ancestor and ~ll
section of the book and issued it as what has often been termed a second 'edi- authors are agreed that Piso is best remembered as the greatest of early pw-
tion' (Piso, 1658). He claimed in the Preface that his original part had been neers in tropical medicine.
written in haste and due to his absence he had not been able to give it the Comparatively few seventeenth century natural history books have been
form that he had wished; presumably, he had been forced to complete his translated in the modern era from Latin into a vernacular language, but
part by the autumn of 1645, when hejoinedjohan Maurits as physician (let- both editions of the Historia have been issued in Portuguese (Marcgraf, 1942
ter to Barlaeus of September 1645; see Van der Pas, 1974: 662 and Pies, and Piso, 1948; followed by the second edition of Piso, 1957). All three i?-
1981: 151). This new edition incorporated (as Book 3) the economically or clude facsimiles of the original illustrations, which has greatly helped m
medically important species from Marcgraf's portion of the Historia. In his making comparisons with the related and scattered pictorial sources dis-
L ectori salutem or Preface, Piso says that he assigned part of his task to his as- cussed here.
sistants, above all to the 'worthy and diligent' Georg Marcgraf, and at the
beginning of Book 4 he says that he received from his most diligent friend
Marcgraf some drawings and annotations compiled on their journeys
(p. 154). Such acknowledgement was not enough for Linnaeus, who a centu-
ry later wrote on the flysheet of his own copy Horrenda nequita Pisonis
(wretched laziness of Piso ); his copy is now in the Linnean Society, London.
Still incensed, Linnaeus characterized his new genus Pisonia as arbor spinis
horrida, followed by the comment that the memory of the man was horrible
who could seize all Marcgraf's results after the latter's death (Linnaeus,
1737: 79). Perhaps anticipating such criticisms, Piso had followed his refer-
ence in Book 4 to Marcgraf's help by saying that it was of little importance
whether their discoveries were attributed to one or other of them or came
to light under one name or the other, the main point being that their discov-
eries should dissipate doubts and reveal errors and be of use to doctors and
patients in both the New and Old Worlds. Marcgraf's brother Christian
found this most unconvincing, saying that the Amsterdam apothecaries still
(in the 1670s) joked about Piso 'improving' Marcgraf's work when he had
to come to them for advice on Brazilian birds and fishes (Marcgraf, 1685).
Lichtenstein (1822: 270), after comparing the texts, found that Piso had tried
to avoid the appearance of literal copy, but in changing the words often
produced a contradiction with Marcgraf's description, or even his figure. On
one occasion, Piso illustrates Marcgraf's second and hornless species of the
cowfish guamaiacu-ape (i.e. Lactophrys trigonus) by simply taking Marcgraf's
woodcut of the horned species (Acanthostracion quadricornis) and removing the
horns (Piso, 1658: 300 versus Marcgraf in the Historia , p. 142). In fairness to
Piso, however, it must be said that he often introduced much more biological
and ecological data than are in the Historia.
Whatever the truth of Christian Marcgraf's accusations and the slurs of
inaccurate plagiarism by Linnaeus and Lichtenstein, the 1658 edition was
prefaced by letters of appreciation from such illustrious men as Constantijn

30 H istoria Naturalis Brasiliae

Historia Naturalis Brasilia 31

Iconographic sources
We have explored more than thirty iconographic 'sources', in the sense that
these were not only sources for some definitive work, e.g. a maj or painting
or a tapestry, but that very many of them (even some of the major works)
were themselves sources for other sources. Their interconnections lie in their
iconography, in the zoological, botanical and ethnographic details whose
gradual retreat from the immediacy of the first sketch from life provides the
clue to what position each holds to all the others. The elements in this verita-
ble web are now considerably scattered, as the following list shows.
A. Bibliotheka Jagiellonska, Cracow
Theatrum rerum naturalium Brasiliae, 4 vols
Handbooks, 2 vols
Miscellanea Cleyeri, 1 vol.
B. Archives of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Leningrad
Portfolio of loose drawings (copied from A above)
C. Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden
Zacharias Wagener's Thier Buch and autobiography (transcript)
Anonymous drawings, 18th century, 1 vol. (some copied from Wagener)
Samuel Niedenthal's drawings, 3 vols (some copied from Wagener)
Abbe Joseph Lebitsch's drawings, 1 vol. (some copied from Wagener)
D. Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden
Jacob Griebe's Naturalien-Buch, 1 vol. (some copied from Wagener, plus some
Theatri paintings)
E. Hoflossnitz Lodge, Radebeul near Dresden
Brazilian bird paintings, 80 panels (? based on A above)
32 Iconographic sources
F Forschungsbibl iothek, Gotha
Caspar Schmalkalden's drawings, 1 vol. (? copied from A above)
G. Nationalmuseet, Copenhagen
Full-length oils of Brazilians, Africans and a dance, 9 subjects
Still-lifes of fruits , vegetables, flowers, 12 subjects
H. British Library, London
Plant drawings and draft of Marcgraf's botany, 1 vol.
Drawings of Brazilians, 6 subjects (? copied from sketches for G above)
I. Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, West Berlin
Drawings of Brazilians, 5 subjects (separated from A above)
J H ermitage, Leningrad
Portrai t of Indian (? Brazilian)
K. Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich
Van Kessel's Americque with Brazilian elements (? animals from sketches for A
above)
L. M auritshuis, The H ague
Oil painting of tortoises (' part of A above)
Frescoes (destroyed)
M. Hui s ten Bosch, The Hague
Oils with Brazilian birds, artifacts, 2 paintings
N. Flehite Mu seum, Amersfoort
Panels with Brazilian artifacts, 3 panels
0. Castle Schwedt a.d. Oder (destroyed, photographs only)
Wall decorations, some Brazilian elements, 10 paintings
P. Tapestries, variously located
Tapestries, original series for Elector of Brandenburg (lost)
Tapestries, original series for Louis XIV and subsequent revised series, also cop-
ies, 8 pieces each
Cartoons, original and for second French series
Murals based on the tapestries, at Ober St Veit and at Melk
Q Manufacture Nationale de Porcelaine, Sevres
Oil sketches and drawings by Desportes, 7 portfolios and about three hundred
mounted pictu res, associated with P above (some on loan to other in stitutions)
R. British Museum, Leiden University Library and elsewhere
Versions of the Marcgraf map of Brazil
S. Copenhagen, Berlin , Cracow, etc.
Drawings and pain tings of Albert Eckhout, discussed under many of the sections
listed above
T. Various institutions, etc.
Drawings and paintings of Frans Post.
We have examined all the existing material except for the Niedenthal, Le-
bitsch and Schmalkalden volumes, some tapestries and the cartoons for the
second French series, the Ober St Veit and Melk frescoes, and many of the
Frans Post landscapes. However, most of this m aterial is known to us from
reprodu ctions or unpublished photographs, in colour in some cases.
THE CRACOW COL LECTION
Among the pictures brought back from Brazil were two volumes of water-
colours and a large unbound collection of oil paintings on paper. This was
essentially the natural history and ethnographic collection. In 1652 it formed
Cracow collection 33
 part of the gift (or exchange) made by J ohan Maurits to Friedrich Wilhelm,
Elector of Brandenburg, and thereafter it remained in Berlin, b eing succes-
sively in the Elector's library, the Royal Library, and finally the Prussian
State Library (Preussische Staatsbibliothek). At an early period the
Brazilian pictures were incorporated into the series Libri Picturati. They be-
came Libr. pi ct. A 32-35 or Theatri (the oil paintings and some drawings,
arranged by the Elector's physician Christian Mentzel and bound into fo ur
large volumes); Libr. pict. A 36-3 7 or Handbooks (the two volumes of water-
colours, with some pencil and crayon drawings); and Libr. pict. A 38 or the
Miscellanea Cleyeri (a composite volume which included 35 Brazilian pictures
in oils, watercolours and crayon). A detailed account of the history of this
collection and the use to which it was put has been given elsewhere (White-
head, 1973, 1976a).
These seven Brazilian volumes remained in the Preussisch e Staatsbib-
liothek in Berlin until the early part of the last war. In 1941 it was decided
that virtually all material in the Library should be evacuated and 29 evacua-
tion sites were chosen, 5 of which were in what was later to b ecome West
Germany and 24 in the future East Germany (or part of modern Poland) .
The Libri Picturati series was split and 55 items went westward to the Benedic-
tine monastery at Beuron on the upper Danube, the remainder going east-
ward to Schloss Furstenstein in Silesia, to be transferred in 1943 to the
Benedictine monastery at Grussau (now Krzesz6w) some 20 km to the west.
Among the manuscripts that went to Grussau were the seven Brazilian
volumes, Libr. pi ct. A 3 2- 38.
After the war, the material evacuated to the West was eventually b rought
together in the new Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz in West Ber-
lin, while that evacuated to the East was returned to its old home in the now
renamed Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in East Berlin. An important exception
was the material sent to Grussau, now in Poland, which was not returned
and was lost sight of for so long that many scholars believed that it h ad been
destroyed in the war. This was a most serious blow, and exceptionally so for
musicologists since the Grussau collection included some of the m ost pre-
cious of all music manuscripts (Whitehead, 1976b; scores by Beethoven ,
Bach, Mozart and much else).
Our own investigations into this problem began around 1971. Three years
later it was clear that the Grussau monastery had not been destroyed by fi re
(as rum our had supposed) and one of us (PJPW) was able to contact a
Benedictine monk who had been at Grussau during the war. He confirmed
that other monks had stayed on there after the war and that one of them
some years later had revealed that in May 194 7 army lorries had come to the
monastery and had taken away boxes of manuscripts to an unknown destina-
tion . In April 1974, Mr Carleton Smith, the American music journalist and
advisor to philanthropists, claimed actually to have seen some of the Grussau
material in Poland , but he would not say where. Contact was made (by
PJPW) with a representative of the Polish Ministry of Culture and an in-
vestigation was promised, but four months later came the news that, in spite
of a thorough search of all the records of libraries and other institutions in
Poland , the Grussau manuscripts could not be traced. The search seemed
to have reached a dead-end .
34 Cracow collection
Nevertheless, after pressing forward these enquiries, PJPW was officially
informed in March 1977 by Professor Jan Bialostocki at the National Muse-
um in Warsaw that the Grussau material had been located in Poland and was
safe. In D ecember 1978 Professor Stanislaw Grzeszczuk, Director of the
Jagiellon L ibrary in Cracow, wrote to say that the Grussau material was in
his library, that it included the seven Brazilian volumes, and that it was avail '
able for stu dy. He explained that this was a special collection, for which
granting of permission to examine it lay with the Ministry of Higher Educa-
tion , Scien ce and Technology. Permission was requested and granted and the
Brazilian volumes were examined by both of us (MB, 16-20 July and PJPW
14-19 September 1979). Although neither of us had time to make a detailed
study, we were able to document certain aspects that had not been recorded
before. During the period when the Libri Picturati were not available, it was
possible to draw on only 79 photographs (of which 55 had been reproduced
in books an d journals , the remainder unpublished) out of a total of 803 pic-
tures in th e Theatri, Handbooks and Miscellanea Cleyeri (list of photographed
subjects in Whitehead , 1976a; sources for published pictures in Wiesinger,
1976). The Polish authorities kindly allowed PJPW to take colour photo-
graphs and a duplicate set is now deposited with the Rijksbureau voor Kunst-
historische Documentatie in The Hague. From 126 photographs, 37 were
published in Boogaart & Duparc (1979) and Boogaart et alii (1979). The
volumes were su bsequently seen by Elly Albertin-De Vries who pho-
tographed in colour all the Theatri and Miscellanea Cleyeri pictures, as well as
some from the Handbooks , and has made a detailed study of them (Albertin -
De Vries, 1981, 1985). In the summer of 1981, on the initiative of His Ex-
cellency Meira de Penna, Brazilian Ambassador in Warsaw, a photographer
was commissioned to take colour pictures of all seven volumes and it is hoped
that means can be found to publish them. At last, therefore, after far too long
a period of neglect, this precious collection is fully recorded photographically
and now awaits proper study. . .
An account of the search for the Grussau material, m the year before tts
rediscovery, was published in a musical journal and at a time when e~ch new
clue seemed to promise well but apparently led nowhere (Whttehea~,
1976b). It was indeed the musical treasures from Gruss~u that caught p~bhc
interest when th e collection was finally located and thts aspect was widely
reported in the press in April 1977. The finding of the Librz: Picturati a~d their
importance to n a tural history was subsequently descnbed (Whitehead,
1979a, 1982), but the most detailed history of this extraordinary searc~ is the
blow-by-blow account written by Nigel Lewis (1981), who made a pamst~k­
ing study of the background to the whole affair. For the moment, the Gr~s­
sau collection remains in Cracow and the authorities have done everythmg
possible to make it accessible to scholars.
Theatri rerum naturalium Brasiliae, Libr. pict. A 32-35
These four la rge volumes (59.6 by 35.4 em), bound in white vellum, contain
some 417 pictures, of which the majority are oils 1 applied to variably thick
1 Albertin-De Vries (1985: 282) briefly discusses the possibility that some are
gouache or oil and tempera; a correlation between technique and style may clarify
the number of artists responsible.
Cracow collection 35
 paper glued onto standard sheets of heavy paper, mostly one painting per
page but sometimes two; some gouache, pencil or crayon drawin gs are also
included. Some of the paintings virtually fill the page (e.g. Vol. 4, first pic-
ture, a pineapple, 50.6 by 32.5 em), but most are 25-45 em high by
20-30 em wide. The paper is often brittle and the backgrounds are fre-
quently discoloured by the oil (or by oxidation or perhaps by the adhesive),
turning a pink/brown, buff or grey. The paintings are mounted on righthand
pages (odd numbers), but the few drawings are usually pasted on the left.
The Brazilian names are written neatly in ink above each painting, together
with an abbreviated reference to the works of Marcgraf (1648) or h is collabo-
rator Pi so (1658), who produced a second 'edition' of the Historia. 2 Many of
the sheets bear a title but no painting.
The volumes are arranged as follows:
A 32. Vol. 1. Fishes, crustaceans, cephalopods, etc. , pp. I - I V, 1- 377 , v, with a total
of 65 paintings and 4 crayon drawings. Dated 1660 on front cover; dedication dated
1664.
A 33. Vol. 2. Birds, pp. I - ll! , 1-376, IV , with a total of 110 paintings and 1 crayon
drawing. Dated 1660 on front cover.
A 34. Vol. 3. Mammals, reptiles, insects, arachnids, also people, pp. I -ll!, 1-360,
I V,with a total of 56 paintings (13 of people), one pen and wash and 8 crayon
drawin gs. Dated 1662 on front cover.
A 35. Vol. 4. Plants, fl owers, fruits , etc., pp. I -V, 1-735, v r, with a total of 171
paintings and one gouache (East Indies). Dated 1662 on front cover.
These paintings range from superbly life-like subjects in natural p ostures, es-
pecially among the birds of prey, to more wooden representations. This is
Plate 9a well exemplified in the bird paintings of the c;ariama ( Cariama cristata), the
adult on p. 35 being rather flat and simple (but matching the woodcut in the
Historia, p. 203), whereas the juvenile on p. 37 is full of life and m ovement.
Plate 10 The best paintings, as for example the hawk-eagle urutaurana (Spitzaetus or-
Plate 8b 1'latus), the little fish piquitinga (Lile piquitinga) and some of the frui ts, have
white or cream highlights touched over sombre colours which very skillfully
brings out the structure or texture of the subject, especially when a part or
all of the subject has been varnished. The poorer paintings, without su ch
highlights and without varnish, are not only flatter but seem to lack this keen
observation and the drawing seems often rather naive. It was not always pos-
sible, however, to make a clear distinction between the two styles and in som e
cases they may represent the difference between a living and a dead m odel.
The hawk-eagle was certainly a living bird and most likely the one kept by
Marcgraf (Historia, p. 204 ), while the piquitinga very exactly captures the
appearance of a freshly caught herring-like fish with a faint suffusion of
blood from internal bleeding around the eye and the base of the p ectoral fin.
It is possible that some of the cruder paintings were made from other p eo-
ple's field sketches.
2 Historia. However, these drawings are in pencil or ink and it is difficult to
Albertin-De Vries (1985: 275-281) has made a detailed inventory of the 15
types of annotation, with tentative identifi cations (Mentzel, Eckhout, other artists,
De Laet, Horkel, Lichtenstein , possibly Piso).
36 Cracow collection
The most disappointing discovery was that the traditional total of 1460
paintings, repeated in the literature since Erndel's letter to Johann Philipp
Breyne (Erndel, 1716; see Whitehead, 1979a: 459, note 205), is much too
high. Erndel perhaps counted the number of named subjects, but two-thirds
of these a re headed pages without paintings. A dark rectangle on the facing
page suggests that two loose paintings were inserted (but not glued) on
pp. 123 and 125 of volume 3, but there is no indication of any wholesale
removal of pictures after Erndel's time. Missing, however, is p. 7 of volume
3 in the se ries of n ative people, which perhaps bore a picture. Judging by
the three extant lists of the material given by Johan Maurits to the Elector
of Branden burg, of which the entries referring to these paintings are cited
by Whitehead (1979a: 455, note 192 and 457, note 199), there may have been
more pain tings or drawings which were not incorporated when Christian
M entzel, the Elector 's physician, had them bound up into the four Theatri
volumes. T here were certainly 35 which were only much later put together
as part of the Miscellanea Cleyeri volume (see below), there were 5 crayon
drawings of Amerindians which became separated and are now in the
Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz in West Berlin, and there are .six Pages 88, 89
paintings n ow in the Siichsische Landesbibliothek in Dresden. This does not Page 54
take into account paintings or drawings which may have been retained by
J ohan M aurits or by his artists, of which there is evidence that one or two
may have ended up at Sevres. In the paintings of birds in volume 2 of the Page 149
Theatri there are 31 which have been numbered in a series 1-41 (No 15
repeated), thus eleven missing and perhaps never sent to the Elector; the
names of th e birds "are listed by Albertin-De Vries (1985: 303).
To each of the fo ur Theatri volumes Mentzel added a Preface in Latin
(kindly tran slated for us by John Priest). They are disappointing in that no
clue is offered as to the artists who made the pictures. However, in the
Preface L ectori non minus, quam Spectori to the first volume (third page), Ment-
zel says that he is eagerly awaiting 'the illustrations which are already pub-
lished, which are drawings and are to be painted [i.e. copied], by the Most
Serene Elector's command.' In the meantime, he explains, he has had to
leave spaces for them, anticipating their number to avoid any gaps in the
books (which im plies that the pages were then already bound, or that he
could not wait a ny longer before sending them to be bound). We assume that
he was referring to the drawings used for the Historia woodcuts. In fact, there
are numerous gaps and one must suppose that he did not get the drawings,
or perhaps only got a few. It was only two years after Piso's second 'edition'
of the Historia that Mentzel began the task of putting the pictures in order.
Presumably the drawings used for the woodcuts of the Historia (also Piso's
volume) were eithe r still with the publishers Elsevier in Amsterdam or Haak
in Leiden, or h ad been returned to Johan Maurits. It is possible that Piso,
who was living in Amsterdam, may have collected his own and kept them ,
but the Historia drawings may have been earlier returned to De Laet,
together with proofs of the woodcuts, and this is indeed implied by the few
that were pasted into De Laet's early draft of the botanical portion of the Page 83
understand how Mentzel hoped to have oil paintings made after them. He
Cracow collection 37
 is specific that the Elector refused to have anything but oil colours in the
Theatri and he therefore excluded the Handbook watercolours. The latter
might have helped to supply colour details for some of the Historia drawings,
but certainly not all (especially the plants, of which there are only 37 in the
Handbooks). Either Mentzel misunderstood the nature of the drawings for the
Historia, or there were indeed coloured drawings sent to the publishers; these
could have been used for making coloured copies of the Historia and equally
they could have been the drawings which Marcgraf claimed to have made
for the Historia (at foot of contents page and in the dedication to Johan
Maurits). Their discovery would be of immense interest.
No watermarks could be seen in the pape r of the paintings, but those in
the pages on which the latter are mounted presumably date from around the
time when Mentzel assembled the Theatri3.
Each of the four volumes was given an elaborate title page, the text being
su rrounded by an oval containing a selection of the animals or plants con-
tained within. These title pages were reproduced by Artelt (1940) and by
Sousa- Leiio (1952), while Darmstaedter (1928) used a coloured reproduction
of that for the third volume as his own title page. The subjects are mostly a
rather poor copies from those in the Theatri, often twisted to fit the design,
occasionally with some originality (Tapuya indian in the coils of the boa con-
strictor; Friedrich Wilhelm and Louise H enriette at the top of the botanical Fig. 2. a. Watermark in Theatri, 1 and 2. b. Watermark in Theatrz~ 3
garland). In each case, the bottom of the page is a scene. For volume 1 (leones
aquatilium) it is a coastline with trees and a ship; for volume 2 (leones volatili-
um) it is a landscape with a church and a house on the right (no model
known); for volume 3 (l eones animalium) it is a hunting scene, presum ably in
Brazil, with small figures shooting with bows and arrows; for volume 4
Plate 5 (l eones vegetabilium) is shown on the left the Elector's Schloss and gardens at
Coin (East Berlin, along the eastern side of the Spree) and on the right a
building and a chapel (not identified but presumably associated with the
Schloss). Albertin-De Vries (1985: 290- 297) reprodu ced all four title pages,
each with a diagram relating the animals and plants to their counterparts in
the volumes. She identified the Schloss at Coin as Schloss Oranienburg
(p. 318).
Time did not allow a complete and detailed analysis of the contents of the
Theatri, but in general terms the percentage of pictures devoted to the various
animal groups and to plants is almost exactly the same as that for the
descriptions in the Historia (plants 42%, cf. 45; birds 27%, cf. 20; fishes,
crustaceans, etc. 16 %, cf. 17 ; and mammals, insects, reptiles, people, etc.
16 %, cf. 18). Since the 301 plants and 367 animals in the H istoria (approxi-
mately) are a selection from the many more available in the area (especially
insects), it would appear that the artist worked closely with Marcgraf and did
not show (or was not allowed to show) any strong predilection for a particular
a c
group, except perhaps birds. The relationship between an expedition

3 The design resembling a z (Fig. 2a), found in Theatri, 1 and 2, may indicate the
mill on the Sihl at Zurich. A second design (Fig. 2b), a crowned eagle with the
lR
Baslerstab or staff of Basle on its breast, occurs in Theatri, 3 (4 not checked), but Fig. 3. a. Watei:m ark in Handbook, 1. b. Watermark common m Handbook, 2 c.
is not given in Tchudin (1958), although almost certainly from Basle. Watermark rarely found in Handbook, 2

Cracow collection 39
38 Cracow collection

naturalist and an artist is important in judging the d egree to which the pic-
tures were supervised and can thus be trusted. Unfortunately, the mixture
of styles in the Theatri and Handbooks implies a situation far more complex
than, for example, that between George Forster and his father J ohann Re in-
hold Forster on Capt. Cook's second voyage. There is also the possibility that
some of the Theatri paintings were made after the r eturn to Europe, perhaps
worked up from sketches. A more detailed analysis is needed.
Of great interest in the Theatri are the paintings of domestic animals, so
frequently forgotten by artists recording an exotic faun a (none of Capta in
Cook 's artists bothered to record the Iv1aori or Hawaiian dogs , which would
h ave provided precious inform a tion nowadays). In volum e 3 are seven very
fine paintings of breeds of sheep, a dog and a splendid white cat entitled
J ochim (Count M aurits' pet cat perhaps?).
To the question whether these oil paintings were the basis for the woodcuts
in the H istoria, th e answer is still unce rtain. Many of the Theatri pictu res
clearl y represent the same animal in the same pose, but this does not exclude
the possibility that both derive from the same preliminary sketch. Neverthe-
less, the paintings provide an often excellent clue to the identity of the species
and in some cases a re the only extant eviden ce of what Marcgraf had before
him (especially for plants, which are not well represented in the Handbooks).
If the paintings were used for the Historia, it is deplorable that they should
h ave been reduced to such crude woodcuts.
Handbooks or Brasilianische Natur-Gegenstiinde, Libr. pict. A 36-37
These two volumes of watercolours 4 a re half-bound in leather, the boards
covered with a stippled black and brown paper, the smaller volum e (32.2 by
21. 5 em) m arked 1 on the spine, the la rger (38.5 by 26.2 em) marked 2. They
were origin all y bound in vellum acco rding to Bloch (1787; see also White-
h ead , 1979a: 455, note 193), but they were evidently rebound by the
K i:inigli che Biblioth ek in the same style as a n oth er volum e of the L ibri Pic-
turati (A 39, the l eones plantarum of Antonius Carli). Presumably they were
numbe red (or re numbered ) at this time, which wou ld h ave been after 1829
since in commenting on the pictures Lichte n stein (1819 -1829) consistently
cites volum e 1 subjects as occurring in volume 2. Perhaps also at this time
was re moved a veterinary section on horses which was present in the first
volu me wh en see n by Bloch (foe. cit. ).
The volumes are arran ged as follows:
A 36. Vol. 1. Animals, pp. I -V, 1- 455, V I (no index), with a total of 193 subjects
(usually lefthand pages, even numbers), grouped as follows:
pp. 1- 137 mammals (37)
pp. 159-294 birds (85)
pp. 300-397 fishes (26), cru staceans (10), sea star (1), basket star (1), tortoises (3),
cuttl efish (1)
pp. 402-454 insects (20), arach nids (3), reptiles (6)
A 37 . Vol. 2. Pl ants and animals, pp. 1-38, I - III and 1-487 , ! - Ill (no index), with
4 481 , dated 1602 and 16l4; it occurs also in Hondiu s' Theatrum artis scribendi of 1594 ).
Considered to be gouaches by Albertin-De Vries (1985: 282).
40 Cracow collection
a total of 158 subjects (usually lefth and pages, odd numbers), grouped as follows:
pp. 2- 38 flowers (21), then new series pp. 1- 50 blank
pp. 51-83 fruits , nuts, etc. (16)
pp. 87-152 birds (16), then pp. 153-302 blank
pp. 303-405 fishes (48), tadpole (1), crayfish (1) . .
pp. 411-427 amphibians and lizards (6), worm (1), msects (40), arachmds (6)
pp. 48 5-487 mammals (2)
Like the oil paintings, the watercolours show considerable variation in style
and competence, some being very naive, but the best of a high standard and
with close attention to detail, some eve n meeting modern scientific stan -
dards . Most of the pictures are small, occupying a third of the page or less,
a nd one of the fis hes (Handbook, 2: 381, gu aruguara) is only 9 mm total
length and most likely drawn with the a id of a lens. Some h ave backgrounds,
the birds often being posed on tree stumps (especially the parrots) and the Plate 13d
mammals on grass; a full background is supplied for some, e.g. the _taman-
dua gua<;u (Handbook, 1: 84). That the drawings were made directly _mto the
bound volumes is suggested by the smudging of green from the drawmg ~nto
the opposite page in one case (Handbook, 1: 226- 227). _~,fa~y of the drawmgs
have captions in the large bold hand of Johan Maunts (m G erman, some
Dutch), mainly giving the size of the animal and its resemblance to_ a Euro-
pean one, but occasionally with some brief anecdote or note on _habits;_the_se
have frequ ently smudged onto the opposite page. For many species a sCienti~-
ic n ame is written in pencil on the opposite righthand page (top left), pos~I-
bly by Lichtenstein or by his pred ecessor at the Zoologisches Muse~m m
Berlin , Carl Illiger; further names in brown ink also occur.. The senes of
birds in each volume is numbered 1-69 and 1- 32 in red pencil on the oppo-
site page (top right) and in the first volume the aquatic animals are simila rly
numbered 2-48 in green pen cil. . . .
The freshnes s of most of the drawings, as in the best of th e 01! pamtmgs,
5
shows that they were made from live subjects. The various wate~marks date
the paper back to before 1644, thus supporting the assumptiOn that the
drawin gs were made in Brazil and were not redrawn afterwards. Many of
the drawings closely match those in the Historia and. some a re exactly the
same size, but others differ by 5 or even 10 em , showm g that the woodcuts
were not made by tracings from the Handbooks.
The artist of the Handbooks has never b een identified. It is tempting to con-
sider M arcgrave himself, who was said by his brother Christian to have
5 The first watermark (Handbook , 1: 24, 28, Fig. 3a), with the pendant HP and rare-
ly the initi als LR (Fig. 3a 9 mm), suggests a F~en~h paper, althou gh there I S ?o cer-
tainty that LR refers to Laurens van Ravenstem, m 1629 a Dutch factor buymg pa-
per in France (Churchill, 1935: 24 and cf no 401). The_ se~ond watermark (H~ndboo~,
2: general - Fig. 3b), with the French lily_ and the 1mt~als of Wendelm R1ehel, IS
so common that an exact dating is not poss1ble (Churchill, 1935: cf no 400 of 1624
or no 411 of 1636). The third watermark (Handbook, _2: rare - Fi g. 3c) has the_arms
of Austria on the central shield and was already m use before 1600 (cf. Bnquet,
1968 dated 1587 -1600· Heitz, 1902: no 307, dated 1594 et seq.; H eawood, 1950: no
Cracow collection 41
 received an artistic training and to have been 'a Painter n ot to be despised'
(Marcgraf, 1685; the James Petiver translation in Whitehead, 1979b: 307).
That Marcgraf later went to live with Johan Maurits and that the latter an-
notated the Handbook pictures supports the idea that the books were Marc-
graf's and that he brought them with him. Against this is the fact that, unlike
the oil paintings of the Theatri, the Handbook watercolours show a very differ-
ent selection of subjects from that of the Historia. There are very few plants
(11% ), about the same number of birds as in the Theatri (29% ), but many
more aquatic animals (26%) and land animals (34% ). Marcgrafwould sure-
ly have described those that he drew, and conversely, drawn those that he
described. Are only some of the watercolours by Marcgraf? Certainly, one
can see variations in style. Or were some or all by the artist that Piso claimed
accompanied them (L ectori salutem in Piso, 1658)? We have found no answer
to this .
Miscellanea Cleyeri, Libr. pict. A 38
This fairl y slender volume ( 42.3 by 2 7.1 em) contains a mixed collection of
drawings sent to Mentzel by Andreas Cleyer of Kassel, who had twice been
Chief Factor in the 1660s at Decima, Japan. It includes animals, plants and
people from the East Indies, drawings of a comet and a star map, a series
of plants from the Cape of Good Hope associated with Johann Friedrich
Rucker, a nd 35 Bra zilian pictures, mostly in crayon but 6 in oils, the latter
clearly matching those in the Theatri. The Brazilian pictures, placed together
at the end of the volume except for 7 near the front , are arranged as follows:
egro gi rl (f. 59)
Life studies of three Tapuyas (ff. 60- 62)
Pencil sketch of woman and group of people (f. 14, below a plant drawing)
Monkey (f. 50 - oils)
Bird (f. 49 - oils, also pastel of fruit)
Grasshopper (f. 56, on mangoes)
Plants, flowers, fruits (f. 12r, 12v, 13r, 13v, 14r, 14v, 29, 49, 51, 52-54 (oils), 55r
(crayon plus oil), 56-58, 63r, 63v+64r, 64v, 65r, 65v-66r, 66v, 67r, 67v-68 r,
68v, 69r, 69v- 70r.
The oils were presumably overlooked by M entzel when he assembled the
Theatri, but the crayon drawings were probably excluded because they were
Page 169 mere sketches. As shown later, they were undoubtedly by Albert Eckhout
and were either the basis for later paintings or were preliminary drawings
before he made an oil sketch, which p erhaps was then used for the finished
Page 88 painting. Five more life studies of Tapuyas have surfaced in West Berlin.
These closely match the three here, but for some reason were not bound up
with the Miscellanea Cleyeri.6 It is assumed that all these pictures remained in
Mentzel's personal coll ection a nd perhaps there are more to be found. They
came to the library, apparently bought at auction in 1757 according to a note
on f. 1, and were then bound up with the Cleyer material as part of the Libri
6 Albertin-De Vries (1985: 271) felt they probably came from (or were destined for)
ff. 60-63.
42 Cracow collection
Picturati series. The sketches of Tapuyas are of enormous importance, being
the first figure drawings of Amerindians from life ever made by a European
professional artist. They provide the most reliable data _that we have on the
body proportions, distribution of fat and general ph~stque of the Tap~yas
and are thus a yardstick for judging the degree to whtch Eckhout modtfied
the figures in the fi nished paintings in Copenhagen. The botanical sketches Plates 38-46
Plate 16
are also valu able because they show the kind of material that Eckhout took
to Dresden and what may later have been used for the Schwedt paintings. Plates 62- 66
The H istoria is m u ch more fully illustrated than many books of that peri-
od, but by modern standards (and in many cases by seventeen~h century
standards also) the woodcuts are crude. This may have dtscou_ra~ed
naturalists from searching out and using the originals, perhaps behevmg
them to b e equally crude. Linnaeus never saw them and relied solely on the
Latin descriptions and woodcuts for his lOth and 12th editions of the Systema
naturae, as also Gmelin for the posthumous 13th edition of 1789. For a ~entu­
ry the Theatri, Handbooks and Miscellanea Cleyeri seem to have been lost m ob-
scurity at least as far as naturalists were concerned. In the 1780s, however,
at last 'the Handbooks surfaced. They were first reported by J. G . Schneider
(1786) and were more fully described by M. E. Bloc~ (1787). Bl~ch had 24
of the Handbook watercolours copied for the plates of hts Naturgeschzchte der aus-
liindischen Fische, a treatise in 9 parts published in 1783-95. What is_ extraor-
dinary is that neither Schneider nor Bloch seem to have apprect~ted the
Theatri, although they were shelved next to the Handbooks. Of Bloch s H~nd­
book copies, there are 19 in the two (out of four) exta~t volumes of dr~wmgs
for the plates of the Naturgeschichte, now in the Zoologtsches Museum ~~ East
Berlin. Georges Cuvier (1828: 58) strongly criti~ised _Bloch for the arbttr~ry
and often detrimental changes that he allowed hts arttst to make, but Cuvter
was evidently judging from the published Naturgeschichte plates, which often
differ from the Bloch copies and could perhaps have been altered by the e~­
graver. In the case of the sailfish, for example, Bloc~'s artist mad_e a very fatr
copy from Handbook, 2 : 403 , but for the Naturgeschzchte plate_ vanous .charac-
ters of the swordfish were added the resultant hybrid causmg constderable
confusion to future taxonomists 'until a more secure name and description
were found as a basis for this species (Whitehead, 1964). . .
Forty years later, more copies were made, again of the fishes, but thts :1me
using the Theatri as well as the Handbooks. These had now been _extenstv~ly
studied by M . H . K. Lichtenstein, first as a general report (Ltchtenstem,
1818) and then by animal groups (Li:htenstei?, 1818- 29; parallel Ger-
man/Portugese texts by Falcao, 1961). Ltchtenstem _may have learned of the
Theatri and Handbooks from his colleague Carl Ilhger, first curator of the
Zoologisches Museum in Berlin, who perhaps used them in working through
Friedrich Sieber's Brazilian collections. Lichtenstein never completed the
task and informed Achille Valenciennes in Paris, who was then engaged on
the monumental Histoire naturelle des poissons in collaboration with Cuvier.
Both Cuvier and Valenciennes placed great faith in drawings and their bun-
dles of notes for the Histoire contain not only original sketches sent to them,
but also tracings and copies of pictures culled from various collections
(M SS. 526-536, 558, Bibliotheque Centrale, Paris; see Pietsch, 1985).
Cracow collection 43

Among these ar~ about seventy or eighty watercolour copies fro m the Hand-
~ooks and Theatrz, often very exact and probably by an artist employed in Ber-
~m. From dates on other copies, it appears that Valencien nes visited Berlin
m 1826, 1827, 1828 and 1829.
Ye~ another set of copies was commissioned by C . von Martius of Munich
for h.Is commentary on Marcgraf's plants (Martius, 1853; English version by
Walhch, 1853). These were done in oils on paper and were apparently
checked by Ehrenberg and Von Schlectendal (Marti us, lac. cit.: 194 ). Possibly
t~ese are. amongst the letters and other material in the possession of the Mar-
ti us f~mily and promised eventually to the Handschriftenabteilung at the
Bayensche Staatsbibliothek.
It was nearly eighty years before the Theatri, Handbooks and Miscellanea
Cleye:z were again 'discovered ', first by Ludwig Darmstaedter (1928), who
pubhshed some ?f the pi~tures, and then ten years later by Hans Wegener
of the Handschnftenabtellung at the Preussische Staa tsbibliothek in Berlin
where the volumes were under his care. He published two general account~
(Wegener, 193~a, b) and his enthusiasm seems to have been infectious. At
any rate, the picture.s were used by Thomsen (1938) in his monograph on Al-
bert Eckhout, the birds were thoroughly studied by Schneider (1938), while
Gl a ser (193.8) ~nd Artelt (1938) also used the pictures in this same pre-war
ye~ r. At thi tim e also they we re seen by J oaquim de Sousa-Leao, who ac-
qUired photographs of the title pages, indexes and prefaces of the Theatri
volumes , and by Alf~ed Luck, who as a student went without lunches to pay
for p~otogr.~phs wh1ch he later used in his historical n ovel about Johan
Maunts (Luck, 1947). But just when it seemed that the volumes would at
l~st be exploited as one of the most precious iconographic sources fo r natural
hist~ry an? e~hnography, the war came and they slipped on ce more into ob-
sc~nty, this time for nearly forty years. The last to use them, before we exa-
mmed them in Cr~cow i? t?e summer of 1979, was a certain julius Chusted,
who le~t a res~rvatwn shp m Theatri, 3 on 18 October 1940. Perhaps at last
they will receive the attention that they deserve.
TH E L E I G RAD DRAW! GS
In the Arc~ives of the Academy of Sciences in Leningrad is a se t of water-
colours cop1ed from the Theatri and Handbooks (no. 51-1-122). I t co ntains 152
loose. sheets that show .283 animals (as well as seven pages of text). These
drawmgs.were first noticed by]. F. Brandt, Director of the Zoological Insti-
~ute, L~nmgra? , who sent them in 1832 to Johann Horkel, Professor of Phys-
IOlogy m Berhn. Horkel compared them with the Theatri a nd Handbooks
m~rki?g the rel.evant page number against the drawing, and he supplied tw~
bnef mtroductwns (and pages with headings) before returning them to
Brandt. They were recorded by Soloviev (1934 ), rediscovered by Dom
C~ement: da Silva igra in 1965, and exhibited in Rio de J a neiro in 1968
w~th a bnef de~cription by Schaeffer (1968a). We hope to publish all of them,
with t~~nom~c c~m~ent~ries, in a publication of the Rijksmuseum van
at~urhJke Histone m Leiden, using colour pictures made during a visit to
L~nmgrad ?Y.
MB (21. ovember - 3 December 1977). The drawings com-
pnse two distm~t senes, the first matching the Handbooks (A series), the se-
cond the Theatrz (B series).
44 L eningrad drawings
The A series, mainly 33 by 20 em (four smaller), includes an introduction Plates 17 , 18
and 21 folios of d rawings comprising 121 animals in pencil or watercolour
(usually seve ral a nimals on the sheet). Each species has a caption in ink
which consists of the page number in the Handbooks (written by Horkel), fol-
lowed by the vernacular name and often some information on the animal co-
pied from the captions given by Johan Maurits to the Handbook pictures but
in rather untidy a nd inaccurate German (author unknown).
The animals are arranged as follows:
ff. 2-10 mammals (31) ff. 16- 22 fishes (25)
ff. 11-15 birds (52) ff. 17-20 crustaceans (6)
ff. 16, 19 , 22 reptiles (3) f. 22 insects, arachnids (4)
The pictures are in the same order as in the first volume of the Handbooks.
It is curious that som e pictures show that the caption was written first, before
the pictures were drawn. Also mysterious is a set of roman numerals (top
right) added after the captions were written; they are not in order and are
incomplete and although conforming to the main animal groups cannot be
correlated with the Historia pages or any other source. Also from a later date
are a few G erman names added in a different hand (ff. 3, 6), the remark on
f. 10 von Kinderhand Jalsch illuminirt and two numbers added to birds (f. 11).
A waterma rk dates the paper from after 1650 7 , so that the drawings are
clearly not those used for the woodcuts of the Historia in 1648, neither are they
field sketches made in Brazil as Schaeffer (1968a, 1976) claimed. In his in-
troduction (f. 1) Horkel suggested that these drawings were made for Johan
Maurits as a record shortly before the Handbooks and Theatri were given to
the Elector in 1652 and this seems possible, although there is some evidence
from the B series that both may have been made in Berlin.
The B series, which includes an introduction (f. 23) and 124 folios of Plate 19
8
drawings comprising 162 animals in watercolour (usually one or two on each
sheet), is va r iable in size: mammals 17.5-20.0 by 26.0-37.3 em, birds, rep-
tiles and fishes 17.5-20.0 by 16.5-33.0 em, insects, crustaceans, molluscs
and echinoderms 18.3-20.0 by 31.0-32.5 em, with minor variations within
each group. M ost species have top left of the drawing a reference in red ink
to the volume and page of the Theatri (presumably by Horkel) and even
where more tha n one drawing is on the sheet, the order is the same as in
the Theatri. As in the A series, each sheet is marked with a roman numeral
(top left or lower right, rarely top right) which is not in sequence but con-
forms to the subj ect matter (with some overlap). Above each drawing the
vernacular name is usually given, often with references to the Historia (e.g.
7 A circul ar and rather indistinct watermark (Fig. 4a), which has chain marks
27-28 mm apart and 8 horizontal lines to the em, indicates Colombier paper from
France, apparently produced from 1650 to 1670 (Heawood, 1950: nos 2426- 2432).
8 Presumably f. 23, its logical place after the A series; the heading '12 Blatter Saug-
thiere aus Tom 111' thus became f. 24. They were numbered 34 and 35, presumably
for the exhibition in Rio de Janeiro. The numbers have since been removed, but
to avoid confusion we adopt the logical numbering.
L eningrad draw ings 45
 guatucupa p. 177 HB, i.e. Historia Brasiliae) or to Piso's second edition of
1658 (e.g. boitiap6 p. 279 HI, i.e. Historia lndiae), showing that this was ad-
ded at least six years after the Handbooks and Theatri h ad been sent to the
Elector in Berlin. Occasionally there are specific referen ces to the illustra-
tions in Piso's book (e.g. paru No 20 p. 55), the annota tor having supplied
numbers for Piso's woodcuts within each major group of animals. The
characteristic style of the symbol No (with a line drawn through it) matches
very well similar annotations in the Theatri, again suggesting that these co-
pies (or at least the annotations) were made in Berlin after 1658. The ver-
nacular names , sometimes given twice, are in pencil , ink, or both (ink traced
over pencil), and are in different hands, those in ink resembling the A series.
On several occasions a brief note in Latin is added , rarely some comments
in Dutch (ff. 78 , 79) or a German name (ff. 31, 32). Finally, large numbers
in pencil occur on most sheets (except mammals), but their significance is
obscure.
The animals are arranged as follows :
ff. 25 - 36 mammals (15) ff. 138 -140 echinoderms (7) a
ff. 38-41 reptiles (4) ff. 43, 141, 142 molluscs (3) b
ff. 43 -94 fishes (55) ff. 43, 143 -149, 152 crustaceans (16)
ff. 96-136 birds (56) ff. 114, 150, 151 insects, arachnids (6)
The B series was clearly copied from the Theatri, as H or kel surm ised, and
at least one of the watermarks dates from 16509 .
As we have noted below, nine of the pictur:es (ff. 71 , 88- 94, 152) have no
counterpart in the Theatri, but six of these, pave since been located at the
Page 54 Siichsische Landesbibliothek in Dresden. It is temptin g to suppose that
the B series was made before the separale Theatri paintings were b ound into
the four volumes (from 1660 according to the date on the covers) but perhaps
had been placed in order in folders by Mentzel; accidental separation of nine
paintings could then have occurred. That six of these paintings ended up in
Dresden may eventually provide a clue to the copyist.
How these drawings came to Leningrad, or even when they came, is still
a mystery. They are not apparently listed in the Musei Petropolitani of 17 46 and
Soloviev (1934) , the only Russian author to mention them , offers no tangible
clue to their provenance. One explanation may be that they were acquired
in Holland in 1717 by Peter the Great, since in that year he bou ght the muse-
ums of Albert Seba and Frederik Ruysch and had them brou ght back to St
Petersburg. That the Csar was interested in exoticism is shown by the fact
that in the same year he also visited the Gobelins and chose n on e other than
Pages 119, 120 the Tenture des Indes tapestries, the very series that had b een woven from c
cartoons based on subjects among the Cracow pictures, thus in some cases Fig. 4. Waterm arks in Leningrad drawings. a .. Circular design from A series. b, c.
the same animals as in the Leningrad collection. Another possibility is that Runnin g stag and crowned sh1eld from B senes.
the Leningrad drawings had come into the possession of the great natural

9 The running stag (Fig. 4b ), with chain marks 23-24 mm apart and 10 horizontal
lines to the em, cannot be identified. The crowned shield (Fig. 4c), with chain
marks 27-28 mm apart and 8 horizontal lines to the em, is apparently French and
dates from 1650 onwards.

L eningrad draw ings 47

46 L eningrad drawings
 histo.r~ artist Maria Sibylla Merian , who died that same year. In October,
Manas daughter Dorothea Maria and her husband Georg Gsell moved to
St P:tersburg, where he held the post of court painter. Two collections of
M : nan natur.al hist~ry drawings are now in the Archives of the Academy of
Sciences and In the hbrary of that institution, so that the Brazilian drawings
could have come to the Academy at the same time. For the moment
however, there are no clues linking this collection with the Merians or in~
deed with Albert Seba or with Peter the Great. ' ff. 1- 19, 22 fishes (22)
WAGENER'S THIER BUCH
For m~ny young men, the overseas trading companies of the 16th and 17th
c.entunes offered a chance to 'see the world'. A few, who had talent and ambi-
tiOn .above the crimped motley culled from near a dozen nations, and who
s~rv1ved the hazards of disease, shipwreck and battle, were able to rise in the
hierarchy a nd occasio~ally reach the very top. Zacharias Wagener (1614- 68)
was one such man. Without special qualifications and with a personality that
seems to have been modest and exceptionally humane, he rose from the
lowest rank t~ b ecome a trusted ambassador and a colonial governor. The
so~ of Zachanas Wagener, magistrate in Dresden, he first joined the fir m of
Willemjanszoon Blaeu , publisher and map-maker in Amsterdam, but after
nearly a year and on Blaeu 's advice, he left and in 1634 joined the Dutch
West India Company and sailed for Brazil as a common soldier. He quickly
rose to beco:ne a cl.erk (Musterschreiber) and from 1637 until his departure
for Europe ~~ Apnl 1641 he served as quartermaster (Kiichenschreiber) to
J oha? .Maunts , att.ached to the court. During this time he travelled on sever-
al military campaigns with Johan Maurits (Salvador in 1638, then Serin-
haem , Po:to Calvo a~d Paraiba) and he compiled what would become
perh~ps his most preciOus legacy, his Thier Buch containing watercolours of
Brazilian ~ildlife, people, scenes and maps. ' ethnographic drawings (Nos 93 -100), which repeat the subjects in Eckhout's
The Thzer Buch .is in the Kupferstich-Kabinett in Dresden. It is an elegant-
ly bound volume In red morocco, 21.2 by 33.5 em, with 136 subjects and also
a text on 11 folios, catalogued as Ca 226a M. (a) 7a. It was reproduced, with
parallel German/Portuguese text and commentaries, by E. de C. Falcao
(Wag~ner, 1964), and 29 of the pictures were given by Spohr (1967), who
d escnbed Wagener's subsequent career as Commander at the Cape of Good
Hope and successor to Jan van Riebeeck. The full title of the Thier Buch is:
Thier Buch I Darin~en I Viel unterschiedene Arter der Fische vogel vierfiiss~gen Thiere Gewurm,
Erd- und I Baumfruchte, so hzn undt wieder in Brasilischen bezirk, undt gebiethe, Der Westin-
dzschen Com- I pagnze zu schauwen undt anzutreffen, undt daher in den Teutzschen Landen,
fremde undt un-bekandt. Au.fls genaweste mit seinen Naturlichen Fiirben samt be- I horlichen
Nahmen, wie auch kurtzer untangesetzter beschreibung, I Angebildet sind/ I Alless selbst augen-
scheznlzch zu lust undt gefallen denen sonst I newbegierigen Gemuhtern, bezezgnet. I In I
Bf0SILIEN I Unter der Hochloblichen Regierung, des hochgebohrnen I H erren, Herrenjohan
Montz Gra.flen von Nassau Etc I Gubernator Capitain, undt Admiral General I von I Zacharias
Wagenern I von Dresden.
[A~imal book in which are many different kinds of fish, birds, quadrupeds, worms,
fruits of the ground and trees such as you can now and again find and see in the
Brazilian region and lands of the West India Company, and which are therefore for-
48 Wagener's Thier Buch
eign and not known in German lands. They are depicted in precise manner and in
natural colour, together with their proper names and underneath a short descrip-
tion. All were drawn as seen by myself to please and to oblige inquisitive minds. In
Brazil under the Honourable Government of His Excellency and Lord Johan
Moritz of Nassau etc. Governor Captain and Admiral by Zacharias Wagener of
Dresden.]
The subjects are arranged as follows:
ff. 64-71, 74-80, 82-83 mammals (18)
f. 20 coral (1) ff. 72-73, 81, 90-91 amphibian and reptiles (9)
f. 21 cuttlefish (1) ff. 84- 90 insects, arachnids, etc. (2 7)
ff. 23-27 crustaceans (6) ff. 93-100 Amerindians and Africans (8)
ff. 28-44 birds (19) ff. 101-110 scenes, maps, plans (10)
ff. 45-63 nuts, fruits, etc. (15)
In the Preface to the Thier Buch, Wagener stated that it had not been his in-
tention to study the nature of the country and its still unexplored features,
nor to write a detailed treatise on its animals, but in all the descriptions that
he had read there were never good illustrations. He decided, therefore , 'to
sketch all the strange things which I got mostly as presents and gifts from
the savages.'
The drawings have never been properly analysed with regard to their Plates 20-29
sources. Some are certainly taken from the Theatri or Handbooks, as for exam-
ple the anteater or tamandua gua<;u (Myrmecophaga tridactyla, drawing No 82),
which is the same as Handbook , 1: 84 but reversed. Others resemble pictures
in the Cracow material, but are not exact and could have been taken from
a sketch that preceded the Theatri or Handbook representation. Thus, the
drawing of the goose barnacles (Lepas hillii and one Conchoderma virgatum,
drawing No 24) has a counterpart in Handbook, 1: 314, but Wagener's ver-
sion is far more complex, with 25 barnacles instead of 12. That Wagener
used sketches not included in the Theatri and Handbooks is shown by his eight
Pages 76, 77
Copenhagen paintings , but differ from them in numerous small details.
Although Wagener might have joined the Blaeu firm in a clerical capacity,
the fact that he took the trouble to draw in Brazil argues that he intended
a career as a draughtsman and thus may have had some training, at least
in the drawing of maps. The Thier Buch shows that he was not particularly
gifted, but that he could produce a careful copy. The drawing of a crab
(probably guaiamu or Cardisoma guanhumi, No 25), head-on and with claws
outstretched, is particularly impressive. Almost certainly it was not an origi-
nal drawing by Wagener, but taken from a sketch (now lost) by Eckhout or
perhaps Frans Post. What do appear to be his own compositions are the
scenes (Nos 101-107), which include a Tapuya dance, a woman carried in a
palanquin, a negro dance and two views of Mauritsstad. They are drawn
with errors in perspective and a rather charming naivite and no counterparts
are known. In these, one seems to see Wagener, aware of his limitations, but
determined to express himself on paper. Also in the Thier Buch are two very
exact elevations of a water-powered sugar mill and a map of Mauritsstad and
Recife. These are neatly drawn (or copied) and imply that he received some
training during his year with Blaeu.
Wagener's Thier Buch 49

After leaving Brazil in 1641, Wagener embarked on a career with the
Dutch East India Company. Four months in his home town of Dresden had
convinced him, as he said in his autobiography (see below), that ich nicht
gesonnen, Mir auch unmoglich war, in einer solchen stillen Stadt, wie meine Tugendlie-
bende Eltern gewohnet waren, mich nach Biirgerlicher Arth auffzuhalten (I had neither
the inclination nor the ability to stay in such a quiet town and lead a bour-
?eois life as my virtuous parents were accustomed to do). He arrived in Java
m 1643 as an adelborst or junior cadet, but not lon g after became a clerical
assistant (to the Governor-General Van Diemen), presumably once his
responsibilities in Brazil had become known. H e rose, by way of senior clerk,
junior m er chant and finally a m ember of the Council of Justice, to serve on
the various embassies by which the Dutch hoped to establish trade with Chi-
na and japa n. In 1661 h e applied for the position of Commander of the Cape
of Good Hope and remained there for nearly four years before returning to
Java and tendering his resignation after twenty-five years service. He
returned to Europe in 1668 and died in Amsterdam only a few months after
his arrival.
Wagener's time in the East was surely just as exciting as his younger days
in Brazil a nd it seems quite likely that he produced a counterpart to the Thier
Buch. o such drawings are known , but perhaps they were with his now lost
origi nal diary or autobiography.
A transcript, or perhaps a shortened version , of Wagener's a utobiography
is in the Kupfe rstich-Kabinett in Dresden. A note by the writer, perhaps
Wagener's brother-in-law Christian Bothe, a m erchant in Dresd en, explains
that on W agen er 's final return to Holland in 1668 he went to Middelburg
a nd then to Amsterdam, where he died in the O ctober of that year. As noted
by Spohr (1967: 76) an English translation of the autobiography (with some
minor variations, thus from the original or from the extant version?) was
made from a text supplied by Bothe (according to an 'Advertisement to the
R eader' in the 3rd edition of Churchill 's Voyages , vol. 2 of 1744-46).
However, the translation had already appeared in the 1st edition of the
'Voyages' (C hurchill , 1704: 552- 556), so that Bothe must have sent the tran-
scription before 1704. Mention of Wage ner's career in the East also appears
in Nieuhof (1665) and in Montanus (1669: 356, 377), but the a utobiography
is the sole r eco rd of his Brazilian years; unfortunately, it gives only the barest
outline of his seven years there. The autobiography was first published in the
original by Richter (1888: 59- 78) and again both by Falcao (Wagener,
1964: 395-433 - with Portuguese translation) and by Spohr (1967: 76-87
- in English). It is a quarto volume of 34 pp. , catalogued Ca 226b M . (a)7b
and is entitled Kurtze Beschreibung der 35-jahrigen Reisen und Verrichtungen, welche
Weyland H err Zacharias Wagner in Europa , Asia, Africa und America, meistentheils
zu Dienst der Ost- und West-lndianischen Compagnie in H olland, riihmlichst gethan
und abgeleget, gezogen aus des seelig gehaltenen eigenhandigenjournal. Like the Thier
Buch, it is also bound in red leather, perhaps by Wagener's brother-in-law.
Anonymous drawings
Another relevant volume in the Kupferstich-Kabin ett is an unidentified 18th
ce ntury collection of drawings entitled merely No 13 Animaux et Oisseaux, 31.3
50 Wagener's Thier Buch
by 20.8 em, containing 207 ff. and catalogued Ca 221 M. (a)4. It includes
12 pictures which match those in Wagener's Thier Buch. Of very great interest
are two others which are not in the Thier Buch but which match pictures in
the Handbooks and Theatri. These are a black and white sheep on f. 110 (a fine
copy of Handbook, 1: 88) and a starfish on f. 135 (fine copy of Theatri, 1: 3).
A third pictu re (f. 113) shows sloths, which is a copy of Handbook, 1: 112 .
Although Wagener also has this picture (No 78), his version is different and
not the source since in his the sloth in the tree is omitted. This suggests that
the copyist, working a century later, might have had access to additional
Wagener drawings a nd, in the case of the sloth at least, to a drawing which
Wagener u sed (in Brazil or in Europe?) to make the final version for his Thier
Buch. However, one cannot rule out the possibility that the copyist worked
directly from the Handbooks and the Theatri, which at that time were in the
Konigliche Bibliothek in Berlin. Some of the copies are very inferior to the
Thier Buch pictures, occasionally with unnecessary alterations (the club of the
Tapuya man on f. 12 is bound with pink ribbons!) . A comparison of this
book with the originals in Cracow is badly needed.
T H E NIEDENTHAL , LEBITSC H AND GRIEBE DRAWING S
Wagener's Thier Buch is well-known and deservedly so because it is one of the
relatively few collections of this period made by the owner himself as a record
of his travels abroad . Back in Europe, however, there were many stay-at-
homes who compiled collections of natural history and other drawings based
on specimens in museums or taken from the work of others. Three such col-
lections are in Dresden, each containing pictures related to the Cracow
material or to now lost sketches associated with the Cracow pictures. These
are Niedenthal's three volumes in the Kupferstich-Kabinett, the Lebitsch
bird drawings in the same institution and Griebe's Naturalien-Buch in the
Sachsisch e Landesbibliothek.
Niedenthal 's drawings
These three volumes , which we have not yet examined, contain drawings
(and a few oil paintings) which are mostly attributable to the Danzig artist
Samuel Niedenthal (1620- 85) . The pictures are arranged as follows:
Ca 211 M ammals, reptiles, 241 ff. , 53 by 33 em.
Ca 215 Birds, 367 ff. (f. 319 by C. Gottwald; f. 71 with monogram C H 1633; f. 130
by Maria Goeteris), 54 by 34 em.
Ca 224 Insects, 56 ff., 54 by 32 em.
From information kindly supplied by the library and by His Excellency
Mario Calabria former Brazilian Ambassador to the German Democratic
Republic (who ~so lent five photographs from the first volume), it would a_p-
pear that Niedenthal made these pictures in the period 1639-65, wh1le
working in Amsterdam (1643) , Berlin (no date) , London (no date) and Dan-
zig (1650, 1660, 1662- 3). Niedenthal may have copied from Wagener's Thier
Buch. A pencil sketch (first volume, f. 180 upper) entitled tamandua gaam Plate 30a
(obviously a misreading of guacu by the artist) is virtually identical to the
watercolour in Wagener (No 82) but is reversed. Wagener's watercolour is
Niedenthal, L ebitsch and Griebe drawings 51
 in turn reversed from the picture in Handbook, 1: 84, but in its details is an Jacob Theodore Klein and now in Erlangen (Geus, 1974). In the Dresden
almost slavish copy of it. Niedenthal's pencil sketch, on the other hand, volume a number of his pencil sketches a re signed S ' , but not the three ~n­
shows certain small but significant differences, the claws of the fore feet be- der discussion. It is possible that these three were merely coll ected by ?im
ing more spread out, the hind legs more realistic, yet the overall posture is and that they perhaps came from loose sketches that Wagener ~ad acqmred
identical. This strongly suggests that it is copied, not from Wagene r, but · B ·1 Did two of them serve as the basis for a watercolour m the Hand-
m razi . · d D f h
from a pencil sketch that preceded the Handbook picture. It is clearly d ifferent books? The Niedenthal volumes should be carefully exam m e or urt er
from the pencil sketch in Theatri, 3: 95 and the pencil work looks less as- clues.
sured, but there is some similarity in the boldly written name given above
the animal. Lebitsch drawings
A second drawing from the same volume, also unsigned and placed below Another relevant volume in the Kupferstich-Kabinett is the book_ of bird
Plate 30b the first , shows the same animal in a different posture and is labelled taman- · d b (or for) Abbe Joseph Lebitsch and dated on the utle page
d rawmgs rn a e Y . . . hs
dua beba. The caption continues welche auf der Bibliodek Kunst Kammer in Berlin 1792 We have not examined it and it iS only known to us by 12 photogr~p
oder Coln zu sehen ist. Ist gross wie ein dax. (which can be seen in the Lib rary in th~ possession of His Excellency !'1ari~ Calabria. One of these drawmg~
of the Kunst Kammer in Berlin or Coln. Is as large as a badger). The Elec- is entitled Phasianus Brasiliensis and it depiCtS Crax fasczolata. __It s?ows a c_o~
tor's palace, with its museum and library, was at Coln, in the centre of old siderable similarity to the painting of m~tuporanga at ~oflos s~itz, but it i~
Berlin (now the eastern part of the city). According to the ms. catalogue much more realistic. It is not in Wagener s Thzer Buch. ~id Lebitsch have ac
(A 465) made by the Elector of Brandenburg's first librarian Johannes cess to earlier sketches used by Eckh out for Hosflossmtz, or d~d he perhaps
Rawe, there was indeed a collection in the library which inclu ded (f. 146, see the Handbooks or Theatri? The Lebitsch volume may provide clues.
item xvm) the skin of a tamandua-f, as well as Brazilian snakes and a
model of a jangada or Brazilian fishing craft (Handschriftenabteilung, Griebe's Naturalien -Buch
Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, East Berlin, 1668; see Winter, 1981: 63). It seems
almost certain that these must have come from Johan Maurits himself. The In the Sachsische Landesbibliothek and until now hardly n oticed ?Y scholars
stance of the animal, however, with a foreleg lifted as if walking, seems a little is the Naturalien-Buch of Jacob Wilhelm_ G~iebe (~orn 163?) and his y~unge~
too real for a stuffed specimen. Since this drawing fairly closely matches the son Gottfried Heinrich. A brief descnptwn of it was given by W_hitehea
first tamandua drawing, which is certainly related to a Handbook watercolour (1979a: 461 and note 221) and J oppien (1979: 333 and n~te 22 ~)- It _is a large
. k 1 (39 7 by 31 6 em) containin g 507 fohos With pictures of
made in Brazil, it is possible that the caption to the second is merely addi- an d t h iC vo ume · · . 31 The
tional information and not a statement that the drawing was actually made anim als and plants pasted in and iS catalogued as MS. Dresd. Q m.
from the Elector's specimen. title page is inscribed:
A third unsigned and undated pencil drawing in this volume (f. 51, 19.8 C. D. Naturalien-Buch in junff Theilen, darinnen I. Fruchte und Bluhmen II. Insecten Ill.
Plate 3la by 19.6 em, for which we have a photograph) shows a roan horse and bears . h IV Vogel V Thiere alle nach dem Leben in Farben abgebddet, befmdlzch smd, de Ao.
Fzsc e . · ' ·h l G ·b Ober und Nzeder-
the caption Dieses West- I ndianische Pferdt ist mit nach H ollandt an S. Durchl. Prinz 1680 bis 1708 .. . gesammelt von ... jacob Wd em rze en aus -
Wilhelm geschickt worden: Ross grau-briiunlicht mit jleischjarben Flee ken. (This West · h G ·· ·1 Ch rf Siichs Rath. und Kriegs-Zahl-Mezstern, und der Mangel
Langenau wze auc ranz z. u · · ··· Sh
Indian horse was also sent to Holland for His Highness Prince William: an untersc'hze
· dl.zc hen St u··cken, und Titel-Bliittern vollends bey bracht von dessen yungstem o ne
grey-brown horse with flesh-coloured patches). Exactly such a horse, with Gottfried Heinrich Grieben, JUD.
pink- coloured patches on brown, is in H andbook 1: 36, and in Johan · 34 which are marked zw and these are clearly co-
Among t h e pi ctures are . · h d
Maurits' hand it is captioned Dieses pfertt ist auch mitt nache Hollandt ahn S Hoch ied from Wagener's Thier Buch; they are slightly larger, a httl e bng ter a_n
Prins Wilhelm geschenkt. The posture of the h orse and the disposition of the fhe captions have been shortened or on occasions misspelt (saco forth~ ~ird
spots is so similar in the two that one is a copy of the other (or both are co - soco, etc.). The volume is indexed on three additional pages a nd on t e ast
pied from the same source). The Handbook watercolour is more wooden, the (f. 510) Griebe acknowledges his debt to Wagener:
head is smaller a nd lowered onto the chest, and there is a simple landscape
Zu dienlicher Nachricht
behind, whereas the pencil work of the iedenthal sketch is rather free and
DaB als Herr Zacharias Wagner, von DreBden, den 11. Novembris, Anno 1656. von
seems to be by a fairly competent artist (although fore and hind parts of the der Ostindischen Compagnie, in Ost Indien, des Kauffhandels wegen, .versch1cket
horse are out of relation, as if the horse moved in between); in addition, there vie! schone Raritiiten und unter andern em Buch, m1t allerhand
is a faint sketch of a cow at the forelegs of the horse, which is not unlike a wor·d en,· Derselbe · · ·h ·· 1I·Ch en Fa rben ,
Ind 1amsc en nsecten , F"1sc hen , Vogeln und Th1eren ' m. 1. ren natur
h I . d ·
similar faint sketch of a cow at the feet of the albino negro painting in Theatri, von Ihm selbst gezeichnet, mit gebracht, Welche i c~ fle1Blg cop1ren ~n zu memen
Plate 12a 3: 13 (reproduced in Joppien, 1979: pp. 313). gemahlten Naturalien bringen laBen. Sind befindhch un ter den Ze1gen, Z.W. an.
Niedenthal was a competent artist, as can be seen from the volume of 45 (Applicable notice
bird drawings (watercolou rs, mostly signed SN) once in the collection of that, as H err Zacharias Wagner of Dresden was sent out on the 11th November 1656

Niedenthal, Lebitsch and Griebe drawings 53

52 Niedenthal, Lebitsch and Griebe drawings

by the East Indies Company in the East Indies on account of trade the same
b:ought bac~ wi~h him many beautiful rarities and amongst others a b;ok with all
kmds of Indian msects, fishes , birds and animals in their natural colours drawn
from life by himself, which I had industriously copied and added to my 'painted
naturaha. They are found under the sign Z.W.:]
Griebe then ruled four columns and listed the pictures under the headings
Insecte~ (ff. 64-66, 68, 76, 77), Fischen (ff. 187 -202), Vogeln (ff. 367 -371)
and Thteren (ff. 4 72- 481) , writing z.w. in red after each name
To this li~t of Wagener drawings , Griebe adds two more birds, a parrot
called Loun (f 390) and a bird of paradise (f. 392). Below them h e states J:iln
H err J.ohann Hez~rzch Bellen, aus Ost India gebracht. In the long captions to these
two pictures Gnebe also states that they were brought from the East Indies
by Bellen, who ha~ apparently stayed 14 years and returned in May 1680.
Of even greater importance, however, are six further names added to the
column of fish~s , since these refer not to copies but to oil paintings cu t out
round the o~th~e ~f th~ subject and pasted to the page. In style they exactly
match t?e 01l pa1~tmgs m volume 1 of the Theatri. That they did indeed come
from th1s source IS shown by the fact that none of them is now in the Theatri
yet all of .th~m appear in the Leningrad B series (copied from the Theatrz):
These pamtmgs are:
Fishes
Cuebi f. 203 (Len ingrad f. 93; Theatri, 1: 73)
U ubaranacaguacu f. 204 (Leningrad f. 89; Theatri, 1: 177, as U nbarana)
Plate 32c Camarup~ f. 205 (Leningrad f. 71; Theatri, 1: 153)
Curoatapimma f. 206 (Leningrad f. 88; Theatri, 1: 195)
Plate 32a Cuacucua f. 207. (Leningrad f. 91; Theatri, 1: 21. The picture on p. 19 shows dorsal
Plate 76b and ventral VIews; a reversed but otherwise identical lateral view is in the Sevres
collection).
Crustacean
Plate 32b Potiatinga f. 208 (Leningrad f. 152; Theatri, 1: 329, top right, but different).
In a.nnotating the Leningrad B series pictures, Horkel normally added (in
red mk) the Theatrz volume and page number of the painting from which the
watercolour was taken. He did so for the fish camarupi, but thereafter om it-
ted the numbers for the other five watercolours (we have taken the numbers
from the Theatri index, which presumably Horkel did for camarupi) . In fact,
there ar~ three more Leningrad watercolours (all fishes) which do not have
a Theatrz ~age reference and these are indeed missing from the Theatri (but
two are g1ven a page number in the index):
Tam.oata (Len!ngrad f. 90; Theatri, 1: 69)
Nannan (Len mgrad f. 92 ; Theatri, 1: not p. 31, which shows the upper and not the
lower side of the fish)
Bajacuguaza (Leningrad f. 94; Theatri, 1: not found in index)
Other com pilations of natural history drawings should be searched for these
three missing p.ictures. Since the Leningrad copies cover only half the num-
ber of Theatrz b1rds and fishes, there may be more pictures missing from the
Thea!"':, p:rhaps removed at the same time as the six Griebe paintings.
Gnebe s statement that Wagener was sent out to the East Indies on 11
54 Niedenthal, L ebitsch and Griebe drawings
ovember 1656 is puzzling. Wagener first arrived in Indonesia in 1643 and Page 50
his autobiography implies that he remained there for the rest of his service.
On 21 August 1656 he was certainly in Tokyo, where he witnessed the disas-
trous fire that swept the city. The next entry in the autobiography states that
he left Japan on 27 October the following year. It seems hardly possible that
he could have returned to Indonesia, set sail for Europe and then been ready
to sail back to Indonesia again by November 1656 or only three months after
being in Tokyo. Either Griebe confused the year, or he took a date from
Wagener's original and perhaps fuller autobiography which referred to some
official instruction to Wagener. It is just possible that Griebe met Wagener
in Amsterdam in 1668 on the latter's return from the East Indies, but he
would surely have mentioned such a meeting in his note. Much more likely
he came across the Thier Buch in Dresden, perhaps through Wagener's
brother-in-law.
In Griebe's list the six names are followed by the statement that they Sind
von einem Mahler, welche sie in Ost [sic] India gezeichnet, mit heraus gebracht und mir
verehrt worden (Are by a painter who drew them in the East Indies, brought
them back and presented them to me). In the caption to cuebi, Griebe
repeats this informatio n as Dieses undfolgendefunff Blatter, sind von einem Mahler
in Ost India nach den Leben gezeichnet und mit heraus gebracht worden. Griebe was
obviously mistaken in saying that they had been 'drawn from life in the East
Indies' since all are Brazilian animals.
Here at last is someone who claims actually to have met the artist of the
Theatri paintings, fo r there is nothing in all the considerable documentation
to link a particular artist with the Theatri series. But alas, he fails to mention
the artist's name! That Griebe pasted in these pictures immediately after his
copies of the Wagener fishes implies that in some way they were associated,
perhaps kept in the same folder, since the book is stated on the title page to
have been begun only in 1680 or twelve years after Wagener's death.
It is assumed that Griebe must have met the Theatri artist in Dresden. In
his youth , however, Griebe had travelled fairly widely through Europe on a
three year 'grand tour', visiting numerous places in France, Italy and Ger-
many (29 May 1661 to 8 August 1664) and later travelling as Legationssekre-
tar to Denmark (29 June to 8 August 1665). He kept an illustrated journal
(not seen) entitled Kurtse, jedoch eigentliche Beschreibung, der Reissen in das
Konigreich Franckreich, Italien und Konigreich Dennemarck, gethan, und aussgezezchnet
von mir, Jakob Wilhelm Grieben, Dresdens. Misnic. Anno 1661 (523 pp.; not in
Sachsische Landesbibliothek). A summary of this journal and brief notes on
Griebe's family and career were given by Lehmann (1900). As an official at
the Court of Johann Georg II, the Elector of Saxony, Griebe could well have
made other journeys during which he might have met the Theatri artist , but
for the present we assume that this occurred in Dresden; the most likely ar-
Page 166
tist, Albert Eckhout, was after all in Dresden from 1653 to 1663 .
HOFLOSSNIT Z BIRD PAINTINGS
The Hoflossnitz lodge or Weinbergschloss at Radebeul (about 12 km outside
Dresden) was built in 1648-50 to the designs of Ezechiel Eckhart, architect
Hoflossnitz bird paintings 55
 or master- bu~lder to Johann Georg I (1611- 56), Elector of Saxony. A brief
but usef~l g~ide has recently been published (Hebeda, 1980), bu t the fullest
account iS still that by Beschorner (1904; also 1909). The ceiling of the prin-
opal room on the first floor is divided into 80 panels of about 100 by 78 em
(but four smaller on~s), each with a painting of a Brazilian bird (in three
cas~s there are two birds) a~d bearing the names of the birds in large red
capitals. The names of the birds (some repeated) were listed and numbered
by Beschorn~r (toe. cit.) and again by Schaeffer (1968b ), who later reproduced
20 . of. them m colour (Schaeffer, 1970). At the time of PJPW's visit, all the
pamtmgs had been removed from the ceiling for restoration so that each
could be exami~ed ~nd details noted or photographed (for the first time since
the last restoratwn m 1912). Ten of the canvases had been taken from their
frames and remounted on modern canvas, enabling a view of the original
colours where the margins (about 3 em) had been covered by the frame.
The canvases were primed not with white but with a red primer and in
the places wh ere the paint has peeled there was no sign of any underpainting
nor an~ overall overpainting, although some holes were evidently mended
and pamted over at the last restoration. The canvases are not on stretchers
bu~ are nailed to flat wooden strips, the frame itself being fairly crudely
nailed. on top. The artist evidently did not anticipate th ese frames, for they
sometimes mask the start or finish of a caption (Brazilian name in red) or
t~u ch or obscure part of the bird. o dates or any signature were found on
either the front or the back of the pictures.
Plates 33, 34 As far a could be judged, the birds seem to match their counterparts in
the Theatrz but lack the spirit and liveliness of the best of the oil paintings.
Th~ eyes usually have a highlight, but missing are those skillful touches of
white or cream that bring out the shape of the head and body. The claws are
often .awkward, the poses stiff and the colour pattern stylized; the tree trunks
are wnhou t grace and the leaves are flat. In the lower part of many paintings
are thin and rather delicate landscapes which show unidentified views of the
Saxony countryside, not Brazil.
The Hoflossnitz paintings probably do not supply any new visual ele-
ments in the oeuvre surrounding the Historia naturalis Brasiliae. The ir impor-
tance is as a link in the somewhat tenuous chain of dedu ctions tha t must be
made to identify the artist who painted the Theatri pictures. The Hoflossnitz
birds required sketches, either those made in Brazil or copies of them, but
such a collection has never been found. We doubt that the L enin grad copies
served this purpose. They are far more wooden, the wings being rarely
spread and the head almost always facing directly forward , whereas in the
Hoflossnitz paintings the birds are often flying or perching, with the head
turn~d to look over the shoulder. Again, the Leningrad birds are much more
ungaml y, e.g. the spoonbill (f. 118), the whitenecked heron (f. 115) and the
maguari stork (f. 114, lower), all of which have unnaturally thick and heavy
legs in the Leningrad versions; this is even more pronounced in the flamingo
(f. ~9 ) . In some cases there are colour markings on the Hoflossnitz birds
which do not appear in the Leningrad copies. Comparing the black skimmer
(f. 101) with the Hoflossnitz version and Theatri, 2: 25, lower, we find that the
two latter are much closer to each other than either is to the rather awkward
56 H ojlossnitz bird paintings
Leningrad copy. If the Hoflossnitz birds are disappointing compared with
their Theatri coun terparts, the Leningrad copies are even more so and could
not therefore have served an intermediate role.
The Hoflossnitz bird paintings have long been attributed to Albert Eck-
hout, the second of the two painters known to have worked for Johan
Maurits in Brazil. Hubner (1864: 183-184) seems to have been the first to
draw attention to Eckhout's name in the letters between Johan Maurits and
the future Elector Johann Georg II of Saxony. Passages from these were cited
by Beschorner (1904: 220- 221), who concluded that it was Eckhout who
painted the H oflossnitz birds. Thomsen (1938: 56- 60) further discussed the
letters and drew the same conclusion. The letters (detailed below) show that Page 166,
Eckhout was employed by Johann Georg from 1653 to 1663 and that he
brought sketches with him; the birds are all Brazilian, therefore who else
would have painted them? If they fall short of the highest standard in the
Theatri or lack the careful detail of the subjects in the Copenhagen paintings,
was this not because they were executed as decorative panels and because
there were so many of them? Or were they only Eckhout's in conception?
Another artist employed at the Dresden court was Christian Schiebling
(1603-1663), from 1638 to 1660 (Hubner, 1868: 186) and it has been stated
by Loffler (1956: 5) th at he coll aborated with Eckhout on the Hoflossnitz
project. No evidence was given, but this might explain the discrepancy in
style between the b irds and the landscapes. However, there are 40 other
animal paintings at Hoflossnitz for which Schiebling may have been respon-
sible since they are very far from Eckhout's style (inter alia a boar, a lynx,
a fish and a seal, reproduced by Thomsen, loc. cit.: pis 56- 59). According
to Schaeffer (1968b: 51- 52), Schiebling contributed 18 landscapes and
animal paintings which were in Castle Pilnitz and Castle Moritzburg (until
1728), but he was j ust one of a number of artists who worked for the Court
or passed throu gh Dresden at the time of Eckhout's stay there (e.g. G.eorg
Durr Centuria W iebe! Andreas Vogel and Bartholomeu Stronbel, as hsted
' '
by Hubner, loc. cit.). .
It seems possible, therefore, that the bird paintings were a cooperative e~­
fort, much a s we have suggested for the Huis ten Bosch paintings, only this Page 97
time it was Eckhout who was the senior partner. The account books and
other documents from the time of Johann Georg should be re-examined in
the hope that actual payments to Eckhout can be found.
Six slightly smaller copies of Hoflossnitz birds (90 by 72 em), from Schloss
Bruttig a .d. Mosel, were acquired by His Excellency Mario Calabria at a
sale by Peretz in O ctober 1978; apparently they had been owned at the turn
of the century by the grandfather of the present Graf von Eberste.in and had
come from Wiesbaden. The canvases are nailed with tintacks to pme stretch-
ers (48 rom wide). The primer is white, followed by a red undercoat
(presumably to simulate the red primer of the originals). A ne"': 'crackel~r~'
has been produced by using a sharp point, rather skillfully. Unhke th.e ?ngi-
nals, however, the landscapes are quite heavily painted, but the detail iS not
brought out by highlights. None is signed or dated.
The subjects are named in large red capitals, as in the originals (the num-
bers added here are those given by Beschorner, 1904: 220).
Hojlossnitz bird paintings 57
 1. Mituporanga (No 13)
2. Potiriguagu (Nos 1, 4, 14, 18, 51; Potiriguacu in original)
3. Potiriguacu (one of the above; two versions in Schaeffer, 1970: 21, 22)
4. Guara (Nos 42, 49; Schaeffer, 1970: 8)
5. Aguapeacoca (No 68)
6. Iapuiupa and Tiepinanga (No 72; Iapuiuba and Tiepiranga in original;
Schaeffer, 1970: 7)
The apparently deliberate variations of spelling are curious, since the letters
are quite clear in the originals and the artist has otherwise taken every care
to make an exact copy. No data can be assigned to these paintings, but they
seem unlikely to have been produced earlier than the 19th century.
In the numbered list of Hoflossnitz paintings given by Beschorner
(1904: 220), three of the pictures have no names, while in nine cases the
Brazilian name appears twice and the name potiriguacu appears five times.
The spelling of these names and the use of diacritic marks often differs from
those in the Historia and in the Cracow pictures. Beschorner estimated a total
of 68 species, allowing for repetitions, although he noted that at least the
potiriguacu pictures seemed to represent more than one species (the name
applied to two different species in the Theatri and Handbooks according to
Schneider, 1938: 82). Beschorner compared the names with those listed by
Lichtenstein (1818- 29) and matched most of them with those in the Theatri,
but with 14 only found in the Handbooks or in the Historia; two names could
not be matched, o 38 guarapotiapirangaiuparaba and No 41 gu iratai-
cimaipecu (also o 64 pongobi if not guirapongobi). Unfortunately,
Schneider (lac. cit.) did not make any comparison with the H oflossnitz birds.
This is urgently needed in order to see if in the Theatri or Handbooks the
Hoflossnitz species stand out from the others on stylistic grounds, which
would imply that they could be associated more closely with Eckhout since
it is more likely that the sketches that he brought to Dresden were animals
and plants that he himself had drawn in Brazil and from which his finished
paintings were made.
THE SCHMALKALDE DRAWl GS
Zacharias Wagener was not the only soldier to produce an illustrated journal
of his time in Brazil. In the Forschungsbibliothek in Gotha is a similar but
less skillful volume which is inscribed Caspar Schmalkalden Reise von Amsterdam
nach Pharnambuco in Brasil (20 by 17 em, calf bound, 489 folios , 128 illustra-
tions , Chart. B 533). The journal covers Schmalkalden's time in Brazil and
Chile (1642- 45) and his subsequent travels in the East (1646- 52). The
Brazilian part was described and discussed by Joost (1971), but without illus-
Plate 35 b trations; one drawing (blue and yellow macaw, p. 118) was reproduced by
Whitehead (1979a: pl. 188, halftone). The entire text has now been published
by Joost (1983) with 100 of the illustrations (55 from Schmalkalden's South
American travels). The volume was apparently acquired in the late 18th cen-
tury at a Gotha auction by Johann Blumenbach (1752 -1840), who com-
mented upon the two Chileans illustrated (Blumenbach, 1782). In 1790 it
was added to the library of Duke Ernst II of Sachsen-Gotha-Altenburg at
Schloss Friedenstein, where it seems to have been neglected until Joost's
studies n early two hundred years later.
58 Schmalkalden drawings
According to Joost (1983: 162), Caspar Schmalkalden was ~ne ?f seven
children born to Liborius Schmalkalden, burgomaster of Fnednchsroda
near Gotha and his wife Magdalene (St Blasius church register, 1642). His
date of birth is not known and the only other records are his marriage (30
January 1655) to Susanna Christina, second daughter of Ant~ony. Giinth~r
Kirchberger, at St Margaret's church in Gotha; and the chnstenmg of hts
sons Johann (9 November 1656), Christian Gunther (19 February 1659; mar-
ried Susanna Barbara Martersteckin 27 November 1694) and Adolphus
Gottfriedy (18 November 1661). Schmalkalden seems to ~ave come from (a~d
married into) a fai rly well-to-do family, perhaps n~t unhke that o~ Zachan~s
Wagener, and it is significant that, after the exote~ents. of thetr years m
Brazil, neither man stayed more than a few months m thetr home town ?e-
fore signin g on again and sailing to further adventures ~n t~e. East Indte.s.
According to his journal, Schmalkalden_and oth~r soldters JOmed t?e shtp
for Brazil at Texel on 16 October 1642 and arnved safely at Reofe two
months later on 12 December. He stayed exactly a month before boarding
the Vlissingh;n, one of the five ships of the Hendrik Brouwe: expedition to
Chile and perhaps significantly the ship commanded by Ehas Herckmans
(1596 -1644 ), the 'poet adventurer' (Worp, 1893; Carvalho, 1906, 1930; Rod-
rigues, 1949: 36, 350). It could well have been I:Jerckmans who encou~a.ged
Schmalkalden to include descriptions and drawmgs of the places he vtstte~
and not merely to produce a straight journal of events. After Brou':er s
death Herckmans took command and brought the expedition back agam to
Brazil, reaching Recife on 28 December 1643. Schmalkalden disembar~ed
the followi ng day. The journal is taken up again for the return home, w1t~
Schmalkalden boarding the ship Groningen on 27 May 1645; th:y made van-
ous cruises up and down the coast until on 6 August th~ captam ~rought dze
Bona nova, dass wir nach Hollandt zu gehen sollten. They arnved b~ck m A~st~r­
dam on 23 November after a long and rather hazardous crossmg (':htch t.n-
cluded running onto a sandbank off the English c~ast) and wtth rehef
Schmalkalden declares piously Gott sei Lob und Dank fur dzese Rezse.
Schmalkalden made daily entries (or dated entries) only for the voyages
to and from Brazil and for the Chile expedition, the remainder of the South
American part being taken up with descriptions o~ the places seen, the pe_o-
ple, their activities, and the animals and plants whtch seemed charactenst~c.
For the year and a half that he spent in Brazil after the r~turn from Chile
he gives no information on his own activities nor any mentwn of the people
with whom he associated. This is all the more unfortunate because many of
his drawings and probably much of the data that he produces very clearly
stem from the work of Piso, Marcgraf, Eckhout and Post. Not once, however,
does Schmalkalden hint at his source.
Joost (1983: 174) postponed analysis of .the s.ources for Schmalkalden's
drawings , although pointing to the engravmgs m Barlae~s (164 7) and the
Historia woodcuts. The Handbooks and Theatri are also posstble, but the most
intriguing category comprises those drawings for which there i.s no extant
source, thus pointing to pictures by Eckhout, Post or others whtch are no':
lost. The Schmalkalden pictures reproduced by Joost (55 out of 59 of BraZil
and Chile) fall into six categories:
Schmalkalden drawings 59

1. Maps and plans: the 8 maps and 2 plans of forts reproduced by Joost could all
have been derived from those in Barlae us.
2. Scenes: the water-powered sugar mill (f. 81) and the mill driven by oxen (f. 82)
Pages 154, 155 are clearly derived from sketches by Post, the first not unlike the mill in the vignette
on the northern Pernambuco section of the Marcgraf map (as reprod uced by
Barlaeus and later as a wall map by Blaeu). Schnialkalden's manioc mill (f. 85) is
also derived from a Post drawing, the same or very close to that used for the woodcut
in Piso (1648: 53). A final scene shows Boa Vista, rather loosely based on the en-
graving in Barlaeus (1647: pl. 38), but with the perspective distorted and, mos t curi-
ously, the positions of the canoe and the boat full of Dutch offici als reversed (f. 39).
3. Animals and plants of Historia: at least 7 of those reproduced by Joost can be
m atched with woodcuts in the Historia, viz. pineapple (f. 93), jamacaru (f. 94) , tatu
(f. 102), sloth (f. 109), jabiru (f. 121), m eru (f. 130) and starfish (f. 141). That these
were actually take n from the published Historia and not from the drawings that
preceded it (i.e. the Handbooks or Theatrz) is implied by the inclusion by Schmalkal-
den of the tatu and sloth , both of which derived from already published engravings
added by De Laet much later in Europe. A rather slavish copying of the Historia is
also shown by the fact that Schmalkalden's bird jabiru is not the real jabiru of Hand-
book, 1: 174 Uabiru mycteria), but the misplaced woodcut of the Historia, p. 200, which
is the jabiruguacu (Mycteria americana); Lichtenstein (1819: 163) n oted how De Laet
had reversed the woodcuts of these two species, the real jabiru appearing on p. 201
under jabiruguacu. Schmalkalden's drawing of the stingray narinari (f. 137) is the
completely stylized figure of the H istoria (p. 176), which was based on Handbook,
1: 332; it is curious, however, that Schmalkalden's version agrees with that of the
Handbook in showing the tail not meeting the pectoral fin , whereas it overlaps the
fin in the Historia woodcut. His carigueya (f. 104) is not based on the Historia wood-
cut (p. 222), but apparently on the woodcut in Piso (1658: 323) since it shows one
j uvenile emerging from the pouch and another on the ground (both omitted in the
Historia and in Handbook , 1: 137).
4. Eckhout's Brazilians: two chapters are devoted to descriptions of the Indians,
headed Beschreibung der Brasilianer (f. 9 - Tupinambas) and Beschreibung der Ta.poij"er
(f. ? - Tapuyas). Each is illustrated by a man and a woman, clearl y matching the
Pages 66-70 Eckhout Copenhagen themes, but with sufficient differences to wonder if they were
truly based on the preliminary Eckhout sketches used by Wagener. They diffe r from
all oth er versions in the following ways:
Pl ate 36a a. Tupinamba man (f. 11; Joost, p. 17). Unlike any other representation (C open-
hagen, Wagener, Historia, etc.) the man faces right (i.e. his right shoulder and arm
are towards the viewer), the bow and two arrows are in his right h and a nd the other
arrow (pointing upwards) is in his left hand. His stance is quite different also. In the
background are two hammocks slung from poles driven in the ground, the ham-
mock on the right containing two people and rather close to one of those in the vig-
Page 158 nette of Tupinamba life on the Blaeu map.
Plate 36b b. Tupinamba woman (f. 13; Joost, p. 15). Unlike other representations, the woman
faces left (i.e. left shoulder toward viewer) instead of straight forward . Her right arm
(without a gourd) still clasps the child , but the latter is evidently suckling at her left
breast. As in the Copenhagen and other versions, she has a basket on her head
which she steadies with her left arm, but Schmalkalden has added another basket
Page 157 slung as in the Tapuya woman by a band around the forehead . In the background
is a rhea, again reminiscent of the Blaeu map (vignettes a and b).
c. Tapuya man (f. 18; Joost, p. 22). Once again the stance is reversed (right shoulder
toward viewer). He holds three spears (pointing upward), does not carry a spear-
60 Schmalkalden drawings
thrower wears no sandals and holds the club forward in front of him. Schmalkalden
indicat~s the penis string and in his text comments on it.- in Latin, as if to spare
a prudish reader (although in the next sent~nce he d~scnbes the leaves used by the
women to conceal their genitals and adds a little salacwusly that Mann kann aber doch
leichtlich sehen dabei alles , was sie haben ). .
d. Tapuya woman (f. 20; Joost,. p. 21). The. st.ance is virtually ~he same as m the Plate 37c
Copenhagen/Wagener versions, except that It ~s the left leg that IS forward. Instead
of a human hand she carries a gourd m her nght hand; and mstead of a bunch of
leaves in her left hand, she holds a macaw or parrot (Nieuhof, 1682: 218 also shows
a parrot, in the right hand).
Plate 37a, b
5. Chile drawings: the Chilean man and woman ha~e a close relatio.n.ship with the
pair in the Historia woodcut (p. 284 ), but li.ke the drawmgs ofthe Brazilians are suffi-
ciently different to suspect another drawmg as the. source. .
a. Chilean man (f. 68; Joost, p. 47). His right arm IS raised higher on ~he sp:ar (or
staff) and he looks to the right; he does not wear spurs. Schmalkalden gives h1s pon-
cho as yellow, with a red band where the right arm emerge~ and three bands (green
over two red) along the lower margin; he seems to have misunderstood the forr:n of
the garment, implying a slit down the front. The. man's trousers are blue. Essentially
the same colours appear in the coloured copies of the Hzstorza, showmg that a
coloured sketch must once have existed.
b. Chilean woman (f. 69; Joost, p. 47). The stance is virtually the same, b~t the left
hand is extended and holds a pear-shaped fruit or vegetable with leaves (mstead of
a small jug or mug). The cloth knotted over her left shoulder is red, un~erneath
which is a skirt with three bands at the lower edge (two blue over red). Agam, these
colours are essentially those of the coloured Historia copies. .
The other two Chilean subjects are a fine penguin (f. 57; Joost,. P· 37) observed. m
Valentine Bay, for wh ich no Historia , Handbook or Th~atn model exists; and a drawmg
Plate 35a
of a llama (f. 99; Joost, p. 48) which is clearly that m the Hzstona wo~dcut (p. 244),
Plates 52d, 9d
but reversed and thus resembling the picture in Theatn, 3: 135 (on which the Hzstona
ve rsion was presumably based, or both from a common source).
6. Source unknown : the most proficient of the drawings is the exc~llent water-
colour (f. 118) of a blue and yellow macaw (Ara ararauna) reproduced m colour by
Joost (p. 69) and in half-tone by Whitehead (1979a: pl. 188): no mode~ ~as so far
been found for it. Among the other drawings that apparently lack a B:azihan source
is f. 101 , the coendau or coandi ( Coendou prehensilis), at least ~ccordmg to the text
since the drawing looks much more like an African porcupme (sho~t legs, long
spines no prehensile tail); in fact it so strongly resembles the porcupme wood~ut
of Ge~sner (1620: 563) that one must doubt a Brazilian source. Othe~ puzzlmg
drawings are the jaguar (f. 105) and the seahorse (f. 199), ne.i ther ?f wht~h have a
Historia or other obvious counterpart (Wagener's seahorse differs In havmg a less
curled tail, but could have been the same specimen) .
Since a source of some kind can be found or hazarded for the majority of
Schmalkalden's drawings, and since he shows little skill .(much less than does
Wagener), it seems reasonable to suppose that all. o:
VIrtually all the d~aw­
ings were copied. There is, however, one charactenst1c of the figure drawmgs
that is found equally in those of the New World as in those in the second part
ofhisjournal (Indonesia, Formosa, japan, etc.). In many cases th~ fi?ure ~as
a hand that points out from the body, sometimes holding or pou~t1~g w1th
some object or on occasions both arms are spread outward. Th1s IS com-
pletely alien' to Eckhout's vocabulary, yet four of Schmalkalden's figures (the
Schmalkalden drawings 61
 Brazilians) can only have been drawn with reference to Eckhout's sketches
or ~aintings. Do we see Schmalkalden's 'trade mark', imprinted on drawings
copted from whatever source? If so, how can we be sure that additional Eck-
hout sketches once existed, being the basis for the variants on the Tapuya
and Tupinamba themes given by Schmalkalden? Or was it merely
Schmalkalden's own preference to give the Tapuya woman a parrot to hold
instead of a human hand?
Schmalkalden was not the only one to offer variants on Eckhoutian themes
and thus pose this problem . The plates in Johan Nieuhof' s account of his
stay in Brazil (1640- 49) seem equally to take liberties (Nieuhof, 1682: 218,
224). Thus, his Tapuya woman is walking, not standing, the right leg behind
the left, the basket slung over her shoulder and not by a band across her fore-
head. Nevertheless, she is the same Eckhout woman, with leaves suspended
from her waist, but now she holds a parrot in her right hand, appears to have
a baby in her basket, and wears earrings. Nieuhof's brother Hendrik, who
edited the book after ieuhof's death in about 1672, says in the Preface that
Johan brought back drawings as well as notes and papers from his nine years
in Brazil, a period in which he overlapped not only with Eckhout, Post,
Marcgraf and Wagener, but also with Schmalkalden. More than this, on his
return from his second journey to the East, Nieuhof spent at least some of
1670 in Amsterdam and was there in July when Johan Maurits passed
through on his way _to Cleves. ieuhof discussed his Brazilian writings and
drawings withJohan Maurits and was invited by the latter .tojoin him at Pi-
so's house the next day, when various governors and high-u ps would be
present ( ieuhof, 1682: 303; Portuguese translation of this passage in Rod-
rigues, 1951: 364 ).
It seems likely, therefore, that Nieuhof received comments and criticisms
on his proposed book about Brazil and he may also have made notes or co-
Pages 76, 175 pied from the Post and Eckhout pictures that Piso possessed (Jacob Cohen's
letters to Johan Maurits of 1678-79; Sousa-Leao, 1973: 162-164). That
ieuhof as well as Schmalkalden had access to pictures that are no longer
extant is implied by a detail first noted by Joppien (1979: 334). Nieuhof's
Tapuya couple (1682: 218) are spotted as if with body paint, an ethnographic
observation omitted by Eckhout and by Wagener and not apparent in the
Historia woodcut (p. 280), but attested by Schmalkalden in his text (the men
and women go around quite naked ohne Scham,Jiirben sich mit allerlei bunten Far-
ben unter den Gesicht und am Leibe; Joost, 1983: 18). Curiously enough, this is
confirmed by Van Hennin (1681; see translation in Sousa-Leao, 1966: 20)
when he described the pictures in the Mauritshuis which were later des-
Pages 96, 169 troyed in the fire of 1704. Thus, there must surely have been more sketches
by Eckhout and at least some of these would account for the apparent liber-
ties taken by Schmalkalden and ieuhof in their versions on the Brazilian
themes.
The most intriguing of Schmalkalden's drawings , however, are the
Pages 164, 165 Chilean ones. As we have shown elsewhere, it is almost impossible that Eck-
hout accompanied the Brouwer expedition since the ships were away for
almost the entire year, from 12 January to 28 December, whereas according
to the signatures on the Tapuya and Tupinamba men Eckhout was busy
62 Schmalkalden drawings
painting them in 1643 . Just conceivably he completed them in the first days
of January, or for some reason added his signature at that time, but the a?-
sence of more Chilean drawings or paintings supports the idea that he dtd
not go. Was it Schmalkalden, therefore, who drew the Chilean couple and
sketched the llama?
The two paintings of llamas (sensu lata) in Theatri, 3: 133, 135 are not good
and the second, a black animal and possibly an alpaca, is even given four
'toes' on the forefeet, thus hardly painted from life. Yet it is this animal that
appears in Schmalkalden's journal. It was chosen b_r De _Laet as ~he basis_ for
the woodcut in the Historia (p. 244, reversed). Havmg g1ven a fatrly detatled
description and a woodcut of what seems to have been a gu~naco, based ~n
the account by Matthioli (see Gessner, 1620: 149) of an ammal bought m
Peru and sent back to Middelburg in 1558 as a curiosity, De Laet says that
it was very different from the Chilean 'sheep', of which 'our' people broug~t
back this lively sketch. Apart from having long wool, says De Laet, th1s
animal has two hooves at the back, but four in front. In this way a completely
spurious four-toed animal entered the iconography. It appeared a few years
later on a Blaeu map of 1659, together with an armadillo, as· part of the em-
blem for America meridionalis (map in Klenck Atlas), both animals being taken Page 151
from the Historia woodcuts. The black four-toed animal, as well as the
lighter-coloured and normal one from the Theatri, were also used in the
tapestry Le cheval pommele, but for some reason the colour~ were _ re~ersed. Page 131
Was Schmalkalden responsible for this myth of polydactyly. In h1s ~ournal
he states that an den vorderen Fiissen hat es vier und an den hznteren nur zwez Klauen
(on the forefeet are four and on the hind feet only ~wo claws; ~oost, 1983: 4 7).
Had he actually drawn the animal, a moment s observatiOn would have
shown that this was an error and a most unlikely error. It seems far more
reasonable that Schmalkalden followed a prior drawing. Although he seems
to have taken at least some of his drawings directly from the Historia, in the
case of the llama his drawing is reversed (as if traced), but differs in numer-
ous details (tail longer, head lowered, hind feet further apart, etc.) and must
have come from another source. The source seems not to have been the black
animal of the Theatri, which is generally closer to the Historia woodcut and
must surely have been the basis for it. One must conclude, therefore, that
someone on the Chile expedition made a sketch, or several sketches, from
which Schmalkalden took his drawing and from which Eckhout most proba-
bly made the two oil paintings in the Theatri. The same sketch probably
served for the engraving in the published account of the voyage (Brouwer,
1646, 1722). .
Presumably Schmalkalden's two Chileans were also based on pnor
sketches and it must have been these that were supplied to De Laet for mak-
ing the Historia woodcuts. Nevertheless, the three pain_tings ?f Chileans in
Theatri, 3 : 15 , 17, 19, and especially that of the Araucaman c~tef, have every Plate 12d
appearance of having been painted from life. If the Theatn art1st (pr:s~mably
Eckhout) had to paint from a crude sketch the llama- the most stn~mg a~d
common 'exotic' to be seen in Chile - then he must have done so m ReCife
and thus the three Chileans must have been brought back there, but not the
two of Schmalkalden's drawings. Once again the indications are that Eck-
hout did not make the voyage to Chile.
Schmalkalden drawings 63
 Like Wagener, Schmalkalden spent only a few months at home in Gotha
before setting off in the service of the Dutch East India Compa ny. It is possi-
ble that he could actually have met Wagener out there, most likely in Batavia
0 akarta), although his voyages to Formosa (Taiwan) in 1648 and then to
Japan in 1650 came three years before Wagener's trips. As in the Brazilian
part of Schmalkalden's journal, the illustrations are of maps, plans of towns
or forts, people, animals and plants, for the most part rather naively drawn.
On one occasion he admits to another artist, saying . . . ist von einem
chinesischen Maler nach einem lebendigen, so in Batavia gewesen, abgezeichnet worden
(was copied from a sketch by a Chinese artist of a livin g one, in Batavia . . . ;
Joost, 1983: 118). Unfortunately, this refers to a rh inoceros (f. 218) which
is so patently derived from Durer's famous woodcu t that one must suspect,
as with the porcupine drawing, another incursion into Gessner's Historia
animalium.
That Schmalkalden was a 'mere copyist' does not detract fro m his impor-
tance, provided that his source can be identified and thus a perhaps lost
original resurrected. Now and again, however, as with his apparent borrow-
ings from Gessner, his sources are suspect since h e is clearly writing some
time after the event. Thus, in the description of Boa Vista he gives the date
1644 and then on subsequent pages chronicles his departure for Chile in
January 1643. Again, in describing the problematical porcupin e (f. 101 ver-
so), h e mentions seeing one at the Cape of Good H ope in September 1646.
Finally, if the jabiru and certain other drawings were taken fro m the Historia
of 1648, then this can only have been done halfway through Schmalkalden's
stay in the East Indies and perhaps not until his retu rn to Europe in 1652.
If he did indeed copy from one of Piso's woodcuts (the carigueya of Piso,
1658), rather than from its original drawing, then he was still compiling his
journal more than ten years after leaving Brazil. In fact the journal is proba-
bly a fair copy made from loose notes and drawings.
For each of his human figures , Schmalkalden supplies a quatrain in which
the man or woman describes what is important in their life. For example, the
Tapu ya woman exclaims
We know naught of money, velvet or silk,
With a bunch of leaves we cover ourselves,
The woods yield fine fruits, beasts young and old,
And of water there's plenty to keep us alive.
Presumably this rather charming picture of the ' noble savage' reflects more
than just Schmalkalden's personal attitudes. Unfortunately, J oost (1983) does
not transcribe the quatrains, which are difficult to read in th e reproductions,
but they are certainly an important clue to received notions of the time.
Schmalkalden's immediate model for the quatrains is not obvious, but one
can note the similarity with a very much earlier set of pla tes by Fran~ois
Descerpz (1562) illustrating people and their costumes. His double plate for
the Brazilian man and woman is reproduced by Borba de Moraes (1958,
1: 221) and for the woman the captions runs:
Les femmes Ia, sont vestues ainsi
Que ce pourtrait le montre & represente,
La les Guenons, & Perroquetz aussi,
Aux estrangers elles mettent en vente
64 Schmalkalden drawings
Although th e keeping of journals by men such as Schmalkalden was perhaps
not unusual, one has the impression that those who took the trouble to illus-
trate their travels were rare, especially when the journal was intended not for
publica tion but simply as a record for ' the folks back home'. Schmalkalden's
journal would repay further study and comparison with others, most partic-
ularly that of Wagener.
TH E COPENHAGEN PAI N TI NG S
In his efforts to capitalise on his Brazilian career and to further his own in-
terests, J ohan M aurits made two major gifts in the decade following his
return. T he first was to the Elector of Brandenburg in 1652, which included
the Theatri and H andbooks. The second was to his cousin Frederik III of Den-
mark and it included 26 life-sized paintings. The offer was made on the in -
itiative of Admiral Christoffer Lindenov, who had been with Johan Maurits
in Brazil as a captain (Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, owrc ,
Dagelijkse Notulen, 69: 8 March 1642). In his letter, Johan Maurits said he was
assured by Lindenov that the King would be interested in such things as
curiosities and perhaps paintings (13 July 1654, sent from Cleves; cited by
Babe, 1905: 381 and by Thomsen, 1938: 11, also Larsen, 1962: 251, doc. 45;
Portuguese translation by Schaeffer, 1968b: 42). Lindenov also advised that
copies be made of the paintings and this seems to have been done two years
later according to payments in the royal account books made to a certain
Lazarus Baratta of Hamburg (Regnskab over Kongens egen Kasse - see
Bering-Liisberg, 1897: 131); all trace of these copies has disappeared. The
1673/4 and subsequent inventories of the Royal Kunstkammer (Dam-
Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980) specify the original paintings as 8 full-length
portraits of Amerindians and negroes, plus a scene of Amerindian dancers;
12 large still-lifes; two portraits ofJohan Maurits; and three portraits of Afri-
can envoys from the Congo. The portraits of Johan Maurits were lost in a
fire a t C hristiansborg C astle in 1794, but the remainder are now in the Et-
nografisk Samling of the Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen.
In a letter to Johann Georg, the future Elector of Saxony, Johan Maurits
implied that all the paintings were by his artist in Brazil, Eyckhout (29 Aug-
ust 1655, Staatsarchiv, Dresden, Loc. 8562; see Beschorner, 1904: 220-221 Page 166
and Thomsen, 1938: 58- 59) . The still-lifes are unsigned, as also two of the
ethnographic paintings, but ever since the monograph of Thomsen (1938),
no-one has doubted that these are all by Albert Eckhout and form the most
important collection of his works. Not only are they superior to the Hofloss-
nitz bird paintin gs in execution and on a larger scale, and more finished than
the Cracow T heatri paintings, but they include the first full-length oil por-
traits of New World inhabitants by a professional European artist. From an
ethnographic point of view, there is nothing to rival them until the 18th cen-
tury. The three portraits of the Congo envoys were attributed to Eckhout by
Thomsen (19 38). However, they are unsigned and have been ascribed by
some recent a uthors to J as par Becx. Page 173
Although J ohan Maurits did not mention specimens or artifacts in his let-
ter to Frederik III, it is quite possible that some were included in his gift of
1654. Forty years later, the Royal Kunstkammer contained a tatou, a taman-
Copenhagen paintings 65
 duagua<;:u, the lizard senembi, a scarlet ibis , te n humming birds, the cowfish
guama jacu-ape, a sunfish a nd the snake boicininga Q acob , 1696: 7-8, 12 ,
15 -16 , 23). However, the scarlet ibis was prese nted b y Christoffer Lindenov
a nd the othe rs have no indication of prove n a n ce. T hey m ay e qually have
come from Ole Worm's collection, which include d the su p p osed Marcgraf
he rbarium (Andrade -Lima et alii 1977) as well as B razilian minerals fruits
a nd woods ( S ch e p elern , 1971: 17 3 - lis~ of 29 articles given to Worm,by Jo-
h a n d e L ae t) . Worm' s museum , which al so conta ined two Congolese baskets
resembling tha t in E ckhout's painting of the n e gr o wom an (Worm,
1655 : 365 , 3 85) was presented to the King in July 165 5. The e a rliest extant
r oyal inve ntory, In ventarium over Kunst- Raritet- og M odel-Kammeret, dated
16 73/4 ( publishe d b y Bering-Liisbe r g, 189 7), d oes not mention Johan
M a urits a s a d o nor to the Royal collection , but the Ghanaia n sword (now
EC b 8) is so simil a r to that in Eckhout's pain ting of th e n egro man that such
a provenance can b e suspected. In the note s o n the p ictu res, we draw atten-
t ion to o the r a rtifacts which are similar to those in the paintings and may
h ave stemm ed fro m J ohan Maurits .
Ethnographic paintings
The 8 la rge figure paintings a nd the dance scen e a r e not only of e thnograph-
ic inte r est but contain botanical and zoological subj ects w hich ca n b e related
to those in the Theatri, Handbooks a nd Miscellanea Cleyeri, or to ske tch es which
h ave since b een lost. These p a intings we re r eprodu ced by T h o msen (1938) ,
D a m-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek (1980), Van d e n Boogaa r t & Du parc (1979)
a nd Vallada r es & De M ello Filho (1981 - b est colo ur r eprodu ctio ns , includ-
in g pho tog r a phs o f d e tails) . Refe r en ce is given h ere to th e use o f these pic-
tu res (or the ir prio r ske tch es or copie s of the m ) in t h e Historia a nd other early
wo rks (draw ings o f W a ge n er, S chmalkalden , Locke and p lates o f Nieuhof) .
Plate 38 1. Tapuya man 10 , o Ei-1 38 A1, 266 by 159 em
Signed: £ckhout fe 1643 brasil (on overpa in ted a rea, bottom righ t)
Analogues: H istoria, p. 280 , also redrawn, reversed and altered for title page;
Wagene r, No. 95; Schm alkalden , f. 18; Locke, f. 26; N ieuhof, p. 218. See also under
Pages 92, 100 Van Kessel and Schwedt.
Reprod uctions: Thomsen , pl. 1; D am-Mikkelsen & Lund baek, p. 34; Van den Boo-
gaart & Duparc, p. 121 ; Valladares & De M ello Filho, p. 58 and d etail of head , p. 59
(the only photogra ph s after restoratio n); Ba umunk , 1982: 196, pl. 194.
Zoology: boa con st rictor (Boa constrictor - bottom ri gh t) with blood issuing from eye
and m ou th; la rge bird spider (Avicularia sp. - bottom left) identical to watercolour
°
1 For conve nience here and elsewhere th e old and innaccu rate term 'Tapuya' is re-
tained since it is consistentl y used in the earlier liter ature to designate the second
of the two m a in Amerindian groups encounter ed by the D utch in n ortheastern
Brazil a t the time of J ohan M aurits. Th ey called them selves Tarairiu , but they were
refe rred to as Tapu ya by the more settled Tupi (o r Tupinamba) . See Lowie
(1946: 553-556, 563 - 566).
66 Copenhagen paintings
in Handbook, 1: 402 in both colour a nd leg positions, but not to the crayon sketch
of T heatri, 3 : 327, the drawin g by Wage ner, o 89 or the Schwed t ve rsion; white
caterpillar with brown m arkings (Arctiidae, perhaps th e moth M egalopyge lanata -
middle right).
Botany: to right of su bj ect, yellow/red flowers of lantana (La ntana camara), not based
on T heatri, 4 : 341a; white fl owers below this identified as Himathanthus bracteate in Val-
ladares & D e Mello Filho, p. 131; on right , Solanum grandiflorum (as pinh ao ma nso,
J atropha curcas in Valladares & De M ello Filho, p. 131), not based on M iscellanea
Cleyeri: 57, b ut probably same species. O verpainted sand y area at bottom now
cleaned to reveal Ipomoea pes-capri with red flowers.
E thnology: headdress with band of small red feathers and two lines of yellow ones,
and 12 red , yellow and black long feathers sticking upward , four of them with a
sm all piece of red or yellow feather attached near the tip. A cylindrical wooden plug
in right ear, two white tambetas (? thin bones) in either cheek, and a green plu g
in lower lip (identified as resin from j atoba Hymenaea courbaril by Vall ad ares & De
M ello F ilho, p. 131 because a stone would make the lip droop). Strin g ti ed at waist
to attach the bustle on h is back (possibly feathers of rhea Rhea americana) . Peni s
bound with white string, three loops around and two strin gs hanging down in
cleaned version ( ? held erect by splint); but middle loop missing in ve rsion before
restoration and lower loop quite loose, the penis retracted and not held erect. C uri-
ously enough , the version by Wage ner, No 95 is nearer to the arrangement before
the C openhagen picture was restored and the fac t tha t Eckhout himself signed the
overpaintin g at the bottom of the picture suggests that he also modified the penis Page 78
strin g at that time to conform with a presumed earlier sketch. The m an wears san-
dals, the soles hidden bu t the strings very carefull y depicted and slightly different
on the two feet, suggesting observation from life (sandals miss ing in Wagener ve r-
sion , as also in the Schwedt painting).
No ea rl y clubs in C openhage n m atch the one depicted ; the nearest (EH b 24, see
D a m-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 32) has the sam e double line of white dots on
the bl ade, but the haft is bound with cord (ex G ottorp collection). M etraux (1948)
co nsidered the spear-thrower in the man's right hand to be of a special type, of
which there is a unique specimen in Copenhagen (EH b25), which is not the model
for the paintin g. T he fo ur spears are not di stincti ve, but resemble the C openhage n
EH bl4, 15. A simila r spear-thrower as well as spears occurs in one of the Schwedt
paintin gs and again in the tapestry Le chasseur indien. In both cases, howeve r, there
are sufficient differences in the spear-thrower to suspect that a different artifact was
draw n.
In the background (bottom , left) is a very faint representation of a Tapu ya dance.
Two fi gures, possibly women, sit at one side, while ten men, m ostl y with one a rm
raised, d ance around an apparentl y motionless figure in the cent re. None of the
d an cers has the distinctive black clubs shown in the Tapuya dance painting (see be-
low, No 9), but there is a fa int suggestion of spears. Sketches from such a da nce m ay
have inspired this small scene and led to further studies for the large pa intin g.
2. Tapuya woman, No EN 38 A2, 264 by 159 em Pla te 39
Si gned : £ckhout j e 1641 brasil (lower right)
Analogues: H istoria, p. 280, also redrawn and much altered fo r title page; Wage ner,
N o 96; Schmalkalden , f. 20; Locke, f. 27 ; Nieuhof, p. 218. See also under Van Kes-
sel a nd Schwedt . Pages 92, 100
R eproductions: T homsen, pl. 2; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbae k, p. 34; Va n den Boo-
Copenhagen paintings 67
 gaart & Duparc, p. 124; Valladares & D e Mello Filho, p. 61 and detail of troupe of
Indians, p. 60; Baumunk, 1982: 197 , pl. 195.
Zoology: the dog, evidently domesticated , laps water at the woman's feet. In build,
it fairly closely resembles the aguara dog of Theatri, .3: 91, which Lichtenstein
(1818: 219) believed to be a new species, on the basis of which Smith (1839: 254) pro-
posed Dusicyon sylvestris (considered a form of the common South American fox Dusi-
cy on culpaeus). The dog in the painting has white tips to tail and paws, perhaps the
result of domestic breeding since such do not appear in Smith's engravin g (p. 24,
Page 100 tail black-tipped) ; in the Schwedt version the muzzle is white (tail and paws hidden).
There are no white markings in the Theatri picture and its Leningrad copy (B series,
f. 27) and it seems that Lichtenstein led Smith astray since the animal there is most
likel y the savanna fox ( Cerdocyon thous azarae).
Botany: the woman stands under a tree resembling a flamboyant, but the long seed
pods are round in cross-section (see broken pod in foreground), therefo re the native
Cassia grandis. On left , Montrichardia arborescens with two fruit s (same original drawing
used in the tapestry Les pecheurs, perhaps the same drawing used for the woodcut
in Piso, 1648: 115 left , which is omitted by Marcgraf). At base of tree is a Passiflora
with five flowers and a fruit (possibly P cincinnata). Bunches of leaves in her left hand
and between her legs not identifiable, as also leaves at bottom right.
Ethnology: hair cropped like mushroom on top, sides long, with a n arrow band
Page 89 eparating the two (as in sketch in Theatri, .3 : 25 , also the similar Berl in sketches).
Basket on back, suspended by band over head , decorated with two d ouble black
lines and a slightly wider black band at top, containing a calabash and a left human
foot. Left hand clutches a bunch of leaves (as in Theatri and Berlin sketches) and
has a bracelet of small green seeds; another bunch of leaves (8 stems bound with
string) reaches between her legs and is held in place by a thin string rou nd her waist
(also shown in Theatri and Berlin sketches). Her right hands holds a r ight human
hand , severed a little above the wrist; it can be noted that it is a left hand and right
Page 86 foot that are carried in the Schwedt painting. She wears sandals, the soles just visi-
ble, thin , the strings very similar but not identical to those in the Tapuya man.
Between her legs can be seen two groups of six Indians walking down the hill and
holding spears, the leader of the second group pointing forward with h is arm. The
placing of these Indians on the skyline and in the small triangle between her thighs,
a s well as the careful depiction of the spears, seems intended to relate the dismem-
bered hand and foot to the Tapuya methods of warfare.
ote: in Copenhagen is a carved coconut shell ( EH c33), on one side of which are
a Tapu ya Adam and Eve standing beside what may be a papaya (D am-M ikkelsen
& Lundbaek, 1980: 22). This object is not mentioned in Ole Worm's M useum T110rmi-
anum (1655) , nor in the first inventory of the Kunstkammer of 1674, but first ap pears
in the 1689 inventory, thus presumably not presented with the paintin gs from Johan
Maurits in 1654. These figures , however, are clearly based on Eckhout's Tapuya
man and woman. The man is holding his club downward and has no spears or
spear-thrower; the woman holds the human hand in her left and not her right hand
(in which she holds an axe), but the basket is correctly slung from her forehead and
contains the human foot (as well as another hand). Since Eckhout 's paintings were
in the Kunstkammer, and since the palace had a special ' Lathe Room' for the King
and his royal turner, it seems likely that this coconut shell was carved there, perhaps
by Jacob Jensen ordman (1614-95) , one of the most talented of the carvers, who
was appointed royal boxmaker in 1649 and served also as 'manager' of the Kunst-
kammer for a period from 1662 (Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: XX I; Bering-
68 Copenhagen paintings
Liisberg, 1893). It is of interest that Nordman served as a soldier under the Dutch
in Brazil in 1634-3 9 (autobiography; see Schnider, 1924 ), thus might have seen
Eckhout's sketches a nd carved the shell there; a superb ivory ship by Nordman in
Rosenborg Castle, Copenhagen , shows his later skill. Another carved coconut, with
a view of M auritsstad and Recife, in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum in Munich
and a third in Bergen were thought by Fritz (1979) to have been the work of a Dutch
goldsmith brought out by Johan Maurits to Brazil (see also De Werd, 1979: 338 -
who mentions two more 'Brazilian' examples). Yet another such shell , and its depic-
tion in a painting by Willem van Mieris, show the Tapuya couple, but now very far
from the Copenhagen portraits (Fritz , 1986)
.3. Tupinamba man, No EN 38 A3 , 267 by 159 em Plate 40
Signed: /Eckhout fecit 1643: brasil (lower right, on manioc roo t; the three
marks above the 3 may indicate the month, but are illegible)
Analogues: Historia, p. 270; Wagener, No 93; Schmalkalden, f. 11 ; Locke, f. 39;
ieuhof, p. 224.
Reproductions: Thomsen , pl. 5; Dam- Mikkelsen & Lundbae k, p. 35 ; Van den Boo-
gaart & Duparc, p. 133; Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 67, and detail of crab and
women bathing, p. 66, also river with boats, pp. 68, 69.
Zoology: blu e crab (possibly Cardisoma guanhumi, bottom left), the ucauna of H istoria ,
p. 184, but frontal view there. Also, bird perched on manioc just above bow-string,
resembling ierebacaba of Theatri, 2: 25b, but not exact and much too small.
Botany: manioc (Manihot esculenta) on right, with trimmed stems planted in ground
to left and two roots (one sliced) below. Sketch for plants unknown , but evidently
copied by Wagener, No 60 and presum ably used agai n for the tapestry Le combat
d 'animaux, where the arrangement of the stems, includin g the trimmed ones, is
almost identical.
Ethnology: the man is 165 em tall , hair fairly long but evidently trimmed, some hair
on upper lip and below lower lip (exaggerated into a full moustache in Wagener,
No 93). H e wears wid e-legged cotton shorts, with a wooden- handled metal knife
tucked into the waist, but no body ornaments. He holds a bow and 5 arrows, which
are shown in great detail and probably represent the only survivin g reco rd from
such an early period, most especially in the way that the arrows are constructed and
the bow strung. Ehrenreich (1894) believed that the arrowheads were metal, whereas
Marcgraf onl y speaks of wooden points or shark teeth in the H istoria (p. 278); here
they look like bone or wood , except the curiou s lowermost one, which is blunt with
conical and paired projections above and below and a short strin g hanging down
(the root of a reed accord in g to Metraux, 1928: 76). There are three similar bows
in Copenhage n (E H b3 , 5, 7), all unstrun g. The bow and a rrows have been
described in d etail by Whitehead (1985a), where exact measurements are given on
the assumption th at the artifacts are also life-s ized.
Lower left, three women or men washin g clothes (one beating with a stick against
a tilted table) and four women bathing. Beyond, a rowing boat containin g an Indi an
oarsman and two clothed figures (presum ably Dutch), with what appear to be two
or three fishing rods over the stern. Beyond this again, a small boat with a wh ite
sail and behind it a white house with a red roof close to the shore, and anot her to
the right. The whole treatment of this receding landscape much resembles that of
Frans Post, as also the rather grey sky in this and the other Copenhagen pictures,
and it is tempting to see, if not Post's hand , at least hi s influence in these paintings.
Copenhagen paintings 69
Plate 41 4. Tupinamba woman , EN 38 A4, 265 by 157 em
Signed: kckhout fe 1641 brasil (lower right)
Analogues: Historia, p. 270; Wagener, o 94; Schmalkalden, f. 13; Locke, f. 30;
Nieuhof, p. 224.
Rep roduction : Thomsen, pl. 4; Dam- Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 35; Van den Boo-
gaart & Duparc, p. 131 ; L em mens, 1979: XII; Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 62,
with detail of head, p. 63, also detail of hou se and garden, pp. 64-65 .
Zoology: bottom right a toad (Bujo sp.) exactly matching Wagener, No 91; omitted
in H istoria, but woodcut in Piso (1658: 298) clearly based on same sketch, reversed.
Botany: she stands beneath a banana tree (Musa sapientium), the fruits rather straight
and terete.
Ethnology: her hair is short, but with a pair of lon g braids to below her waist, bound
with wh ite cord; Schaden (1964: 384) doubted Wagener's caption to his copy
( o 94) and thought the braids were merely decorative cord, but the hairs are visi-
ble at the end (as noted by Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 132). She wears a short
skirt of white cotton, rolled at the top and the end tucked over at her side; no body
ornaments. The child has a similar white-bound braid brought up and across the
top of the head. The rectangular basket has a slightly irregular criss-cross black pat-
tern on the front, but not the sides, with two rows of herring-bone weave near the
top and a reinforced rim with black strips at intervals. None seems to have survived
and Eckhout's paintings were claimed by M etraux (1928: 250) to be the sole source
for Tupinamba basket art (he overlooked the extraordinary detail in some of Frans
Post's paintings). The basket contains two calabashes, what appears to be a contain-
er bound with a net of string and with a h anging cord, and a carefully folded net
(presumably a fishing net). A water gourd hangs from a band on her right wrist.
To the left of the woman is a landscape with a white house with a red-til ed roof
and tower, a verandah on the first floor with the owner (black hat, broad white col-
lar, black jacket) and a woman looking out, and a pali sade in front and a figure in
the doorway. The garden in front of the house has two lines of citrus trees, flanked
by two lines of small palms, bounded by a narrow thatched building on each side
(possibly serving as cow sheds). Within the garden a re four cows, one tethered to
a stake and being milked by a girl in white, one in b ack view and not unlike the
outlines already noted on the oil painting of the albino negro (Theatri, 3: 13) and
Page 52 on the iedenthal sketch of the roan horse. A woman stands on the central path ,
and beyond graz~ 14 sheep. On the left is a woman in a hammock, a small child
beside her and a white figure beyond; on the right, a woman in white kneels, a small
child stands by, two men in white cotton shorts and swords slung loosely at the waist
hold a lance (nearest man) and a gun, and beyond a woman in a long white dress
appears to have a small child beside her. In the fields outside graze cows, sheep and
perhaps a horse (far right, brown), while two figures stand and sit (left) and two
more in white carry loads on their heads. In the distance is a river with a small sail-
ing boat. As in the last picture, there is a strong element of Frans Post in this land-
scape and in the detail with which th e small figures of animals and people are
rendered.
Plate 42 5. Mestizo man , E. 38 A5, 265 by 163 em
Signed: nil
Analogues: H istoria, nil; Wagener, No 99; Schmalkalden, nil; Locke, nil; Nieuhof,
nil.
70 Copenhagen paintings
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 7; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 36; Van den Boo-
gaart & Duparc, p. 149; Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 77, with detail of upper
part of man, p. 76.
Zoology: nil.
Botany: he stands in front of sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum), the major Brazilian
cash-crop; the arrimgement of stems and leaves is only approximately similar in the
tapestry Le cheval raye. To his right are three papayas (Carica papaya), two in the
distance. The main papaya is of great interest, since it is a most curious her-
maphrodite. It bears numerous male flowers , amongst which are two round fruits
on lon g peduncles, but on the trunk are four femal e flowers and six typical female
fruits. In the Historia (p. 103), Marcgraf states that it is untrue that the male trees
cannot bear fruits, or that the female is barren unless grown near a male (which
are more common in the wild) . The flowers and fruits of both the male and the fe-
male trees, as shown here combined, closely match Marcgraf's descriptions. The
Historia woodcut shows a femal e and was taken from Clusius (1611: 42) , which in
turn was based on a coloured drawing by Jan van Uffele, who howed it to Clusius
on hi s return from Brazil in 1607 (De Mello, 1967: 151). Piso (1658: 59) merely
repeats Marcgraf's information, but he illustrates a male tree also, again taken from
Clusius. Neither Marcgraf nor Piso mention such a hermaphrodite, which surely
would have excited their scientific interest, but before accusing Eckhout of artistic
license one can note that cunning breeding can indeed produce progeny which are
all fruitful, such hermaphrodite cultivars being dubbed 'solo' in Indonesia (Pur-
seglove, 1968: 50-51) a nd the f~uits papaya gantoong (Ochse & Bakhuizen van den
Brink, 1931: 39, who noted their cultivation also in Hawaii).
Ethnology: in the caption to his copy, Wagener identified the man as a :Mula.to', .be-
ing the offspring of a Portuguese man and a negro slave. H e has long wtry hatr~ hght
brown eyes, a thin moustache and rather light brown skin. He wears a neat umform
with a wide-sleeved white blouse, a white skirt with pleated waist-band and two
string ties, and an olive and black-slashed cape or sleeveless jacket with at least a
dozen small black buttons at the front , the left front perhaps tucked under the skirt.
The tip of a dagger hilt is on his right side, exactly matching the rapier hilt, and
below it a leather powd er horn and a fabric pouch for shot.
H e carries a rapier and holds a gun, both of which were commented upon by Ser-
gio Ferreira da Cunha, Director of the Museu de Armas in Rio de Janeiro (Valla-
dares & De Mello Filho, 1982: 135 -136). Da Cunha identified the rapier as 16th
century Dutch. In fact, it seems to be a 17th century swept-hilt Iberian rapier with
a rather elaborate but plain steel guard; the circular outer guard (at the base of the
hilt) is filled with a plate, a rather late feature of the 1620s and 1630s and, at le.ast
in Europe, obsolete by 1635. The rapier is 109 em long and the blade 94 em (tf h.fe-
size, the man being 167 em). The tip of the rapier is protected by what looks hke
a maize cob. Although slung from the right shoulder by quite an elegant band of
jaguar skin, the rapier itself is fairly plain and seems to have been a general issue
to lower rank soldiers.
The gun is extremely carefully depicted and shows almost every d etail of its work-
ing parts. It is about 115 em long (if painted life-size), with a single barrel and a
double snaplock so that two superimposed charges could be fired consecuttvely. Da
Cunha correctly identified the locks as being of the miquelet type, invented in Spain
and the earliest extant examples dating from 1621-41 and most likely n earer to the
earlier of these dates (Lavin, 1964: 220); almost identical is the single lock shown
by Lavin on a Portuguese gun of the second quarter of the 17th century, item K 12 3
in the Real Armeria, Madrid (Lavin, 1965: pis 73 , 74). DaCunha, however, dated
Copenhagen paintings 71
 the Eckhout gun from the third quarter of the 17th century and was thus forced to
conclude that Eckhout had added this 'new invention' much later while he was liv-
ing at Amersfoort, Groningen or Dresden 'in a false testamonial that Nassau troops
were armed with the most modern weapons.' In fact, there is n o reason to doubt
that such a Portuguese gun was in use during Eckhout's time in Brazil. The only
curiou s feature is the length of the barrel in relation to the octagonal breech section;
it should be about a third longer and one suspects that Eckhout m ay have shortened
it for compositional reasons. Nevertheless , the rest of the gun is mi nutely observed,
including the single-leaf battery (steel) springs, the horse-neck shape of the cock
necks, the wing-headed upper jaw screws, even the tiny flash-gu ard fence at the out-
er edge of each pan. It can be noted that Da Cunha terms this type of gun a traca,
apparently following Segrelles (1976), but th is term does not appear in contem-
porary or later literature except to describe the system whereby petards are ignited
in series by a trail of powder - the last thing one would wish for in a d ouble-lock
gun!
Plate 43 6. Mameluc woman, E:-< 38 A6, 267 by 160 em
Signed: /Eckhout fe 1641 brasil (lower right, below guinea pig)
Analogues : Historia, nil; Wagener, No 100; Schmalkalden, nil ; Locke, nil; Nieuhof,
nil.
R eprodu ctions : Thomsen, pl. 8; Dam- Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 36; Van den Boo-
gaart & Duparc, p. 148; Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 75 , with detail of head and
basket, p. 74, detail of landscape, pp. 72- 7 3 and detail of cashews, pp. 70 - 71.
Zoology: two guinea pigs (Ca via porcellus, bottom right), the on e in front with almost
the identical pattern of brown , black and white as in Handbook, 1: 26, which was
clearly the model for it (or the same prior sketch for both) and p resumably also the
model (reversed) for the woodcut in the Historia, p. 224 (but colour p atte rn not
shown , or at least slightly different in the coloured Rijksmuseum Leiden copy).
There is no such picture in Theatri, 3: 71 and none in Wagener, bu t an animal with
an identi cal pattern appears in the tapestry Le cheval raye and slightly modified
forms are in the tapestry Les deux taureaux and in the Schwedt Brazili an painting.
This argues strongly that Eckhout had his own sketch of the animal, which he kept
for later use.
Botany: she stands beneath a cashew tree (Anacardium occidentale), of which some
fruits are at her feet (incompletely painted). At the foot of the tree is a n ative Helico -
nia (probably H. psittacorum) with orange flower and below it the broad leaves and
white flowers of Jatropha (? }. urens or}. curcas); also blue flowers, perhaps intro-
du ced Plumbago capensis (given as possibly Jacquemontia in Valladares & De Mello
Filho, p. 134). The castor oil plant (Ricinus communis, middle left) , its leaves rather
heavily outlined in black, does not match the crayon drawing in Miscellanea Cleyeri:
65v- 66r (Thomsen, pl. 45) nor the oil painting in Theatri, 4: 145 (which is closer
to the plant shown in the tapestry Les deux taureaux, but was not the model for
the woodcut in Piso, 1658: 180, which is different again). In her basket are two large
Passijlora flowers, a yellow Cucurbita on the left and others which are difficult to iden-
tify (given as Hibiscus, Plumbago, lxora, Solanum and Nymphaea in Valladares & De
Mello Filho, p. 134 ). In her hair she wears orange blossom.
Ethnology: Wagener, in the caption to his copy, calls her a Mameluca and says that
they are the result of ungebuhrlicher vermischung (indecent relations) between Brazilian
women and Portuguese or Dutch men; he concedes, however, that most mameluc
72 Copenhagen paintings
women are taken into honourable wedlock by the Portuguese - and even by the
'lecherous Dutch'. She wears a small red and blue cap with pearls at the rim and
a ribbon tied in a bow. The hair is loosely brushed and wavy and her skin is very
pale brown. H er white dress has full sleeves gathered at the wrist, a low neckline,
a small band at each shoulder and on the left shoulder an epaulette of lacework. She
wears elaborate gold filigree earrings with pearls hanging down, an equally
elaborate necklace of stones and clusters of pearls, again with pearls hanging down,
a seed bracelet wrapped four times round the right wrist and a ring (? silver) on
the fourth finger of her left hand; the jewellery is eastern (possibly East Indies, less
probably Ottoman) and on e cannot be sure whether she owned it or if it was added
by Eckhout. H er feet are bare. By setting her against the delicious cashew fruits ,
the striking H eliconia and the harmless and frivolous guinea pigs, Eckhout has brilli-
antly succeeded in depicting the character of this dusky Brazilian Flora.
7. Negro man, EN 38 A7, 264 by 162 em Plate 44
Signed: /Eckhout je 1641 brasil (bottom right, on elephant tusk)
Analogues: H istoria, nil; Wagener, No 97; Schmalkalden, nil; Locke, f. 31; Nieuhof,
nil.
Reproduction s: Thomsen, pl. 11; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 40 and sword,
p. 56; Van den Boogaart & Duparc, p. 136; Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 83 and
details of Ipomoea, shells and signature on tusk, p. 82.
Zoology: numerous shells litter the foreground. On the right (below the elephant
tusk) a pink species of oyster, perhaps the same as that attached to the sword (Ostraea
rosacea), on the left Strombus sp. and on the right a fragment of a large Pecten. Below
his right foot , anoth er Pecten; the other large shell between his feet is perhaps a spe-
cies of Anomiacea. The three larger shells bottom left are another pink Ostraea
(centre), a cowry (Cypraeacea - left) and Phalium sp. (right). Among the smaller
shells are more cowries and some mussels. The pink oyster is West African, but the
other shells could h ave come from either side of the Atlantic. Shells are hardly men -
tioned in the Historia and are not illustrated there nor in the Theatri and Handbooks ,
which suggests th at Eckhout kept his sketches and that perhaps a whole section of
the Historia was m islaid. The elephant tusk (bottom right) seems to refer to the
quantity of ivory acquired by Johan Maurits from West Africa and shipped back
in the Orangieboom when he left (list in Algemeen Rijksarchief, The H ague, OWIC
no 59; cited by Sou sa-Leao, 1973: 161). Carved from such ivory in Brazil were a tab-
le, settee, chairs, etc. which he presented to the Elector of Brandenburg in 1652;
formerly at Monbijou, some of this is now in the Staatliche Schlosser und Garten,
Potsdam-Sanssou ci (Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 205; Huth, 1934: 120).
Botany: he stands under a date palm (Phoenix dactylifera), indigenous to .-:-frica but
perhaps already introduced into Brazil or brought over by Johan Maunts for h1s
gardens. The way that the leaves emerge from the trunk is not very convincing and
in fact they are absent in the Wagener copy (No 97) and also in the Locke copy; Page 86
presumably they were absent in the original drawing and were added later by Eck-
hout. Leaves from earlier restorations of the picture (additions perhaps) were not
wholly removed during the subsequent restoration of 1972 (Tams & Westerudd ,
1977 : 11). Below the tree and across the foreground is the seashore bindweed Ipomoea
pes-capri with the flowers purple (quite red in the Tapuya man).
Ethnology: Wagener, in the caption to the copy of this picture, does not identify the
man, but for his picture of the slave market (no 106) states that he came from
'Guinea' (Ghana). Three coastal Ghanaian settlements were taken from the Por-
Copenhagen paintings 73
 tuguese by the Dutch . Mouree was alread y occupied by 1635 and a thousand slaves
were export.ed the foll?wing year; the fortress of Sao Jorge at Elmina was taken by
Colonel Com (Coen) m August 1637; .b u t Axim was not conquered until February
1642 (Boxer, 1973: 84, 107). It seems likely, therefore, that the negro in the picture
came from the Fanti a rea.
The sword almost matches the example in Copenhagen (Ec b8; 1674 catalogue,
n? provenance), but has a more globular proximal bulge to the hilt, a gold band
?1stally, and an orange cow~ha1r tassel. Both the latter are present in an example
m .the Ulmer Museum , but m other respects this Ulm sword is no closer to the one
pa m ted by Eckhout; in fact, i~ had no connexion with Johan Maurits, having been
bro~ght. back from West Afnca by Johann Abraham Haintzel of Augsburg and
passmg mto the collectiOn of the Ulm m ercha nt Christoph Weickmann (1617 -81)
(Andree, 1913: 34, fig. 4). Early accou n ts of such Akan swords (afena) from coastal
Ghana .are referred to by McC~ eod (1981: 88-90 - eight 18th and 19th century
swords illustrated , but none earl1er) and Eckhout's sword is discussed by Bravmann
(1968) and by Van Dantzig (1970). Red oyster sh ells, such as that shown by Eckhout,
dec?rated swo rds a t least by the first yea rs of the 17th century according to travel-
lers. accounts (e.g. Purchas, 1625: 948). These shell s were either prototypes or alter-
n~tl :Ves for the gold d1scs (nem) attached to the sword s on each side at the base of the
hilt m later Asante examples, but no shell -decorated examples are known to us. The
sword w~s an important status symbol for dignatories and official messengers and
It looks Incongruous h: re o~ a naked man. By contrast, the African religious and
other ambassado~s dep1cted m Theatrz, 3 : 1, 3, 5 a nd the m ajestic king attri buted to
Page 172 Ec'0out by Jopp1en (1979: pl. 152) are very formally dressed. It seems likely that,
as With the negro woman in the next picture, Eckhout added the accoutrements af-
terw~rds. A si~ il ar Akan sword ap pears in Rembrandt's St Paul in meditation (Ger-
mamsches at10nalmu eum , urnberg).
The spears or lances in the picture are similar to but not identical with those in
Copenhagen (D am -Mikkelsen & L undbaek, 1980: 59 - also EO b1 5, 24, 26, which
a re not illustrated). The blue and white loin-cloth a ppears to be woven, not tie-dyed;
cotton robes 'full of blue stripes, like feather bed tykes' are recorded at the beginning
of the 17th century from Senegal (Purchas, loc. cit.: 927) and were perhaps fairly
Widespread. Tams & Westerudd (1977: 11) claimed that the hair-style was not Afri-
can; they point to a n exactly similar style for a wig illustrated in Garsault's L'art de
perruquzr of 1765 and suspect that the hair was later overpainted.
ote: there is a vertical line down the centre of the m an where the two pieces of can-
vas were sewn together. During one of the restorations of the picture, the two halves
were separated and then re-sewn , with the result that the left side is 11 mm lower
than the right. This shows especially in the level of the horizon and in the shell just
below the left foot, but in the palm leaves, the top of the head and the left foot it
has been adjusted by overpa inting.
Whether intended consciously by Eckhout or not, the phallic appearance of the
date palm trunk and the virility of the negro's pose seem exactly to compliment each
other, much as the character of the mameluc woman is set off by the objects in the
background.
Plate 45 8. Negro woman, E 38 A8, 267 by 178 em
Signed: £ckhoutfe 1641 - brasil (lower right)
Analogues: H istoria, nil; Wagener, No 98; Schmalkalden, nil ; Locke, f. 32; Nieuhof,
nil.
74 Copenhagen paintings
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 10; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 43 and bas ket,
p. 50; Van den Boogaart & Duparc, p. 137 ; Valladares & De M ello Filho, p. 78 and
d etail of fish ermen, p. 79, of basket, p. 80 and child , p. 81.
Zoology: the child hold s in his left hand a red-faced lovebird (Agapornis pullaria), an
Afri can species that could have come equally from either Ghana or Angola; it was
probably imported, as also commonly the grey parrot (Psittacus erithacus) , which
Wagener shows (no 30). It is curious that in Eckhout's painting, as also in several
of Wagener's pictures, the parrots are shown with three toes pointing forward ,
whereas simple observation would have shown this to be incorrect; the same is seen
in some of the pictures in the Theatri (2: 241, 243, 247, 249) and in the pa inting of
the 'counterfeit' parrot at Hoflossnitz (Whitehead, 1979a: 463 , note 227).
Botany: the woman stands under a wax palm (Copernicia prunifera), native to Brazil,
behind which are two coconut palms (Cocos nucijera) and a papaya (Carica papaya);
Valladares & De M~llo Filho (1982: 137) identify the palm as the African Borassus
aethiopium, implying that the picture was painted in the Congo. At the base of the
palm is the cactus Cereus pernambucensis, while below it is a mauve-flowered Ipomoea
that resembles the I.pes-capri in the foregrounds of the Tapu ya and African men, but
the corolla Jobes are rather too much indented. In the woman's basket are two
bananas and four citrus fruits, also a m elon (Cucumis melo) and orange blossoms; the
latter are mistaken for Passiflora in Valladares & De M ello Filho (p. 137). The child
hold s a maize cob.
Ethnology: Wagener does not indicate where she came from, but he puts a brand
mark on her left breast (M with a crown on top, as also in the Locke copy) and he Page 86
noted that both the Portuguese and the Dutch were at the time debating the m erits
of applying such brands to their slaves, partly because they all seemed to look alike,
and partly to establish ownership of runaways. Since Wagener showed his disgust
a t slavery, both in words and in his own picture of the slave market (a masterpiece
of protest art), his inclusion of the brand m ark may have been a reminder that his
otherwise liberal-minded employer was also a slave owner.
She wears a most elegant hat, decorated with peacock feathers and small shells,
of an Asiatic(? Javanese) type, apparently brought by the Dutch to their Sonho allies
(D am-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 42 - no evidence cited); a very similar hat,
but with different ornamentation, is worn by the negro woman in the tapestry
L'Eiephant. In the p_ainting, the woman wears pearl-drop earrings tied with red rib-
bons, such as any European woman might put on, as also the double pearl necklace
with a pearl suspended. She also wears a double red necklace (probably red co ral),
a gold or brass bangle on the left wrist and a bracelet of yellow beads or seeds
wrapped five times aro und the right wrist. Her short blue and white skirt matches
the negro man's loin cloth; it is wrapped at the top with a pl ain red sash, into which
is tucked a typical Dutch clay pipe of the period. The basket appears to be Bacongo
a nd resembles very closely (but not exactly) a basket in Copenhagen (EH c37 in
Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 50), one of a pair owned by Ole Worm and
described by him (Worm, 1655: 365, 385). The basket is also close to those in Van
Campen 's paintings in the Huis ten Bosch and Flehite Museum, as well as to those Pages 97 , 99 ,
in the tapestries L'Elephant and Les pecheurs. 127 , 134
Note: an earlier sketch of this negro woman (Theatri, 3 : 21) lacks the hat, the basket
and the jewellery and it seems likely that Eckhout added these from objects brought
over from Africa. The Congolese bas ket must have been acquired, however, before
the Dutch expedition against Sao Paulo de Luanda, since Wagener evidently made
his copy before his departure from Brazil on 1 April 1641, thus six months earlier.
Copenhagen paintings 75
 Plate 46 9. Tapuya dance, EN 38 B, 168 by 294 em
Signed: nil
Analogues: copy or another version owned by Piso (see below).
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 3; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 34; Van den Boo-
gaart & Duparc, p. 128; Valladares & De M ello Filho, pp. 56- 57 and details of
dancers, pp. 54, 55, also the two wom en, p. 53.
Zoology: an armadillo (Tolypeutes tricinctus, bottom right), resembling the tatuguac;:u
of Handbook, 1: 2, but resting. This is presumably the tatu apara of the Historia
p. 232, which is taken from Handbook, 1: 128.
Botany: coconut palms in background (Cocos nuczfera) and top right a cashew
(A nacardium occidentale) . · 1938: 56). There is only one figure painting in the Theatri (vol. 3, p. 21)
Ethnology: 8 dancing Tapu yas, each armed with a black club tied at midlength with
? -7 feathers of the scarlet macaw (Ara macao), and in the right hand a spear and
m two cases also a spear-thrower. All have the ' mushroom' hair style, with a narrow
brown band below, and three have long feathers (red and red and blue) attached
at the back of the head and pointing up. All wear brown seed necklaces· one has
white tambe~as o:pegs in the cheek; two have fluffy white pads at the ear l~bes, and
one has a cylmdncal wooden peg; and all wear seed bracelets, usually on both wrists
and both ankles. On the right are two women, inner arms around each other, outer
hands to mouths and cheeks puffed out . The hair is not worn in the 'mushroom'
style; they wear seed bracelets on their wrists but not ankles· and both cover their
genitals with a bun ch of leaves secured by a string at the w'aist.
The picture is clearly built up from sketches, but only the face of the man on the
Plate 57b right has a possible model, the crayon sketch in Theatri, 3 : 27; the two sketches in
Pages 88, 41 W~st B.erl~n and the sketch in Miscellanea Cleyeri: 62, although probably not used for
this pamtmg, must come from the same series of drawings. The attitude of the two
women, who seem to be chanting, appears to be closely observed, but no sketches
su rvive. Much more shadow is applied to the bodies than in the individual portraits,
so that_ t~e latter look rather flat by comparison; thi s change in style suggests that
the pamtmg may have been done by Eckhout on his return to Europe.
The clubs are plain black, without white spotted ornamentation, and all are the
same shape as that in the Tapuya man and probably based on the same example.
The two spearthrowers (? same model used twice) resemble the Copenhagen
EH s25 much better than does the one in the Tapuya painting. The two lanceolate
spearheads match two in the Tapu ya painting, the triangul ar head matches one of
the arrowheads in the Tupinamba paintin g, and the fin al head is asymmetrical and
has no known model.
Jop?ie~ (1979: 303) claimed this as the first painting, as opposed to drawing, of
Amenndians in a ceremonial act. Slightly earlier is the faint dance in the Tapuya
portrait, but it seems likely that both were based on sketches made on the same oc-
casion. According to Jacob Cohen, fin ancial agent to Johan Mauri ts, a picture of
Page 175
a dan~e (een dansende ~ilde man) was owned by Piso (letter of 1 December 1679). Possi -
bly this was an earlier and smaller version by Eckhout.
The Copenhagen figure paintings must h ave been based on very detailed
coloured preliminary drawings or oil sketches, of which some details were
evidently altered for the final painting and the backgrounds added. This is
clear from Wagener's copies, which have only a suggestion of b ackgrounds
a nd in which certain details are different from those in the final p a intings.
76 Copenhagen paintings
For example, Wagener's negro has a shield, his Ta puya woman lacks sandals,
and the Tapuya man has only two spears and these point downward and not
upward . Wagen er 's copies, of the sketches for these pa intings and of the zoo-
logical and botanical su bj ects, a re far too slavish for him to have altered, re-
moved or added such details. In addition, the Tupinamba man appears in
Wagener's Th ier Buch, even though Eckhout's painting is dated 1643 or two
years after Wagene r left Brazil. Further evidence for sketches for these paint-
ings is implied from the copies made for John Locke in Holland in the 1680s Page 86
and now in the British Library. That Eckhout kept his sketches is attested
' by J ohan M aurits when recommending Eckhou t to the future Elector of Sax-
ony (letter of 2 March 1653 ; also Beschorner, 1904: 220 and Thomsen, Page 166
which r elates to th ese Copenhagen pai_n tings and it is clearly not the defini-
tive sketch (reproduced by Darmstaedter, 1928: 651) . It shows a negro girl
with a blue an d white waist cloth tied with a red band, her right arm held
up. But in this case she holds a sugar-loaf, she has no hat , no necklaces, no
pipe, no bracelets, there is no child beside her and her right leg is bent.
However, it is alm ost certainly an early version and it is of interest that the
sandy foregrou nd, as in the Copenhagen painting, falls away to the right of
the picture, with a hint of the sea behind. There is rather more realism in
the pose and by comparison it shows how very static are the figures in the
12 Copenha gen p aintings, a clear indication that they were built up from
sketches.
Thomsen (loc. cit.: pis 40b, 41b, 42b especially) was able to match som e of
the fruit s and fl owers in the Copenhagen still-Iifes (see below) with drawings
in the Miscellanea Cleyeri, and he would have found others in the Theatri and
Handbooks. Two of the animals in the ethnographic paintings (the spider and
the guinea pig) a re certainly taken from Handbook sketches (or from their
source), but since the majority of elem ents in these paintings do not derive
from the Handbooks or Theatri, it is clear that Eckhout kept his own sketches.
These have since vanished, although the painting of two tortoises in the Page 94
Mauritshuis m ay be one of them.
Noticeably absent from the Cracow material are all the shells of the fore-
ground of the p a inting of the negro man (No 7 above). It is most curious
that the only molluscs mentioned by Marcgraf in the Historia (p. 188) are the
mangrove and reef for ms of the edible oyster (Whitehead, 1979a: 439). Con-
versely, a most noticeable omission from the Copenhagen paintings are
almost all the birds which not only comprise a third of all the Cracow pic-
tures, but are such a sine qua non of the Brazilian scene that dozens of them
crowd the trees in the tapestries, which are believed to be based on Eckhout's
cartoons. If, as seems likely, the Copenhagen portraits were intended to show
the subject in his or her milieu, then surely a parrot, almost symbolic of
Brazil, should have perched in one of the trees.
These paintings are not on their original stretchers, which can b e judged
by the fact that the paint continues at least 5 em around the sides, top and
bottom. Not only were they somewhat larger, but they could have been
joined in pairs; certainly, the negro man and woman have an easily joined
seascape background, while the Tapuya man could well have been the
Copenhagen paintings 77
 lefthand of a pair, since a wedge of foreground with leaves and flowers was
later overpainted as sand and a signature added. This overpainted wedge
was removed by Mr Puccio Speroni during recent restoration, but a small
rectangle with the signature was left. The signature, examined by PJPW with
a strong lens, differs in no way from those on the other paintings and must
therefore have been added by Eckhout, either because the pictu re was now
split from its partner and thus was no longer signed, or because the former
signature was painted over. The negro man was restored in 1972 by Ola
Westerudd and the negro woman in 1974 (assisted by Karin Tams). A report
on_ the~e two restorations includes the results from radiographs, photographs
us~ng mfrared and fluorescent light, and transverse sections through the
pamt (Tams & Westerudd, 1977). Two restorations had been already made
on the negro man, the last in about the 1920s (judging by screws in the
frame), at which time the canvas was backed. Radiographs showed horizon-
tal lines where the picture had evidently been rolled up at one time, probably
for the voyage back from Brazil. The primer on all the paintings is a thick
layer of lead white, chalk and ochre, laid on with a spatula about 7 em wide,
Page 56 thus very different from the red primer used for the Hoflossnitz bird
paintings.
The pictures were presumably commissioned by Johan Maurits for his
palace Vrijburg at the .northern end of the island of Antonio Vaz (centre of
modern Recife), completed in 1642 . A recently discovered plan which is pre-
sumed to be ofVrijburg was published by Terwen (1979: pl. 39) a nd it shows
a main central room with wall spaces of sufficient width between the doors
to take the paintings even if joined in pairs (two spaces on the west wall of
5.5 m and two on the east wall of 3.4 m, as well as two each on the other
two walls of2.2 m). They could, however, have been hung inJohan Maurits'
other palace, Boa Vista, for which no plan has survived (Terwen, loc.
czt.: 98). On the return to Europe in 1644, the paintings would almost cer-
tainly have been rolled and presumably Johan Maurits hoped to hang them
in the Mauritshuis, but the plans for the interior drawn by Pieter Post allow
no room for them, at least as a unified series. Sousa-Leao (1973: 50) believed
that they were placed alternately in the seven panels on either side of the first
floor vestibule, although admitting that the panels were a little too small
(about 1.5 by 2.0 m in the drawing by Post, who in any case specified the
subjects there as the Emperor and kingS' of Europe with their wives - see
Scheurleer, 1979: 162, pl. 82). The large reception room at the rear on the
first floor would have been ideal, and indeed there is a sketch (artist
unknown) showing panels of Brazilian people and scenery perhaps intended
for this room , but once again the dimensions are too small (Scheurleer, loc.
cit.: pl. 103). This may have swayed J ohan Maurits ' choice of the paintings
as a gift to Frederik III, perhaps significantly in the year following Eckhout's
departure for Dresden.
These nine large paintings are a magnificent record of the people in the
New World and in 1827 they were seen and much appreciated by Alexander
von Humboldt (1847, 2: 85) . In fact, they appear to be the first ethnographic
paintings (as opposed to drawings) by a European artist in the Americas. No
account of their zoological and botanical subjects has ever been published;
78 Copenhagen paintings
what little has been said about them since Thomsen's pioneer work before
the war is summarized by Joppien (1979).
As noted above, copies were made of these paintings (as well as the still-
lifes and portraits of Johan Maurits) by Lazarus Baratta of Hamburg, but
these seem never to have been reported from any collection nor to have sur-
vived. For whom they were made is not clear, but evidently not for Johan
Maurits since in 1679 he wrote to Jacob Le Maire, a friend from Brazilian
days and then Ambassador for the States-General in Copenhagen, asking if
Frederik III's successor Charles V valued the Brazilian paintings or would
he like to send them back; if not, could copies be made, the figures to be
about a foot high (Koninklijk Huisarchief, The Hague, rv dossier 1477 -
from Bergendael near Cleves, 26 July 1679). LeMaire replied that they were
indeed valued, but he would get them copied (2 September 1679, same
source; both letters cited by Sousa-Leao, 1973: 164-165). It seems unlikely
that this was done before Johan Maurits' death some six months later. Small
copies of six of them were made on the request of Dom Pedro II after his
visit to Copenhagen in 1876. These copies, by the Danish painter Niels
Aagaard Lutzen (1826- 90), are in the Institute His to rico in Rio de Janeiro
and are mu ch smaller than the originals (Tapuya man and woman,
Tupinamba man and Mameluc woman 56 by 32 em, Tupinamba woman
and Tapuya dance 30 by 49 em - see Schaeffer, 1968b: 75).
Still-lifes
Eckhout's 12 large still-life paintings in the Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen,
mostly 95 by 89 em, are of considerable botanical interest, but only very re-
cently have attempts been made to identify the subjects shown (Valladares
& De Mello Filho, 1982; also, Fox-Maule, unpublished). Thomsen (1938: 79
et seq.) compared some of the subjects with those in the Miscellanea Cleyeri, but
he seems not to have used the Theatri or Handbooks, where he would have
found some fairly exact parallels; other parallels occur in the tapestry
L'Elephant. The paintings, which are not numbered, are listed here in the
order of the Copenhagen register numbers and reference is given to their
reproduction in Thomsen (1938), Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek (1980) and
Valladares & D e Mello Filho (1982 - all in colour) .
1. Fruits (pineapple, melon, etc.), EN 92, 90 em Plate 47a
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 42a and sketch pl. 42b; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lund-
baek, p. 37 - colour; Valladares & De Mello Filho, 88-89 - accidentally reversed;
also, Baumunk (1982: 193).
Subjects: triangle, with apex at right formed by basket of oranges (Citrus sinensis)
above a whole and a sliced melon (Citrullus lanatus); left diagonal formed by pineap-
ple (Ananas comosus), and to its left the inflorescence and fruit of the coconut (Cocos
nucifera). At apex of pyramid below pineapple is the olive-coloured fruit of pinha
(Anona cherimolia) and below it the red and yellow fruits with nuts of cashew
(Anacardium occidentale); below them and on left, two small and two larger orange-
coloured fruits , possibly mangabas (Hancornia speciosa and H. pubescens); bottom
centre of pyramid, two small and round light brown fruits which might be Talisia;
right of pyramid formed by two sliced and one whole passion fruit (Passijlora edulis),
with a branch and one flower falling over the edge of the wall.
Copenhagen paintings 79
Plate 47b 2. Manioc, EN 93, 90 em Subjects: probably the same bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) as in No 4, which ap- Page 126
pears again in the tapestry I.: Elephant, reversed but with the same dappling of light
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 26; Dam- Mikkelsen & Lundbae k, p. 37; Valladares & spots. In fron t of gourd, the red flower of Aechmea, extremely close to (but not abso-
De Mello Filho, 106-107. lutely id e nti ~ al with) the tirn_acambire watercolour of Handbook, 2: 65 and again
Subject: manioc (Manihot esculenta), roots with stem and leaves; to the left, a calabash represented 1n the tapestry I.: Elephant almost exactly. Basket of fruit at rear contain-
with manioc flour inside. Apart from the calabash, the pai nting is an almost exact ing limes (Citrus aurantifolia), basket in front of it overlaid with branch bearing flower
Page 42 rendering of the drawing in Miscellanea Cleyeri: 69v-70r, although enlarged by about and fruit of passion fruit (Passijlora edulis), with two cut fruits in basket next to four
Page 69 40 em; it is not related to the manioc in the painting of the Tupinamba man, which citrus fruit s. R igh t of basket , the red and green cactus pinda (Melocactus violaceus) ,
was based on another (now lost) sketch copied by Wagener, No 60 and used again extremely close to (but not identical with) the watercolour in Handbook, 2: 57 and
for the tapestry Le combat d'animaux. with an almost exact counterpart, reversed, in the tapestry I.:Elephant. Bottom
right, three large lemons (Citrus limon), not matching the whole and sliced example
Plate 47c 3. Vegetables (melon, cabbage, etc.), EN 94, 90 em in Theatri , 4 : 155, but paint-work almost identical.

Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 17; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 37; Valladares & 8. Brazil nuts, EN 99, 90 em Plate 48d
De Mello Filho, pp. 104-105.
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 40a and sketch pl. 40b; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lund-
Subjects: bottom left, an Old World melon (Cucumis melo), sliced open and the piece back, p. 38; Valladares & De Mello Filho, pp. 92-93.
beside it (identified as ab6bora Cucurbita pepo by Vallad ares & De Mello Filho).
Above it, leaves of the Old World cabbage (Brassica oleracea cultivar) and above them Subjects: left , flower and fruits of jeniparana (Gusta via augusta), the larger flower ex-
a sprig of what may be rosemary (Rosmarinus officinalis) and to its left perhaps mar- actly matching one of the three sketches in Miscellanea Cleyeri: 13r (top left, not Page 42
joram (Origanum vulgare) . Centre and hanging over the edge of the wall, the Europe- revers~d ) ; the two sliced fruits (one with seeds) appear (but not exactly) in the tapes-
an Brassica napus. Right, three New World pumpkins (Cucurbita moschata; or Cucumis try I.:Elephan t, just below the negro boy's arm. Centre and right, sapucaia or Brazil Page 126
sativus according to Valladares & De Mello Filho, loc. cit.). nuts (Lecy this usitala and L. pisonis), the one on the extreme right also appearing in
the tapestry. Theatri, 4: 37 is clearly an earlier version for this picture, the elements
Plate 47d 4. Gourds, EN 95, 90 em differentl y arranged, but the details virtu ally exact (includin g even the broken piece
of nut to show the kernel).
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 43a and sketch pl. 43b; D am-Mikkelsen & Lund-
back, p. 38; Valladares & D e Mello Filho, pp. 96-97. 9. Pineapple an d papaya, EN 100, 90 em Plate 49a
Subjects: tropical bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), used since prehistoric times in Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 24; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 39; Valladares &
both the ew and the Old Worlds as a container, musical instrument, etc. As Thom- De Mello Filho, pp. 102-103.
sen noted, the small complete gourd in the centre resembles that in the castor oil
Page 42 sketch of Miscellanea Cleyeri: 65v- 66r. The gourd on left was used in the tapestry Subjects: left , sliced and whole papaya (Carica papaya), with whole and sliced pineap-
I.:Elephant (see o 7 below). ple (Ananas comosus) to right. Diagonally across picture, the inflorescence of a pineap-
ple, and below it five palm fru its (Syagrus coronata).
Plate 48a 5. Coconuts, EN 96, 90 em
10. Palm inflorescence and basket of spices, EN 101, 123 em Plate 49b
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 15; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 38; Valladares &
De Mello Filho, pp. 100 -101. Reproductions: T h omsen, pl. 41a and sketches 41b; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek,
p. 39; Valladares & De Mello Filho, p. 108.
Subject: inflorescence and fruits of the coco palm (Cocos nucifera) . The nuts appear,
reversed, in the tapestry I.:Elephant, as also the inflorescence, but less exact. Subjects: diagonal inflorescence of coco palm (Cocos nucifera ), with a spathe along the
top of the wall , the former virtually identical to the sketch in Miscellanea Cleyeri: 12r.
Plate 48b 6. Slender gourds, EN 97, 90 em The shallow basket, which has a black and red rim , contains at top five brilliant red
pitangas (Eugenia uniflora) and below them a number of dark green goiabas (Psidium
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 16; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 38; Valladares & guaJava), of which the four most prominent (two sliced) exactly match the .sketch in
De Mello Filho, p. 108. Miscellanea Cleyeri: 55 r. Below these are round brown pitombas (Talisia esculenta) and Page 42
below these again a re peanuts (Arachis hypogea) . On the right of the basket are various
Subjects: another form of the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), whole and sliced. To
kinds of bright red peppers (Capsicum frutescens, perhaps also C. chinense). The other
left, a branch with unidentified fruits; to right, a pumpkin with a slice removed, grey
identifications are uncertain; Vallac;\ares & De Mello suggestjambos (Syzygium malac-
outside, flesh orange.
censis), mangabas (Hancornia speciosa), romas (Punica granatum) and figs (Ficus carica).
Plate 48c 7. Gourd, fruits and cactus, EN 98, 90 em
11, Melon and mangoes, EN 102, 90 em Plate 49c
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 25; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 38; Valladares &
Reproductions: Thomsen, pl. 44a and sketch pl. 44b; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lund-
De Mello Filho, pp. 90-91.
back, p. 39; Valladares & De Mello Filho, pp. 98-99.

80 Copenhagen paintings Copenhagen paintings 81

 Subjects: left, whole and two sliced luffas (Luffa cyLindrica, but Sicana odorifera perhaps
P~~s~ble): the whole sliced example appears exactly, but reversed, in the tapestry
LElephant. On nght, Old World melons (Cucumis melo - as in No 3; as Cucurbita
pepo m Valladares & De Mello Filho) with a branch bearing leaves an d flowers above.
Bottom nght, possibly mangoes (Mangijera indica) , but as abacates (Persea americana)
m Valladares & De Mello Filho, with a grasshopper sitting on top, the whole clearly
Page 42 based on MzsceLLanea Cleyeri: 56r.
Plate 49d 12. Bananas and guavas, EN 103, 89 em
Reproductions: Thomsen , pl. 18; Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, p. 39; Valadares &
De Mello Filho, pp. 94-95.
Subjects: right, a bunch of Lady's finger bananas (Musa sapientium), with another
peeled head-on above pile of fruit; other banana varieties not identified . Below
banana leaf, a pomelo still on its branch (Citrus grandis). P yramid of fruit topped by
pee_led_ban~na ; to its right, two sliced and one whole goiaba (Psidium guajava); other
fruits tdenufied by Valladares & De Mello Filho as man gabas (Hancomia speciosa),
ara~as (Pszdzum araca), romas (Punicagranatum), tomatoes (Lycopersicum esculentum) and
j entpapo ( Tocoyena seLLoana).
These still-lifes are unsigned and undated , which migh t perhaps mean that
they were not done in Brazil but after Eckhout's return in 1644 and while
he continued to work for Johan Maurits. Certainly they were based on his
own sketches from life, to judge from the five (or six) instances where the
subject exactly matches a drawing in the Miscellanea Cleyeri (in pictures 2, 8,
10, 11 here) , although the realism of the colours implies that he also had the
objects in front of him. It is of considerable interest that two of the subjects,
the bromeliad Aechmea and the cactus Melocactus (pictu re 7) almost match
watercolours in Handbook, 2, while two of the animals in the ethnographic
paintings (spider and guinea pig in p ictures 1 and 6) almost match water-
co_lours in Handbook, 1. Whereas the Miscellanea Cleyeri drawings are copied
faithfull y, the Handbook watercolours seem not to have been, so it may be that
in this case Eckhout used earlier sketches, from which the Handbook ones
were themselves copied (with minor variations). Some possible Eckhout
Page 141 sketches are at Sevres and Joppien (1979: 317 , note 96) has pointed to
another possible one (vine, 33.6 by 23 em) in the Royal M u seum of Fine
Arts in Copenhagen (attributed to Rachel Ruysch by Gammelbo,
1960: 118-119, o 170). It should be possible to recognise other Eckhout
sketches by his preference for black crayon on grey paper, with the highlights
in white and often the use of green or blue crayon on leaves or yellow on
flowers.
As noted by Joppien (loc. cit.: 313), the placing of the objects on a wall
against a background sky is a feature 'new and unusual in the genre of Euro-
pean still-life, where it was customary to arrange the objects indoors and to
light them artificially.' This could well be an indication that they were paint-
ed in Brazil, away from European influence (and the European climate!) .
They were reproduced by Gammelbo (1960: 94-96 , Nos 123-133) and cer-
tainly they stand out against the rather typical selection of Dutch still-lifes
Page 176 that he shows. A painting of a prickly pear, much the same size as the
Copenhagen still-lifes, has been attributed to Eckhout, largely because it is
82 Copenhagen paintings
a low-level view against a grey sky, but we strongly doubt this attribution .
At the exhibition Maurits de Braziliaan in The Hague in 1953 , four of the
still-lifes were exhibited (Nos 2, 7, 9, 10 here). Copies were made of o 2
(manioc) and No 9 (pineapple and papaya) for D. Iolanda Penteado to be
hung at the fazen da Empfrio and another was copied for the late Joaquim
de Sousa-Leao (Schaeffer, 1968b: 76, 83); altogether, four copies were made,
by Yolanda Matarazzo (Verdier, 1977).
DE LA ET BOTANICA L MS
Among the manuscripts once owned by Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753) and
now in the British Library, is a bound volume of botanical descriptions for
books 1- 3 of Marcgraf's portion of the Historia of 1648. Also included are
some botanical drawings and some proofs of Historia woodcuts (Sloane MS.
1554, with . 81 written folios, 331 by 215 mm, leather bound). The descrip-
tions, which are in Latin and differ only in minor ways from the published
ones, are written in the hand of Johan de Laet (1582 -1649); not only do they
match known samples of his writing, but it was he who produced the final
text from Marcgraf's coded notes (Historia, Preface); however, they lack the
notes that De Laet later added to the species, and a number of species
descriptions are m issing. Another De Laet manuscript, his translation of the
Ximenes version of H ernandez' natural history of Mexico, has the next
Sloane number (155 5) and the two volumes were evidently adjacent in the
earliest of Sloane's catalogues (numbers 1436 and 1437, later A 243 and
A 242), su ggesting that they may have been acquired at the same time, but
unfortunately neither the catalogues nor their entries are dated (Sloane
MS . 3972). The volumes might once have belonged to James Petiver
(1663/4-1 718), who seems to have had more than a passing interesL in Marc-
graf (Whitehead, 19 79b ), and whose books and specimens were mostly ac-
quired by Sloane (S tearns, 1952: 244). However, it is equally possible that,
like the ethnographic drawings described below, these volumes once be- Page 85
longed to W illiam C harleton (alias Courten, 1624-1702), a friend of Sloane's
and whose collection was bought by Sloane in 1702 as the foundation for his
own museu m.
The botanical volume consists of 362 botanical descriptions in Latin. As
noted elsewhere (Whitehead, 1973: 204 ), against each of the descriptions
there is a two-part page number (e.g. p. 23.129 for cambu\' on f. 60) , of
which the second element matches numbers (top right) against the same spe-
cies in the supposed Marcgraf (or De Laet) herbarium sheets in the Botani-
cal Institu te in C openhagen or on a single herbarium sheet in the Vahl
Collection (al so in Copenhagen), or on 10 out of 11 similar sheets in the
Sherard Collection at the Department of Botany in Oxford (see Andrade-
Lima et alii, 1977). The same reference number was perhaps put on match-
ing drawin gs, since in the present volume the species called ibati (f. 21v) has
the page number 92.173 and the number 173 also appears on the drawing.
The first elem ent of the number was perhaps a page number for related spec-
ies or those collected at the same time (numbered 1-459, but 98 of them
not in the MS). This may have been Marcgraf's system, although it could
equally have been devised by De Laet in trying to sort out the material.
De Laet botanical ms 83
 Pasted onto some lefthand pages are 10 small pencil drawings; 4 ink draw-
ings, some fine, others more sketchy; and one large and much bolder pencil
drawing (double-spr ead). T h e small pencil and ink drawings are on irregu-
larly snipped pieces of paper, often cut as if there were several on the page.
There are also 11 proof pulls of woodcuts from the Historia, and on the verso
of f. 44 are drawn in ink five coastal profiles by H. Stapels, with short Du tch
captions (Cape Blanc and Cape Carnoro ); these were evidently on the paper
wh en it was folded and used for the volume.
The drawings are arranged in the following way:
Pen cil drawin gs
Plate 51a Nana (f. 14v, upper, 12.8 cm) 11 . Text f. 15 ' Nam1 Brasil p. 13 .64. Icon' . Ananas como-
sus (A ndrade- Lima et alii, 1977: 136). Basis for woodcut in H istoria (p. 33), exact but
reversed.
14 Marrubium (f. 14v, lower, 11.4 em). Text f. 14 'Marrubium p. 13.58. Icon'. Stemodia
foliosa (Andrade- Lima et alii, 1977: 153). Basis for woodcut in Historia (p. 16), exact
but reversed.
22 Ibati (also 173 in pencil, f. 21 , bottom right, 22.7 em). Text f. 22, ' lbatl p. 92.173.
Icon'. lbatia sp.? Basis for woodcut in His to ria (p. 20), exact but reversed and turned
upright.
37 Ta.ioia (f. 39v, 11.0 em). Text f. 40 'Taioia p. 98.452. Icon'. Trianosperma tayuya? Ba-
sis for woodcut in Historia (p. 27, upper), reversed and without the fine detail of the
drawing.
Plates 6b, 50 Sabaquicaya (azapucaya on verso) (f. 46, 37 .5 em, double-spread). Text f. 75 'lac;:apu-
caya p. 88.378. Icon'. Lecythis pisonis? Basis for woodcut in Historia (p. 128, as
jacapucaya), not reversed and virtuall y exact leaf for leaf (over one hundred) even
though the drawing is more than twice the size and is freely sketched in soft pencil.
Canambaia (f. 51v, 19.4 em). Text f. 52 'Canambaya p. 73.309. Icon'. Rhipsalis sp.?
Basis for woodcut in Historia , exact but reversed .
l nga (f. 58v, 17.6 em). Text f. 59 ' Inga p. 21.107. Icon'. Not match ing any of the three
woodcuts in the Historia (p. 112), nor the specimen of Inga cf. bahiensis in Copenhagen
(Andrade-Lima et alii, 1977: 145).
Myrtafol. 17 (f.59v, top left, 12 .9 em). Text f. 60 'Cambul Lusitan. M yrta p. 23.129'.
Eugenia sp.? No woodcut in Marcgraf's portion of the Historia , but a woodcut exact
but reversed in Piso's part (p. 92); a poor Copenhagen specimen identified as Euge-
nia sp. by Andrade- Lima et alii (1977: 149). The drawing has illegible German notes
against flower (ink) and leaf (pencil).
Plate 51b Jamac(aruj (f.59v, right, 9.0 em). Text f. 60 jamacan1 p. 21.108 Icon' (but perhaps
another species). Opuntia brasiliensis. Basis for woodcut in Historia (p. 126, middle, as
cardon or jamacaru), exact but not reversed. Theatri, 4: 29 almost identical.
72 Ibira (f. 76v, right, 14.5 em). ot listed in text. Not ibira-pitanga (Caesalpinea
echinata) of Historia (p. 101 and woodcut p. 102), the leaves being very slender and
pointed.
11
Longest possible measurement of subject, thus (as here) not the total height of the plant.
84 De Laet botanical ms
Jaracatia (f. 77v, 18.1 em) . Text f. 78 jaracatia p. 98.444 Icon'. Jaracatia heptaphylla.
Basis for woodcut in Historia (p. 129), small discrepancies in copying, not reversed.
Ink drawings
Semen herba viva (f. 8v, 8.2 em). Text f. 9 'Caae6 brasil Herba viva frutex p. 14.65'.
Mimosa pigra (Andrade-Lima et alii, 1977: 145). Basis of woodcut of seed pod in
Historia (p. 75), exact but reversed; in a note to the species, De Laet states that since
he had received a pod (this pod?) from friends in Brazil , he thought it should be
shown at least natural size, although he doubted that the artist could render its ele-
gance; hence the drawing was probably made in Europe.
Ibixuma 56 (f. 57v, 15.1 em). Text f. 58 ' Ibixuma p. 20.102. Icon.' Guazuma ulmifolia
(Andrade-Li ma et alii, 1977: 154). ot the basis for the woodcut in the Historia
(p. 131, upper) , if indeed it is the same species.
Copyba (f. 73v, 13.1 em). Text f. 74 'Copijba p. 81.396. Icon'. Ta.pirira guianensis. Basis Plate 51c
for woodcut in Historia (p. 121), closely followed but some small discrepancies,
reversed.
Apeiba (f. 79v, 13.3 em). Text f. 80 'Apeiba p. 71.301'. Apeiba tibourbou. Basis for wood-
cut in H istoria (p. 124 ), fairly exact considering the ink original is not fine ly drawn,
reversed.
The small pencil drawings are exceptionally fine, being drawn with a sharp
point and with great care taken over the details. They seem rather far from
the sweeping lines and bold hatching of the large drawing (sabaquicaya,
f. 46), which is much nearer to the plant drawings in the Miscellanea Cleyeri. Page 42
Of these fifteen drawings, 9 pencil and 3 ink may well have been the basis
for woodcuts in the Historia. Their very exact resemblance to the woodcuts
implies that they were probably the actual drawings transfer red to the wood;
it is curious, however, that two of the pencil drawings were not reversed
(jamacaru and jaracatia). Most of these drawings seem to have been made
from actual specimens. None matches a specimen in the 'Marcgraf herbar-
ium in Copenhagen, but others in the latter are clearly the exact specimen
shown in the H istoria woodcut and are therefore types . T he 12 drawings in
this collection w hich match their Historia woodcut thus have considerable im -
portance and, in the absence of actual material (or contrary proof), must be
considered as virtual iconotypes where Marcgraf's descriptions formed the
basis of a Linnaean or later name. In the text of the MS the word Icon oc-
curs against 167 species but, as noted by Andrade-Lima et alii (loc. cit.: 130),
not against the 15 species stated by De Laet in the Historia to have been spe-
cially illustrated from specimens that he supplied (presumably because no
drawing or painting was brought back from B razil). The drawings in the
MS, therefore, appear to be those made in Brazil from living or fresh mate-
rial (except Semen herba viva), which adds to their value.
THE LOCKE DRAWINGS
A second relevant volume in the British Library (Sloane MS 5253, 52.2 by
34.8 em) is a collection of 79 watercolours of native peoples (but ff. 74 and
78 subsequently transferred to the Department of Oriental Manuscripts) .
Locke drawings 85
 Folios 23-29,31-32 and 39-40 are drawings of Brazilians, mostly based on
the woodcuts in De Lery (1578) , but with the elements slightly rearranged.
However, six of the drawings closely match the figures in Eckhout's large
Copenhagen paintings. All but the Tupinamb a woman have a strip of paper
pasted underneath the fi gure with the title in large script (ink) between two
ruled red lin es; in the case of the Tapuya man at least, this covered a similar
title on the drawin g itself (Brasilian Cannibal). Similar strips with titles are
on m any of the other drawings in the volume. The 'Eckhout' drawings are
o n heavy paper (23.2-30.3 by 13.6 -20.6 em), arranged as follows:
Plate 52a f. 26. Tapuya man. Titled '2 7 A Brasilian Cannibal '. He hold s 2 spears (pointing
downward) and wears sandals
Plate 52b f. 27. Tapuya woman. Titled '28 A Bras ili an Cannibal'. She carries a slightly exag-
gerated human hand in her right hand, has a human foot in her basket, and a dog is
drinking water ·between her legs; sandals on her feet
Plate 54a f. 31. Negro man. Titled 'An Inhabitant of Angola 27'. The number must in fact be
29. H e holds a spear in his right hand (pointing downward), four more in his left
(pointing upward), and a shield rests again st the trunk of a palm on hi s left (no
leaves on the tree)
Pl ate 54b f. 32 . egro woman. Titled 'Another inhab itant of Angola' (no number, but evi-
dently 30). She has a black brand mark above her left breast (a capital M with a
stroke above and five small vertical lin es over it). A clay pipe is stuck into the top
of her skirt, pointing diagonally to her left
Plate 53a f. 39 . Tupinamba man. Titled 'An Amboinese 25'. He holds a long arrow verticall y
in his right hand, and a bow and two arrows horizontally in his left, the heads of
the arrows rather exagerated
Plate 53b f. 40 . Tupinamba woman. o title but numbered 26. The basket on her head is
plainl y woven with vertical and horizontal st rips, without any diagonal pattern.
These drawings differ in many minor de tails from the Eckhout paintings in
Copenhagen and, in almost all instances, these differences are shared with
Wagener's drawings. Thus the Tapuya man holds two spears pointing down-
ward (fo ur, pointing upward in Eckhout); the African man holds fo ur spears
and his shield rests again st a palm trunk without leaves (five spears, no
sh ield , but leaves on the tree in Eckhout); the African woman has a brand
mark M (no mark in Eckhout); the Tupinamba m an holds two arrows in his
left ha nd (four in Eckhout); and the Tupinamba woman has a plainly woven
basket (a diagonal pattern in E ckhout) . One of the few discrepancies is the
provision of sandals for the Tapuya woman, which occu rs in Eckhout but not
in Wagener. Since Wagen er was ethnographically correct in this respect, it
has been a rgued that his was the sketch from life and Eckhout's paintings
merely a copy from it (Ehrenreich, 1894), but this was refuted by Thomsen
(1938: 67- 70), la rgely because Eckhout 's Tupinamb a m an was painted in
1643 or two years after Wagener left Brazil. The ~ost reasonable explanation
is that Wagener cop ied Eckhout's early sketches for the paintings and that
Eckhout exercised some licen se afterward s, thus departing from ethnograph-
ic accuracy. See also Duparc (1983).
Although the 6 British Library drawings are not Eckhout's original
86 Locke drawings
sketches, they provid e remarkably strong evidence that Eckhout 's sketches
were in the Netherlands a few years after his widow 's death in 1680. A note
at the front of the volume (based on information supplied by E. S. de Beer)
refers to Ehrenreich's article and also states 'ff. 26, 27, 31-56. Most of these
appear to be drawings sent by Locke to Wm Cha rlton in 1687 (Sloane
MS 3962, ff. 297, 298). If this is so, the drawings are by L's servant Sylvester
Brounower.' The MS referred to is a letter to William Charleton in London
from the philosopher John Locke (1632 - 1704) in Amsterdam , dated 12 Aug-
ust 1687. The relevant passage reads:
I the last weeke put into the hands of Mr [Samuel] Smith a bookseller livin g at
the princes Armes in Pauls Churchyard 26 Drau ghts of the inhabitants of several
rustic parts of the world especiall y the East Indies they are marked thus 2. 3. 4. 5.
6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 2L 22. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. & ye
names of most of them writ on the backside with my hand those whose names are
not writ if you know them not I will get explained here the Brazilian Cannibals (of
wch there are one or two) are coply [compl etely] known , but since there was not
the name of that particular nation for wh they were taken I would not add them
myself. For the excellency of the drawing I will not answer they bein g don by my
boy [Sylvanus Brownover] who hath faithfully enough represented the originals they
were copied from ...
Locke had fled to Holla nd for political reasons in 1683 and was living in Am-
sterdam until February 1687, when he moved to Rotterdam and stayed with
Benjamin Furley, a friend of William Penn's (Cranston, 1957). It would be
of enormous interest to know where he saw the Eckhout originals , but
unfortunately his journal for this period is most disappointing (Bodleian
Library, MS Locke, f. 9 for 1686 -1688) . H e seems to have bee n largely con -
cerned to record recipes, books and some passing thoughts , while in 1687
comes an extraordinary passion for gloves and perfumes (pp. 97 -130), fol-
lowed by over a hundred pages in Spanish, apparently written by his valet
and ammanuensis Sylvanus Brownover; only four days are recorded for the
rest of that year, all o n the same page (p. 311). The only possible clues are
an entry on 22 May 1686 'I saw at Mr Breynes a leaf of Kink ina' (Cinchona?)
and o n 8 October 1686 a note on the customs of the Tupinamba drawn from
D e Lery's Histoire d'un voyage of 1578, thus perhaps it was at this time that
Brownover was copying the woodcuts (see above). Mr Breyne was prob-
ably J ohann Breyne, an Amsterdam merchant, who was a cousin of th e
botanist Jacob Breyne (1637 -97). The latter certainly possessed Marcgraf
pla nts , and d escriptions of some of them were published by both Jacob and
his son Johann Philipp Breyne (see Andrade- Lim a et alii, 1977: 12 3) . In his
Exoticarum, Jacob men tions his cousin Johann (Breyne, 1678: 8, 82) and in
two letters from Johann of 1693 it is clear that he was interested in botany
a nd served as Jacob's intermediary in Amsterda m (Universitiitsbibliothek
Erlangen -Nurn berg, Trew Collection, MS 1836, nos 1, 2). This Marcgraf-
Breyne-Locke connect ion is at least suggestive.
Other clues to Locke's movem ents in this period come from an account
book kept by Brownover (Bodleian Library, MS Locke, f. 34 ). In April 1686,
Locke apparently visited Utrecht, Nijmegen and Cleves; Utrecht and Rot-
terdam in May; L eiden and Haarlem in June; then back to Amsterdam in
Locke drawings 87
 July; he spent the autumn in Utrecht, but back to Amsterdam in December·
he took lodgings in Rotterdam in February 1687 ; he visited L eiden in Febru:
a ry and also had dinner there on 21 April; he visited Delft and then went
to Amsterdam in late July and thence, via Haarlem and Leiden (14 August),
back to Rotterdam on 15 August. Although he sent the drawings to Charle-
ton shortly before 12 August 1687, at the end of a fortnight in A msterdam,
he had ev1dently seen the originals much earlier than this sin ce o n 12 April
Charleton had written to thank him ' for your designed kindnesse as to the
draughts of the several! East Indian habitts ...' (Bodle ian L ibrary, MS
Locke, c. 5, ff. 68-69; cited in D e Beer, 1978: 171 -172) . Unfortunately,
Locke's previous le tter to Charleton is not in the Bodleian collection and was
not located by D e Beer, but it is clear that Locke h ad alread y seen the Eck-
hout originals in the early part of 1687 or at some time in 1686 . The fact
that Locke did not send the copies until the last few days of his fo rtn ight stay
in Amsterdam , after about a month of travelling, might m ean that he did
not bring them w ith him but had the cop ies m ade by Brownover wh ile they
were in Amsterdam . Thus his initial letter to Charleton could have been
written from Amsterdam in about July 1686 or between December 1686 and
the beginning of February 1687 and may have m erely stated his inten tion to
have the drawings copied. Until Locke's earlier letter can be foun d , one can
tentatively assume that som e of E ckhout 's original sketches were in Amster-
dam, possibly ow ned by the m erchant Johann Breyne at least un til August
1687.
WEST BERLIN KETCHES
Apparently detached from the main series of pictures presented by Johan
Maurits to the Elector of Brandenburg in 1652 were 5 unsigned crayon
sketches ofTapu yas. They were di scovered by Kl essmann (196 5) in the Kup-
ferstich K abinett of the Staatsbibliothek Preussi scher Kulturbesitz in West
Berl in . They are arranged as follows:
Plate 55a 1. Tapuya man standing with club, Kdz 24 541, 41 by 24.4 em
In scribed: n. 2
Note: the right leg is raised, as in the men in the Tapuya dance in Copenhage n,
but it is not the model for any of those figures (although cogn ate sketches of the
same man may have been used). Probably the same model as the sitting Tapuya
in the Miscellanea Cleyeri: 62, whi ch is inscribed Tapuya M 270 (Thomsen ,
1938: pl. 47).
Plate 57b 2. Tapuya man , head and shoulders, Kdz 24 542, 37 by 25.7 em
Inscribed: Tapuya M 270 (i.e. p. 270 in Marcgraf's H istoria)
ote: alm ost certainl y the same man as in the magnificient portrait in coloured
crayons in the Theatri, 3: 27, inscribed also Tapuya M 270 (Thomsen,
Page [2] 1938: pl. 49; also in colour in Glaser, 1938: opp. p. 18 and in Whitehead &
Duparc, 1979: 271). H e wears the same necklace and has the same fluffy white
(feather?) ear ornaments, the latter shown well in the Tapuya dance in Copenha-
gen (but he is not the righthand figure, who has a different necklace, as also has
the man in the previous drawing here).
Plate 55b 3. Tapuya woman standi ng, no head, Kdz 24 542, verso of above
In scribed: n. 1
88 T#st Berlin sketches
Note: she leans against a table or chair, but in body proportions might be the
same model as in the Copenhagen Tapuya woman; also bracelet on left wrist and
string round hip supporting just a hint of the bunch of leaves that cover the geni-
tals of the Copenhagen woman; unfortunately, the feet are not drawn , which
mi ght have resolved the problem of the sandals.
4. Tapuya woman sitting, Kdz 24 543, 33.2 by 21.6 em Plate 56a
Inscribed: Tapuy a and n. 4
Note: probably the same model , but now the stems of the leaves between her legs
are quite obvious and also, as in the Copenhagen painting, she holds another
bunch of leaves under her left arm. The sitting Tapuya woman in Theatri, 3: 25
looks too corpulent to be the same model (Whitehead & Duparc, 1979: 271).
Neither of these figures wears sandals.
5. Tapuya woman sleeping, Kdz 24 544, 39.6 by 25.2 em Plate 56b
Inscribed: n. 3
ote: probably the same model as above and perhaps the same again as the two
reclining fi gures (apparently with the same bunch of leaves between the legs) in
the Miscellanea Cleyeri: 60 and 61, labelled respectively Tapuya M 271 and Tapuya
molher (see Thomsen, 1938: pl. 48a, b); she wears no sandal s.
These drawings clearly belong with those of the Miscellanea Cleyeri series, to
which must be added the portrait of a Tapuya which Mentzel, presumably
because it was more finished, included in Theatri, .'3: 27. Klessmann (loc. cit.),
who discussed the relationship of the various drawings, noted that the in-
scriptions on th em were by Mentzel, presumably when he was assembling
the pictures into the four volumes of the Theatri. How many others were simi-
larly separated and await discovery?
This set of drawings suggests that Eckhout used perhaps three male and
two female m odels , drawing them around 1641 as preliminary studies from
which more detailed and presumably coloured sketches will have b een made
(perhaps those seen by John Locke). In fact, he probably made m any other Page 85
sketches of these five Tapuyas, which one must assume that he kept with him
at least to the time he went to Dresden, if not afterwards. The drawings
could have been made in R ecife, perhaps when a delegation visited J ohan
Maurits. They have a quite exceptional importance as being the very earliest
a ctual life sketches that exist of American Indians by a professional artist.
Whatever modifications were later made for the Copenhagen paintings,
these sketches are a completely honest attempt to record what the artist saw,
with no concessions to taste or received formulae. Ethnographically, there-
fore , they are of the highest value, not only in themselves but as a measure
of the accuracy of the Copenhagen paintings. The bunch of leaves hung by
a string around the waist and the second bunch held in the left h and, careful-
ly shown in the Copenhagen Tapuya woman, are clearly not just artistic em-
bellishments and neither are the small round breasts, corpulent waist,
slightly sagging buttocks and slender lower thighs of the girl in drawing
No 3, which are exactly reproduced in the Copenhagen painting. It is unfor-
tunate that there exist no Eckhout drawings of a Tapuya woman clutching
or carrying dismembered human parts, as shown in the Copenhagen and
Schwedt paintings. It is perhaps fair to regard these as embellishments, but
the Berlin drawings show that in certain respects, a nd especially in anatomy,
Eckhout was an honest and accurate recorder.
T#st Berlin sketches 89
 T HE HERMITAGE PORTRAIT
Plate 57a Agafonova (1961) drew attention to a portrait of a youth in coloured crayon
(Inv. No OP16893, 28.3 by 23 em), which had until 1924 been part of the
Betzko C~llection (possibly No 2878a) at the Academy of Arts in Leningrad,
before bemg transferred to the Hermitage (half-tone reproduction in De
Mello, 1978: opp. 204 ). She identified it as a portra it of a Brazilian by Eck-
~out. On the basis of a colour print, one of us (PJPW) doubts this attribu-
tw~ , largely because of the absence of Eckhout's characteristic highlights in
wh1te crayon; on the other hand, MB examined the drawin g and believed it
reasonably ~l~s~ to Eckhout's style. The provenance of the drawing is not
known , but 1f 1t IS by Eckhout then other drawings m ay also have fou nd their
Pages 47, 48 way t.o the Soviet Union , perhaps by the same route that brou ght the animal
drawmgs to the Academy of Sciences .
VA 1 KESSEL'S AMERICQUE
Plate 58 The painting of America by the Antwerp Kleinmeister Jan van Kessel
(1626- 79) is one of four allegorical pictures in the Bayerische Staatsgemal-
desammlungen in Munich (Inv. Nos 1910 -191 3). Each has a central panel
(48.5 by 67.5 em) which is surrounded by 16 small panels (14.5 by 21.0 em).
These paintings are in oil on copper and that entitled Americque is signed and
dated 1666. All four were exhibited at the Alte Pinakothek in Mu nich in
1973 ~ with a useful catalogue and discussion of the works by Krempel (1973
- w1th half-tone reproductions); excellent colour reproductions of the main
panel are given by Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 213) and Adacher
(1984 - with two details from it, also whole painting and full size of 10 of
the panels).
It has sometimes been assumed that the main panel of Americque depicted
a room in the Mauritshuis, but the proportions of the room and its panel-
ling do not accord with the design of Pie ter Post (e.g. pls. 7 5-88 in
Scheurleer, 1979). In fact not only the door, but also the wall niches, open
out onto a bright Brazilian sky with a landscape that includes a stone fort
and the sea; the fort bears some resemblance to forts in Frans Post's paint-
ings, perhaps Fort Keulen on the Rio Grande or Fort Frederik Hendrik at
Reci~e. To complete the illusion, a band of Asiatics passes the open niche on
t?e nght and a woman and child dance into the room. In any case, it is be-
heved that Van K essel never left his native Antwerp a nd thus never saw the
Mauritshuis (Krempel, in litt. ). evertheless, there are 20 live or stuffed
animals in the room , some of which seem to derive either from material
brought back by Johan Maurits, or from pictures in the Handbooks, Theatri
or from a related source. We h ave compared them with Handbook and Theatri
pictures (on the basis of their Leningrad copies) with the foll owing result:
(group with small Indi an boy)
1. Bird . o model found
2. Monkey sitting on pot. o model found. Possibly Historia, p. 228
3. Monkey reaching into pot. No model found
(group on right of door)
90 H ermitage portrait/Van K essel's Americque
4. Arm adillo. Tatuete of Handbook, 1: 104 (not exact, reversed)
5. Agouti. Aguti of Handbook , 1: 80 (virtually exact, the animal holding a nut (?)
between its paws); Historia, p. 224 (based on H andbook, but reversed and the nut
not depicted)
6. Bird. Possibly caiaguacu of Handbook, 1: 152 (only approximate)
(group at bottom of picture)
7. Afri can crowned crane. No model found , but not an unlikely bird in Johan
M aurits' zoo; also in tapestry Les deux taureaux
8. Anteater. Tamanduai of Handbook , 1: 62 (approximate) or of Theatri, 3: 97, top
(nearer, but colour pattern not exact); also Historia, p. 226 (colour not exact;
based on Handbook)
9. Fish beneath anteater. Pirametara of Handbook , 1: 364 (almost exact, but bar-
bels longer); also pirametara of Historia , p. 156 (the three black spots are
smaller, although enl arged to almost size of H andbook in coloured copies, thus
presumably coloured from Handbook; barbels longer)
10. Fish beneath this. Guapua of Handbook , 1: 378 (very similar, but first dorsal
finray bent forwa rd and curled like a chameleon's tongue); also guaperua of
Historia, p. 150 (soft dorsal fin very much higher and second dorsal finray like
a rhinoceros horn; in fact, taken from a drawing sent to De Laet and already
published by him, 1633: 574 and 1640: 510)
11. Fish to the right of this. Piraumbu of Historia, p. 167 (some similarity, but not
the model)
(diagonal group down right wall)
12. Lizard. No model found
13. Fish. No model fo und, probably spurious
14. Fish in ventral view. No model found, possibly spurious. The glass bulb and
st~ing resemble the float used in former times to support a fish in a tall bottle
of alcohol (examples can still be seen in the natural history museums in Leiden
and Paris)
15. Slender fish, half-hidden. No model found. Possibly the synbranchid version of
mu cu in Handbook, 1: 388
16. Possum. Taibi of Handbook , 1: 137 (almost exact); carigueya or taibi of Historia,
p. 222 (almost exact, based on Handbook)
17 . Fish next to pictu re fram e. Acarapitamba of H istoria, p. 155 (somewhat similar
but not exact)
18. Pilotfish. No name in Handbook , 1: 386 (virtually exact, except only four black
saddle-like blotches on flanks , whereas three more small ones behind this in Van
Kessel; in both, there is a small black spot above pelvic fin and a pair of small
spots on caudal peduncle, both being absent in the woodcut in the Historia,
p. 153, although it is based on the Handbook)
(birds on picture frame)
19. Blue and yellow macaw. Acararanga of Historia, p. 206 and cani nde of Handbook,
1: 274 (reversed and not nearly so elongate)
20. Toucan. Aracari of Historia, p. 217 (somewhat similar).
In 1666, when Van Kessel painted this panel, the Handbooks and the Theatri
were in the library of the Elector of Brandenburg and could not have been
available to him. In some cases he could have used the Historia, but it should
have been a coloured copy. Six such copies are known to us and it is certainly Page 28
Van K essel's Americque 91
 true that in some instances the colour pattern has been altered to conform
with the watercolour in the Handbook from which the woodcut was taken
(e.g. enlargement of the three black spots in the fish pirametara - see No 9
here). However, it does not seem possible that the agouti woodcut could have
been altered to show the presumed nut which is so clearly represented in
bot~ the Hand~~ok watercolour and the Van Kessel version (No 5 here).
Agam, the addttwnal three small black spots on the pilot fi sh (No 18) might
ha':'e been added t? the coloured wooduct (but not in the Rijksmuseum
Letden copy), but tf Van Kessel followed this so exactly, why then did he
carefully add three more black saddle-like blotches toward the tail? The
guaperua ( o 10) has a high soft dorsal fin in the Historia and it seems un-
likely that Van Kessel would have arbitrarily altered this fin and arrived at
exactly the same shape as in the Handbook. We co~clude that Van Kessel must
have used sketches, which could perhaps be those that preceded the Handbook
(or Theatrz) pictures and could thus be slightly different from the final ver-
sion; they could also have included animals not in the Handbooks Theatri or
Historia. ' the main panel the left foreground has six Javanese gamelan 'gongs' (not 'a
The two Brazilian figures set in the niches at the end of the room are clear-
ly based on Eckhout's Tapuyas, although both are reversed and somewhat
altered. The Tapuya man is given a much more elegant pose (reminiscent
of Michelangelo's David), but the most striking difference from the Copen-
hagen painting is that the spears point downward. Once again this seems to
imply that Van Kessel used an early sketch, but not the same sketch used
by Wagener and by Locke's artist Sylvanus Brownover (both of whom also
show the spears pointing downward) , since Van Kessel has given the man a
headdress as in the Historia, whereas in Wagener and Brownover it matches
~he Copenhagen headdress. Also resembling the Historia woodcut is the plac-
mg of the feather 'bustle' high up on the shoulders, rather than down at the
waist as in Wagener, Locke and the Copenhagen painting. The Tapuya
woman also has a more classical pose. The most striking difference is that
her hand is lowered, so that she holds the branch in front of her as if in
modesty. The basket is now slung across her shoulder and not from a head-
band. In these features , she departs from the Historia woodcu t and all other
Page 62 representations (but basket slung across shoulder in Nieuhof).
In view of these rather arbitrary changes, coupled with the sim ilarities of
headdress and 'bustle' with the Historia woodcut, can one place real sig-
nificance on the pointing of the spears? The evidence seems no t sufficient
to prove that Van Kessel based these figures on early Eckhout sketches, such
as the sketches used by Wagener and Locke. Nevertheless,. there is a third
South American figure, in the extreme lefthand niche, which is not described
in the Historia and which must have had some model. Van Kessel shows a
man with feather headdress and feather skirt, both of which are typical of
early representations of Brazilians, but he holds a bolas, thus he is presuma-
bly from further south. Possibly this was taken from a printed source, since
the two statues of Brahmins in the righthand niches are probably derived
from Linschoten's Itinerario voyage ofte schipvaert naar Oost ofte Portugaels Indien
1579-1592 (1596) according to Honour (1976: 138-139).
The shells that are so carefully depicted in the left foreground are either
92 f-izn Kessel 's Americque
Indo-Pacific or pantropical; none can be identified as specifically Brazilian.
In a diagonal passin g upward are the cowry Cypraea mauritiana (Indo-Pacific),
Conus marmoreus (Philippines), another Conus (but possibly a cowry) and a
pink Pecten; immedia tely to the right of it and next to the smallest gong is
a Turbo with black stripes, and below it a Harpa (Indo-Pacific). Although
quite small, they vouch for Van Kessel's ability to be accurate. The shell
masks are an interesting forerunner of the shell designs used, inter alia, by
Albert Seba in the plates of his Thesaurus in the next century.
The 5 insect boxes and the 2 insect paintings provide no clue to Marc-
graf's insect species, being for the most part subjects from Van Kessel's stan-
dard repertoire of European and exotic species. For example, some of them
exactly m atch those on the panels of a cabinet now in the Smithsonian Insti-
tution in Washington (Ritterbush, 1969: figs. 7, 8). The remaining elements
in the panel, as well as in the 16 smaller panels around it, show that Van Kes-
sel was no zoogeographer; elephants crowd the panel for 'Veracroes', a tiger
sleeps in 'Por te Segore' and a unicorn prances into 'Bounes Aires', while in
group of gold weights as emblems of mineral riches' as stated by Honour,
1976: 138) and in the right background some Japanese armour and arms.
Eight of the little panels contain birds (nearly a hundred) from both the Old
World and the N ew, but we cannot identify any of them with Marcgraf's
spectes.
The circu mstances under which the painting was made are not known,
but it may have been part of the set of Continents owned by the Antwerp sil-
versmith Jan Gillis in 1681, recorded as painted by Van Kessel in collabora-
tion with Erasmus Quellinus (1607 -1678); however, another set of the
central panels is recorded, while some landscapes rather similar to the small
panels are in the Prado, Madrid (Krempel, 1973; Honour, 1976 - who sug-
gests that it m ay have been Quellinus who painted the figures). Present evi-
dence hints that Van Kessel (or Quellinus) made use of sketches of animals
that were associated with those in the Handbooks, but closer comparison with
the Handbook watercolours is needed. The Tapuya man and woman have no
exact models in Wagener, Schmalkalden, the Locke drawings, the Historia,
Nieuhof or the Copenhagen paintings, and we can find no certain evidence
that they were derived from particular sketches. Van Kessel was often whim -
sical, but his great accuracy in depicting certain objects (e.g. the shells) sug-
gests that he proba bly did not depart very far from his models. Whether
these models were more than just printed sources requires more evidence.
Krempel (197 3) used lexicons and general works for information on Van
Kessel and there d oes indeed seem to be no modern study of his life and
works. In some ways he stands at the boundary between art and science and
perhaps for that reason art historians have hesitated, unsure whether Van
Kessel is being truthful or whether he is just pulling our legs. Did he possess
a remarkable collection, especially of insects, or did he make use of other
peoples' Kunstkammern? The colours of the common European butterflies
and moths, as well as the accuracy of some of his beetles, imply that he paint-
ed from life, presumably using a lens. He would most likely have seen at least
some exotic birds brought back to Europe alive or as skins, but his large
Vt:m Kessel's Americque 93
 mammals, especially the elephants and giraffes, are clearly derived from er-
roneously drawn, painted or engraved models , to which he happily added
more than one 'species' of unicorn. The care taken in the execution of these
zoological fantasies, whether stripped of their ecological context or set in
quasi-imaginary scenes, leaves one uncertain about Van Kessel's motives. At
what point does reality pass into fantasy and was it Van Kessel's intention
to beguile the viewer by sheer virtuosity into making th is leap? One sees this
same distortion of reality in Chinese insect drawings of the eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries, where extraordinarily fin ely observed butterflies
are joined by equally detailed invented ones. Perhaps this 'misuse' of vir-
tuosity, which after all determines whether a documentary picture leans
more heavily toward science or toward art, is a factor that lurks in the Eck-
hout Copenhagen paintings. Within the present study, Van Kessel's Americ-
que may have more than just straightforward iconographic clues to offer.
T HE M AU RIT S H IS
Formerly in the J. C. H. Heldring collection , Oosterbeek, and acquired by
the Stichting Johan Maurits van Nassau in 1963, is an u nsigned oil painting
of two tortoises , apparently fighting (Inv. no 957 , 30.5 by 51 em, on a fairly
Pla te 59
heavy laid paper, with chain marks 25 mm apart). G ood colour reproduc-
tions are in Bol (1966) , Sousa-Leao (1968: pl. VI) and Van den Boogaart &
Duparc (1979: p. 172). It was discussed at length by Van Gelder (1960), who
rejected previous attributions (Durer, Pieter Brueghel, Goltzius, etc.) and
claimed it as the work of Albert Eckhout, in part becau se the tortoises were
South American (most likely Geochelone carbonaria) . H e related the painting
to the Theatri series, which at that time were not avail able. Most of the Theatrz
Page 36
paintings are smaller than this, but some are as large. We see no obvious
stylistic reasons why it should not have been part of the Theatri series,
although variations in style within the series make it difficult to be certain
until the Theatri volumes have been more thorou ghly studied. We note that
the tortoises also have a strong resemblance to some of the animal paintings
Pages 141
by Desportes, especially in the treatment of the eyes, teeth (!), highlights and
et seq .
black outlines to the scales on the feet; however, the paint seems to be much
more thinly applied here. In addition , we note some resemblance also to the
lizard in the middle foreground of Frans Post's Sacrifice of Manoah (Muse-
um Boymans-Van Beuningen, Cat. o 365; see Larsen , 1962: pl. 89), a pic-
ture whose botanical elements (especially the papaya and castor oil plant)
Pages 71, 72
have a considerable similarity to those in Eckhout's Copenhagen paintings
of the mestizo man and mameluc woman. For the moment , we can see no
definite evidence that the tortoises were painted by Eckhout or by the artist
(or one of the artists) who made the Theatri paintings, so that it ca~not at
present help to solve the problem of whether the Theatri, in whole or m part,
should be ascribed to Eckhout.
The painting of the tortoises is a forlorn reminder of the great quantity
of Braziliana with which Johan Maurits must have filled the M auritshuis on
his return from Brazil in 1644, partly for prestige in a country where collec-
tions of exotica were becoming highly esteemed; and partly as reminders of
his days in 'ce beau Pay de Brasil, lequel n'a pas son pareil sous le ciel', as
94 The Mauritshuis
he expressed it to the Marquis de Pomponne many years later (21 December
1678, Koninklij k H uisarchief, The Hague, IV dossier 14 78). It is extraordi-
nary, however, that no proper description has yet been found of the interior
of the hou se during his lifetime. Barlaeus (164 7: 314) refers generally to the
splendour of the bu ilding and its paintings and tapestries,_while t~e 37 draw-
ings by Pieter Post supply only architectural and decorative details (P. Post,
Huis van S. Exil. Graaf Jan Maurits van Nassau, 1652, ink and watercolour,
Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague). In May 1660, prior to return_ing t_o
England to claim the throne, Charles II was entertained at the . Mauntshllls
to a form al dinner given by the States General. An account of it and an en-
graving appeared, but they give no hint of Braziliana. The description says
that the hall was 'fu rnished with ordinary Tapistry, which is of crimson da-
mask, and had no other adornments, but that here and there, there were
some fair Pictures' (Lower, 1660: 79). The engraving merely shows some
portraits and many mirrors (drawn by J. Toorenvliet; reproduced in Hoe-
tink, 1977 : 5).
Apparently none of those that visited the Mauritshuis record~d what must
surely have been a dominant theme, the art works and coll~ctwns ~rou?ht
back from Brazil. Such an account would be of enormous mterest m view
of the subseq uent dispersal of so much material and the eventual destruction
of the complete interior by fire. In 1647 Johan Maurits was appointed Stad-
holder of Cleves, Mark and Ravensburg in the service of the ~lector
Friedrich Wilhelm and since the Mauritshuis was thereafter never his per-
manent home, he must surely have transferred things to Cleves, perhaps first
to the small house at Freudenberg, which was begun in 1650, and later to
his own palace, the P rinzenhof, begun in 1671; it is also pos_sible that soll_le
things were installed in Schwanenburg castle, whose restoratwn he began m
1664 (see Terwen, 1979 for plans, views and photographs). He may also have
brought Brasil iana to the castle that he built at Sonnenburg a~ a pal~ce for
the Order of the Knights of StJohn some ten years after his electwn as
Grand Master in 165 2. Meanwhile, Johan Maurits gave a considerable
amount of his Brazilian material away, the zoological specimens to the
Leiden Anatomy Theatre (Whitehead, 1979a: 430) and perhaps elsewhere,
the Theatri Handbooks and much else to Friedrich Wilhelm in 1652, and the
Copenhag~n paintings to Frederik III in 1654. At the end of 1678, his fin_an-
cial agent Jacob Cohen took all that he could find of the Frans Post pamt-
ings, as well as what appear to have been the rolled-_up cartoons for the Page 175
tapestries and added them to Johan Maurits' gift to LoUls XIY_ of the follow-
ing year. By now the Mauritshuis was heavily mortgaged and_m 1683, so~e
four years after the death of Johan Maurits, his heir Pri~ce Wt!le~ Maunts,
made over the hou se and its furnishings to the creditors. Possibly some
things were saved, which could have gone to the ~assauischer Hof, _the fami-
ly home in Siegen , but this was gutted by fire m 1695 and th~ mventory
made five years earlier mentions nothing Brazilian beyond furmture ~nd a
hint of tapestries (Lu ck, 1957: 23; Sousa-Leao, 1973: 165, doc. _IX) .. Fmally
the Mauritshuis itself was severely damaged by fire and the mtenor des-
troyed, on Christmas Eve 1704, just as the Duke of M~rlborough was depart-
ing after a stay. Lamberty (1724: 443), who was a Witness to the fire, most
The Mauritshuis 95
 regretted the loss of "des Peintures a fresque qui etoient sur les murailles
dans le vestibule et sur l'escalier'. That these were indeed frescoes is convinc-
ingly argued by Scheurleer (1979: 144).
Fortunately, a brief description of the interior of the Mauritshuis was pub-
lished, not in its heyday (sinceJohan Maurits was by then dead), but before
the final removal of the furnishings by Prince Willem Maurits. It appeared
as the chapter on sight in a book on the five senses by Jacob van Hennin
(1681), an extremely rare work discovered by Sousa-Leao (1966), who trans-
lated the relevant passages into Portuguese. The most striking thing in Ren-
nin's description is the amount of Braziliana still left, despite the gifts and
possible transfers to other houses; animals, plants, minerals, woods and ar-
tifacts are all mentioned. Of great interest are the paintings along the walls
of the double staircase, which showed male and female moors, negroes,
Brazilians, Tapuyas, Hottentots and other native peoples. This strongly
hints at copies of Eckhout's Copenhagen paintings and must certainly be the
frescoes that Lamberty so admired. Nothing is known of the date when they
were done, but the ethnographic detail described by Hennin (including
reference to the body paint on the Tapuyas) strongly suggests that they were
taken from Eckhout's sketches or perhaps from his cartoons fo r tapestries (in
turn based on sketches). Eckhout is not known to have had experience with
frescoes, and Scheurleer (1979: 145) believes that the artist may have been
L eonard Bramer, who did somewhat similar work in Delft a nd is recorded
to have worked for Johan Maurits (De Bie, 1661 : 253) . H ennin speaks also
of tapestries, whose subjects were drawn from the Indies, which provides an
important clue to the number of tapestries actually woven from Eckhout's
Page 109 cartoons.
Although the paintings, artifacts and specimens in the Mauritshuis were
either destroyed or dispersed , it is clear that there existed in The Hague a
considerable resource for illustrators and copyists long after Johan Maurits
had abandoned the house as a permanent home and even up to his death.
The Brazilians of the frescoes, perhaps already somewhat modified by
Bramer, could have been copied by another artist(? Erasmus Quellinus) and
thus provided both the theme and the actual models for the curious pair in
Page 92 Van Kessel's painting. Again, some of Eckhout's original sketches might
have remained at the Mauritshuis, later to be sold and eventually seen by
Pages 87 , 88 John Locke.
HUIS TE BOSCH PAINTINGS
When Samuel Pepys visited the Huis ten Bosch in the woods outside The
Hague (17 May 1660), he was so taken with the main hall or Oranjezaal, that
he called it 'the most beautiful room for pictures in the whole world' and he
immediately set to with his companions to enjoy 'two or three fine songs .. ·
to the Echo.' Designed by Pieter Post (1608 -1669), brother of J ohan Maurits'
artist in Brazil Frans Post, the house was built in 1645-164 7 for Amalia van
Solms, wife of the Stadholder, Prince Frederik Hendrik. The pictorial deco-
ration of the Oranjezaal was given to a team of artists working under Jacob
van Campen (1595-1657), architect of the Mauritshuis. On the death of
Fred erik Hendrik in 164 7, the overall theme became a glorification of the lat-
96 H uis ten Bosch paintings
ter's life and deeds. The building and its pictures have bee n discussed by
Blok (1937) and by Slothouwer (1945). One of the most striking pictures is
a large canvas (308 by 205 em) on the left of the main doorway, often called
'The treasures of Brazil ' but perhaps better term ed 'Triumph, with the treas- Pl ate 60
ures of East and West'. Thomsen (1938: 173 -17 5) first pointed to th e similar-
ity of certain of the artifacts depicted to those in Eckhout's paintings (the two
African baskets, similar to that held by Eckhout's African woman ; as also th e Plate 74
two examples in the Copenhagen collections; and the feath er parasols,
resembling that in a Gobelins tapestry (Le roi porte), based on an Eckhout
cartoon. The traditional attribution was to Pieter de Grebbe r but Van
Gelder (1949: 135-140) argued for Van Campen on general stylistic grounds
and on the latter's connection with J ohan Maurits, and this has bee n gener-
ally adopted . Joppien (1979: 341-342), however, made a persuasive case for
Eckhout 's collaboration in the painting, partly because of the similarity of
the a rtifacts, but mainly because the posture of the girl balancing the two
baskets on the palms of her hands is so much a trade-mark of Eckhout's style
' that an artist as experienced as Van Campen would have known to avoid
it, if only to set a more inspired example.' It has also been pointed out, by
Brenninkmeyer-De Rooij (1979: 57), that the dress of this girl is certainly not
in the style worn by Dutch women in Holland in the 1650s, but looks more
like a free version of that of E ckhout 's mameluc woman . In fact, the dress
of the n egro girl beside her (from the back, top part only) looks even more
similar (loose white cotton, with full sleeves caught at the wrist). Joppien
rightly dismisses the possibility of Eckhout's complete involvem ent with the
picture, since the other figures have a Caravaggesque quality that is quite
alien to Eckhout's rather passive people, whose only gesture is to clutch
something or to hold it up.
The Congolese baskets in the picture are so carefully depicted that one can
be sure that neither of them is the basket held by Eckhout 's negro woman
in Copenhagen; nor do they exactly match the two examples in the Copenha-
gen collections (EH c37, 38; see Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 50);
and they are different again from the three in the tapestries L'Elephant and Page 126
Les pecheurs. Having pa inted (and presumably first drawn) such a basket Page 132
in Brazil, it seems unlikely that Eckhout would also have at that time made
detailed drawings of five others. He might have owned two baskets and lent
them to Van Campen (or painted them himself), but it seems more probable
that they came from the collection in the Mauritshuis, especially as it is
almost certain that Johan Maurits also owned a feather parasol, being the
one painted (presumably by Eckhout) for the cartoon for the tapestry ' Le roi
porte'. The two parasols in Van Campen's picture differ both from each Page 129
other and from that in the tapestry, so that one must assume that Johan
Maurits had at least three examples, as well as five different Congolese
baskets. However, since he brought back two ship-loads of Braziliana
(Barlaeus, 164 7: 314 ), his collections were clearly extensive.
Only one object in the picture relates specifically to Brazil , the scarlet
macaw (Ara macao) held by the negro girl, but macaws and other psittacids
were by then quite common pets in Europe and the bird does not match any
picture in the Theatri, Handbooks or other sources. Neither do any of the other
Bayerische H uis ten Bosch paintings 97
Staatsbibliothek
Munchen
 natura! history objects in the picture. The flowers are those that could be
found m Euro~ea? gardens; the fruits in the baskets appear to be lemons (al -
ready a favo~nt e ~n Dutch still-lifes); and the shells strung around the Ming
vase (Kwan-h penod) or heaped in the fluted dish cannot be related to those
Page 73 at the feet of the negro man in Eckhout's painting nor even to those in Van
Page 92 Kessel's 'Americque'. ' herring-bone weave. Fairly similar to the basket borne by Eckhout's Tupinamba
A second painting in t~e Oranjezaal, a large semi-circular panel with
Ap~llo and Aurora,. con tams a scarlet ibis (Eudocimus ruber) in flight, su-
penmposed on a whtte crane or stork and below it another, both flying and
wmg~. outspread. In a l~tter to Amalia van Solms of 3 September 1649, Con-
~tanttjn Hu yge ~s explamed to her Van Campen's programme for the paint-
m~s , and of th1~ one h e said 'mais surtout je ne scay, comme nous ferons
de ceste Aurore mfernale, qu e van Campen ne peint pas mais qui est pure-
ment ?e son crayon .' (cited by Blok, 1937 : 18). Van Geld~r (1949) attributed
th1s ptcture to Van Campen; he also noted the similarity of the scarlet ibis
to the one at Hofl?ssnitz (which had b een reproduced by Thomsen,
1938: pi_. 61b), but Without explanation. The ibis or guara in Theatri, 2: 85
~o r Len mgr~d, B ~eries: 119) is shown in side view and not flying and there
IS no such picture m the Handbooks (Schneider 1938: 86) so that the bird in
'A urora' must have come from a sketch which Eckhout
' ' took to Dresden.
later
As n oted by Thomsen (Loc. cit.: 108, pl. 60) , this same bird also appears in
Page 100 ?ne of' the Schwedt a.d. Oder paintings, so that it makes an extremely
important thread connecting Eckhout in some manner with these works.
Furthermore,, the ib~s reinforces the impression that Van Campen either
us~d Eckhou~ s drawmgs of the baskets and parasols, or else invited him to
pamt them htmself. That the 'Triumph' was perhaps a joint work can be in-
ferred fro~ its composition . The blonde girl and the negro girl beside her
are as stat1c as any of Eckhout's people, whereas the figu res in fro nt of them
are full ofmov~ment, yet as a group and individu ally, they are qu ite divorced
from the two gtrls. T~e latter are only brought back into the composition by
the array.offaces behmd them, by implication again full of movement. Since
the two gtrls are central to the picture, one has the impression either that Van
C:amp~~ superimposed his own rather Caravaggesque figures on a composi-
tiOn JnJtJated by Eckhou.t, or (if Van Campen dared to borrow so blatantly)
that he based the two gtrls on Eckhout's studies. We favour the first alter-
native.
THE FLEHITE PA ELS
Plate 61 In th: Flehite Museum at Am ersfoort are 9 painted panels which were form-
erl y m H et. Hoogerhuis in Randenbroek, a fairl y imposing house backing
onto the Fhe~beekstraat (pulled down in 1879; a painting and 19th century
P~?tographs m Van Hoorn , 1981: 25, 29). The paintings, on loan from the
Rtjksmuseum , Amsterda~ (No 4254), are illustrated by Theil (1976:
161-162) and the three of mterest here, the 'Brazilian' panels on the back
wall, we:e also reproduced by Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 208) and
by Joppte n (1979: pis. 156, 157). Set togeth er, these three panels measure 85
by 53? em. Each contains a basket filled with fruits and some vegetables, the
two stde panels also having a decorative oblong with swags of leaves and a
98 Flehite panels
fruit (which thus separate the three paintings of baskets); vine or passion-
fruit leaves emerge from the picture areas to give a trompe-L'oeil effect.
1. Left panel. Squat basket, somewhat rounded, with black ' X' pattern (four
strands wide), repeated (apparently) on all four sides; base reinforced by wide
woman, which is more rectangular and patterned on (presumably) only two
sides. Basket filled with apples, peaches and grapes.
2. Centre panel. Large r, lower basket, with narrow black and white herring-bone
pattern around rim. A possible similarity to the fruit-filled basket in the Brazilian
painting once at Schwedt. Basket fill ed with bananas, pomegranate, paprika,
grapes and surrounded by two kinds of passion-fruit, also a melon .
3. Right panel. Yet another, but slightly different version of the Bacongo basket,
complete with pad below, as seen in Eckhout's negro girl, also the two in the Huis
ten Bosch painting and those in the tapestries Les Pecheurs and L'Eh~phant.
Basket filled with ap ples and grapes. Below is the gloomy epithet El todos es nada.
Van Luttervelt (1946 : 143 -159) attributed these panels to Van Campen, who
was assumed to have lived in Het Hoogerhuis, but Van Gelder (1.960: 18-21,
pis. 10 -11) noted the similarity of the Congolese basket to that held by Eck-
hout's negro girl. He suggested that Eckhout was taught by Van Campen be-
fore he went to Brazil and from the baptismal records he showed that
Page 166
Eckhout later lived in Amersfoort, from at least 1648 to 1652. In fact , Van
Campen never lived at Het Hoogerhuis, although he certainly lived on the
nearby Randenbroek estate and was indeed titled 'Dominus in Randebroek'
below one engraved portrait (Lemmens, 1979: 385). Presumably the Flehite
panels were commisioned either from Van Campen or from Eckhout,
although it seems possible that the two collaborated. As with the Huis ten
Bosch painting, however, we find it hard to believe that Van Campen took
Eckhout 's sketches and blatantly copied Eckhout's style.
THE S C HW EDT PAIN TI NGS
Attributed to Albert Eckhout by Thomsen (1938: 110-125) were ten large
and unsigned wall paintings once in Castle Pretsch, on the Elbe, but brought
to Berlin in 1828 and later installed in the hall of Castle Schwedt a.d. Oder.
In the last days of World War II , however, the whole castle was burned down
(Eckhardt, 1978: 194-196) and these paintings are now known only from
photographs (published by Thomsen, Loc. cit.: pis. 60, 62-68, 70- 71). These
paintings, which depicted Brazilians, Africans , Greenlanders, Chinese, Per-
sians, Malays and perhaps other exotic peoples, were fairly fully discussed
by Thomsen (who identified some of the elements), and some more recent
comments upon them have been made by Van Luttervelt (1942: 67 -68),
Barsch-Supan (1973: 75), Dory (1974: column 1499 and 1975: 205-206) and
Joppien (1979: 344 - 345). All are agreed that the Brazilian scene is nearest
to Eckhout's known style. For our study, we have used the photographs that
were available to Thomsen.
Schwedt paintings 99
Plate 62a 1. Brazilian scene
R ef. Thomsen (1938: 106-110, pl. 60)
Zoology: the guara or scarlet ibis (Eudocimus ruber, right of wom an) a nd the iapu (lc-
terus;amacazz, left of woman) match almost exactly those at Hoflossnitz, but a re more
life-like (es peciall y the guara) . Below the iapu is a large spider (Avicularia), which
ts not qutte the sam e as that in Eckhout's Tapuya m an (based on Handb ook, 1: 402)
nor that in Tlzeatri, 3: 237 (crayon), nor again that in Wagener's Thier Buch. (No 89).
The gu in ea pig (Cavia porcellus, extreme right, middle) resem bles that in Eckhout 's
mameluc woman (b ased on Handb ook, 1: 26), but the colour pattern is no t the same.
The lizard (at th e Ta pu ya's right foot) might be a version of Tlzeatri, 3: 181 upper,
but if so then is reversed and modified. The dog nestled in the lap of the reclining
Indian has a white mu zzle, but is not the dog in Eckhout 's Tapuya wo man, nor that
in Th.eatri, 3 : 91. On the basket sits a marmoset (possibly Callithrix jacchus, centre,
bottom), a little si milar to Wagener's saguij (Th ier Buch, No 80, left), but no model
located (not H istoria woodcut p. 227 , which is based on H andbook, 1: 50, except for
feet). The two-toed anteater (Cyclopes didactyl us, at right foot of woman) almost exact-
ly resembles Theatri, 3 : 97 lower.
Botany: Banana tree (Musa sapientium - middle b ackground); the dispositions of the
leaves and fl ower are quite close to those in Eckhout's Tupinamb.a woman. Next to
it, a cactus (Cereusjamacaru) and anoth er behind it , not known from Eckho ut's paint-
ings, but fairly simil ar to the woodcut in the Historia (p. 126 - top, jamacaru) and
ve ry freq uently u sed by Frans Post in his paintings (Sao Francisco rive r, Sacrifice
of Manoah , etc.) . Wax palm (Copernicia prunifera , right background), but not the
s~me as in Eckhout's negro woman and very different from the woodcut in the
H istoria (p. 130 - top, carana iba). A circular basket (middle foregroun d) seems to
contain flour; immediately behind it is a rectangular basket of pineapples, cashew
fruits and nuts and a corncob, and to the left a sliced melon. Between the man's
legs, the cactus pinda (Melocactus violaceus), but n ot Handbook, 2: 57.
Ethnology: Tapuya m an (left, standing), almost a replica of Eckhout's C openhagen
painting (sam e stance, right forearm appearing too short, same weapons), but he
looks up and to the left, his hair is long, and the left arm is straighter; in addition ,
h e wears feather ear ornaments (as in Eckhout's Tapuya dance and in the crayon
drawi n g in Theatri, 3 : 27) a nd also a d ouble n ecklace (chain or string? ), and arm -
band of feathers and a triple bracelet (strin g or metal?) on his left arm; a cord round
his waist bears leaves and another cord , from hi s right shoulder, has a pipe, a chisel
or gouge, a p air of scissors (or perhaps tongs) and a wooden comb (all these painted
in fine detail and quite unknown in any other representation); on his right ankle
is a plain metal bangle. H e holds onl y two lances (four in the Copenhagen painting),
appare ntl y wit h long stiletto heads tipped by arrowheads, pointing upward ; the
spear-thrower a ppears very close to the Copenhagen version, but the black club in
his left hand h as a more squat blade, with only a single line of white dots, and long
as well as short feathers decorate its other end . There are only three feat hers in his
headdress (thu s n earer the Van Kessel and Historia versions, rather than those of
Wagener, Locke and the Copenhagen painting). H e wears no sandals.
The Tapuya wo man (right , standin g) does n ot follow the Copenhagen version,
but is posed like Eckhout's Tupinamba woman (frontal view, left leg before right,
left arm upraised to stead y a basket on her head ), but she does not hold a child and
the right arm hangs straight at h er side and holds a string of 5 cashews (fruits and
nuts). Like Eckhout's Tapuya wom an, however, sh e wears a tight bunch of leaves
suspended from her waist, but she also has feather armbands and a necklace (not
unlike the Copenh agen necklace EH c 18 of beetle elytra, dating from the 1674 in-
100 Schwedt paintings
ve ntory - see D am-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 24). She appears to wear globu-
lar earrings. The round basket on her head m atches the larger bas ket on the ground ,
bein g woven in tripartite strips and hav ing a strongly reinforced rim .
A third Indian (bottom, right) sits with his back to the viewer, th e dog lookin g
out over his left thigh. Like the Tapuya man, he h as a white peg (tambeta) inserted
into his left cheek (presumabl y paired); he also has a wooden ear-plu g; his hair is
long and bound into it and h anging down a re 4 long feathers. H e holds two la nces,
identical to those held by the Tapuya man. Behind him is appa rentl y a fire.
In the middle background is a man in back view, squatting, with a long feather
cloak and headdress, right arm upraised and holdin g a lance.
Behind the basket with the marmoset in the middle foreground are a di smem -
bered left hand, right foot, left (or ri ght) knee and a possible right hand (and
perhaps another knee on the ri ghthand side); in the woman's basket are a right h and
and a left foot.
A 'copy' of this painting was in the Mu seum fur Volkerkunde in Berlin before
the war (seen by T homsen, 1938: 106), but it cannot now be traced (Dr Gunther
H artmann , in litt. ).
2. Oriental scene Plate 62b
Ref. Thomsen (1938: 111-112, pl. 62)
Two groups of figures separated by a Chinese landscape with pagoda . An extensi ve
display of fruit s and vegetables in the foreground, including sliced melons and
cashew fruits and nuts. Thomsen noted both Chinese and southeast Asian elements
and considered that the foreground of fruits 'kommt fast einer Eckhoutschen Signa-
tur gleich', but he was unable to match any specific elements with those in the Miscel-
lanea C leyeri.
3. Malaysian market Plate 63a
R ef. Thom sen (1938: 112-113, pl. 63)
In the foreground a fruit stall , with the M alay owner coun tin g out change and on
hi s right an assistan t (or customer) holding up some small packets(? of spices) in
a decorated box. To his (or her) right a nd perched on the back of the stall is a
sulphur-crested cockatoo. On the extreme left, a Malay with a cigar in the left h and,
apparently comes to buy at the stall , but separa ted from it by a japan ese swordsman
and behind him a man with a bow. The fruits and vegetables are all a pparentl y from
southeast Asia (cashews introduced) and they are somewhat similar to Eckhout's
style, as also the cockatoo, but no models are known .
An earlier version of this pa inting, or a derivative from it, entitled 'Marktstalletje
op J ava' (see Joppien, 1979 : pl. 158 - but reversed) was bought in 1962 by the
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (160 by 174.5 em , attributed to Albert Eckhout). Com-
pared with the Schwedt picture, a bout a sixth of the background is missing on top,
bottom and each side, while the M alay with the cigar is drawn into the action by
removal of the swordsman and the bowman. J oppien (loc. cit.: 345) argued that this
latter arrangement was the more logical and that the Rijksmuseum painting was the
earlier of the two. However, it seems to us that elements are more usually omitted
in a copy than invented; moreover, the combination of peoples of different ethnic
groups is characteristic of the other Schwedt paintings, implyin g that they are a set
that was painted with a particular progra mme in mind. In the Rijksrnu seum ve r-
sion, the fru its and vegetables are · numbered and there is a key to them in Dutch
(bottom right), as if the pur:pose of the painting was as much d idactic as decorat ive .
It is possible that this painting was in some way related to the Berlin copy of the
Schwedt paintings 101
 Brazilian scene, perhaps being intended for a similar but smaller programme than
that at Schwedt.
Plate 63b 4. Mughal merchant (?), woman with drum, two Africans, etc.
R ef. Thomsen (1938: 113 -116, fig . 64)
R elated to the previous picture by the profusion of fruits in the foreground, of which
the three coconuts (bottom left) with a sliced one above very closely match those of
the market scene (lower right); they are similar but do not exactl y match those in
Eckhout's still-life EN 96 . The cockatoo on the fruits matches that in the market
scene and the Malay with a cigar is also repeated. There is a strong impression that
these and proba bl y other elements were ta ken fr om sketches and incorporated
where app ropriate.
Pl ate 64a 5. Indonesian (?) soldiers, also Africans, at dockside
R ef. Thomsen (1938: 116 - 118, fi g. 65)
The foreground is taken up with a catch of fi sh es a nd other m arin e an imals, a num-
ber of wh ich Thomsen claimed were from the Theatri. Although it is difficult to
judge from a mall half-tone photograph , the following may h ave Theatri or Handbook
counterparts:
( middleground)
Flyingfish (impaled on barbed 4-pronged spear held by African on right of
group). Possibly Theatri, 1: 105, also Wagen er, No 14, but not exact
Large carangid or scombroid (grasped by tail by same man). Ident ified as a dol-
phin by Thomsen, but head profile less steep and eye too hi gh, etc. Some
resemblance to th e corcovado of Wagener, No 10 (which is presumably the
same fi sh as in the drawing Theatri, 1: 190), but anterior anal fi nrays not ex-
tended
Tortoise (held by African boy) . Somewhat similar to the cogado of Wagener,
Pl ate 59 o 72 lower (shell onl y) . Not Handbook, 1: 302, 396, nor the Mauritshuis
painting
(fo reground , left to right)
Stingray (bottom left). Some resemblance to na rin ari of Handb ook, 1: 33 2 (basis
for H istoria woodc ut , p. 176) and to Pfeilstaert of Wagen er, No 17 , but not ex·
act. The narinari of Theatri, 1: 31 is quite different, the pectoral wings being
acutely pointed (Gud ger, 1912: fig. 4)
Porcupinefish (above tail of stingray). Close to guam aj acu guaza of Theat ri, 1: 95,
but not exact. H andbook, 1: 304 is more slender and faces left (basis for the
rever ed and upside-down woodcut in Historia , p. 159) as also its copy by
Wagener, o 9
Two crabs, head -on (Cardisoma guanhumz). Represented in Handbook, 1: 320 and
Theatri, 1: 355, the latter closer, b ut Wagener, No 25 even more similar and
far more accurate (but posture still sli ghtly different). Occurs also in the tapes-
tries Le chasseur indien, Le ch eval raye, Le combat d'animaux and Le roi
porte
Bottlenosed dolphin. ot in H istoria, Handbooks or Theatri. On its back, a bird
resembli ng the gu a riram a of Theatri, 2 : 47 lower, but beak not black (not in
Historia, not in Wage ner)
16 shells (below tail of dolphin). No counterparts in Historia, Theatri or Handbooks;
not m atching those in Van Kessel's painting of America, nor those in the Eck-
hout negro man
102 Schwedt paintings
Sawfish (below dolp hin ). Proba bl y a raguagua of H istoria , p. 159 ( reversed , but surely
b ased on Handbook, 1: 362), but not exact. Not based on Wage n er, No 16,
which is much more slender, pectoral fins short-based, thus more likely a
sawsha rk. T heatri, 1: 85 mi ssin g and not in Leningrad B series
Cuttlefish (below sawfish). Less elongate th an Wagener, No 21, which was not
based on Theatri, 1: 11 lower. Anot her version , which is closer, is Ha ndbook,
1: 350
Cowfish (righ t of cuttlefish). Simila r to gu amajacu ape of H istoria , p. 142 (roughly
based on H andbook, 1: 3 72), but plate-like scales over whole body (as in Theatri,
1: 41)
M an tis shrimp (probably Squilla obtusa, to right of cowfi sh). Fairl y close to the
tam alu asu of Wagener, No 23, but not to Theatri, 1: 311 or H andbook, 1: 324
(on which H istoria, p. 187 was based), since these are Lysiosquilla scabricauda. A
much m ore elongate specimen lies below the first
Fi sh? (a bove saw of sawfish). Not identifiable. Above it , a bird with a wh ite frontal
shield as in a coot (Fullica), but legs appear too long; not m Th eatrz or
Handbooks
Dolphin fi sh (below snout of sawfi sh). Close to doradus of Wagen er, No 11, but
anterior part of dorsal fin hi gher here. Apparently no counterp art in Theatri
or Handbooks since De Laet used an earlier figure of his own for the H istoria,
p. 160 (D e Laet, 1633: 571 a nd 1640: 506)
Crab (below 'beak' of bottlenosed dolphin). No counterpart found
Kin gcrab (on its back, below head of dolphin fish). No counterpart, not in Hist~r­
ia. The most likely species, L imulus polyphemus of the western North Atlantic,
does not occu r in Brazil. Worm (1655: 246) has a woodcut of upper a nd lower
views the la tter similar to this Schwedt vers ion , but not exact
Two sm all crabs (to right of king crab). Upper a little similar to the crangejo of
Wagener, No 26; the lower almost identical to his crangejo, No 27 lower
( ~ Goniopsis cruentata), bu t neither figures in H istoria
Sea urchin (above tail of dolphin fish). No cou nterpart found . .
Grouper (below tail of dolphin fi sh). Undoubtedly Epinephelus guttatus, ve ry Simi-
lar to H andbook, 1: 306 (pirapixanga), which was basis for the woodcu t tn
Historia, p. 153 and most likely also for the peixe gate of Wagener, No 13 (but
14 dorsal spines, not 11). Another version in Theatri, 1: 107 . The seco nd dorsal
fin is here m ad e continuous with the first
Shark (head tou ching tail of dolphin fish). Similar to the tiburao of Wagen er,
No 1 (especially in placin g the first dorsal fin much too far forward) . Not tn
H is to ria a nd not located in the Handbooks ( Theat ri, 1: 85 missing)
Hammerhead shark (proba bly Sphyrna lewini, facing right, below the previous
shark). Extremely similar to the panapa nao of Wagener, No 2. The woodcut
of Historia, p. 181 is diffe rent (bo nnethead , Sphyrna tiburo, not based on H and-
book, 1: 318, which also has a much better picture, and was clearly the basiS
for Wagener)
Centipede (on back of hammerhead shark). Reversed but simil ar to japuruca of
H istoria, p. 253 (based on Handbook , 1: 412, but reversed) . The centopee of
Wagener, No 84 is reversed and not exact
Scorpion (next to centipede). Not escorpiao of Wagener, No 84; no counterpart
found
F ish (below hammerhead shark). Almost identical to the brasem of Wagener,
No 18, but reversed; in neither case is a dorsal fin a ppare nt. No other counte r-
part found .
Fish (below the above). Apparently a trumpetfish and close to the pira pelomboe-
ba of Wagener, No 4 lower. Not the woodcut of petimbu aba in H istoria, p. 148
(based on H andbook, 1: 360)
Schwedt paintings 103
 Starfish (above tail of hammerhead shark). Not one of th e five shown in Theatri,
1: 5, 7, not that in the Historia , p. 189. Another in H andbook, 1: 322 (probably
not the same)
Seahorse (below h ead of hammerhead shark). Close to the one in Wagener,
No 22 , but detail of head not the same. Not in H istoria. The seahorse of
Theatri, 1: 17 faces right and the tail is straight.
Plate 64b 6. O riental scene
R ef. Thomsen (1938: 119, pl. 66)
A coupl e with child on left, remainder dominated by four Chinese (?) warriors, of
which the two on the right have a clear relation ship with two similar figures in Dap-
per (1670: 467), th e one on th e extreme right even havin g an identical pose. Fore-
ground with fruit , vege tables and three birds, but no obviou s hints at the Brazilian
pi ctures. Top right, a ra ther anthropomorphic ba t. As pointed out by Barsch-Supan
(19 73: 75) and by Joppien (1979: 344), the apparent d ebt to Dapper excludes Eck-
hou t, who had died be fore D a pper's Gedenkwaerdig bedryf was publish ed ; however,
D a pper could h ave drawn on an earlier source which was also available to the artist
of the Schwedt paintings .
Pl ate 65a 7. Three Africans (? Hottentots)
R ef. Th om sen (1938: 120, pl. 67 )
A cassowary (centre ri ght) not matching that in the tapestry Le chasseur indien ; not
re presented in the Brazilia n pi ctures . Below it , a peli can, not matching that in
T heatri, 2: 71. Two guinea fowl (bottom left ), but position s m uch more n atural than
in H andbook, 1: 206 (probabl y basis for Wagen er, No 36, perhaps also for Historia,
p. 192).
Plate 65 b 8. Greenlander, two Africans and Asiatic (Malayan ?)
Ref. Thom sen (1938: 120-124, pis. 68 , 69)
The white bird held by the negro woman and the tortoise and snake in the right
foreground cannot be matched with Bra zili a n pi ctures, but the righthand monkey
in the foreground is remarka bl y close to the guariba of the H istoria (p. 226), based
on Ha ndbook, 1: 66 ( caijuba, or macaijuba in Leningrad A series, Cebus apella; appar-
entl y also Theatri, 3: 49 , but mi ssing) .
Thomsen noted that the Greenlander on the left of the Schwed t painting ex-
a ctl y matches the lefthand figure in an engraving of four G reenl a nders pub-
lished by Olearius (1656: 172 - not in the first edition of 164 7); furthermore,
the other three Greenlanders in the Olearius engraving a re reversed , altered
in d etails , but clearly the same people (labelled Thiob, K ab elau and
Gunelle) in a large painting formerl y in the Kunstkamm er of Frederik III
and now in the Etnografisk Samling of the Nationalmuseet in Copenhagen
(E 38c 1, reproduced in Dam-Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 5 - colour).
The fourth Greenlande r in the Copenhagen painting (labelled Sigjo) is not
in the engraving, while the Schwedt figure is not in the Copenha gen paint-
ing. It seems most likely, however, that the Schwedt figure is actually Sigjo
with her hood up over her head. These four Greenlanders wer e captured at
Godthaab Fjord, western Greenland , in 1654 during the third of David Dan-
n el's voyages and they were brought to Bergen and then to Copenhagen,
104 Schwedt paintings
Thiob unfortu nately dying en route. The three women were then taken via
Flensburg to Gottorp, where Frederik III's cousin Friedrich of Holstein-
Gottorp held court a nd where Adam Oelschlager or Olearius supervised his
Kunstkammer. The three Greenland women stayed five days in O learius's
house and ten years later he included them (reversed) as an engraving in his
catalogue of the Ku nstkammer (Olearius, 1666: 4-5, pl. 3). It has been argued
elsewhere (Whitehead , 1987) that the close similarities, coupled with the
otherwise u nnecessary differences, between the Copenhagen painting and
the engravings of these Greenlanders can only be interpreted on the basis
of prior sketches which may have been used to make the painting, but were
certainly u sed by O learius for his engravings. This means that the Copenha-
gen painting need not have been painted in Bergen (before Thiob's death),
nor for th at matter in Copenhagen or Gottorp, which makes the problem of
attribution extremely difficult. Eckhout had been in Dresden for a year when
the four Greenlanders arrived in Bergen and it seems most unlikely that he
was rushed there to paint them. In theory, he could have been given the
sketches, the painting being sent back to Copenhagen afterwards, but the
style of the faces, the lack of crispness in the details of the artifacts, and the
obvious lack of understanding of the garments, not to mention the absence
of a signature, all seem to argue against Eckhout's involvement in the
painting.
The real artist may perhaps have been Salomon Haven (d. 1670), original-
ly from Stralsund, b ut settled in Bergen from about 1625. His services were
sought by Christian IV on a visit to Bergen in 1641 (but refused on grounds
of age) and he was clearly still in royal favour in 1653 when Frederik III sent
Haven's two sons abroad to study art (Schnitler, 1923: 160). Haven's reputa-
tion was as a portraitist and since he was in Bergen when the Greenlanders
arrived in September 1654, it seems very possible that he was called upon
to draw them and th en make a painting afterwards. Although one of these
sketches could have served for both the Olearius engraving and the Green -
lander in the Schwedt painting, it seems more likely that the Schwedt Green-
lander was actually taken from the Olearius engraving, partly because the
figures a re not reversed, and partly because the costume details in the paint-
ing seem to be even further misunderstood. . .
Dory (1 97 5: 205, pl. 5) believed that the negro couple m thts Schwedt
painting were based on an engraved vignette on a map of about 1680 by
Romeyn d e H ooghe (1645-1708), while the same motiv (but now both wom-
en) was used fo r a wall painting in Frederiksborg Castle near Cop~nhagen
(Dory, loc. cit.: pl. 7). He concluded that Eckhout had left s~et_ches m Dres-
den , which were then used by the artist of the Schwedt pamtmgs (see also
Dory, 1974: column 1499). Joppien (1979: 345) felt that De Hooghe co~ld
have used a mu ch earlier drawing for his map engraving, thus a drawmg
which could in some way have been available also to the Schwedt artist. The
same reasoning can apply to the Dapper engravings (see paintings 6 and 10
here) .
Plate 66a
9. Oriental scene
Ref. Thomsen (1938: 124, pl. 70)
Schwedt paintings 105
 Three enorn:ous figures behind a table, a merchant sitting at the table, and two
figur~~ sta~dmg at the table, each progressively dwarfing the next. No hint at the
Brazilian pictures, but Thomsen thought the tree on the left might relate to a sketch
by Eckhout (but no model suggested).
Plate 66b 10. Chinese musicians and negro girl
Ref. Thomsen (1938: 124, pis. 71, 72)
Van Luttervelt (1942: 57- ?B) showed that this scene was related to an engraving in
~apper (1670: 492), especially the drummer on the right, the girl on the keyboard
mstr~m e nt on the left, and to some extent the dancer in the centre (reduced to half
the Size of the other fi gures). Borsch-Supan (1973: 75) believed this good evidence
that Ec~~out could not have painted the picture (but see above, No 6). There are
no Brazili an elements. Thomsen showed that the negro girl matched an oval portrait
m Schloss Charlottenburg, Berlin , which he attributed to Eckhout (probably er-
roneously).
In ~he. absence of the Schwedt paintings themselves, an analysis must rest on
the1r Iconography and general style. We find that:
a. A?out ~orty of the elements (animals, plants, people) bear at least some
relatwnsh1p to representations in the works brought back from Brazil order-
ived directly from them
b. T~e resemblances vary in degree, from an almost exact match (scarlet ibis
and 1apu of o ~ to ~oflossnitz paintings), through numerous strongly simi-
lar ~n.es, to vanous Items (e.g. fruits and vegetables in No 2), which are
rem1mscent of the Brazilian material but have no known counterparts
c. Painting o 1 (Brazilians) has the strongest relationship to known works
o.fEck~out (Copenhagen paintings); next is painting No 5 (Africans at dock-
Side With fish es), with about twenty elements close to those in the Handbooks
T_heatri or W~gener's Thier Buch; next, No 7 (three Africans), which has thre~
birds that ~mt at the Brazilian material or tapestries, and No 2 (Oriental
scene), which has 'Eckhoutian' fruit and vegetables in the foregro und.
d. The derivation of the Greenlander in o 8 from an engraving and not
from a sketch seems most likely, and this reinforces the impression that the
Dapper and De Hooghe elements (i.e. engravings) were also the basis for
figures in the Schwedt paintings, although the use of prior sketches cannot
be ruled out. Either way, however, a terminus post quem for the Schwed t paint-
ings (except possibly the Brazilian one) would appear to post-date Eckhout's
stay in Dresden.
Since the items represented in the Schwedt paintings do not match the
Cracow or other material exactly, one must assume that the artist had availa-
ble to him additional sketches or drawings. These must have included sub-
jects not present in the extant material. Such sketches must have been made
Page 166 in Brazil and it seems reasonable that they were brought to Dresden by Eck-
hout, who in any case is recorded to have brought his sketches from Holland.
The Brazilian painting stands apart from the others, being mu ch taller than
wide (the others are almost square). It differs also in having the same static
106 Schwedt paintings
and almost restful atmosphere as in the Copenhagen paintings; by contrast,
the other Schwedt paintings have an active flow of gestures, glances and body
movements which serve to relate the figures either to each other or to some
common theme. If these others must post-date Dapper's Gedenkwaerdig bedryf
of 1670 (Nos 6 and 10), or even De Hooghe's engraving of about 1680
(No 8), there is no reason why the Brazilian scene should not have been
painted much before this and only later incorporated into the series. We con-
clude that this painting could well have been by Eckhout prior to his depar-
ture in 1663.
If the remaining paintings must be
dated after 1670, then Eckhout must
have left his sketches in Dresden, unless they were carefully copied by the
other court artists. It would be of enormous value if these sketches could be
found .
TAPESTRIES
The most splendid and successful outcome from the Brazilian pictorial
record was undoubtedly the tapestry series derived from cartoons based
eventually on the drawings and paintings assembled by Johan Maurits.
Three tapestry series were made: the Van der Gucht series in Holland and
the Anciennes and Nouvelles lndes series at the Gobelins in Paris (plus some ser-
ies made in Russia, copied from the first Paris series). Known collectively as
the Tenture des lndes, they have attracted a considerable amount of scholarly
attention. The principal source of information on the two Paris series is
Fenaille (1903, 1907), who gives much of the original documentation, as also
Guiffrey (1886) and Engerand (1899, 1901). Of the more important recent
studies, see Sousa-Leao (1947), Jarry (1957 , 1958, 1959, 1976), Benisovich
(1943) and the excellent review by Joppien (1979), as well as the unpublished
thesis by Verdier (19 77). Examples of all eight Anciennes Indes and Nouvelles
lndes tapestries were exhibited at the Musee des Tapisseries at Aix-en-
Provence in 1984, the excellent catalogue including colour pictures of all six-
teen pieces (Krotoff, 1984); included also were short essays on the general
history of the series (Coural, 1984) and possible iconographic sources
(Whitehead, 1984), as well as brief notes on the examples in Rome (Arizzoli-
Clementel, 1984) and in Malta Garry, 1984).
Until recently, authors have not attempted a full-scale analysis of the
source for the subject matter of the tapestries and its correlation with all the
pictorial material discussed here, perhaps largely because the Cracow pic-
tures have been unavailable, the Leningrad pictures were unknown until
comparatively recently, and access to these as well as to the Dresden, Gotha
and other material was not easy. Moreover, the only complete sets of these
tapestries that can be studied in one place and at ease (i.e. hung on the walls)
are those in Malta and Rome (Anciennes Indes) and in Prague (Nouvelles Indes).
We have not seen these and for the moment offer some observations based
on isolated tapestries or on photographs.
Van der Gucht series
The first series of tapestries was that made by Maximiliaan van der Gucht
Tapestries 10 7
 (? - 168~), w_ho had a tapestry works in Delft and a sale-room in The
Hagu e;_ With h1s sons, he virtually monopolised Dutch tapestry-making in
~he penod 1636 - 70 (Ysselsteyn, 1936(1): 134 et seq. and 15 7 -158). In a letter
rom Van d er Gucht, signed and dated The Hague 16 April 1667 and ad-
dressed to th_e Elector of Brandenburg, he stated that he had received from
Johan Maunts the Elector's 11 'Indian' pictures (8 large 3 smaller) showin g
all sorts of ( · d. ' he sch zlderl)en
· · ·' van allerhande men-
. people and done 1·11e-s1ze
r ·
zn zaenzsc
schen, g~dzert~ e~ kruijen soo groot als 't !even) and that he would make them into
tapestnes Withm four months; also, he would make no other use of them ex-
cept for J ohan Maurits, if the Elector permitted it (Koninklijk Huisarchief
The Hague, IV dossier 1478; reproduced by Ysselsteyn, 1936(2): 324:
n o. 713; Pan hu ys, 1925: 438; Larsen, 1962: 251 doc. 47· Sousa-Leao
1973: 162, doc. IV). ' '
The · d. ·
. Imme Iate source of these 11 cartoons IS not absolutely certain but
a possible reference to them is in an undated and unsigned list of 10 car;oons
(and 3 smaller) sent to Johan M aurits from the Elector and brought to
Cleves under the care ofMic?ael Hanff (wrongly H auff in earlier literature) ,
gardener ~o the Ele~tor, firs_t m -~onigsberg and after 1645 in Berlin (Nadler,
_196~). This H anff h st (K omnkliJk Huisarchief, The Hague, IV dossier 1478)
IS Cited by Panhuys ~1925: 439-440) and Larsen (1962: 252, doc. 49), but a
~ore correct rendenng of it is given by Lemmens (1979: 270-271). We have
Cited the Lemmens ve rswns · · t h e d ocumentatwn
m ·
to each of the tapes tnes
If th~se were the cartoons that were sent on by Johan Maurits to Van der
Gucht m 1667, then Johan Maurits must either have eliminated two of the
larger ones, or perhaps com bined two of them with two others. In fact
os 1-8 were stated to be 12 Y2 -14 feet lon g, whereas 9 and 10 were onl;
5 and 4 feet long (small er than 11-13, which were 6 ).--2 feet long). If these
were not the cartoons transmitted to Van der Gucht, then one would have
to a_ssume that the cartoons went back to the Elector and only later were sent
agam to J ohan ~aurits so _that he too could have tapestries made, but this
seems unnecessanly com plicated . After the tapestries were made, their car-
to?~s were sent back to The Hagu e according to a note on Van der Gucht's
ongmal lette_r acceptin g the contract (D ie Schildereyen seint wiederumb geli.ffert
undt hab solle zm R age bewahrung; this seems to have bee n missed by all authors
except Sousa-~eao, 1973: 162, doc. IV). Whether Johan Maurits was allowed
to keep th~m IS of some importance in determining the basis for the subse-
quent Pans tapestri es.
The original source for the cartoons sent by the Elector viajohan M aurits
~as undoubtedl y the 16 pictures of Indians, mammals, birds, snakes, fishes ,
Invertebrates, trees, _fruits, herbs and flowers (7 large, 9 smaller) apparently
sent by Jo?an Ma~nts to t?e Elector some fifteen years earlier, in 1652. They
were specified as Item 13 m two undated lists of this transaction which in-
clude_d also the pictures of the Theatri and the two Ha ndbooks (one list slightly
ampl~fies the other; both were form erly in the Prussian Secret Archives, but
now Ill M erseburg, D eutsches Zentral Archiv, R ep. 34.2, fols. 7-11 - see
L emmen s, 1979: 290). They were reproduced by Driesen (1849: 35 7) and by
Lars~n (~~62: 2_53, d? c. 50). A ~hird version of this list is in The Hagu e
(Konmklljk Hmsarch1ef, IV dossier 1478; cited in Panhuys, 1925: 440-441),
108 Tapestries
but it differs considerably and the 16 pictures are not included (nor the Hand-
books); presum ably this was an earlier list. The M erseburg lists state that the
16 pictures could decorate a large room, much like tapestries (womit als mit
Tapeten ein grosser Saal behangt werden kann). Possibly they were painted as such
and could thu s have been hung injohan Maurits' palaces ofVrijburg or Boa
Vista in Recife; alternatively, they were painted on the return to Holland,
based on the Theatri, Handbooks and other pictures.
Van d er Gucht completed the Elector's tapestry commission, perhaps in
the four mon ths that he promised. A year later, on 19 May 1668, the Elector
wrote to J ohan Maurits expressing his satisfaction with the work (Koninklijk
Huisarchief, IV dossier 1478; cited in Ysselsteyn, 1936(2): 326, No 718 and
in Larsen, 1962: 252, doc. 48). Records of these tapestries have been traced
'
in 1691 and 1699 and they were perhaps the Neun Tapeten von wilden leuthen
und thieren, worinnen auch des Fi.i.rsten Moritz von Nassau hochfi.i.rstl. Durchlaucht Per-
sohn gewirket, No 12 (MS Berliner M eublenkammer for 1717, fol. 6 - see Barsch-
Supan, 1967 : 453). T hey have since disappeared without trace Qoppien,
1979: 325, on information from the Staatliche Schlosser und Garten, West
Berlin).
There is no direct evidence, but it seems likely thatjohan Maurits ordered
a set of some or all of these tapestries himself. C ertainly, there were tapestries
with Brazilian themes in the Mauritshuis, as specified by H ennin (1681; rele-
· .
vant passage translated as tape(arias de assuntos brasileiros das Indias by Sousa-
Leao, 1966: 22). If these remained in the Mauritshuis, they would have been
destroyed in the fire of 1704. Howeve r, they might have been transferred to
the Nassauischer Hof in Siegen after Prince Willem Maurits handed the
Mauritshuis over to the creditors. In the 1690 Siegen inventory there are 7
large and 4 small tapestries listed, but the subj ects are merely given as grosse
wildte Thiere in Lebensgrosse seind (Koninklijk Huisarchief, The Hague, IV
dossier 1521; cited in Luck, 1957: note 115 and in part by Sousa-Leao,
1973; 165, doc. IX). However, in this case they could also have been des-
troyed , in the fire of 1695 (Li.ick, 1957).
Thus, by the early 18th century, all trace of the Van der Gucht tapestries
appears to have been lost and it seems doubtful that any of them have sur-
vived. This is unfortunate because they could throw considerable light on the
history of the Paris tapestry series.
Anciennes lndes (1st Paris series)
The second series of Brazilian tapestries was that made from 1687 at the
Gobelins workshops in Paris, for which more documentation exists than with
the Van der Gucht series. Among about sixty letters in the dossier ' Presents
a Louis XIV ' is one to the Marquis Simon Arnaud de Pomponne, Secretary
of State (21 D ecember 1678) and another to Louis XIV (8 February 1679)
in which J ohan Maurits offers to Le Roi Soleil about forty large and small
pictures, being tout le Bresil en pourtrait . . . tout en grandeur de vij, from which
a tapest ry could be made (Koninklijk Huisarchief, The Hagu e, IV dossier
1478; cited in fu ll by Thomsen, 1938: 177-178 and Larsen, 1962: 254-255,
docs 52, 53) . Johan Maurits claimed that it was very necessary to have an
artist sent who understood tapestry cartoon painting, but there is no record
Tapestries 109
.---
1 that this was do~e. H?wever, the pictures were seen and favo urably reported
on .by .a certam R1scard (possibly Jacques II Francart according to
Bemsov~ch, 1943: 219). In mid:July 1679 the pictures were sent to Paris ac-
compame~ by Johan Maurits' painter Paul de Milly to explain the raretes,
together With the major-domo and the gardener Dupuis, who was to demon -
strate a new type of pruning shears. De Milly is given as Pieter de Melly by
Jacob C_ohen , fir:an~ial agent to Johan Maurits, in h is letters describing the
assemblmg of th1s g1ft to Louis XIV, and was said to have been employed,
together With Jacob d e Lange, to restore the paintings (8 December 1678,
also 27 D ecem?er and 10 February 1679, K oninklijk Hu isarchief, The
!1ague, rydosster 1463; cited in Sousa-Leao, 1973: 162-164, docs VI f, g,
1). The g1fts took 25 days to reach the royal residence at St Germain-en-
La_Ye, th e party travelling via Rotterdam , Rou en and then up the Seine via
P01s Y· They were exhibited in the Salle de Ia C om edie at the Louvre and
were seen there by Colbert on 18 August and later by the young Dauphin
and. Madam e Henriette and her daughter. They were not seen by the king
unttl a month later, on 21 September Qarry, 1957: 312-313).
Although .t~e pictures seem to have impressed Lou is XIV and visiting no-
bles, no dec1s1on was taken to have them worked in to tapestries and when
Johan Ma~rits died onl y a few months later (20 D ecember 1679) the paint-
mgs were m store and were to remain there for nearly eight years (perhaps
also partly .due to the downfall of the Marquis de Pomponne and the death
of Colbert m 1683). It was not until mid-1687 , when the Gobelins had appar-
e~tly run out of suitable tapestry designs, that La Chapelle Besse, Con-
tr~leur des Batiments du Roi at the Gobelins, suggested to the Surintendant,
M1chel Le Tellier, Marquis de Louvois, that the Tenture des I ndes be begun
and royal assent was requested (Archives Nationales Paris 0 1 2040· cited
in Jarry, 1957: 316). ' ' ' next 9 to landscape paintings by Frans Post. The Description was evidently
Of.great interest to the present study would be to know exactly what were
the ptctures sent to Paris, what was the basis for them to what extent were
they modified for the tapestries, and what happened to' them? Were they the
same as the tableaux that Johan Maurits once showed to Cardinal Mazarin
and that he coveted, at some time before 1661? Qohan M aurits to Louis de
~ eauveau , Comte d ' Espence, Koninklijk H ui sarchief, IV dossier 14 78; extract
m Sousa-Leao, 1973: 31). Were they the same as those in the list for the Elec-
tor of Brandenburg in 1652; the same that were sent to Van der Gucht in
1667; and the same that were eventually sent back to Johan Maurits? If so,
then J ohan Maurits seems guilty of some duplicity when he wrote in his let-
ters to th~ Marquis de Pomponne and to Louis XIV that his pictures could
be made mto a tapestry qu ~n aye jamais vue and qui ne se trouve plus au monde.
Had he forgotten the Elector's tapestries made eleven years earlier, and did
he. not have a set himself? The surviving documentation seems to confirm
th1s. In a letter to Johan Maurits from Jacob Cohen, referring to de schil-
dereyen and their possible restoration by De Lange, but surely meaning the
t~pestry cartoons, Cohen states that de waepens, dien daer boouen aen zyn, zyn
met van de Churf maer van uf gen. (the coats of arms, which are above, are not
tho~e of the Elector but of Your Grace) (28 November 1678, Koninklijk
Hmsarchief, The Hague, IV dossier 1463; cited in Sousa-Leao, 1973: 162,
110 Tapestries
doc. Vlb). As pointed out by Lemmens (1979: 274), this can only refer to
cartoons given to the Elector in 1652 and returned to Johan Maurits for his
own set of Vander G ucht tapestries. Either Johan Maurits had forgotten that
his own arm s had been substituted once the Elector's tapestries had been
made, or Johan Maurits ' arms were left on the cartoons and a subsidiary
diagram of the Elector's arms merely pinned on top for the tapestry workers.
Whatever the sequence, it seems clear that these cartoons destined for Louis
XIV had formerly belonged to the Elector. One can only suppose, therefore,
that in claim ing the cartoons would make unique tapestries, Johan Maurits
had in mind a more splended and comprehensive series than before,
presumabl y as a result of being worked up and elaborated by the Gobelins
artists.
The gifts to Louis XIV are briefly described in a list drawn up by Gedeon
du Metz, Controleur G eneral des Meubles de Ia Couronne, in an lnventaire
General des Meubles de la Couronne, dated 30 January 1681 or about eighteen
months after the gifts were brought (cited in Guiffrey, 1886 (2): 23 and given
also by Beni sovich, 1943: 222 and Larsen, 1962: 259, doc. 55). Item 442 is
'Huit grands tableaux ... de 14 pieds 8 pouces de haults' and item 443 is 'Trente
quartre autres tableaux . . . haults d'environ 2 d 3 pieds sur 3 d 4 de large.'
More detailed than the Du Metz lnventaire is an undated and unsigned list
entitled D escription des Tableaux que le Prince Maurice de Nassau a offerts au Roi
Louis XIV(Koninklij k Huisarchief, The Hague, IV dossier 1478; cited in full
by Thomsen, 1938: 178-183 and by Larsen, 1962: 255-259, doc. 54). This
D escription is in two parts: the first 12 items are labelled Litt. A-M 0 omit-
ted), all except M having up to 13 subheadings, numbered under each item
(total 85), while the next 9 items are labelled Litt. AA-11. It has generally
been assumed that the first 12 referred to cartoons for tapestries, and the
compiled by J ohan Maurits himself, since Eckhout was dead, Piso died while
the pictures were being assembled, and Frans Post was the worse for drink,
being ongesien vervallen tot den dronk en bevende as Jacob Cohen informed J ohan
Maurits (9 J anuary 1679, Koninklijk Huisarchief, The Hague, IV dossier
1463; cited in Sousa-Leao, 1973: 164, doc. VIh). According to Cohen, the
pictures for Louis X IV were first to be sent from The Hague to Johan
Maurits and accompanied by the painter De Melly (or Milly) as soon as the
ice had cleared (10 February 1679, same source); in fact Johan Maurits was
already expectin g them to arrive in March according to his letter from Ber-
gendael written to Louis XIV two days earlier (source cited above). Thus,
the Description mu st have been written between March and mid:July when
the pictures were dispatched to Paris and any decisions whether to omit cer-
tain items mu st have been taken by Johan Maurits at that time. He used Pi-
so's 1658 edition of the Historia to help document the pictures, since page
numbers are given occasionally; it was presumably a copy of this book that
was included in the presents to Louis XIV (No 271 in the Du Metz lnventaire;
cited in Guiffrey, 1886 (2): 23).
As with the documentation for the Van der Gucht tapestries, there is a dis-
crepancy in numbers: 11 cartoons (i.e. Litt. A-L) are given in the Description,
whereas only 8 are given in the lnventaire and only 8 were actually made into
Tapestries 111
 tapestries. No-one has explained this. The Inventaire was made six ye ars be-
fore any decision was taken about using the cartoons, so that it is unlikely
that any had been rejected at that time. Possibly the Description was a prelimi-
nary list, from which three were withdrawn. Joppien (1979: 32 8) has suggest-
ed that Litt. I, K and L could have been incorporated into the others since
no new subjects are given. The tableau Litt. M, which showed a Tapuya cou-
ple, was not used for the tapestries (see below) and was almost certainly not
sent; possibly the other three were not sent either. It is unfortunate th a t the
lnventaire is not more precise and detailed. In fact, Cohen had selected 3 large
paintings all of a size, 3 smaller ones, 2 oblong ones and 3 small w indow
paintings for inclusion in the gift (10 December 1678, source cited a bove),
which suggests that Litt. I , K and L were the window paintings; there is no
mention of any Tapuya picture which could have been Litt. M, however.
There has been considerable speculation over the 85 subheadings in the
tableaux Litt. A- L. Some have assumed that they were actual objects, natural
history specimens and artifacts, sent to show the Gobelins ar tists what the
cartoons were trying to depict (Benisovich, 1943; Larsen, 1962; Jarry, 1976).
However, for the boa constrictor and the cheval marin (Litt. C , No 4 and Litt.
D, No 5) it is clearly stated that the skins are in the 'Academ y' in Leiden (the
latter appears as a gift from Johan Maurits in the various catalogues of the
Leiden Anatomy Theatre, e.g. Blancken, 1698: 6, item 32). Fruits and
vegetables, such as the watermelon of Litt. E, No 7, could n ot have been
sent, while a number of items refer to landscapes, thus surely pictures. Cer-
tainly some objects were sent, as for example the drainage pipes in the Du
Metz lnventaire (Nos 269, 270) and the hammock in which the plump young
Dauphin swung Qarry, 1957: 313). There is no indication, h owever, that
some of the 85 items were objects while others were pictures; it seems more
reasonable that all must have been pictures, the objects being listed
separately.
Another possibility is that the 85 numbered items in the Description were
in fact an explanatory key to numbers on the cartoons, as in the R ijksmuse-
Page 101 urn Amsterdam market scene. However, the instructions against two of the
landscapes (Litt. D, o 3 and Litt. H, No 1) state that it ne jaut pas se servir
dans les grands tableaux, which may imply that they were not already on the
cartoons. Again, there is an instruction for the rasp, press and cauldron in
Litt. G , o 9 that Iljaut peindre ceci dans les grands tableaux ... , which also sug-
gests that these were not yet on the cartoons.
The Du Metz Inventaire mentions only 34 smaller paintings (to m ake 42
pictures sent to Louis XIV) and in his letter to the Marquis de Pomponne,
before the gift was sent, Johan Maurits does indeed speak of environ quarante
tant grands que petits tableaux, taus originels. Sousa-Leao (1973: 31-33) combined
the Inventaire, the Description and Cohen's letters to conclude that 30 paintings
by Frans Post were sent to Paris (9 in Litt. AA- II , plus 21 not described),
of which 27 were certainly alluded to in Cohen's letter of 10 December 1678;
perhaps three more were acquired before the gift was sent. Two extant Post
paintings can be identified as part of the gift since they still bear the Du Metz
Inventaire number 443 (View of Itamaraca in the Louvre; Fort Frede rik Hen-
drik owned by the late J. de Sousa-Leao ). A third painting, Franciscan
112 Tapestries
cloister (Lou vre, No 1723) has a torn label on the back which reads Un cloitre
des Peres Capuchins de l 'ordre St Franciscil La Maison de Portugais noble./NB Tout ce
qu 'on voit dans le pais ce qui a la couleurljonatre [c'est de la Cane} dont on presse le
Sucre. The label, as well as the painting, were reproduced by Sousa-Leao
(1973 : 100 -101, No 63). The text omits one line, but otherwise faithfully
repeats the wording in Litt. BB of the Description. This, together with the in-
ventory number 443 on the other two paintings, virtually proves that the 9
items Litt. AA-II were pictures, most likely all by Post. To arrive at the 34
paintings of the Inventaire one must assume 21 more by Post and a further
4 by Eckhou t, being those specified by Cohen as three window paintings
(still-lifes?) and one of a negro (another picture which showed two negroes
on horseback was damaged and Cohen wanted to get it repaired, but perhaps
failed).
Althou gh the 34 p ictures of the Inventaire can thus be accounted for, there
is no hint in any known inventory of another 85 pictures supporting the car-
toons of Li tt. A-L. O n e must perhaps conclude that such supporting pic-
tures were u nframed, possibly in portfolios, and were thus considered an
essential part of the cartoons themselves.
If indeed the 85 items in Litt. A- L were actual pictures, then they are of
enormous interest, first because they will have provided exact models for the
tapestries, a nd second because they will represent an iconographic source
additional to all those yet discussed, being quite distinct from what was given
to the Elector in 1652 (Handbooks, loose paintings for Theatrz) or what was
taken by Eckhout to Dresden. For example, in the first tableau (Litt. A) it is
stated that th is picture of Chile and Peru was painted from life, thus one
must assume that the llamas, people and artifacts (nos. 1- 9) were actually
drawn on the Brouwer expedition of 1642-3. The Theatri, on the other hand,
contains only five paintings from Chile (three Indians, llama and guanaco),
whereas Litt. A gives llamas, horses, Chileans on horseback with pikes, a
poncho, a saddle an d harness, and women in traditional costume (of which
all but the last appear in the last but one tapestry). This again raises the
problem of whethe r Eckhout went to Chile or whether he relied on Page 63
Schmalkalden's sketches.
Many other item s a re of interest, as for example the hammock, parasol and
weaver-bird nests in Litt. B, the jangada or raft in Litt. B and Litt. L, and
the pots a nd Tapuya weapons in Litt. H. They are unrepresented in the
Cracow material a nd there is no way, when they appear in later works, to
check their accuracy (e.g. the parasol in the Huis ten Bosch painting).
Of importa nce also are the representations of people. Some were used in
the tapestries, but look rather stylised; others appear to be unique. The fol-
lowing are listed in the Description:
Chileans
Litt. A, No 2. Women in traditional costume. Not used in tapestry, not found else-
where; possibly the source for the woodcut in the Historia, p. 284
Litt. A, No 6. Men on horseback, with pikes. Presumably the basis for the man on
the horse in the tapestry L'lndien a cheval; perhaps constructed from the standing
man in the Historia, p. 284, but poncho much more elaborate.
Tapestries 113
 Africans
Litt., B, os 6, 7. A negro and his slaves. Presumably those in the tapestry Le roi
porte and tts (extstmg) cartoon, but not represented elsewhere. If painted from life
then perhaps an argument that Eckhout visited Africa
L_itt. H , No 7. A negro with red skin and hair. Not in the tapestry Le chasseur in-
dten and not represented elsewhere
~it~'hH, No 8. An albino neg~o. ot used in tapestry, but presumably the albino
m '• eatn, .'3: 13 or another patnting of him.
Tapuyas
Litt. C, No 3_. A 'cannibal'. ot used in the tapestry L'Elephant and presumably
not the man m Eckhout's Copenhagen picture since that is in Litt. M (see below)
Litt. F, 0 7. Men fishing. Presumably the two in Les pecheurs, but not represent-
ed elsewhere _except as ten small figures pulling a seine-net in a vignette on the large
Page 158 map of Brazil dated 1643 and bearing Marcgraf's name
Litt. ,H,_ 0 5. Woman. ot used in tapestry Le chasseur indien and like the 'can-
mba] ctted above, probably not Eckhout's Copenhagen painting
Litt. H , No 9. A man who sleeps between four naked women without moving(!),
a scene n~t found m any tapestry but with a faint echo of Eckhout's crayon sketch
Page 89 of a sleepmg Tapuya gtrl (now m West Berlin)
Litt. M., A Tapuya man and ":o~an in one picture, but almost certainly those in
Eckhout s two Copenhagen pamtmgs since the man is said to have two clay pipe-
stems through hts cheeks and a gre~n ston_e _in his lower lip; also, a Tapuya dance
and a troupe of other Tapuyas commg t? JOin them, which appear respectively in
the male and female Copenhagen pamtmgs. In this picture, however, there is an
anteater near _the man (a boa constrictor in the Copenhagen painting). This scene
was not use~ m the tapestries, in spite of its surely great appeal, therefore perhaps
not sent. It I not the Schwedt painting, which lacks the anteater and the Tapuya
dance and other Tapuyas.
Portuguese, etc.
Litt. E, No 3. A Portuguese accompanying a 'Signora d'Ingenio'. ot in the tapes-
try Les deux taureaux (unless the woman was supposed to be in the palanquin) and
not represented elsewhere '
Litt. F, N.? 3. A mulatto woman and the way that she carries fruit. Not in the tapes-
tr~ Les pecheurs and probably not Eckhout's mameluc woman ·of the Copenhagen
pamtmg.
The equation given here between Litt. A-Hand individual tapestries fol-
lows t_he scheme suggested by Joppien (1979: 328). This correlation is quite
cl,ear ~n s~me cases, e.g. the Chilean scene of Litt. A is certainly the tapestry
L Ind~en a cheval. In other cases, many elements in the Description do not ap-
pear _m. any ~apes try and conversely, many tapestry subjects are not in the
Descrzptzon. ~tther the cartoons of the Description were considerably modified,
or the Descrzptzon was not a definitive list of the subsidiary pictures sent. In
fact, both may be true.
Whether the cartoons of the Description were those cited in the Inventaire is
an open question, but there is a further problem with those of the Inventaire.
114 Tapestries
Were they seriously modified or even redrawn for the tapestries, or were they
used more or less as they stood? That some modifications were envisaged
seems implied by the notes in the Description, in which certain items were re-
' quested to be made life-size and all were presumably intended to be drawn
more clearly. Johan Maurits certainly anticipated changes, as shown by his
request to Louis XIV to supply a painter qui se coignoit aux Paysages, et en quelle
fafOn on est accoustume de peindre les models des tapis series au quel je donneray ouverture
de mes desseins, que j'ai la dessus, et formeray en sa presence une lisle de la qualite de
chaque animal, lesquels desseins vostre Majeste pourra faire changer selon son bon
plaisir . . . (letter of 8 February 1679, source cited above) . More direct evi-
dence that changes were actually made comes from the record of payments
made to the Gobelins artists. On 4 January 1688, a final 220 out of 552 livres
was paid to J ean-Baptiste Monnoyer and Jean -Baptiste Belin de Fontenay
pour l'ouvrage qu 'ils ont fait a repeindre les plantes et les oyseaux in the 8 large
tableaux; three weeks later, on 25 January, Houasse and Bonnemer received
the balance of their 1550 livres for work a repeindre these tableaux, being
presumably the figures and animals (Comptes des Batiments, Manufacture
des Gobelins, cited by Fenaille, 1903: 371). That this was merely for retouch-
ing seems clear from the fact that four years later, after the cartoons had been
used for two sets and were being prepared for the important third in haute
lisse, a sum only a little greater (3512 livres) was paid to restore the cartoons
and we know from the subsequent sets that very few changes were made and
certainly not a complete re-designing of the cartoons (Fenaille, loc. cit.: 380).
On the other hand, when the cartoons were completely re-designed for the
second series, Franc;ois Desportes was paid no less than 16,000 livres for the
work (Fenaille, 1907 ( 4 ): 41- 43). In fact, Desportes' son Claude- Franc;ois
(1695 -1774) later recorded that his father avail autrefois [i.e. in 1692 for the
th ird set] retouch! les originaux faits dans le pays par les peintres hollandais
(Desportes, 1854: 110; Benisovich, 1943: 222). We conclude that repeindre
(and raccommoder given elsewhere) meant retoucher and that the original ta-
bleaux sent by Johan Maurits could have been used as the cartoons, although
modified in part.
Another modification could have been in size. Cohen, in his letter to Jo-
han Maurits of 10 December 1678 (source cited above), gives a variety of
shapes (3 large, 3 smaller, 2 oblong). In the Hanff list of 10 plus 3 small sent
by the Elector to Johan Maurits, there are indeed 3 large (14 feet 9 inches
or 15 feet wide by 12-13 feet high); 3 smaller (10 feet by 12-14 feet); and
2 which might be considered oblong (8 feet 7 inches by 13 feet); as well as
2 smaller ones (5 feet 5 inches and ? feet 8 inches by 5 feet 1 inch and 4 feet
6 inches) and also the 3 presumed window paintings of Cohen's list, which
were 6 feet 6 inches by 3 feet high. In the Du Metz lnventaire of 1681 the 8
cartoons are given as 14 feet 8 inches high, but more likely this was the width
of the largest. In a more detailed list by Yvart, made in 1690 after two sets
had been made, the heights are consistently given as 12 feet, although the
widths vary from 14 feet 6 inches down to 8 feet (L'lnventairegeneral des ouvrages
de peinture ... pour les dessins de tapisserie, en l'annee 1690 a la garde du Sr Yvart ,
Archives Nationales, Paris, 0 1 2040; cited in Fenaille, 1903: 372 and in Lar-
sen, 1962: 259-260, doc. 56). Although the measurements do not match ex-
Tapestries 115
 actly, one can conclude that the widths we re probably kept more or less the
same, but that the heights were brought down in most cases to a sin gle meas-
urem ent of 12 fe et. This again implies that the cartoons sen t by Johan
Maurits were used.
Of the original cartoons, at least one complete vertical panel survives of
each except Les pecheurs (Fenaille, 1903: 373 referred to a fragment of the
latter, but it cannot now be found). The b est preserved is Le roi porte, com-
Plate 75a plete in three vertical pa n els sewn together; that for L'Elephan t is complete
in four separate panels, but the paint has fl aked off in large areas and that
for Le combat d'animaux is complete in three separate panels bu t also in a
bad state; three out of four panels remain for Les deux taureaux, two out
of three panels for L e chasseur indien , a single panel out of four fo r Le
cheval raye a nd a single panel out of three for L'Indien a cheval. These car-
toons have n ever been properly studied or documented until n ow a nd only
Plate 75b one has ever been exhibited, Le chasseur indien (France et Brasil, A non .,
1955: 48, o 72). This, a nd Le roi porte, a re the only ones ever reproduced
(Sousa-Leao, 1961: 98, fi g. 2 and 1969: 113; and also Schaeffer, 1968b respec-
tively).
The cartoons are without their decora tive borders and are 4 m or slightly
less in height. They are in their final state for the 8th (Petites lndes) series
Pages 138 before they were abandoned and n ew cartoons prepared for the Nouvelles
et seq. Indes series. By this time, many modifications had been made. They had
been retouched by Franc;:ois Desportes in 1692 -93 for the 3rd (haute lisse) set
presented to Peter the Great, with some modifications (Jarry, 1958: 41). For
the next set, th e 4th in basse lisse for the Grand Master's Palace in Valletta,
Malta, they had b een converted from eight into ten subjects and th e painter
Claude Audran, a close friend of Desportes, had been paid less th a n 500
livres to restore them (Fenaille, 1903: 384). Finally, in 17 22 for th e 6th set
(in haute lisse, being the first of the Petites In des series), Desportes was again
employed to retouch them and to m ake the necessary modifications to
reduce their h eight from 4 aunes (4 .75 m) to 3 1/ 2 aunes (4.1 m ). In their
present state, therefore, the cartoons must differ considerably, at least in de-
tails, from their co ndition of thirty years earlier when they were u sed for the
1st set in 1687-88.
In 1982 the lnstitut Franc;:ais de R estauration des Oeuvres d 'Art in Paris
made an analysis of the paint used for the cartoons. Five or more samples
were taken from each cartoon (total 58 samples). These were first examined
by micro-chemistry (solution of pigment in acid) and then certain colou rs
we re subj ected to x -ray diffraction to identify the minerals (pigme nt pul -
verised , thus seve ral mg required). Finall y, two cross-sections were cut ,
mainly to see the sequ ence of priming.
The cartoons a re on a closely woven canvas (9 threads per em). At least
two sorts of primer were u sed: white lead (identified by the hydroxycerusite
2PbC0 3 . Pb(OH) 2 in x-ray diffraction), and calcium carbonate or Meudon
white (identified by the calcite CaC0 3 in x-ray diffraction) , together with a
small proportion of plaster (calcium sulphate CaS0 4 in x-ray diffraction).
The first cross-section (Sample 2, from Le roi porte) showed a white and
even layer of white lead, calcium carbon ate or calcium sulphate, over wh ich
116 Tapestries
was a second thinner and more irregular white layer with numerous black,
grey, green, brown , etc. grains. In the second cross-section (Sam_ple 9, from
Le cheval raye) the re was a third very thin and very regular wh1te layer on
top of the other two. The final layer in both samples was a glaze or varnish
(but underlain in Sample 9 by a layer of brown). .
Only three m inerals showed up by x -ray diffraction: hydroxyce rusite, cal-
cite and hydroferrite (Fe 20 3 . nH 20). These were found in Samples 8, 27,
52 , 56, 57 , the proportions varying slightly.
The followin g pigments were a nalysed:
Whites: lead white and also zinc white (e.g. Sample 49, from Le combat d'animaux)
Reds: mostly iron oxides, i.e. red ochre; red lead might also be expected, althou gh
not confirmed by x-ray diffraction
Greens: copper and iro n present, th us perhaps from malachite and terra verte, but
not confirmed by x-ray diffraction
Blues: copper present (azurite), but not confi rmed from x-ray diffraction
Yellows: two di stinct types present, yellows with iron oxides, i.e. yellow ochre, and
yellows with no characteristic cations
2 3 2
·
Browns: possibly orgamc· smce
· they sh owe d an a bsence o f Fe + ' + , M g + and
P0 42 - ; no results from micro-chemistry or x-ray diffraction
Violets: iron present, suggesting perhaps a mixture of red ochre and lead white; once
again , not confirmed from x-ray diffraction.
The u se of a glaze for certain colours (green, brown, red) implies that organ-
ic pigments we re used, which could be analysed by _chrom~tography ; more
sophisticated techniques a re also necessary for the mmeral p1gments (_a~omJc
absorption , x -ray fluorescence). The consistent presence of quantities of
lead in all the samples (except Sample 55, which probably flaked o:f
from
the primer) m ade the a nalysis of cations and anions extrem ely difficult.
Sa mples 49 (L 'Indien a cheval) and 53 (Le combat d :animaux) lac~ed Ca~ +
and S0 4 2-, im plying that these cartoons were pnmed only With white
lead. .
The results a re recorded fairly fully he re for the benefit of future com pan-
sons both with other Gobelin cartoons and with Eckhout paintings. The
only' compara tive d a ta avail able is that given by Tams & Westerudd (1977 )
for the Copenhagen negro man. They showed two cross-sections, both with
a thick and irregular primer of calcium carbonate, white lead ~nd ochre. It
can be n oted that the Hoflossnitz bird paintings are primed w1th red lead. Page 56
Whether the present cartoons were originally by Eckhout or not is still ar-
guable. In many of the individual subjects there is a ge~e~al resem?l~nce to
the way such subj ects are treated in the Copenhagen pamtmgs, but 1t IS clear
from D esportes' sketches that he was ve ry adept a t copyin g, as probably were Page 140
the other Gobelins artists. Of all the objects in the cartoons, the most Eck-
houtia n in their realism and detail are perhaps the weapons hung on the tree
in Le chasseur indien and the ha mmocks (in fact the same ha mmock) in Les
d eux ta ureaux and Le roi porte; the wickerwork binding of the hammock
pole is particula rly impressive since it would have been all too easy for a copy-
Tapestries 117
 ist to have msrely given the general impression of this detail. Similarly, the
cashews in L'Elephant have a ring of observed truth, as also some of the flow-
ers and the crustaceans in other cartoons. On the other hand , most of the
birds and almost all the fishes are rather flat and nowhere approach the stan-
dard of the best pictures in the Theatri. Significantly, the birds and fishes are
for the most part rather woodenly placed and in a decorative rather than
realistic way. Eckhout omitted them in his Copenhagen paintings. Perhaps
he also omitted them in the cartoons sent to Louis XIV and they were later
added from drawings supplied. More natural postures are seen in the mam -
mals , but these were either familiar to the Gobelins artists or could be ex-
trapolated from similar species. Overall, there is a feeling of movement in
the figures and animals and to some extent this is reinforced by the plants.
That Eckhout 's rather static composition of the Copenhagen paintings were
not his only style, however, is hinted at by the small pencil sketch of a group
of women in Miscellanea Cleyeri: 14, where gestures and movemen t are clearly
expressed. Of the thirteen human figures in the tapestries, no less than six
are either three -quarters or fully turned away from the viewer, most striking-
ly in the principal figures of L'Indien a cheval (the Chilean on horse-back)
and Le chasseur (the bowman himself). Was this a tactic adopted by the
Gobelins painters Houasse and Bonnemer in the absence of sufficient sou rce
material? Or does it reflect another aspect of Eckhout's repertoire? Certain-
Page 100 ly, it appears in the Schwedt Brazilian painting, which we think may have
been by Eckhout. In general composition, the tapestries follow a traditional
formula, the immediate foregrounds being crowded (with animals; freque nt-
ly with fishes in water) , the figures and some trees placed behind this, and
the space available for distant views much reduced. In essence, this describes
the Copenhagen paintings, but with fewer animals and plants in the fo re-
ground, less complex patterns of plants, and skies that begin well below the
half-way mark. One has the impression that the Gobelins artists, if they did
not completely repaint the cartoons, certainly imposed the crowded fore -
grounds, using some of the subjects in the pictorial matter of the Description.
For the moment we find no certain evidence that the present cartoons, now
greatly modified and overpainted, originally came from Eckhout 's brush.
The original cartoons were eventually brought into use in mid:June 1687
and the first set of tapestries for the Tenture des Indes was begun in early
October of that year. This was the first of the five in the series Anciennes
Indes and they were later dubbed Grandes Indes to distinguish them fro m
the next three sli ghtly smaller sets, the Petites Indes . The eight sets of the
Anciennes Indes were made between 1687 and 1730, using wool and silk, but
not metallic threads. They were worked in both basse lisse (horizontal loom,
cartoon immediately underneath, image reversed) and haute lisse (vertical
loom, cartoon traced on warp, image correct), the latter considered the su-
perior of the two techniques, althou gh from a textile point of view no differ-
ence can be seen in the result. Within each set the height of the tapestries
was standardised, but the width varies. The measurements, given in aunes
(aune = 1.19 m) and sixteenth parts of aunes (7.44 em), were very precisely
recorded in the documents because payment to the various ateliers which
made up the Gobelins was calculated on the square aynes produced. The
118 Tapestries
border, which is given variously as 10 pouces or 1 pied, seems to have been
extra and the h eights given in the documents do not include it. The following
schedule is taken fro m Fenaille (1903).
Grandes lndes (height 4 aunes or abo ut 4. 75 m; border simple, gold or bronze
acanthus leaves on blue)
1. 1678-88, basse lisse (No 158, ateliers of De Ia Croix and Mozin)
Only four are know n (Argentina - see below)
2. 1689-90, basse lisse (No 161, ateliers of De Ia Croix and Mozin)
At Versailles in 1789; four in Berlin , three in Ministere de !'Agriculture, one in
Garde-Meuble in 1900; presumed to be all now in care of Mobilier National,
Paris, but perhaps some from 1st set
3. 1693 -1700, haute lisse (ateliers of Jans and Lefebvre)
Gift to Peter the Great in 1717, as described in detail by Saint-Gelais (1717); used
as models for further sets by the Imperi al Tapestry Factory in St Petersburg; origi- Page 136
nals destroyed in W inter Palace fire of 1837 (Sousa-Leao, 1947: 79)
4. 1708-10, basse lisse (atelier of LeBlond)
Commissioned in 1708 by Ramon de Perellos y R ocafull, Grand Mast~r of the
Knights of StJohn fo r the Grand Master's Palace in Valletta, Malta; L'Elephant
and Le chasseur split to make 10 pieces out of the 8; delivered in June 1710; cor-
respondence in Biblijoteka Rjali ta' Malta (Zerafa, 1975)
5. 1718-2 5, haute lisse (ateliers of Jans and Lefebvre)
Not offered to M. Bouret, Ferm ier Generale and Directeur des Postes in 1769
(Fenaille, 1903: 386 was m istaken; Bouret received the No uvelles Indes fide
Fenaille, 1907: 60, 61) ; possibly some or all of the Wattenwyl pieces belong to this Page 121
set
Petites Indes (height 3 Yz aunes or about 4.1 m ; border complex, royal arm s top
centre, royal monogram LL below a crown bottom centre, a shell device at each
corner)
6. 1723- 2 7, haute lisse (ateliers of Lefebvre, De Ia Tour and J ans)
Sent to Academie de France at Mancini Palace in Rome in 17 26 a nd at Villa
Medici from 1803; restored at Mobilier National in Paris in 1982 to present
7. 1725- 28, haute lisse (ateliers of Lefebvre, De Ia Tour and J ans)
Four pieces given to Academie de France in R ome, but replacements made soon
after; two pieces in Berlin, one in Paris and one in Rome in 1900 (Fenaille,
1903: 398). Present location of pieces difficult to determine. One piece burned
in Gobel ins fire in 1871 (Fenaille, loc. cit.: 393)
8 . 1726-30, haute lisse (ateliers of Lefebvre, De Ia Tour and Jans)
Two pieces burned in Gobelins fire in 18 71 (Fenaille, loc. cit.: 393); remainder
difficult to trace.
The eight subjects in the sets were given the following names:
1. Le cheval raye
A somewhat unconvincing zebra, with a jaguar digging claws and teeth into its
back, and behind it a Diireresque rhinoceros
2. Les deux taureaux
Two large oxen draw a cart laden with vegetables and fruits , while behind two
negroes carry an ornamental hammock or palanquin
Tapestries 119
 Tenture des Indes: Anciennes Indes Series

GRANDES INDES extra PETITES INDE S extra

3. L'Eliphant or L e cheval isabelle
An elephant and a white horse, in front of which are a negro woman and child 3 4 5 6 7 8
and an anteater 2
basse basse haute basse haute haute haute haute haute haute basse
4. L e chasseur indien lisse lisse lisse li sse lisse lisse lisse lisse lisse lisse lisse
A hunter with a bow sits beside a cactus tree, while an ostrich and a cassowary
stand behind him 1. Le cheval raye Arg. 193 ( 1) Malta ? Berne Rome + ? Bernh . (0)
Chant. (0)
5 . Le combat d'animaux Chev. (A)
A tapir, with a jaguar digging claws and teeth into its back, with two startled os- Babin (A)
triches behind and various other anim als in combat in front
6. L e roi porte par deux maures 2. Les deux taureaux Arg. 190 ( 1) * Malta ? Berne Rome SP (0) Chant. (A)
SP (o)
African with parasol carried in palanquin, sheep in front
7. L'l ndien cl cheval or L e cheval pommeli 192 ( 1) f-; Malta + ? ? Rome MM (B) SP (0) Chev. (A)
3. L 'Elephant Arg. f-;
Chilean on horseback, a negro holding a second (dappled) horse, with a white Babin (A)
~
ll ama in front 0
Arg. 193 (3) Malta + ? Berne Rome+ 187 (B) SP (0) Babin (A)
8. L es pecheurs 4. Le chasseur indien I
Hunter firing bow and arrow, with girl sittin g beside him holding basket, and in "@
c Malta ? Berne Rome + Rome (B) SP (0) Chant. (0) Louvre (0)
foreground two fishermen pulling on a seine net. 5. Le combat d'animaux ? 193 (2) _g * 'til
<1)
.... Ashm. (C)
'til
In all , 70 official pieces of the Anciennes Indes were made (8 sets of 8, plus z C)

two extra for Malta, plus 4 extra pieces from the 7th set that were added to 6. Le roi porte ;> 193 (4) ....
-~
-5 Malta ? Berne Rome ? Babin (0)

the 6th set in R ome) an d at least twenty extra pieces. Fenaille :.0 Chant. (A)
7 . L ' Indien a cheval ? 192 (3) 0 * Malta ? Berne Rome
(1903: 397- 398) tabulated the location of 35 pieces in 1900, but there has :::E
been no modern attempt to review the pieces that have survived two wars, ? 190 ( 1) Malta ? Berne Rome+ 188 (B) SP (o)
8. Les pecheurs
or those that h ave since been scattered through sales. We have listed those Arnst. (all B) Louvre (B)
that we know, but for some of these we lack photographs or details of the (? all A) (all A (all A) J-A
borders and it is n ot always easy to know from which sets they cam e. except 2
Of the Grandes Indes (height 4.75 m, border of gold acanthus leaves on and 8)
blue) , the 1st set appears to be known only by 4 pieces in basse lisse reported
by Francisco Arebola (in !itt. to Mobilier ational, 2 November 1980) from
Cordoba Proyince in Argentina. These pieces are Le cheval raye, Les deux
Arnst. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam ]-A Musee Jacquemart-Andre, Paris
taureaux, L'Elephant and L e chasseur indien, which match the fo ur pieces
Arg. Argentina (Cordoba Province) Louvre Musee du Louvre, Paris
listed and illustrated in the sale of H. Braquenie on 18 May 1897 (Fenaille, Valletta, Malta
Ashm . Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Malta
1903: 394 ). We have b een unable to locate the other four pieces a nd th ey MM Ministere de Ia Marine, Paris
Babin M. Babin, Chateau de St Remy-en-l'Eau
were unknown to Fenaille in 1900. Rome Villa M edici, Rome
Berne Wattenwyl-Haus, Berne
The 2nd set (but possibly with pieces from the 1st) appears to be complete Chant. Chateau de Chantilly SP Museu de Arte, Sao Paulo , Brazil ..
a nd is under the responsibility of the Mobilier ational in Paris (all but two Chev. Gallerie Chevalier, Cou rbevoie 193 (1) , etc. R egistered number of pieces in care of Mob1her
of the pieces a re o ut on long-te rm loan , to the Assemblee Nationale and to Bernh. Bernheimer of Munich (sold to private collector National, Paris
the Fre nch embass ies in Washington , Vienna and Lisbon). All 8 pieces were in USA)
listed by Verdier (1977 : 40), but L es d eux taureaux and Les pecheurs are
joined together, the latter on the right, and they have the elaborate and ? Location of piece not known
* Piece known to have been destroyed
mon ogramm ed border otherwise only specified for the Petites Indes series;
however, they are basse lisse and must be from the 1st or 2nd sets. Simple acanthus leaf border
(A)
The 3rd set, given to Peter the Great in 1717, is said to h ave been d estroyed (B) Border with royal arms and monogram
by a fire in the Winter Palace in St Pete rsburg (Leningrad), although (c) Border with royal arms but no monogram
Fenaille (1903: 383) mentions a fragment of L e combat d'animaux in the (0) No border present
Page 137 ' Mu see d es Voitures' in 1900 (but evidently not the H ermitage piece, which
is a copy).
The 4th set, of which L'Elephant and Le ch asseur were split a nd modified

120 Tapestries
 to make 10 out of the 8 pieces, has remained in Valletta, Malta as the only
complete, extant and exhibited series of the Grandes Indes. Zerafa (1975)
used details from this set for a calendar (in colour) and Fahrenkamp (1977)
gave four of the pieces (again in colour).
The 5th set is m ysterious since Fenaille(1903: 398) wrongly records that in
1769 it was given by the King toM. Bouret, at that time Fermier Generale
and Directeur des Pastes (these were Nouvelles Indesji.de Fenaille, 1907: 60,
61). By deduction , any haute lisse piece with a simple acanthus leaf border and
approximately 4.75 m high should belong to it. However, it is clear that a
number of unofficial pieces were made and we have preferred to leave this
set as missing in our Table.
Of the extra pieces made in the Grande Indes series, possible candidates
are the 7 pieces in the collection brought into the Wattenwyl family by Ber-
nard Ferdinand von Wattenwyl-De Sacconay (1772-1836), of which Le
cheval raye and L'Indien a cheval have hung since 1886 on the staircase of
the Beatrice von Wattenwyl-Haus on the Junkerngasse in Berne, Switzer-
land. Three other pieces from this collection are at the family's country es-
tate Ma;illon, and two are in private possession in Berne; missing from the
set is L'Elephant (Cetto & Hoffer, 1964: 24-27, pl. 14 - L'Indien a cheval).
All seven are haute lisse a nd have the simple acanthus leaf borders, but they
are too small to h ave been the 5th set and they have some rather curious fea-
tures. For example, two figures are introduced into Le cheval raye, the tree
on the right in L e combat d'animaux is simplified, and two birds are added
to Les pecheurs. Two other candidates for extra pieces of the Gran des Indes,
both showing Les pecheurs, are a piece in the Musee Jacquemart-Andre in
Paris and another in the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam. Once again there are
modifications, which seems to imply that they were made for particular cus-
tomers and perhaps to fit a particular room. Whereas the basse lisse method,
in which the cartoon is im mediately underneath the weaving, allows for no
modification, the haute lisse method, with the cartoon marked in ink on the
warp, enables elements to be shifted or new pieces merely pinned onto the
cartoon. Since the cartoons were revised, modified and reduced in size for
the first of the Peti tes Indes sets, even modifications to the 5th set cartoons
would not necessarily have been carried forward.
Of the Petites In des (height 4.1 m, border with royal arms top centre, royal
monogram bottom centre, corners with shells), the 6th set is still in Rome
in the care of the Academie de France in the Villa Medici; four of the pieces
were illustrated by Krotoff (1984 - Le cheval raye, Les deux taureaux, Le
chasseur indien and L'Indien a cheval, all in colour). To this set was added
4 extra pieces, Le chasseur indien and Les pecheurs in 1726, followed by Le
cheval raye and Le combat d'animaux in 1731, all of which were repeated
and presumably restored to the 7th set afterwards (Fenaille, 1903: 389- 390);
Le combat d'animaux is still at the Villa Medici. Arizzoli -Clementel (1984,
1985) noted the fires and pillage at the Mancini Palace, former seat of the
Academie de France in Rome; he only recorded the two 1726 pieces (lost)
and gave no indication whether Le combat d'animaux had survived. It is
possible that two Petites Indes pieces in the care of the Mobilier National,
Le chasseur indien and Les pecheurs, are the 1726 extra pieces; in 1900 they

Tapestries 121
 were in the French embassy in Berlin (Fenaille, 1903: 398). The remaining
extra piece, Le cheval raye, was said to be in the Ministere de Ia Justice in
Paris in 1900 (Fenaille, loc. cit.), but this was a Nouvelles Indes piece.
The history of the 7th and 8th sets is difficult to foll ow. From the 7th
and/or 8th sets, Les deux taureaux and two versions of L' Indien a cheval
were burned in a fire at the Gobelins in 1871 (Fenaille, 1903: 393). There are
5 Petites Indes pieces in the Museu de Arte in Sao Paulo Brazil being
L'Jhephant, Le combat d'animaux, Le chasseur indien, Les 'deux t;ureaux
and Les pecheurs (all lacking borders). Sousa-Leao (1947 : 79 and 1968: 78)
claimed that they had come from Highcliffe Castle, the seat of Lord Stuart
of Rothesay, who had acquired them in 1815 while ambassado r in Paris;
Sousa-Leao further suggested that these had been brought to Paris from the
Villa Medici in Rome by apoleon, but only three match the extra subjects
sent to Rome and these extra pieces seem already to have been accounted
for. They were purchased from Lady Abingdon in 1949. There are 4 further
pieces of Petites Indes at the Chateau de Chantilly, being Le cheval raye, Le
combat d 'animaux, Les deux taureaux and L'Indien a cheval (as noted by
Fenaille, 1903: 395); the last two have a simple acanthus leaf border, while
the first two lack borders, and all are rather smaller than normal thus per-
haps a private commission. Fenaille (loc. cit.: 395) listed 4 Petites Indes pieces
in the collection of A. Leclercq, which are now owned by M . Babin and are
at the Chateau de St Remy-en-l'Eau near St. Julien-en-Chaussee, Oise;
these are Le cheval raye, L'Elephant, Le chasseur indien and Le roi porte,
and they have a simple acanthus leaf border. Further Petites I ndes pieces are
Le cheval raye and L'Elephant bought by the Galerie Chevalier a t Courbe-
voie, being perhaps a private commission by J ans. In the Lou vre is an exam-
ple of Les pecheurs, illustrated by Krotoff (1984: 46), which has the typical
Petites Indes border. At the Ministere de la Marine in Pari s is L' Elephant
( o T29), again with a typical Petites Indes border and Le combat
d'animaux without a border. Finally, there is a Petites Indes version of Le
combat d'animaux in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. It was looted from
the old Yuanmingyuan palace in Peking in 1861 and bore an inven tory ticket
of the Emperor Qianlong, dated 1771; the border is curiou s because it has
the royal French arms at top centre, but it lacks the royal monogram at bot-
tom centre (a variant otherwise used for the Nouvelles Indes). Possibly it was
from the set mooted for sale to the Emperor by Soufflot in a letter to Marig-
ny of21 ovember 1769 (Mondain-Monval , 1918: 243 ; Arch. N at., 0 1 1554).
In total, 61 pieces are known -to -exist,U a re definitely said to have been
destroyed (8 in Leningrad, 3 at the Gobelins), and 18 are unaccounted for
in our Table, making 90 pieces or 20 more than the 70 officially recorded.
Exactly how many extra pieces were made by the ateliers of the Gobelins is
unknown and at present it is difficult to recognise them as such. In the case
of the Petites Indes, of course, such extra pieces could not have had the royal
arms on the borders, and it is possible that pieces that depart from the official
ones in size or details must have been private commissions, but much more
study is needed, especially in the comparison of details.
The most recent exhibition of the tapestries was at the Musee des Tapisser-
ies at Aix-en-Provence in 1984, where all except Le roi porte were shown
122 Tapestries
from both the Anciennes and the Nouvelles Indes (Krotoff, 1984). Rather lit-
tle has been done as yet to analyse the subjects in the tapestries, but a useful
start was made by Albertin (1981, 1985) on the animals in Les deu~ taureaux;
a more detailed study of the crustaceans was made by Holthms (unpub-
lished), in which he compared those i~ ~e c~eval ~aye, Le con:bat
d'animaux, L e roi porte and Le chasseur mdten wtth the_Ir r_epresent~twns
in the Leningrad copies of the Cracow pictures. In_ rev1ewmg the Icono- Pages 45
et seq.
graphic sources fo r the tapestries (Whitehead, 1984), ~twas noted that some
of the animals, plants and people, as well as the artifacts, have no known
models , showin g that an even greater range of ~isual material was brought
back from Brazil than the Cracow and other pictures explored here.
Only some of the contents of the tapestries are analysed . here; a more
detailed study m u st await comparison with the Cracow m~tenal. Th~ tapes-
try titles are those accorded them at the Gobelins and we g1ve a tentau:e syn-
onymy for the cartoons in the Description (Litt. A- H), the 1690 Yvart hst and
the Hanff list.
Plate 67
1. Le cheval raye
Description: Litt. D (no general title, but 13 items which include the rhinoceros and
sugar cane)
Yvart list: No 1. U n grand tableau, dans lequel est represente un cheval raye de noir
et un rinoceros .. . de 13 pieds 6 pouces de large sur 12 de haut
Hanff list: No 1. E in b undt Pferd undt ein Rhijnoceros
Reproduction s: Jarry (1957: opp. p. 320), Grandes Indes, basse lisse,, 2nd set, Mobi-
lier National , GMTT 193/1st; .J arry (1976: 63), detail of rhinoceros and zebra, same
example; Zerafa (1975), detail of rhinoceros and zebra, Grandes Indes, basse lzsse,
4th set, Malta; K rotoff (1984: 32 - colour), Petites Indes, haute lzsse, 6th set, Rome
(AFR 80.8 *, T. 62**).
Example studied: Jarry example, photograph.
Extant cartoon: GOB 746, left panel only (out of four), 3.9~ by _1.12 m, th:ee pieces
stitched together a nd mounted on a backing of canvas, With SIX metal nngs sewn
down right (inner) side.
Zoology: 7 birds in tree, including a hawk (Parabut~o unicinctus) based ex~ctly on
Theatri, 2: 207 a but reversed; next to it, Trogon collarzs, close to the gUlrapotiapiran-
gaiuparaba (!) of H oflossnitz, reversed and ~erhaps Handbook, 1: 204 (but not
Theatri, 2: 181 , which is Trogon curucuz, as also IS Hzstorza, p. 211 - see Schneider,
1938: 91) ; on right, a fish eagle and then ~n owl \1Yto alba tuzdara~, reversed but cl?se
copy of Theatri 2 : 195; three birds flymg (wmg only of third). Great Indi~n
rhinoceros (Rhi~oceros unicornis), based on Durer's 1515 woodcut (complete with
hornlet on shoulder) and appearing, but without hea~ turned, m the engraved title
page for the so-called 2nd edition of the Hzstorza (P1so, 1658), as noted by Coste
(1946). Striped horse, presumably intended as a zebra, b~t t~e mane l_ong and the
muzzle white; attacking the zebra with claws and teeth. IS a pguar ~1th re? eyes,
not dissimilar to that attacking the tapir in Le combat d'anzmaux, but nelt~er With any
known model. A deer or antelope at its rear and a second and unrecogmsable mam-
mal at its feet. Foreground (left), a guinea pig even more c~osely modelled on Hand-
book 1: 26 than the one in Les deux taureaux (or the one m the Schwedt pamtmg),
thu; matching that in Eckhout's Mameluc woman. To its right, a small mammal
Tapestries 123
 with a ringed tail, unidentified and no d I fl . .
(Dasypus novemcinctus) the b d mo e ound. To Its nght , two armadillos Yvart list: No 2. U n autre, ou sont deux taureaux qui tirent un ch ariot charge de
in Handbook 1 · 104 (i-r t . an ~~~ob many but loosely based on the two drawings fruits, de 14 pied s 6 pouces sur 12 de haut
De Laet 16~m. 1633 1~4orza, p. . . ased o n C lu siu s, 1605: 330 and used again by
feet of the 'zebra' t~ b?)d. Tohltsfinght, an alligator (no model fo und). At the fore-
H a nff list: No 3. E in Portugiese zu Ross und ein ossen wagen
' 0 Ir s, t e 1rst a more · d d · . .
Uabiru my cteria) of Hoflossnitz (Schaeffer 1970· aim:;) ate ~~~erse ve rsiOn of Jabtru R eprodu ction s: Sousa-Leao (1968: 82) and Albertin-De Vries (1981: pl.l ; 1985:
but head in correct" th e second ' . · P · 'poss1 Y also Handbook, 1: 174, fi g 7), Petites lndes, haute lisse, Lefebvre, De Ia Tour a nd J ans, the Sao Paulo exam-
11
of Theatri, 2: 7 and Handbook ;~~a Y an tmated a nd probabl.y Sarkidiornis melanotos ple; L emmens (1979 : 290, pl. 25 ), Grandes lndes, basse lisse, 4th set, the Malta ex-
Thirteen fishes (left to right):' . 26, the latter perhaps basts for Historia, p. 218. ample (oblique view in situ in Sousa- Leao, 1968: opp. 71); Krotoff (1984: 34-colour),
Petites lndes, haute lisse, 6th set, Rome (AFR 80.2*, T. 56**); Arizzoli-Clementel
Page 54
Ogcowche~hhalus
longirostris. Virtually exact copy of the cu acucua of Griebe f 207 (1985 : fig. 12 - same).
IC was presumably on · Th · . ' · '
grad B series f 91 ~e ~n eatrz , 1: 21 , where It was copied as Lenin- Example studied: Mobilier National, GMTT 190/1st, 4.70 by 7.40 m, elabo rate
Thalasso' hr ne nat; : . Here It IS reversed. Wagener, No 15 is quite different border as in Peti tes l ndes, but basse lisse, seen at Assembh~e Nationale in 1976; joined
Page 146 and ~h? . erz. ~eversed but exactly matching niqui of Theatri, 1: 101. This to it on right is Les pecheurs (see below, No 8).
prevwus tsh appear, not reversed, in a D esportes d rawi n
Pufferfish dLagocephalus laevigatus. Close to Leningrad , f. 94 (missing fro~ Theatrz) Extant cartoon : GOB 742, three out of four panels (left one missing), 4.0 by 3.6 m,
reverse ' in poor condition, paint flaked.
M~li:~~ Possibl y pirame tara of Handbook, 1: 364, basis for Historia, p. 156, but not Zoology: two oxen, not b ased on Handbook, 1: 34, but not unlike those in Post's pai nt-
ing of an ox-cart (Louvre; colour reproductions in Sousa-Leao, 1968: pl. 2 and Lar-
Sawfish Pristis pectinatus. Loosely based on Handbook 1· 362 d b . c sen, 1962: pl. 25) and showing very clearly the method by which they were yoked
Hzstorza , p. 159 ' · , reve rse , asts 10r
(chest greatly exaggerated, however). Ten birds in trees and two flyin g; an African
Serranid fish probabl Ep · h l · .
. . ' Y znep e us ztayara. Close to H andbook 1· 336 basis for crowned crane (Balearica pavonina) beside the hammock, not in the Handbooks or
H zstorza, p. 169 ' · '
Theatri, but a drawing by Desportes (S. 46) in the collection at Sevres and also shown Page 91
Fis~ abHove it,. diagonal. Possibly Bodianus rufus of Handbook 1: 340 reversed basis by Van Kessel; another bird beside it; in water, an anhinga (Anhinga anhinga), close
10r zstorza, p. 146 ' ' ' to Theatri, 2: 11, but tail spread out and h ead stretched upward. Guinea pig (Cavia
Porcupinefish Diodon sp ( t h d f 1
F" h b h. d h . ~ ea o ast fish). Loosely based on Handbook 1: 304 porcellus) near feet of oxen, clearly related to Handbook, 1: 26 and to that in Eckhout's
IS ~ m t e latter's tat!, unidentified ' Mameluc woman, but colour patterns slightl y different; monkey h an gin g by tail in
S~rramd fish ? (at tail of Bodianus). ot identified palm tree (macaljuba of Handbook, 1:66) and sloth climbin g same tree (possibly the
Fts~ beneath caudal fin of sawfish , unidentified two-toed sloth Choloepus didactylus of Handbook, 1: 112 or Theatri, .3: 99).
Flyt1ng1fi01s3h or flying gurnard (top of waterfall, near to goose)
: a or 105. . Possibly Theatri, Botany: two coconut palms, with a grape vine around the trunk of the one behind
Four crabs shown in bottom right corner, identified by H olthu is as: the cart, the latter with sugar canes and a manioc with leaves and roots (but not
the same as in Eckhou t's still -life EN 93). Various fruits and vegetables in baskets Page 80
Page 128 Cal~hpa ocellata (on left of group, at tail of the large serranid Epinephelus). See fur- on cart and in front of oxen, includin g cashew, guavas, citrus and a large sliced and
. er notes under Le chasseur indien for the species iven h ere unsliced melon (the melons, in the basket near the feet of the oxen, very close to
Cardzsomaguanhumz (left half only, to right of Calappa) g those in still-life EN 92). Among the plants in the foreground is castor oil (Ricinus
Mzthr~ hzspzdus (left side only, below Cardisoma) communis), altered only slightly from Theatri, 4: 145 and not related to Miscellanea
CarpzlziJ.!_ corallinus (above Cardisoma ). Cleyeri: 65v- 66r.
Botany· th e princ· J t · C · · . Ethnology: two n egroes carry a very ornamental hammock on a long pole, clearly the
. d II 1pa r~e IS assza grandzs, with long seed pod s han ging down but
not mo e ed on that m Eckho t' 1J · ' sam e hammock as in L e roi porte, but with a boldly patterned red and yellow cloth
p, ifl . . u s apuya woman; as m the la tter a species of
assz ora IS entwmed round the trunk. Round a branch is a sec~nd climbin laid over the occupa nt (who is not visible). The pole is encased in basketwork, with
~!ant, A~zst~lochza br~iliensis, in part resembling the woodcut (upside-dow n) of am~ black transverse strips woven to form a diamond-shaped pattern; the ends appear
. u~a~m 0 m Hzstorza , P: 15 (based on Theatrz~ 4 : 455). The plants in the foreground to be m etal. The cloth of the hammock appears to be heavy cotton lace with a pat-
me u e sugar cane, as m Eckhout 's Mulatto man, but not the same. tern of small squares, edged with triangular fl aps with tassels. No sketch is known ,
Ethnology n·l1 H · h · but Wagener, No 104, shows a similar hammock (in that case a woman peeps from
. · owever, In t e haute lzsse example from Berne a man with left arm behind the cloth). The hammock (from the arwik hamri.k, hence Dutch hangmat and
outstretc h ed falls forward unde th f1 f h b '
h r e eet o t e ze ra, while a running figure ap- German Hangematte) was earl y taken over by the Portu gu ese and used as a kind
~a;fls 0 ~ t e much extended right side of the tapestry (as noted by Cetto & of sedan chair, known as serpentina. Wagener notes that velvet or damask covers
0
er, 964: 27). Additions like this show the extent to which Eckhout's original were draped across to keep out the sun. Palanquins are shown also in some of Post's Page 190
cartoons could have been modified by the Gob e 1·ms art tsts. ·
paintings. The ox-cart is fairly close to that in Post's Louvre painting, but the rim
Plate 68 2. Les deux taureaux of the wheels is much thinner. Two of the baskets have hoops at the sides a nd thus
resemble those in Post's painting of Itamaraca (Mauritshuis; Sousa-Leao,
Description: Litt. E (no general title, but 8 items, including the oxen and cart) 1968: pl. 1, in colour); the third is of a style not seen elsewhere. Above the cart is

124 Tapestries
Tapestries 12 5
 a hillside with buildings and figures (houses of wealthy moradores or settlers) and be-
low is a sugar mill , reversed but clearly based on the same sketch by Post as used
Page 155
for the sugar mill in the Marcgraf map (Map 3); to the left, an open-fronted build-
ing and behind it a chapel (no model found). In the cartoon, the houses a nd people
are entirely in the style of Post, but more crudely executed.
Note: the 8 items in Litt. E mention the sloth the sugar mill sugar cane the cart
an~ oxen, manioc and watermelon . Albertin~De Vries (1981; 21 and 19S5b: 304)
claimed that 16 fl owers, plants and animals were exact copies fro m the Cracow
pictures.
Plate 69
3. L'lhephant or Le cheval isabelle
Description: Litt . C (no general title, but 9 items which include the goat and the ant-
eater)
Yvart list: No 3. Un autre, ou est repn~sente un grand elephant et quelqu 'autres
ammaux, avec d es fruits ... de 14 pieds 6 pouces de large sur 12 de haut
Hanff list: o 2. Ein Weiss Pferdt und ein Elephandt
Reproductions: Fenaille (1903: 388), Petites Indes, haute lisse, 6th set, Rome (AFR
80.3*, T 57**); Krotoff (1984: 36), same; Thomsen (1938: fig. 73), Petites lndes,
another; Benisovich (1943: pl. 3), J arry (1976: 64, pl. 2) and Honour (1976: o 114),
Grandes lndes, basse lisse, probably 2nd set, D e Ia Croix and Mozin, Mobilier Na-
tional, GMTT 192/ 1; Coural (undated: 17), same; Fahrenkamp (1977: opp. p. 64),
Grandes lndes, basse lisse, 4th set, Malta.
Example studied: photograph of the Mobilier National example.
Plate 75
Extant cartoon: GO B 743 , complete in four separate panels, 4.0 by 4.53 m , in poor
cond ition, paint flaked .
. Zoology: 7 bird s perched in tree, of which the toucan (Pteroglossus ara.cari) match.es
Zoology: African elephant, but not that in Theatri, 3: 163; white horse (not from
Handbook, 1: 30, but possibly the same individual); black goat with small horns (bot-
tom left) and giant anteater (Myrmecophaga tridactyla , bottom right), the latter only
approximately related to Handbook, 1: 84 and Theatri, 3 : 95. Five birds in cashew
tree, of which the owl is Bubo virginianus nacurutu and based on Handbook, 1: 256
(probable source for jacurutu of H istoria, p. 199, reversed); the peacock has no coun-
terpart. The spoonbill is the aiaia of the H istoria, p. 204 (Ajaia ajaja), but not based
on Handbook, 1: 210, Theatri, 2: 83 or Hoflossnitz. Four birds near anteater, of which
the scarlet ibis is similar to that at Hoflossnitz and both it and the white stork are
Page 98
reminiscent of those in the Aurora painting in the Huis ten Bosch; the toucan (Ram-
phastos arid) is fairly close to the Hoflossnitz version and perhaps also to Theatri, 2: 39
(not stud ied, missing in Leningrad). Boa constrictor in tree, but no obvious model
Page 112
found; item 4 of Litt. C states that the skin is in the Leiden Academy.
Botany: coconut palm (left) with grape vine; cashew tree with fruit (right). Various
fruits and vegetables in foreground, of which the following have reversed counter-
Pages 80-82 parts in Eckhout's Copenhagen paintings: ·
Coconuts. Exactly match Et 96
Inflorescence of coco palm. E 96 and 101, but not exact
Bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria). EN 95 and 98, exact
Sicana odorijera or Lu.fla cylindrica. EN 102, exact
Cactus pinda (Melocactus violaceus). EN 98, close, as also to Handbook, 2: 57
Red flower of bromeliad (Aechmea sp.). EN 98, very close; not matching Handbook,
2: 65
Gustavia and Lecythz:r nuts . EN 99, close.
126 Tapestries
Ethnology: small negro boy reaching over fruits , naked (no model known) ; .ne?ro
woman (left) wearing feat her hat simila r to that in Eckhout'~ Copenh~gen pamung
and holding a similar Bacongo basket , but in neither case I ~ the des i?n the same; Page 75
as in the painting, she wears a pearl earring and has a clay pipe stuck mto the cloth
round her waist; howeve r, she lacks the necklaces and bangles.
4. L e chasseur indien Pla te 70
Description: Litt . H (no general title; the nine items do not refer to s ue~ obvio~s sub-
jects as the ostrich, cassowary or the many crustacean s and reptiles, while the
Tapuya wom an and the red-haired and albino negroes are not represented)
Yvart li st: No 4. U n aut re, ou est represente un chasseur qui tient des fleches et as-
sis contre arbre, dans lequel ta bleau il y a une autruche et un casuel ... de 12 pieds
sur 12
H anff list: No 7. Ein Indian mit einem flitschbogen item ein Portu gies Wieb im
hembt so fri.i chte und 2 Korben triigt
Reproductions: Sousa-Leao (1947: opp. p. 70), apparently from 2nd set; Idem
(1969: 115) and Fahrenkamp (1977: cover picture, trimmed -:- colour), Grandes
Indes, basse lisse, 4th set, Malta; J arry (1957: opp. p. 321), possibly Grandes lndes,
basse Lisse, 1st or 2nd set, Mobilier National, GMTT 193/3 rd; Krotoff (1984: 38 -
colour), Petites lndes, haute lisse, 6th set, Malta.
Example studied: photograph of presumed Mobilier National, GMTT 193/3 rd,
Grandes lndes, basse lisse, 4.6 by 3.4 m .
Extant cartoon: GOB 745, two out of three panels (left missing), 3.95 by 1.98 m, Plate 75
paint fl aked.
Handbook, 1: 186 and Wagener, No 32 and the bird with numerous stnpes across Its
breast (Thamnophilus palliatus) bears some relation to Handbook, 1: 252 l~ft; the large
parrot isAra macao in a more life-like posture than Han~book , 1: 272, whlle .the small
parrot (lower of two birds facing the border) may be aJuruete of Theatn, 2. 231 (not
studied , missin g in Leningrad) judging by Litt. H of the Descnptzon (see Not: below).
Two more birds fl ying. On ground, an ostrich and cassowary (both perhaps mjohan
Maurits' zoo; no pictures in Handbooks or Theatrz). At base of tree, wh~t may be ~
coati (Nasua nasua), but no such head -on picture known (crayon drawmg, Theatrz,
3 : 87). Six fish es in water (left to right):
Guaperua (Antennarius principis = A. multiocellatus of authors). Handbook, 1: 378
and 2: 363, but not exact
Carangid. Possibly the corcovado of Wagener, No 10, but very badly drawn (no
dorsal fin , anal fin joins tail, etc.)
Pomacanthid (H olacanthus tricolor). Theatri, 1: 123 , close . .
Serranid fish (Epinephelus itajara). Clearly based on the drawmg Theatrz , 1: 192,
reversed (Luck, 1947: 433 , halftone)
Porcupinefish (? Chilomycterus atinga juvenile). Handbook, 1: 382, reversed, fairly
close
Pterygoplichthys etentaculus (below porcupinefish). Handbook, 1: 392, not reversed,
very close
O ctopu s (at tail of carangid) , not close to Theatri, 1: 11. Fi:e reptiles, of which the
iguana (Iguana iguana) is from Theatri, 3: 167 , reversed, the h zard cannot ~e l~cated,
the snake is ibiboboca (Micru rus ibiboboca) of Theatrz, 3 : 191 upper, the tortmse I~ close
to Handboo k, 1: 302 (possibly Phrynops (Batrachemys) nasutus, not Illustrated m the
Tapestries 127
 Historia, but used in Piso, 1658: 105 , reversed), and a very small lizard by the head N~te: i t~m 3 in Litt. H of the Description is the talking parrot of Handbook , 1: 216
of the mantis shrimp, of which no counterpart can be located . Ten crustacean spe- (a1ruete or Amazona aestzva) , of which the caption is cited by Thomsen (1938: 65 and
cies are identified by Holthuis: fig. 2 7).
Large m~ntis
shrimp (Lysiosquilla scabricauda, diagonal, at right angles to unidenti-
5. Le combat d 'animaux Plate 71
~ed II zar~). Handbook, 1: 324 (much closer than Theatri, 1: 311), which was ba-
SIS for Hzstorza, p. 187, reversed and left raptorial dactylus missing in error. Description: Litt. G (no general title; 10 items, including the tapir, crocodile and
Page 103 Wagener, No 23, not this spe~ies, but Squilla obtusa (see Schwedt painting) 'tigre')
Large shnmp (Macrobrachzum carcznus, parallel to the above). Not T heatri, 1: 323
Yvart li st: No 5. U n autre representant un com bat d'animaux . . de 10 pieds 6
Shovelnose lobsters (Parribacus antarcticus , two at water's edge and one above tail pouces de large sur 12 de haut
of lizard). The one nearest the hunter's leg is based on Handbook, 1: 316, which
was basis for Historia , p. 186, while the one next to it is fairl y close to Theatri, Hanff list: o 5. All erhandt Gemeine Thier und zwei Strauszen
1: 335a and the final one to Theatri, 1: 335b Reproductions: De Vries et alii (1953: pl. 34), Grandes Indes, basse lisse, 1st or 2nd
Crab (Carpi/ius corallin us, overlapping tail of mantis shrimp, but front parts over- set, Mobilier National, GMTT 193/2nd; Fahrenkamp (1977: opp. p. 16 - colour),
lapped by lizard). Possibly Theatri, 1: 337 Grandes Indes, basse lisse, 4th set, Malta; Krotoff (1984: 40 - colour), Grandes
Crabs (Calappa ocellata, next to legs of mantis shrimp and facin g toward border). Indes, basse lisse (in complete, lacking border), Departement des Objets d'Arts,
Theatrz , 1: 339, exact. Another specimen at border and under claw of mantis Louvre (2.43 by 2.51 m); Leite (1967 : pl. 35) and Sousa-Leao (1968: 81), Petites
shrimp; a third at tail of mantis shrimp and overlapped by h ead of lizard Ind es , haute lisse, Sao Paulo (3.20 by 2.58 m , no border).
Land crab ( Cardisoma guanhumi, partly hidden by lizard and tortoise, but on e large
chela pomtmg to head of tortoise). Possibly from Theatri, 1: 355 Example studied : M obilier National, GMTT 193/2 nd (on photograph).
Red spider crab (Mithrax hispidus, behind the claw of the last sp ecies). Clearly Extant cartoon: GOB 744, complete in three separate panels, 4.05 by 3.41 m, flaked
based on Handbook, 1: 338 (colour reproduction in Whitehead, 1979a: opp. in places.
p. 432)
Grapsid crab (Goniopsis cruentata, at side of mantis shrimp away from hu nter and
Zoology: 11 fl ying b irds among the branches, all with wings outspread, thus much
modified if taken from the Cracow material. Two ostriches in background, mouths
overlapped). Handbook, 1: 348 and Wagener, No 27 lower, but tapes try not
open, wings ou tstretch ed (no models known). The tapir bears only slight resemb-
clear enough
lance to Theatri, 3: 109b, while the jaguar attacking it and all the other mammals
Crab (Plagusia depressa, at side of mantis shrimp on side of hunter and overl a pped).
have no coun terparts and most seem to come from a European hunting repertoire;
Handbook, 1: 366, close
the capybara presumably stems from a Post drawing, but the alligator attacking it
Crab (Persephona mediterranea, near tail of mantis shrimp away from h un te r, partly
h as no counterpart. Two crabs on beach, the one nearest the water being Cardisoma
ov.erlapped by Carpi/ius at back). Handbook, 1: 328 (basis for Historia, p. 182),
fa1rly exact, but colour pattern a little different.
guanhumi, the other almost certainly a replica of it, but the large chela hidden; not
based on Theatri, 1: 355 . Three fishes, two unidentified, the third close to the sea-
Botany: three trees, the one in front a cactus (Cereus jamacaru) virtu ally identical, h orse of Theatri, 1: 17.
branch for branch, to that in Frans Post's painting of Fort Maurits on the Sao Fran-
~isco river of 1638 (Louvre; Larsen, 1962: pl. 24 and Sousa-Leao, 1968: 39); behind
Botany: coconut palm a nd cashew in background, with the trunk of a seco nd palm
behind the latter (no models known). Various plants in foreground, including Mon-
1t, a tree bearing plum-like fruits , and behind that what appears to be a tree bearing
lemons. Various plants in foreground, including millet (?) and wh eat (?) beside
trichardia (?) under the cashew (not the species in Eckhout's Tapuya woman) and
manioc against the right border (stems close to those in Eckhout's Tapuya man and
trees.
clearly based on the same original sketch, as perhaps was Wagener, No 60).
Ethnology: the hunter, turned away from the viewer, wears a wreath of sm all feathers
and a striped loin-cloth; he holds an unstrung double-curved bow (rare, but such Ethnology: nil.
a bow from Brazil is mentioned as BM 1962 AM 2-1, Pakahas- Novas Indians, by
Note: in the Petites Indes examples in Rome, Sao Paulo and the Ashmolean the crab
H eath & Ch1ara, 1977: 39, fn .). To the tree are tied with a cord two arrows of 177 em
emerging from the water ( Cardisoma guanh umi) has two curved cylindrical spines
Page 100 (in cartoon; identical to those in the Schwedt Brazilian scene); a spear-thrower or
projecting back from the carapace. These are absent in the earliest example, i.e. the
atlatl of 77 .7 em and 6.5 em wide at its end and bound with four red feathers of
1st or 2nd set at the Mobilier National, but of course are present on the cartoon,
4.2 em (in cartoon; a little narrower than the Schwedt version); a Tapu ya club of
which represents the final (8th) versio n. They are present, however, in the Malta
about 94 em and 10 em wide at its end, bound with about seven long red feathers
set (4th), so presumably were there also on the 5th set. Curiously enough, they are
of which the largest is 43.2 em, the blade bound with cord for half its length, the
present also in the incomplete basse lisse example in the Louvre (Krotoff, 1984: 40),
r~st black with a double line of about thirty small round circles (in cartoon; a little
which shares some details with the Petites Indes, but departs again in many other
~1fferent from Schwedt version); a feather bag of 22.5 by 13.5 em with a draw-string
details, suggesting that it was made later and is not recorded by Fenaille (1903).
~m cartoon; unknown in the material studied here, but such a feather bag is shown
m Frans Francken's Abdication of Charles V of 1636 Rijksmuseum Amsterdam)·
and a gourd of20.5 em diameter (cartoon). These ar~ifacts are show~ in extraordi~
6. Le roi porte par deux maures Plate 72
nary detail, not only in the cartoon , but in the tapestries too. Description: Litt . B. Le Tableau representant, comme les Principaux Negres en An-
gola se font porter dans une hamaq ue de 13 pieds de longeur par [a travers Jle pais

128 Tapestries 129

Tapestries
 Yvart list: ~o 6. Un ~utre representant un Roy na igre por te pas deux esclaves, le-
quel Roy tient une fli che . .. d e 8 pied s 6 pouces sur 12
I_'l anff list: No 8. Eine Schwartze Frau wirdt in einem hangb(r)et getr age n. H a t
uber Sich emem bunten Schirm vo n Papageij fed ern
Reprodu ctions: Fena ille (1903: 394) and J arry (195 7: opp. p. 321) Grandes Indes
basse lisse, M obilier Nati onal , GMTT 193/ 4th; J arry (1976: 6S), Fahrenkam~
(1977 : opp. p. 96 - colour) and Krotoff (1984: 42 - colou r), Grandes Indes, basse
lzsse, 4th set, M alta; Schaeffer (1968b ), cartoon .
Example studied: photogra ph , G randes Indes, basse lisse, Mobilier Natio nal,
193/ 4th, 4.6 by 3.1 m .
G '\1TT
Extant car too n : GOB 790, complete in three panels sewn together, 3.93 by 2.65 m ,
the best preserved cartoon .
Zoology: three birds perched in trees, the owl ( Glaucidium brasilianum) clearly based
on ~heatr~, 2: 193, the pa rrot possibly Psittacus erithacus of Handbook, 1: 218, the third
not i?en tdied; fi ve weaverbirds a nd fi ve nests (not fro m New World). Three mon-
keys m trees, the !owermost p robably the West African Erythrocebus patas of Handbook ,
1: 74 (posture sli ghtly modified). Two sheep in foreground, the black and white
reverse~ b ut alm ost exactl y m atchin g H andbook, 1: 88 (except black extended on bel-
ly, possibly to show up the fl amin go in fro n t of it); the cream -coloured shee p
reve rsed b u t ve ry ~l ose to the .crayon sketch of Theatri, 3 : 87v (Joppien, 1979: opp.
P· 344)., The fl ammgo (Phoenzcopterus antiquorum) probably modified from Theatri,
2 : 17 · 1 wen ty-th ree fi shes shown, mostly rather poorly depicted (left to right):
Uniden ti fi ed (extrem e left, poi nting downward)
Glyphzsodon saxatilis (next to it, pointing upward) . Close to H istoria p.156 (Hand-
book?, bu t Theatri, 1: 143 mi ssing) '
Uniden tifi ed tail below it
Tail to right of tha t, presumabl y the wrasse H alichoeres radiatus the whole fish also
on right of the seven ha nging fi shes. C lose to Handbook, '1: 388 and Theatri,
1: 199 (the fo rmer basis for H istoria, p. 146)
Epinephelus morio (spotted fi sh above the last). H andbook, 2: 315, but not exact
(Whi tehead, 1979a: op p. p. 448)
Monacanthus hispidus (to right of last, the dorsal spine shown as a horn above eye).
Loosely based on H andbook, 1: 380 (basis fo r H istoria, p. 154, but much bette r).
. Th ~ supenmposed sqUJd exactl y m atches Theatri, 1: llb (reversed)
Sciaem d fi sh (below squid). ot fo und
Pilotfi sh Nomeus gronovii (below Monacanthus) . Based on Handbook, 1: 386 (basis for
Page 91 H zstorza, p. 153). ot visible are the addi tional spots d iscussed under the Van
Kessel pain ting
U ni de n ti fi ed (facing d ownward from the last)
Frogfish (covering tail of pilotfis h). C rude, b ut possibly related to Handbook, 2:
361 (see below)
Sail fis h l stiophorus platypterus (across r igh t of tapestry). Handbook, 2: 403, fa irly
close (H istoria, p. 171 reversed and som ewhat m odified)
Sparid with black spot on nape (par t hid den by tortoise). U nidentified
Striped frogfi sh Antennarius striatus = A. scaber of authors (stri ped fish over
tail of sailfi sh). Possibl y related to Handbook, 2: 361
Catfi sh (below the last). On Handbook, 1: 368 (basis for H istoria, p. 151, upside-
dow n)
H anging fis hes: hi ghest a catfish , possibly the bagre of H istoria, p. 173; the next,
Halzchoeres (see above); the next (in cen tre) unidentified; the next (on left )
130 Tapestries
Epinephelus moria (discussed under tapestry No 7, L'Indien a cheval); the next
(spotted fi sh, head obscured) possibly caraun a of H istoria, p. 14 7; two tails not
identified.
Two moray eels emerging from bas ket, not identified
South African to rtoise Testudo (Psammobates) geometrica (again st sailfi sh). Handbook,
1: 396 (shell only)
Five crabs, identified by H olthuis (discu ssed unde r tapestry No 4 ): Mithrax hispi-
dus (next to tortoise); Calappa ocellata betwee n tortoise and frogfi sh ; presum ably
another at head of sailfish); Cardisoma guanhumi (above the last, half hidden);
Carpilius covallinus (under tail of frogfi sh).
Botany: uniden tified palm with tree trunk behind it (left), and wax palm (right), not
modelled on that in Eckhout 's negro woman but similar and like it havin g below
the cactus Cereus (probably C. pernambucensis, near negro's foot); al so a m a ize cob
very like that held by the negro child in Eckhout's paintin g. Other plants not iden-
tified.
Ethnology: two negroes bearing hammock, both with a long check cloth over the
shoulder (not the same as in Eckhout's negro m an and wo man ; ceremonial, since
not on carryin g shoulder of m an on left) . Both men bare to waist and without body
ornam ents, wearing a skirt to below knee (fringed at bottom) of animal hide, held
by a narrow band of cloth into which the man on right has tu cked another cloth
with a bold geometric pattern . An ornamental spindle at each end of the pole pre-
ve n ts the hammock rope sliding inwards. The man on the right carries a forked stick
(rest for pole). The king is the sam e man as in Theatri, 3: 5 (gold neckl ace with cross,
red dou ble-bead rosary, bow and two unfeathered a rrows, quive r ove r shoulder, red
cloth at waist and white cloth across stom ach , skirt but more orna mented below,
bee-hive hat), but he wears pearl earrings and all is rendered in mu ch more detail.
H e hold s a fe ather parasol, but not those in the Hui s ten Bosch painting. The ham- Page 97
m ock is clearly the same as in Les deux taureaux, but with slight modifications. In
the water, a jangada or fis hing craft of three logs held together with pegs, of which
the only other represe ntation seem s to be tha t by Frans Post for the engraving of
C abo S. Agostinho in Barlae us (1647 : No 37, opp. p. 136); M arcgraf noted that the
wood of apeiba (Apeiba tibourbou) was used for jangadas (M arcgrave, 1648: 124 ).
Note: although some of the elem en ts in the picture are Brazilian (jangada, most or
all of the fishes, the wax palm), som e African 'colour' has been included (lefthand
monkey, tortoise, parrot, weaverbirds, sheep and fl amin go). There is no clear evi-
d ence, however, of any animal or plant that could not have been brought to Brazil
for J oha n Maurits' botanical garden and zoo, which were both extensive (Ba rlaeus,
1647: 144 and C alado, 1648: 52 -53 ). Three African delegations cam e to Recife (the
D uke of Congo, the Count of Sonho and one from the ruler of Mpemba - see
Barlae us, 164 7: 676, T hom sen, 1938: 170 -172 ), and thus the people and the a rt-
ifacts could have been d rawn in Brazil.
7. L'Indien a cheval or Le cheval pommele Plate 73
Description: Litt. A. Le tableaux de Chili et Peru peint au vif et tout a sa grandeur
Yvart list: No 7. Un aut re, ou il y un cheval blanc pommele, couve rt d 'une hou sse
et conduit par un naigre, et une figre mantee sur un cheval noir .. . de 9 pieds sur
12
H anff list: No 6. Zwei R euter der eine auf einem wei ssen der ander auf einem
schwar tze n Pferdt
Tapestries 131
 Reproductions: Fenaille (1903: 376), Thomsen (1938: fig. 74), Anon . (1955 : opp.
p. 65) , Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 210 - colour), Galerie Nationale de
Ia Tapisserie, Beauvais (coloured postcard), Co ural (undated: 16), all G randes
Indes, basse lisse, 1st or 2nd set, Mobilier National , GMTT 192/3 rd ; Cetto & Hoffer
(1964: pl. 14), Beatrice von Wattenwyl-Haus, Berne, haute lisse and acanthus leaf
border, but only 3.35 by 2.50 m , thus smaller than the Petites Indes series· Krotoff
(1984: 44 - colour), Petites Indes, haute lisse, 6th or 7th set, Malta . ' R eproductions: Fenaille (1903: 394) and Sousa-Leao (1947: opp. p. 70), Grandes
Example studied: Mobilier ational , GMTT 192/ 3rd, 4. 7 by 3. 7 m .
Extant cartoon: GO B 747 , right panel out of three, 4.0 by 1.07 m , the dappled horse
only, poor condition.
Zoology: white llama, based on Theatri, 3: 135 (but dark brown), again with fo ur toes
on the forefeet; head of brown llama or guanaco behind it, based on the white one
in Theatri, 3: 133, but not exact. Dappled horse and brown horse, neither based on
Handbook, 1: 30, 36. Crow-like bird in tree (top left) resembling a magpie but tail
too short (not found in Theatri or Handbooks). Seven fishes (left to ri ght):
Unidentified (320 mm tot. 1.)
Carangid fish (295 mm tot. 1.), possibly Alectis sp. ; no counterpart found (abacatu-
aia of Historia, p. 161 taken from Clusius, 1611, via De Lae t, 1633 : 57 4 and
1640: 509). Orange spots on upper flanks , fins blu e
Unidentified and no counterpart found
Sparid fish?, possibl y sallema of Historia, p. 153 (Archosargus unimaculatus). Three gold
lines down flank
Serranid fish (400 mm tot. 1.). Epinephelus moria, closely matching piratiapia of
H istoria, p. 158 (also facing right , which is reversed from Handbook, 2: 315;
reproduced in Whitehead , 1979a: opp. 448)
Cowfish (370 mm tot. 1.). Similar to Historia , p. 142 (based on H andbook, 1: 372,
reversed), but horns higher on head here
Remora (900 mm tot. 1.). Exactly matches HandiJook, 1: 343 (on which H istoria,
p. 180 was presumably based).
Botany: main tree apparently bearing apples, the trunk overgrown with h oneysuckle;
b eside it , a tree bearing cherries (right) and a tree bearing oran ges (left). Fore-
ground , Eschscholtzia (extreme left), remainder not identified .
Ethnology: Chilean on horseback, holding a pikestaff and wearing pon ch o, knee-
length trousers and spurs as in Historia , p. 284, but far more detailed here and
strongly suggesting accurate sketches (which have never been located). Bridle, reins,
saddle and stirrup equally detailed, as also the bridle for the dappled horse, but
again, no models known; red-lined embroidered cloth or tapestry on da ppled horse.
Negro wearin g orange robe (no model). Woven saddle-bag on white llam a .
Note: the 9 items in Litt. A of the Description mention the river, the llama and its
saddle-bag, apples and ch erries, the Chilean on horseback with a pike, the poncho
and the harness. Item 2 also mentions the women, who 'fish' for gold in the rivers
and are 'habiliees a Ia meme fa<;:on comme on les voit ici.' Probably this is the wom-
an in the Historia woodcut (p. 284); we presume that the Chilean man and woman
Page 61 in Schmalkalden's Reise were copied from the models for this woodcut (which have
n ever been found ).
Plate 74 8. Les pecheurs
Description: Litt. F. (no general title, but mention of the banana, the bird arrow and
the fisherman)
132 Tapestries
Yvart list: No 8. Un autrem ou il y a des Indiens qui peschent et un tire des oyseaux
avec des fleches et u ne femme naigre qui tient un panier plain de fruits ... de 8
pieds de large sur 12
Hanff list: No 4. E in Indianen mit einem braunen Zopf auf dem Kopf auch ein
strom mit Fische
Indes, basse lisse, private collection; Sousa- Leao (loc. cit.) and Schaeffer (1968b ),
Gran des Indes, basse lisse, 4th set, Malta; Lemmens (1979: 289, pl. 24 ), Grandes
Indes, haute lisse, set n ot identified , Rijksmuseum , Amsterdam (3.50 by 2.95 m);
Jarry (1976 : 66), detail of bowman and woman, Petites Indes, haute lisse, Mobilier
ational , GMTT 188 (4.1 by 2.55 m); Krotoff (1984: 46), Petites Indes, haute lisse,
perhaps 7th or 8th set, Louvre (4.23 by 2.97 m).
Exampl es studied: photograph of Mobilier National Petites Indes example; version
in Assemblee Nationale, Paris in 1976 (joined on the right of Les deux taureaux)
GMTT 190/ lst, basse lisse; also, Musee Jacquemart-Andre, virtually the same as the
Rijksmuseum example, but the latter considerably extended to the left beyond the
woman and basket. Both of the latter examples have the Grandes Indes acanthus
leaf border, but are reve rsed from the Fenaille (1st or 2nd set) and Malta exampl es,
thus haute lisse an d therefore should be from the 5th set (see Table). In both cases, Page 11 9
however, the seated wo m an has been moved away from the bowman so that the lower
part of the bow is now obscured by her head (as in the Nouvelles In des version, but
there the basket is not held on the palm of her hand but by its handle). The shifting
of the woman is not fou nd in at least three Petites Indes versions, the Rome, Louvre
and Mobilier ational examples (6th and 7th or 8th sets) and since the Gobelins
artists are unlikely to have moved the woman across, only to move her back again
for the first (if n ot all) of the subsequent Petites Indes sets, it would seem that the
Jacquemart-Andre and Rijksmuseum examples were additional pieces and not from
the 5th set. To fi ll the picture in the wider Rijksmuseum example (Anon , 1969), the
fish e rmen have been moved to the left also, both their heads now being beyond the wom-
a n's foot (no t adopted in the Nou velles Indes). The Berne example, known to us from
a photograph, closely matches the Rijksmuseum example and has been similarly ex-
tended on the left side; it differs, however, in having two more birds added (above
and below that a t which the arrow points) and the rope of the seine net extends to
the righthand ed ge of the tapestry (looped onto a stick in the Rijksmuseum exam-
ple). For the same reasons as given above, this piece is also unlikely to have come
from the 5th set.
Cartoon: apparentl y lost ; Fenaille (1903: 373) indicates a fragment, but perhaps
misidentified a piece from the single but complete panel of Le Cheval raye (which
he gives as ' une m oitie de bande').
Zoology: 5 birds in trees, the one on the left Chloroceryle amazona, close to Theatri,
2: 47a (also Handbook , 1: 268, probable basis for Historia, p. 194); the other four
birds not identified. Three flying birds, not identified. Sitting on bananas, a mar-
moset (Callithrix jacchus?) , inaccurate, not matching that in the Schwedt painting, Page 100
nor Handbook , 1: 50 and Wagener, o 80.
Botany: banana (Musa sapientium), the disposition of the fl ower and fruits almost iden-
tical to that in Eckhout's Tupinamba woman , but the leaves different, and the whole
different from that in the Schwedt painting. In front of it a palm tree, the trunk en-
circled by a grape vine. Foreground, extreme right, Montrichardia arborescens, very
close to that in Eckhout 's Tapuya woman and presumably based on same sketch .
Half hidden by the plants beside the river are two large melons and a gourd . Plants
and fruits in the baskets not identified.
Tapestries 133
 Ethnology: hunter with bow, the latter similar to that in Le chasseur indien the arrow
about as long as the bow and tipped with a five-pointed star-shaped head (rem inis-
cent of the lowermost arrow in Eckhou t's Tupinamba man). He wears a wreath of
small feathers and a short skirt with a broad and elaborately patterned border; no
?ody ornaments. The woman has a similar wreath of feathers, with two 'tails' hang-
mg to her shoulders; a similar arrangement of feathers is on each wri st. She wears
pearl (?) earri ngs hanging from sm all rings and round her waist is a len gth of pat-
terned cloth . On her left ankle is a string with small feathers. She holds a Bacongo
basket resembling all those hitherto discussed, but not exactly matching any of them
Pages 75 , 97 (Eckhout's negro womal}; the two in the Huis ten Bosch painting; that in the Flehite
Pages 99, 127 painting; and that in L'Ei<~phant). A second Bacongo basket, closer to the first than
to any other, is on the ground beside her; neither basket has a white pad below. Near
her left foot are two round and shallow baskets (no models known , but sim ilar to
Page 100 ~hat in the Schwedt painting). The two fishermen both have pegs (tambetas) inserted
m the cheek, as in Eckhout's Tupinamba man , and wear a similar headdress (a cap
of four or five bands of small red feathers in rolls, with several long feathers pointing
upward and three long feathers hanging down at the back); they pull the head-rope
of a seine with seven cyl indrical floats (possibly short lengths of bamboo); the mesh
s1ze of the net is not shown .
Note: item 2 of Litt. F in the Description explains that the arrow has a button on the
end for taking parrots and other birds alive, but the one shown in the tapestry must
sur~ly have a different use. I tem 3 describes the woman as a Mulatto (negro mother,
wh1te father), but again this was probably not used for the tapestry. Item 6 describes
a view of Porto Calvo, which must surely be Frans Post's painting now in the Louvre
(or a replica of it) , but there is no such view in the tapestry.
Although incomplete, this analysis throws some light on the p ossible sources
for subj ects used for the cartoons:
1. Theatri. Many of the an imals (and probably the plants also) have ve ry exact coun-
terparts in the Theatri volumes and might have been taken from the loose sheets
before they were sent to the Elector of Brandenburg in 1652. This would give a
termznus ante quem for the cartoons, which in turn could mean that,
a. The cartoons were those sent to the Elector of Brandenburg in 1652 and
Page 108 brought back to Johan Maurits by Hanff for the Van der Gucht tapestries, or
b. The cartoons were a second set, kept by Johan Maurits (to decorate the
Mauritshuis or brought to C leves?), .the subj ects perhaps specified by the
Descrzptwn, or
c. The cartoons were painted by Eckhout after hi s return from Dresden in 1663,
in which case he wou ld have had to have his own exact copies of these Theatri sub-
jects or used the Hanff cartoons. It is perhaps significant that Joha n Maurits
seems to have had a project in mind when he wrote to the Elector of Saxo ny in
Pa ge 166 1655 asking wheth er Eckhout was now free of his duties.
2. Handbooks. In a number of cases the subject is much closer to that shown in the
Handbooks than to the one in the Theatri, which supplies the same possibilities as
under Theatri above.
3. Leningrad drawings. The absence of plants and the rather limited number of
animals makes these an unlikely source.
4. H istoria. No ev idence of direct borrowing, largely because the woodcuts were
134 Tapestries
based on the Theatri, Handbooks or presumed sketches already available.
5. Copenhagen ethnograph ic paintings. Only a few natural history subj ects are
close (e.g. M ontrichardia, fru it and fl ower of banana, guinea pig) a nd are more
likely to have been taken from prior sketches. It is of interest that the people and
artifacts are hardly used and indeed the people in the tapestries are quite uncon-
vincing. Their postures are full of the tensed mu scularity of the baroque and
quite unlike Eckho ut's restful poses; the only Eckhoutian gesture is by the woman
in Les pecheu rs, who holds a basket on the palm of her hand . It is also significant
that only a few of the artifacts have known models in Eckhout's works (Bacongo
baskets, feather hat and clay pipe in L'Elephant; headdresses and cheek pegs in
Les pecheurs; club a nd spear-thrower in Le chasseur indien; body ornaments
and clothes in Le roi porte). The very exact detail of the hammock, parasol,
quiver and arrows, poncho, spears, etc. implies the use of now lost sketches.
6. Copenhagen still-lifes. T he repetition of so many of these subjects in L'Elephant
is perhaps su rprising. Like the ethnogra phic paintin gs, these were availabl e up
to Eckhout's depart ure for Dresden in 1653 . However, the fact that prior sketches
are known for some of them (e.g. those in Miscellanea Cleyeri) impli es th at the same Page 42
sketches could have been used for the cartoons .
7. Lost sketches . In som e cases there are subjects no t found in the above sources,
so that a sketch must once have existed. This is certainly implied where the sub-
ject can only be matched with a counterpart at Hoflossnitz or in Wagener's Thier
Buch. It is difficult , however, to decide if the more a nimated subjects derived from
life-studies or if, as in the birds, the head was turned and the wings outspread
afterwards; we tend to favour the second possibility since in many cases the
posture is most unlife-like.
8. Frans Post paintings or drawings. At least the ox-cart, the sugar mill a nd perhaps
a basket in Les deux taureaux, as well as the cactus in Le chasse ur indien, appear
to come directly fro m Post's works. They may have come from drawings, but it
is perhaps significant that hi s painting of Fort M aurits in which the cactus is
depicted is one of the four Brazilian period paintings in the Louvre which both
Larsen (1962) and Sousa-Leii.o (1948, 19 73) with good reaso n consider to have
been pa rt of the gifts from Johan Maurits to Louis XIV. The landscapes in the Page 182
tapestries, which a re not unlike those in the Copenhagen eth nograp hi c paintings,
are also in some cases Postian , although without exact models. H owever, the
composition of the tapestries is quite alien to Post's style.
9. Other sources. The rhinoceros, elephant, 'zebra', ostriches, cassowary, etc. have
no counterparts, but a t least the rhin oceros a nd a n ostrich are mentioned in the
Description (Litt. D, No 7 and Litt. G, No 1), thus presumably on the cartoons be-
fore they were dispatched ; their postures, however, seem more likely to have been
inspired by the Gobelins a rtists.
The key to the history of the o riginal cartoons sent to Louis XIV, whether
m a d e before E ckhout's departure fo r Dresd en in 1653 or on his r eturn in
1663, may rest with a minute comparison of the subjects with those in the
Theatri and Handbooks. Is there a ny instance where the m a tch is so exact that
even a duplicate picture could not h ave been used ? Is there a case where a
slip of the brush or pencil, unique to the Theatri or Handbook picture, is faith-
fully r eproduced in cartoon or tapestry? The most fa ithful record will b e in
the first two sets of tapestries, before the cartoons were re tou ch ed or modi-
fied , a lthough there may also b e areas of the existing cartoons tha t have sur-
Tapestries 135
 vived with little alteration. As with the Hoflossnitz bird paintings, it would
~!so be usefu_l to see if all those Theatri and Handbook subjects which occur
m the tapestnes have a stylistic similarity, which would tend to suggest which
were Eckhout's pictures among the Cracow m aterial.
The Anciennes Indes series enjoyed great success and between 1687 and
1730 a total of 90 pieces were made at the Gobel ins. Whatever Eckhout's true
rol~ in creatin?" th~ cartoons, it was essentially his exotic image ry, based on
patient recordmg m Brazil, that excited the imagination of the court and
eventuall y the public.
Pieces from the 3rd set (Grandes Indes, haute li.sse), which had been
presented to Peter the Great in 1717 and brought to Ru ssia, were later copied
at the Imperial Tapestry Factory at St Petersburg. The facto ry had been
founded shortly before and it went into production in 1719, using French
weavers and d ye rs on fi ve-year contracts under the direction of Philip Beha-
gle. Copies from the Anciennes Ind es series were produced in the late 1730s
and early 1740s and 18 such pieces appear in a list of 1732-46 (Korshunova,
1975: 34 - 37 - English summary). The following five (from a complete
set?) _were used in the late 1740s to decorate the Assembly Room of Mon
PlalSlr Palace at Pete rhof (Petrodovrets) outside Leningrad and are still there
(plate numbers refer to the good colour reproductions in Korshunova, 1975):
1. Le cheval raye (pl. 32, with detail of crabs and lizard, pl. 33)
Size: 3.98 by 2.86 m
Reverse of basse lisse exam ples (i.e. 'zebra' and rhinoceros face right) and much
modified. Side with sugar can e behind rhinoceros cut by at least 30 em , but op-
posite side enlarged to include the flying pheasant and the melange of crustaceans,
li za rd and tortoise from Le chasse ur indien (but their arrangement now quite
different). Several sm all differences, e.g. h ead of jabiru at feet of 'zebra' redrawn ,
much heavier.
2. Le chasseur indien (pl. 38)
Size: 2.75 by 2.36 m
Left side only (part of L'Indien a ch eval rather crudely joined to right side),
reverse of basse lisse examples (i .e. Indi an faces right), side with ostrich and casso-
wary cut (see 4 below), melange of cru staceans, lizard and tortoise on opposite side
retained, somewhat modified .
L'Indien a ch eval, part (with d etail of horse's h ead , pl. 39) on right side of same
tapestry, being the spotted horse and the negro h oldin g it (see 3 below).
3. L'Indien a cheval (pl. 37)
Size: 2.88 by 1. 57 m
R everse of basse lisse examples (i.e. man and horse face right), cut down to remove
spotted horse and negro (see 2 above), style rather crude, various small modifi-
cations.
4. Le roi porte (pl. 34, with detail of ostrich and cassowary, pl. 35)
Size: 2.85 by 2.85 m
136 Tapestries
Not reversed in relation to basse lisse examples (i.e. negroes face right) and with
only small differences, but another section added to right to co ntain the ost rich
and cassowary omitted from Le chasseur indien (see 2 above), again fairly close
to known examples, again not reversed.
5. Les pecheurs (pl. 36)
Size: 2.87 by 1.84 m
Reverse of basse lisse examples (i.e. bowman faces right) and with some modifica-
tions, e.g. edge cut on both sides and at bottom, thus head of outer fis~ e rman
cut and arrow shorten ed to accomodate this, fruit in the two baskets different,
pattern on baskets simplified.
Korshunova (1975) gives three further examples of copies (all illustrated) and
another is added by Yasinskaya (1975 - with quite a large bibliography of
Ru ssian works). The subjects are:
5a. Les pecheurs (pl. 98, with detail of central fisherman, pl. 99 and detail of basket
of fruit, pl. 100)
H ermitage, dated 1772
Not reversed in relatio n to basse lisse examples (i.e. bowman faces left) , presuma-
bly from same source as previous example, or copied from it, since left edge
again cuts through head of outer fisherman.
6. Le combat d'animaux (pl. 54, withdetails of heads of jaguar and boar, pis. 56,
57)
H ermitage, dated 175 7, No RT 16182
Reverse of basse lisse examples (i.e. animals face right). The crab nearest the
water ( Cardisoma guanhumi) has two curved cylind~ic~l spines p:ojecting from the
back of the carapace. As noted alread y this pecuhanty occurs In the 4th (~alta) Page 129
set as well as in the Petites Indes sets a nd its presence here argues that It was
als~ present in the 3rd (haute lisse) set for Peter th e Great, perhaps introduced
when the cartoons we re refurbished.
6a. Same (pl. 55, with details of Montrichardia and alli gator, pis. 58, 59)
Russian Museum, Leningrad, dated 1747 , No Tk 1026, 280 by 230 em
ot reversed in relation to basse lisse examples (i.e. bowman faces left), presuma-
same curved spines on crab. Yasinskaya (1975: 22) cites the signature as "At St
Petersburg 1747 ER", with a reference to Spilioti (1903: 241).
7. L'Elephant or Le cheval isabelle (Yasinskaya, 1975: 24 only)
Armoury Palace at Kremlin, dated 1758, No 12812 , 318 by 545 em
Yasinkaya gives the signature as "at St Petersburg 17 58 ER" and refers to Ivanov
(1924: 17 - appare ntly no illustration).
These Russian pieces, and especially the five at Mon Plaisir, m~y provide
important clues to the changes made between the 2nd (basse lzsse) set of
1689-90 woven by De Ia Croix and Mozin, and the now lost 3rd set (haute
Tapestries 13 7
 lisse) of 1693 -1700 woven by J ans and Lefebvre, which served as models for
later Ru ssian copies. D etails, such as the two erroneous spines from the crab
in Le combat d'animaux, could also prove whether further sets reached the
Imperial Tapestry Factory and were in turn used as models, or whe ther such
anomalies were truly introduced into the 3rd set when the cartoo ns were
retouched by D esportes.
Nouvelles Indes
The popularity of these tapestries continu ed and in 1735 Philibert Orry,
Page 148 Director of the Batiments du Roi, commissioned Franc;ois Desportes to m ake
cartoons for a second version , for which he was paid 2,000 livres each
(Fenaille, 1907: 40 et seq.). At the outset, Desportes m ade it clear to Orry that
he was doing more than just copy the previous series (letter to Orry, 15 Sep-
tember 1737; see Bodkin , 1944: 65-66), and a comparison between the two
series shows numerous additions and modifications. D esportes' cartoons
were exhibited in the Salon in 1737 , 1738, 1740 and 1741 (Fenaille,
1907: 41-43). Major departures from the original series are ou tlined by
Fenaille, and also by J arry (1957: 325-327) and Bodkin (toe. cit.), but no
detailed analysis has been made.
The ouvelles Indes, which appear to have been worked only in basse lisse
(image reversed), were made in two series, 17 40-68 and 1771 to as late as
1941. The following schedule is taken from Fenaille:
First series (54 pieces fide Fenaille, p. 61)
1. 1740-44 (ateliers Cozette and Le Blond). Border with the arms of France be-
tween outstretched wings at top (e.g. Sousa- Leao, 1968: pl. 84 - Le roi porte,
Mobilier National example)
2. 1742 - 48 (ateliers Cozette and LeBlond). Another border (not specified)
3. 1747-54 (ateliers Cozette, LeBlond and Neilson)
4. 1750-59 (ateliers LeBlond and eilson)
5. 1753-65 (atelier eilson)
6. 1756-66 (atelier eilson)
7. 1761-67 (atelier eilson). Le chameau, Le cheval raye, Le combat d'animaux
and Le chasseur indien only
8. 1765-68 (atelier eilson). Le chameau and Le combat d'anim a ux only
Second series ( 49 pieces 1771-99 fide Fenaille; other sets or pieces to 1826 + 1936- 39
+ 1940-41 fide J arry, 1959: 68)
1-6. Sets overlapping, incomplete except that given to Joseph II of Austria in 1777
(dated 1772-78, but including the final Combat d'an im aux from the 8th set of the
first series). All from the atelier of Neilson. Border again different.
Complete sets from the first series were acquired by the Hotel du Controle
general des Finances (to Fontainebleau and then to Mobilier National,
GMTT 185/1-6), by the Comte de Viri (1763, Sardinian Ambassador to
L ondon), by Lord Tynley (1763, including four LeBlond pieces from the 2nd
set), by the King of D enmark (1768), and also by Count Colloredo for the
E mpress of Austria (1760, now in Hradcanech , the Archbishop's Palace in
Prague, described by J arry, 1959); incomplete sets were acquired by Stuart
138 Tapestries
(1763, three pieces), the Due de Noaille (1768, four pieces) and Bo_u re_t (1769,
six pieces). The single (almost) complete set from the sec~nd senes 1s ~en­
tioned above, the remainder being incomplete, probably m1xed and certamly
scattered .
The eight pieces of the Nouvelles Indes largely followed those of the An-
ciennes Indes, but some subj ect alterations necessitated modification of the
titles:
1. Le cheval raye (same)
Reproduction s: Jarry (1959), Sousa-Leao (1968: 83) .
Cartoon (1738): 3.75 by 5.25 m, Musee Municipal, Gueret, No 3888 Qoppten,
1979: pl. 164)
2. Les taurea ux (formerly Les deux taureaux)
Reproductions: Fenaille (1907 : 48), Benisovich (1943: pl. 3), J arry (1959)
Cartoon (1738): 3.57 by 4.71 m , Musee des Beaux-Arts, Lyons, No 3890
3. L'Elephant (formerly L'Elephant or Le cheval isabelle)
Reproductions: Fenaille (1907: 64), J a rry (1959)
Cartoon (17 40): 3.57 by 5.50 m, the Louvre, No 3895
4. Le chasseur indien (same)
Reproductions: Jarry (1959) . _ .
Cartoon (1740): Musee des Beaux-Arts, Marsetlle, No 3894 (Sousa-Leao, 1969.
115, lower figure)
5. Le combat d'animaux (same)
Reproductions: Fenaille (1907: 56), Jarry (1959) .
Cartoon (17 38): 3.67 by 3.85 m, Musee Saint-Denis, Rhetms, No 3839
6. La ·negresse portee dans un hamac (Le roi porte par deux_ m aures)
Reproductions: Fenaille (1907: 56), J arry (1959), Sousa-Leao (1968: 84)
Cartoon (17 39): Musee des Beaux-Arts, Lyons, No 3891
7. Le cheval pom mele or Le chameau (Le cheval pommele or L'lndien a cheval)
Reproductions: Jarry (1959), Honour (1976: No 133)
Cartoon (1737): ?
8. Les pecheurs (same)
Reproductions: J arry (1959)
Cartoon (1741): 3.75 by 3.46, Musee des Beaux-Arts, Marseille, No 3896
Althou gh Desportes retained many of the anima~s. and plants fro m the An -
ciennes Indes series, they now tend to become m1smterpreted. For exa~ple,
the porcupinefish (Diodon) in Le cheval raye acquires a hooked beak hke a
bird in Desportes' cartoon for the Nouvelles Indes serie~, while :he batfish
Ogcocephalus longirostris in the same cartoon has a hor~ hke a umcor_n .
Even greater departures from the originals are seen m the _four ( on~mally
six) rooms on the ground floor of t~e palace at ?ber St Velt near V1enf.la,
decorated in 1762-63 by the Austnan fresco pamter Johann Berg! (Wem-
giirtner, 1903; Otto, 1964) and based on the N_ouvelles Indes set brought ?Y
Count Colloredo to Austria. Four of the subjects are reproduced a?d d_ls-
cussed by Joppien (1979: 361, pis. 165-168). Berg! took even greater hbert1:s
for the garden pavilion of the chapter house at Kloster Melk, decorated m
a similar manner in 1763-64 Qoppien, loc. cit.: 361, pis. 169-172; Mrazek,
1960).
Tapestries 139
 ~or over a century, from 1687 to 1799, there were only twelve years when
a ptece from the Tenture des Indes was not being made at th e Gobelins (and
ior ~lve ~fthese, fr~m 1694 to 1699, the Gobelins made nothing in any case).
n ~ : a ou~ 200 pte~es were woven to make fifteen complete sets and man
addttlOnal pteces for mcomplete sets No other Gobel· · dy
s h . · ms p rogramme enjoye
~c . succe.s~ Wtth regard to their subjects, one sees a gradual evolution . Be-
gmmng Wtt an almost documental role in the original p aintings their ac-
curacy becomes . su ?ordinated in stages to the arti stic ideal, fi;st b the
tra?sfer from p~mtmg to cartoon by Eckhout himself and/or the Go~elins
art~~ri th.en agam by ~he Gobelins artists at each restoration or in making
mo 1 tcatwns for parttcular sets (e.g. those for Malta and for the Petites
~nde~), and finally by a complete remodelling of the cartoons by Desportes
o: ~ e ouve~les Indes: i?cluding the introduction of new subjects and the
mtsmterpreta.twn of extstmg subjects. evertheless, the early stages in this
~rocess are still of great documental value. Often they can be glimpsed only
Y a sound knowledge of what overlies them , but properly interpreted they
~anBser~Ie to enlarge our knowledge of what J ohan M a urits' artists rec~rded
m razt .
TH E D E SP O R T ES DRAWl GS
The participation by Fran~ois Desportes (1661 1743) · th d ·
h Tc - m e pro uctwn o
t e enture ?es. Indes tapestry series has been outlined above. Over six
hun?red of hts Oil or pencil sketches are now in the care of the Man ufacture
att?nale.de ~orcelaine at Sevres and of these there a re 24 which have some
~elat~nshtp Wtth the tap~stries or. cartoons, or with material supplied by J o -
~~ h aunts. They help m deducmg the original state of the cartoons (from
w tc most of them were copied) and they provide an insigh t into the kind
of ~h~nges that De~portes th~ught necessary for the Nouvelles Indes series
~ t ; sou:~es ~vailable to htm for such animal and plant stu dies. Some of
t es~l Brazthan sketches have been discussed and reprodu ced but no
d etat ed study has been d f h · · · ' are probably by other artists. The remaining 349 works comprise 88 pencil,
b" rna e 0 t etr exact relatwn either to the tapestry
su ~ects or to the 'J_'heatri, Handbooks or other source material.
, An excellent ou.thn~ of Desportes' life and work, chiefly with regard to the
Sevre~ sketches, IS gtven by ~ucla.ux & Pn~aud (1982), the b iographical
mate.nal based largely on hts obttuary in the M ercure de France Uune
17~~ · 1187 -1192), on the sketch by Dezallier d 'Argenville (1745 a nd enlarged
edttwn 1762), and on the account given by his son (Desportes, 1854). At the
a?e of t:-'elve, Desportes v:as sent to stay with an uncle in Pa ris who recog-
m~ed hts ~ale?t for drawmg and apprenticed him to the Flemish animal
pamt~r Ntcasms Be:n~erts (1608-78), a pupil of Frans Snijders. After
studymg at the Academte he worked with several artists, including Antoine
Monnoyer and two wh? were later associated with the retouching of the Ten-
~{e des Indes tapestnes: Jean -Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and especially
aude III ~udran , with _whom. he worked on many commissions, including
the decoratwn of the Menagene at Versailles. When he married in 1692 he
wa~ already well known, not only as an animal painter but as a portraitist
whtc~ led to ~ two-year stay in Wa:saw at the court of John III shortly afte;
the btrth of hts son Claude-Fran~ots Desportes in 1695. On the death of the
140 Desportes drawings
Polish king, D esp ortes was recalled to France by Louis XIV to become suc-
cessor to Bernaerts as painter of hunting scenes, with a pension and lodgings
at the Louvre. For the next forty years he undertook numerous commissions
(in no way interr u pted by the death of Louis XIV in 1715 ), brought his son
and his nephew Nicola s Desportes into his studio, and established himself as
the foremost an imal painter of his day.
Desportes' sketches and studies remained in his studio after his death and
were inherited first by his son and at his death in 1774 by the nephew Nico-
las. The latter abandoned the lodgings and studio at the Louvre and ten
years later negotiated the sale of his uncle's works with Comte C. d'Angivilliers,
Directeur G enerale des Batiments et Manufactures, producing two invent-
ories of which one is extant (Archives Nationales, 0 1 1921 B, dossier
Desportes; pu blished by Engerand, 1901: 611 - 614) . By royal consent, Nico-
las Desportes was granted a pension of 1200 livres and a year later, in April
17 85, the material was transported to Sevres and another and more precise
inventory m a d e (same source; pp. 614-625 in Engerand, loc. cit.). Yet
another catalogue was made in 1814 by Alexandre Brongniart, Professor of
Mineralogy at the M useum National d'Histoire Naturelle and from 1800
Director at Sevres, a nd in recent times a card catalogue was prepared by
Marcelle Brunet. A complete list of the Desportes collection at Sevres is
f given by Duclaux & P reaud (1982: 139 - 145), based essentially on the Brunet
cards, arranged by portfolio and/or item number, but with the Brongniart
catalogue numbers also cited; 16 of the 638 works listed are attributed tenta-
tively or certainly to eight other artists (Paul de Vos, Jan Fyt, Nicasius Ber-
naerts, Jean-Baptiste Monnoyer, Jean-Baptiste Belin de Fontenay,
Jean-Baptiste Oudry, Nicolas Desportes and perhaps Albert Eckhout). Pages 149, 150
Sketches and studies are distinguished from the completed compositions,
although the latter are usually themselves preparatory to an actual or poten-
tial larger-scale work .
There are 289 oil paintings mounted and framed (s. 1- 289), of which 13
crayon or pastel studies and 261 oil paintings (or varnished gouaches?) on
paper or occasion ally canvas (in some cases glued onto card and trimmed).
Certain of the oils h ave been framed with a 3-6 em paper strip ruled with
ink lines, the picture then being varnished (or re-varnished), the varnish
sometimes overlapping the frame. These loose pictures are arranged in the
following portfolios:
1. Quadrupeds: 155 items (58 of them drawings), of which 28 can be considered
studies and 8 sketches; three are attributed to other artists; subjects also include
frogs and a crocodile
11. Birds: 50 items (1 of them a drawing), of which 12 can be considered studies, but
none sketches; none is attributed to another artist; subjects also include a study
of snakes, a study of fishes and a work including both fishes and crustaceans
111. Plants: 71 item s (8 of them drawings), of which 2 can be considered studies, but
none sketches; two are possibly by Eckhout; they include trees, foliage, flowers Page 149
and some fruits
IV. Architecture and decoration: 40 items (21 of them drawings), no studies or sketches;
Desportes drawings 141
 all presumed by Desportes; subjects include vases, cush ions,
drapery, etc. ed), J arry (1976: 68- N o. 121), Duclaux & Pn~aud (1982: Nos 89, 90- Nos 122, 121),
v. Landscapes: 32 items (no drawings), no studies or sketches· Krotoff (1984: 48 - No 122, colour)
all presumed by
Desportes; many are charming outdoor oil sketches. '
The two in No 122 exactly match those in the Grandes lndes (reversed) Le cheval
Over a third of the cat 1 d · raye, which are based on Handbook, 1: 103. The other two armadillos have no coun-
institutions: a ague Items are presently on loan to the following terparts; armadillos are not mentioned in Litt. D of the Description, nor do they
match the two Nieden thal drawings. All four are depicted in very fine detail.
Musee Nationale du Ch"t d C .,
eluding f . la eau e omplegne: 5 paintings and 73 studies (in- Desportes used the first two for the Nouvelles Indes, but must have taken the second
. 22 0 amma s and 18 of plants) two from life or from spare pictures (perhaps associated with the cartoons).
Maflson de la Chasse et de la Nature, Paris: 82 stu dies
ramed) (of which 31 are
4. Rhinoceros, 'zebra', jaguar, sugar cane (oils on beige paper, 320 by 505 mm,
~us~e de la C~ass~, Gien:. 80 paintings and drawings Sevres, Port. 1, No 123; F § 6 1814 No 177)
M us~e de la Venene, Senhs: 1 painting and 11 studies Reproductions: Jarry (1958: pl. 1; 1959: 66), Duclaux & Preaud (1982: No 96)
usee des Arts Decoratifs, Paris: 3 paintings.
The rhinoceros, 'zebra' and jaguar closely match (both individually and as a group)
Parts of the Des porte 11 · h
& Preaud 1982· 13 s co ect~on ave been sho"':n at 23 exhibitions (Duclaux those in the Grandes lndes (reversed) Le combat d'animaux, the source of which
Com ie ' . .6), ?f which three were entirely devoted to his work (at is unknown. D esportes considerably modified the arrangement for the Nouvelles
P gne hand Glen m 1961 and at the Louvre in 1982) Of the pictures lndes, the jaguar being brought to the front and the rhinoceros reversed and facing
rel evant to t e tape t · 21 h · directly forward , the details of the head somewhat modified.
Leao (1969: 114), J:r:les(,195 .ave been.repro~uced in the works of Sousa-
(1976· os 11 y 8 · pls. 1' 2, 1959. 66- 67; 1976: 67), Honour
5 -117), Van den Boogaart & Duparc (197 9: 175- 178 189-190) 5. Monkey (oils on beige paper, 160 by 90 mm, Sevres, Port. 1, No 99; F § 2 1814
J : No 79)
1 ~t~~~~)( 1 ~t ~ 1 ~) a~d Duclaux ~ Pr~a.ud (1982: Nos 88-96, 9B-105, 113:
. e o owmg are the Brazlhan' works: Reproduction : D uclaux & Preaud (1982: No 99)

Plate 76a A larger version of the mo nkey in No 24 below, used in Le roi porte and La negresse
1. Two llamas (oils on beige paper 285 b 330 porte of Anciennces and Nouvelles lndes.
F § 2 1814 0 145 ) ' Y mm, Sevres, Port. 1, No 109;

Reproductions: Jarry (1959· 67) H 6. ·T hree monkeys (oils on beige paper, 200 by 285 mm, Sevres, Port. 1, No 130;
Duparc (1979· 175) D I . & ' , onour (1976 : o 116), Van de n Boogaart & F § 2 1814 No 130)
· ' uc aux Preaud (1982: No 88)
Closely match those · th G Reproductions: J arry (1959: 67), Sousa-Leao (1969: 114), Duclaux & Preaud
animal again with f, ~~ e randes lndes (reversed) Indien a cheval, the pale (1982: No 100)
from those in Theatr~u;: ;~;t 1~o;s, the colours of the two anim als si m.il~rly reversed
The light ani 1 ,. . Almost certamly copied from the ongmal cartoon. Lefthand monkey (Erythrocebus patas) close to that in the Grandes lndes (reversed)
rna was used m the ouvelles lndes, the d ark one omitted. Le roi porte, which is close to Handbook, 1: 74. Head and shoulders of another mon-
key (same species?) beside it, also in same tapestry. Desportes used both in the ouv-
2. Tapir (oils on beige pape 165 b 235 , elles lndes. The th ird m onkey (presumably the marmoset Callithrix jacchus) is close
0 184) r, Y mm, Sevres, Port. 1, No 119; F § 6 1814
to that in the Grandes Indes (reversed) Les pecheurs, but the tail hangs at a less
Reproductions: J arry (1959 · 66) H ( steep angle and the face is larger and even more human; it does not match the Hand-
Duparc (1979· 176) D 1 . & ' , onour 1976: No 115), Van den Boogaart & book, Wagener or Schwedt versions. Desportes used it in this form in the Nouvelles
· ' uc aux Preaud (1982: No 93)
lndes. Since he seems to have been able to copy very exactly, this variant suggests
Closely matches that in th G d 1
source of which . k e T~an es ndes (reversed) Le combat d'animaux, the a model slighty different to that in the cartoon.
nal cartoon mig~tu~ nowbn ( Le_atn, 3: 109b is ajuvenile). The model for the origi-
ave een Itt G No 3 of th D
is an animal 'qui s'a elle A · ?
·p . h. h
e escn tzon, w IC states that it 7. Lion attacking tapir (oils on beige paper, mounted, 330 by 590 mm, Maison
'a man ,D pp . nta, quasi comme un Elephant, fort sauvage mais bon de Ia Chasse, Paris, s. 183; F § 1814 No 192)
ger. esportes us d t · c '
lion and t . e ' agam IOr the Nouvelles Indes, this time attacked by a
no a Jaguar. Reproduction: Duclaux & Preaud (1982: No 92)

Plate 78a This shows the second stage in Desportes' design for the Nouvelles lndes version,
3. Four nine-banded d·u ( ·
287 mm and 280 b 445arma ~, os Oils on beige paper, 300 by 500 mm, 385 by the tapir being based on the previous Grandes lndes Le combat d'animaux, the lion
and 121 · F § 2 181r N m68m, evres, Port. 1, Nos 122 (two animals, also birds), 120 presumably added from his own sketches at the Menagerie or one of the fairs. The
' os and 113, and F § 6 1814 No 183). boar, leopard and crocodile are copied from the cartoon, but with modifications, the
Reproductions: Jarry (1959· 66 N capybara is misinterpreted as a sheep or llama, and the lioness and dog are replaced
177- Nos 122 and 1 . . - o 122), Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: by a stag and three dogs.
. 20, but captiOn to latter applies to No 121 , wh.1c h IS
. not 1.,, ustrat-

142 Desportes drawings

Desportes drawings 14 3
 8. Elephant, tamandua and nine birds (oils on beige paper, mou nted, 610 by
500 mm , Sevres, s. 57; F § 6 1814 No 35)
Reproductions: Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 177), Duclaux & Preaud
(1982: 0 102)
The elephant and the giant anteater are identical to those in the G randes ln des
(reversed) L'Elephant .or Le cheval isabell~, neither of which have a direct m odel in
the Theatri or Handbooks. Desportes used both in the Nouvelles Indes, but with a
change in position and also a slight modification to the tip of the trunk.
Plate 77a 9. Sheep and flamingo (oils on beige paper, mounted, 270 by 440 mm , Sevres,
s. 67; F § 2 1814 No 124)
Reproductions: J arry (1959 : 66), Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979 : 17 5 ),
Duclaux & Preaud (1982: o 98)
The sheep is the same as that in the Grandes lndes (reversed) Le roi porte, which
was clearly based on Theatri, 3 : 87v, but Desportes added to h is sketch the
face and also the front legs, which are not in the tapestry. The face is shown in the
ouvelles lndes version.
10. Eight birds in flight (oils on paper, 230 by 190 mm, Sevres, Port. 2, No 14;
F § 6 1814 o 40)
Reproductions: Van deri Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 178), Duclaux & Preaud
(1982 : 0 94)
Positions slightly modified, but otherwise very close to the flying birds in the
Grandes lndes (reversed) Le combat d'animaux. Desportes used them, with slight
changes, for the ouvelles lndes.
11. Nine birds, with elephant and tamandua (see No 7 above)
Although the elephant and tamandua clearly derive from the tapes try L'Elephant
and were used for the Nouvelles Indes version, none of the birds can be exactly
matched with those in the tapestries. The toucan resembles that in L'Elephant; it
possibly matches Theatri, 2: 39 (Ramphastos ariel of Historia, p. 217) and is fairly close
to the Hoflossnitz painting (see Schaeffer, 1970: pl. 13). The bird bottom left is
Chloroceryle amazona, as in Les pecheurs, and is closer to Theatri, 2: 47a than to 47b
(but lacks the spotted breast, there and in the tapestry); the bird to its right is
perhaps Gelochelidon nilotica aranea, crudely shown in Les pecheurs, similar to Theatri,
2: 21b (but feet wrong); the other three birds above this also seem to have counter-
parts in Les pecheurs. What is striking, however, is that none of these five birds,
nor the toucan, could have been copied from the original cartoons, and certainl y
not in such detail; they may have been taken from drawings associated with the
cartoons.
12. Six birds and armadillos (Sevres, Port. 1, No 122- see No 3 above)
The owl, fish eagle, trogon and goose are all close to those in the Grandes lndes
(reversed) Le cheval raye and only the trogon was not used for the Nouvelles lndes .
The bird top left is probably I cterus jamacaii, not found in the tapestries but perhaps
matching Theatri, 2: 141b and Handbook, 1: 236, fig. 1.
13 . Six birds (oils on paper, m ounted, 390 by 530 mm; Sevres, s. 218; F § 2 1814
0 87)
144 D esportes drawings
Reproduction: nil
T he bird top right is caiicupoucaja (Calospiza cayanaflava) of Handbook , 1: 166, fig.
1 (not in Theatri), used in Les deux taureaux, as also the unidentifi ed bird bottom
left. The bird centre left is perhaps picuipinima of Theatri, 2: 273 and H andbook,
1: 196. All six birds are rather wooden and fl at.
14. Flam ingo, also sheep (see No 9)
Very close to that in the Grandes lndes (reversed) Le roi porte and near to Theatri,
2: 17 (reversed, legs thicke r). In the Nouvelles Indes, Desportes replaced it with a
crowned crane (presumably drawn at the Menagerie, of which s. 46 is one
example) .
15. Three ostriches (oils on paper, mounted, photo seen only, Compiegne,
s. 52; F § 2 1814 No 26)
Reproduction: nil
The ostrich in centre exactly matches that in the Grandes Indes (reversed) Le chas-
seur indien, except that in the tapestry the bird's left leg is mostly hidden (but feet
hidden in both sketch and tapestry). The two other ostriches (head and neck on left,
complete rear view on right) are not in the tapestry, yet all three appear to have been
sketched from life or copied from a life study. Since they can not have been present
on the original cartoon, Desportes must have copied all three from a drawing sup-
plied or made at the Menagerie. No such drawin g is ind icated in Litt. H of the
D escription, but Litt. G for Le combat d 'an imaux begins 'N. 1. Un otruche, dont on Page 111
fait les plumes, qu 'on porte aux chapeaux .. .'; the two ostriches with wings out-
spread in Le combat d 'ani maux are not related to those in the Desportes sketch , nor
to those on the Marcgraf map. Page 15 7
16. Bird (oils on beige paper, 323 by 408 mm, Sevres, Port. 2, No 23; F § 6 1814
No 48)
R eproduction: Duclaux & Preaud (1982: No 113), Krotoff (1984: 49)
A fine sketch of mituporanga (Craxfasciolata), but not matching Theatri, 2: 289 (not
in H andbooks) and much more lively than the woodcut ve rsion in the H istoria (p. 195).
Not seen in the Anciennes Indes, but used (lower left) in the Nouvelles Indes Les
pecheurs. It might have been based on a supplied drawing, although Duclaux &
Preaud (1982: 95) suggest that it could have been drawn at the Menagerie at Ver-
sailles since a specimen had been offered to Louis X IV in 1671 (Loisel, 1912).
17. Crocodile (black crayon with white highlights on beige paper, 175 by 440 mm ,
Sevres, Port. 1, No 141; F § 6 1814 No 80)
R eproduction: Duclaux & Preaud (1982: no. 112)
Although there is a drawing titled jacare in Handbook, 1: 448, it seems more likely
that D esportes drew this one at the Menagerie or at one of the fairs (crocodiles were
present at the Menagerie from 1687 accordi ng to Loisel, 1912: 11 2). A rather fancifu l
'crocod ile' was already present on the Grandes lndes Le combat d'animaux (lower
right) which Desportes had already copied (item 7 here), but adding the tail of the
present sketch .
18. Two fishes (oils on beige paper, 230 by 315 mm , Sevres, Port. 2, o 47; Pl ate 76b
F § 6 1814 No 82)
D esportes drawings 145
 R eprodu ctions: J a rry (1959: 66), Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 178), Duclaux
& Preaud (1982 : No 91), Krotoff (1984: 50)
Bot~ fishes are very close to those in the Grandes Indes (no t reversed) Le cheval
raye. The top fish (Ogcocephalus longirostris) is missin g from the Theatri, but occurs as
f. 207 in Gri ebe.'s Reise (reversed) and as f. 91 in th e Lenin grad B series (reversed ,
Page 54 t.e. faces left asm G n ebe). The lower fish ( Thalassophryne natterz', hind part m issing)
m atch es Theatn, 1: 101 (reversed , complete fish) . This is the first occasion when a
D es portes sketch is the reverse of the cartoo n (i.e. n ot reversed in respect to the basse
lzsse). It cannot have been taken from the cartoon and the detail implies that these
\~ere not copied fro m a n haute lisse tapestry; e ith e r they we re copied from associated
pi ctures, or they are th e actual pictures sent with the cartoons (no mention in Litt.
D of the Description, howeve r).
Pl ate 77b 19. Fishes, hanging, also 8 crabs and a tortoise (oils on beige paper 310 by
490 mm, Sevres, Port. 2, No 46; F § 6 1814 N o 81) ' velles Indes version (not reversed). The first (i .e. th e present drawing) a ppears a lso
R ep rodu ctions: Jarry (1959: 66; 1976: 67), Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979 : 178),
Ducl a u x & Preaud (1982: No 101)
The ?hanging fishes come directly from the Gra ndes Indes (reversed) Le roi porte
(Identtfied above). However, where some of th e tails are hidden in the tapestry (by
the basket a nd the monacanthid fish ), they a re compl ete here, as if copied fro m the
on gmal drawmg and n ot the cartoon. D esportes used these fishes again in the Nou-
velles Indes version. The tortoise is not that in the Grandes Indes (reversed) Le roi
porte, but bears some similarity to that in L e chasse ur indien (which resembles
Handbook, 1: 302). D esportes used it again in Le cheval raye of the Nouvelles Indes,
where It looks very differe nt from the previous ones. The 8 crabs are in three rows:
(top row, left to right)
a. Cardisoma guanhumi (upper crab). Used in the Grandes Indes Le cheval raye
(reversed, n ght side only at extrem e ri ght of tapestry, not extact), Le roi porte (?
not reversed, mostl y hidde n by two fi shes, see above) and Le chasseur indien
(reve rsed , part hidden by iguana and tortoise, see above) . Each of these was used
by D es portes in the correspondi ng Nouvelles Indes versions, but in Le cheval raye
the crab is complete but given symmetrical claws; D eportes evidently did not use
the sketch discussed here. This crab also appears in Le combat d'animaux (twice),
but clearly based on quite another drawing (repeated in the Nouvelles Indes version)
b. Calappa ocellata (lower crab). Extrem ely close to Theatri, 1: 399 and used in the
Grandes Indes Le cheval raye (reversed , even closer to the Theatri picture), Le roi
porte (reversed , sam e) and L e chasseur (reversed , sam e). D esportes used these again
m the Nou velles Indes ve rsion
c. Mithrax hispidus (centre) . C lose to Theatri, 1: 388 (see Whitehead , 1979a: 432,
colour) and used in the Grandes Indes Le cheval raye (half-hidden , probably
reve rsed ), Le roi porte (reversed, close) a nd Le chasseur indien (half-hidden, prob-
ably reversed). D esportes used these again in th e Nou velles Indes versions
d. Calappa ocellata (ri ght). Another version, left claw missing; used with the previous
one (see b. above)
(middle row)
e. ot identifi ed
146 Desportes drawings
f. Goniopsis cruentata (centre) . Very close to Handbook, 1: 34 7 a nd used in the Grandes
lndes Le chasseur indien (half-hidden , presumably reversed). D esportes used it in
the Nou velles Indes series and here it is well exposed and very similar to that in hi s
sketch; thi s implies that it was based on a separate drawing and not on the ori g inal
cartoon
g. Persephona mediterranea (right) . Close to H andbook, 1:328, which was reversed and
turned upside-down for the Historia , p. 182. Used in the Grandes Indes Le chasseur
indien (? reversed, colour pattern slightly different). In the Nouvelles Indes version
of Le cheval raye, Despo rtes drew it twice, but spots on carapace very different
(bottom row)
h . Carpilius corallinus (u nfinished). Close to Theatri, 1: 337, but 357 different; both
appear respectively in the Grandes Indes (? reversed) Le cheval raye and in the Nou-
in the Grandes Indes (? reversed) Le roi porte a nd Le chasseur indien and D esportes
used it again for the No u velles Indes versions.
20. Yucca (black, red/brown and white crayon on beige paper, 505 by 295 mm ,
Sevres, Port 3, No 11; F § 7 1814 No 71)
R eproductions: Jarry (1959 : 67), Honour (1976: No 117), Van den Boogaart &
Duparc (1979: 190), Duclaux & Preaud (1982: No 105), Krotoff (1984: 53)
ot found in the Anciennes or ouvelles Indes series. At least one species of this
New World genus was already introduced into Europe by the mid-16th century ( Yuc-
ca gloriosa), but the one shown here seems to be Y recurvifolia , n ot recorded as grow-
ing in Europe until the mid-18th century (Honour, 197 6: No 117). The actu al draw-
in g and use of different crayons is a little like the Eckhout examples in the Miscellanea
Cleyeri, and especially the sisal pla nt Agave (? A. americana) on ff. 67v- 68r. The
Sevres drawing is inscribed Dracaena ou Yucca (pencil, bottom left, repeated in ink
just below).
21. Polygonum orientalis (black a nd white crayon, on thick grey paper, 480 by
260 mm, Sevres, Port. 3, No 12; F § 7 1814 No 70)
R eproduction: Duclaux & Preaud (1982: No 119)
Similar in style to the last and again somewhat like Eckhout 's work U oppien ,
1979: 317), but see comments below.
22. Palm tree (crayon on thick grey paper, 350 by 275 mm , Sevres, Port 3, No 13;
F § 7 1814 No 69)
R e production : Duclaux & Preaud (1982: No 95)
Similar to the last. Inscribed in ink Cocotier palmier sauvage and couleur de branchefiguier.
Sketch of hammock o n verso.
23. Cactus Cereus jamacaru (black, red/ brown and white crayong on be ige paper, Plate 78b
360 by 250 mm , Sevres, Port. 3, No 15; F § 7 1814 No 72)
R eprod uctions: Joppien (1979: 316), Van den Boogaart & Dupa rc (197 9: 189),
Duclaux & Preaud (1982 : No 104)
Not exactly matching a ny part of the cact us in the Gran des In des Le chasseur indien Page 128
Desportes drawings 14 7
 Page 181 (based exac tl y on that in Post's painting of Fort Maurits). Again remini scent of the
Mzscellanea Cleyeri drawings of Eckho ut, but see comment belo~.
24. Fruits and vegetables, also boa constrictor (oils on beige pa per mounted 650
by 490 mm , Sevres, S. 152; F § 7 1814 No 20) ' '
Reproduct ions: Van den Boogaart & Duparc (1979: 189) Duclaux & Prea ud
(1980: No 103) ' discontinu ed on the transfer to Versai lles (Loisel, 1912). Louis XIV was an avid
Most of the fruits and vegetables (]ower right) and the two plan ts at the top appear
m the Grandes Ind es (reversed) L'Elephant, as also the boa constrictor the similari-
Pages 79-82 ty of the fruits and vegetables to those in the Copenhagen still-life; is discussed
above. The weaver birds and their nests (m iddl e right) and the wax palm and mon-
key (bottom left) a re from the Grandes Indes (reversed) Le roi porte. Desportes
repeated them m the Nouvelles Indes versions.
D .e portes had three (recorded) opportunities to study the cartoons for the
An~1ennes Ind es, the first when he retouched them for the 3rd (haute lisse)
set m 169~- 93 , the seco nd when h e retou ch ed them and presuma bly made
modification s for the three Petites Ind es sets in 17 22 , and finall y wh e n h e
came to make new car too n s for th e ouvelles Indes series in 173 5 . His in-
~erest. in exot ic a nima ls a nd plants may have led him to make copies of sub-
Jects m the cartoons, perhaps for use in other commissions but in 1735 h e
':'~uld certainl y h ave need:d wo rkin g sketch es. Many of the Sevr es p a intings
fairly exactly match the ir cou nterparts in the Grandes Ind es, but a re
reversed , thus taken from the cartoons directly; the two fish es which are not
reversed (item 18 here) are puzzling. In transferring the subj ects to the new
cartoon s, on e can see a frequent loss of accuracy, more especiall y in the stage
between the D esp ortes sketch and the n ew car toon. Some subj ects were used
for another tapestry, b ut most were kept in the same tapestry and in the same
place (as far ~s the n ew composition would allow). In general, D esportes
tended to heighten the dram a a nd introdu ce more moveme nt into th e
a nim.als, but there does not seem to be a n y n oticeable progression in the al-
tera~IOn s as ~e worked through the series. Jud ging by the paym e nts m ade
to him (Fenadle, 1907: 41-43), h e compl eted the cartoons in the follow ing
ord e r:
Le cheval pommele 13 August 1737
Le cheval raye 8 February 1738
Les taureaux 2 Jul y 1738
Le combat d'animaux 6 December 1738
La negresse portee 24 February 1740
Le chasseur ind ien 9 ovem ber 1740 a nd 29 March 1741
L'E leph ant 18 O cto ber 1741
Les pecheurs 18 October 1741, but received 31 J anu ary 1742
This shows that the cartoons each occupied him for about five month s,
althou gh he presumabl y h ad other commissions to fullfill in the meantime.
The most inte resting of those Sevres pictures listed h e re are the ones which
seem not to have b een take n from a previous cartoon. There a re three possi-
ble sources for them:
a. They were based on life sketches of exotic pl a nts at the Jardin des Plantes and
148 Desportes drawings
of exotic animals at the M enagerie, first a t Vincennes and later, on its transfer
to Versailles, where Bernaerts was charged with painting all newl y arrived
an imals, a task subsequently taken over by Desportes according to hi s son
(Desportes, 1854: 106). This is surely the case with the lion (item 6 above) and
the European animals introduced into the new version of Le combat d'a nim aux.
In fact, combats between animals were staged at Vincennes a nd at fairs, although
collector of rare animals for hi s zoo and it wou ld have bee n tempting for
Desportes, a far greater anim al art ist tha n Eckhout, to have used hi s own draw-
. .
mgs on occasiOns.
b. They were based on drawin gs or paintings associated with the cartoons, thu s
some of the 85 items in the Description. Th is is pa rticularl y persuasive in the case Page 111
of the three ostriches, of which only one was used for the cartoon (item 15 above).
The mituporanga (item 16) is another exam ple, but there is a cha nce that he
could have seen thi s bird in the M enagerie. Absence of a Desportes Brazilian sub-
ject from any Gran des In des basse lisse tapestry (except the Malta set) means that
it cannot have been erased from the cartoon after Desportes' involvement in
1692 , thus mu st have had an independent source from which he copied it (or
else drew it from life).
c. Those pictures without a cartoon model were not by Desportes, but are actual
pictures from the 85 Description items. Of the oil paintings, possible cand id ates
are the two armadillos (item 3 above) and the two fi shes (item 18), especiall y since
the latter are reversed vis-a-vis the cartoon. There is indeed some resemblance be-
tween these pi ctures and that of the two tortoises at the Mauritshuis (ascribed Page 94
to Eckhout). T he crayon drawings, and especially the yucca (item 20), the Polygo-
num (item 21 ) a nd the cactus (item 23) bear a superficial resemblance to Eck-
hout's drawings in their use of black, brown and wh ite, but the hatching is rather
wugh and much ha rder than the soft chalky strokes of Eckhout; in addition , the
habit of the plant rarely has that elegance of the Eckh out drawings. Th e likeli-
hood of Eckhout sketches in the Sevres coll ection must rest on the specie be in g
unknown in Europe a t the time and (ideall y, but no exam ples seen) bearing some
reference to the Theatri, Handbooks or H istoria in German, Dutch or Latin.
Since the Desportes collection of p a intin gs a nd drawings was brought to
Sevres, one would expect to see refl ections of it on Sevres ware and perhaps
b e able to follow the impact of E ckhout's Brazilian motifs through to anoth er
m edium. In fac t, Cla ude d 'An givilliers was c ritici sed at the tim e for believ in g
that the Desportes pictures would be u seful models (Bell aigu e,
1980: 667- 676), and in the monum ental guide to the porcelain collectio n at
the Sevres museum by Brunet & Preaud (1979: 17 3, item 146) the re is only
one (tentative) mention of D esportes, b e ing a small parrot on a tree stump
( reminiscent of Wagener's parrots, but n ot m atchin g any). In oth er collec-
tions, Ducla u x & Preaud (1982: 22) h ave found only ten insta n ces where
D esportes pictures were used (4 plaques, 3 cups a nd saucers, a nd a wa ter-
pot, bowl and plate). This is curious in v iew of the cont inu ed popularity of
th e Te nture d es Indes a nd the in creasing familiarity with the exot ic Braz ilian
subjects.
Some of D esportes' sketch es were obviously m a de for the sh ee r pleasure
of exploring the subj ect, wh ether landscape, an im al or plant. The pictures
n ow at Sevres, if representative, sh ow a cl ear bias in favour of mammals ,
both in total and in the number of pe ncil or crayon sketches, w ith dogs
Desportes drawings 149
 predominating. Most of his sketches, however, whether drawn or painted,
must have been specifically made in preparation for commissioned works,
but he seems occasionally to have drawn on his reserves . In the Salon Rond
at the Grand Trianon in Versailles are two supra-porte paintings (Mv 7212
and 7215) which contain 'Brazilian' elements Qoppien, 1979: 357, pis 162,
163) . Among the fruits and vegetables of the first one are a sliced bottle
gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) not unlike that in the Copenhagen still-life EN 97,
but not exactly matching it or the Desportes oil sketch at Sevres (item 24
above, which was taken from the Grandes Indes L'Elephant) . More striking
are the subjects in the second painting, which include the cactus pinda
(Melocactus violaceus) of Copenhagen still-life EN 98 and several of the other
plant subjects in the same ~evres sketch, which were used again for the Nou-
velles Indes version of L'Elephant. The artifacts, however, do not seem to
have any counterparts in the Brazilian material discussed here; the bow is
recurved, as in Le roi porte, but this seems to have been a common conven-
tion at the time. The sketches now at Sevres presumably served as a visual
dictionary on which Desportes could draw when the need arose.
D esportes not only studied under Bernaerts, but was closely associated
with other Flemish painters then living in Paris, principally Jan Fyt, Paul de
Vos and Pieter Boel, all of whom had been disciples of Snijders; Boel, in fact,
worked at the Gobelins from 1664. As pointed out by Duclaux & Preaud
(1982: 27), this poses problems of attribution, complicated by the fact that
both Desportes' son and nephew were trained by him in a sim ilar style; in
addition, Desportes worked closely with both Claude Audran a nd with J ean-
Baptiste Oudry, collaborating with them on various proj ects. As noted al-
ready, examples of the work of some of these, as well as sketches by Monnoy-
er and Belin de Fontenay, h ave been identified in the Sevres collection. In
turn, Desportes must have had an influence on them andJoppien (1979: 356,
fin 363) wondered whether Desportes' sketches from the cartoons could have
been copied, as for example for the toucan in Oudry's Pjeffeifresser und Stelz-
vogel in Baumlandschaft in the Staatliches Museum at Schwerin (Anon.,
1954: pl. 8), which might be a reversed copy of that in La negresse portee.
The relationship between Oudry and D esportes is discussed by Opperman
(1977) .
The 24 'Brazilian' sketches at Sevres are a most precious link between
what Eckhout actually painted from life in Brazil and what was eventually
woven by the Gobelins tapestry workers more than forty years later. In cer-
tain cases they preserve an early cartoon image that was later altered in the
retouching or has simply deteriorated after three hundred years. Con sider-
ing the number of different subjects in the eight tapestries, one suspects that
many more sketches from the cartoons must once have existed, possibly bor-
rowed by his artist friends and incorporated into their portfolios. These
should be searched for, although it must be remembered that Audran, Boel,
Monnoyer and Belin de Fontenay could themselves have sketched from the
original cartoons while working at the Gobelins; presence of a 'Brazilian'
subject among their wo rks would not automatically prove that it was by
Desportes. Such additional sketches could , however, further enlarge our
knowledge of the visual material brought back from Brazil.
150 Desportes drawings
THE BRAZIL MAP
It appears that the first general map of Dutch Brazil was that produced
in 1638-40, now known only from MS copies by Johannes Vingboons in the
Vatican Library and in Recife. Superior to it and considered the most ac-
curate until the 19th century, was the map completed in 1643 by Georg Plate 79
M arcgraf according to the inscription on it (Quam proprys observationibus ac
dimensionibus, diuturna peregrinatione ase habit is, Jundamentalzter superstruebat. &
delineabat Georgius Marggraphius Germanus, Anno Christi 1643) . Another inscnp-
tion states that it was engraved (by Johan Blaeu ) between 1644 and 1646, and
the map is dated t' Amsterdam, By Joan Blaeu, Boeckverkooper op 't Water, in de
Sonne-Wyser, 1647 (lower right). Three library copies are known of this wall -
map, presumably owing their survival to their inclusion in three huge and
prestigious atlases:
a. Klenck(e) Atlas, British Library, London
Rep roduction s: Pointer (1961 - the outs ide); Walli s (1984a: 2-3, the Marcgraf map,
reduced to 23.9 by 26.4 em including text)
Provenance: presented to Charles II on his accession to the throne in 1660 by a
group of Amsterdam merchants headed by Johannes Klenck, ~rofessor of Phd-
osophy, who received a baronetcy in return (Wall1s, 1984:_ 4, on mfo~matwn from
Dr Isabella H. van Eeghen, Deputy Director of the MumClpal Arch1ves, Amster-
dam, who notes that Klenck has been consistently misspelt Klencke in the past)
Leather bound, with diamond pattern, each diamond occupied by a rose, thistle,
harp or fleur-d e-lys; spine with 21 panels, the centre one in scr ib~d Kees D1erkz.. et
filius D.K. compegerunt anno 1660; three large brass clasps. Rebound m 1961 at Bntlsh
Museum (Pointer, 1961). Description by Van t'Hoff (1957). S1ze: 97.5 by 170 em
Marcgraf map: No 38, 163.7 by 102.0 em (or 148.8 em including text below);
boundaries marked with green, pink and yellow.
b. Great Elector's Atlas, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Berlin
Reproductions: Klemp (1971, 2: No 35, the Marcgraf map, _reduced to 81.7 by
51.3 em, or 73.9 em including text); also, four of Its vignettes 111 Klemp
(1971 , 1: 60-63) plus all three texts (pp. 275-289)
Provenance: presented to the Elector of Brandenburg by Johan Maurits in 1664
Wooden boards with metal decoration (new binding). Size: 110 by 170 em
Marcgraf map: No 35, same size as in Klenck Atlas; wide area of coastlin e washed
in pale green, boundaries pink and yellow.
c. Rostock Atlas, University Library, Rostock , Germany
Reproductions: Schmidt & Hufeld (1966: pl. 1 - outside); also some maps, but not
the Marcgraf one
Provenance: unknown
Leather bound almost identical to Klenck Atlas, but without the symbols in the dia-
monds and with a slightly different inscription on the spine (Kors Dierksen_ et filius D.
Korsen compegerunt anna 1664), being merely a variant on the Klen_ck mscnpt10n and
the two books almost certainJy being bound by the same bookbmder (presum ably
in Amsterdam). Size: 120 by 170 em
Marcgraf map: No 32 (presumed identical to others).
Brazil map 151
 The Marcgraf map .consists of 11 irregular parts pasted toge ther to make a
rectangle, below :"h1ch are three texts (Latin, Dutch, Fren ch) , each in eight
columns, the Latm taken from Barlaeus (1647: 25- 32, 48-5 1, 64, 82-90) .
Four of. the parts, the actual maps, were published by Ba rlaeus, being those
of Serg1pe, southern Pernambuco, northern Pernambuco with Itamaraca
and Paraiba with ~io Grande (Ceara. and the Maragn ao miss ing, but mad~
up for by Barlaeus plates 25, 52-53 m text). Each m ap slightly ove rlaps the
~ext and the ove.rlap areas (used for captions) are ind icated by thin black
h?es; ca~t?graph1c and t.ypographic details slightly differ in these overlaps.
Five ad~1t10nal parts, bemg the main title (Brasilia qua parte paret Belgis), vig-
nettes With s.c enes and a decorated explanation, fill ou t the remainder of the
rectangle, with two small strips to occupy gaps. It is clear that the Barlaeus
maps we~e engraved b.oth for use in the book and, wi th ingenious snipping
and pastmg, . for u~e m a wall-map, the penalty being plates of different
shapes and Sizes ~1th a very irregular system of j oins. The four Barlaeus
ma~s. can be considered as a first state of the map, since a nu mber of small
addition~ were made to them before their use in the wall -map. For example,
a neg~o IS placed at the top of the tower overlooking the seine-netting scene
(top nght. of southern Pernambuco) , while a procession with a palanquin,
woman With basket and man on horseback is added to northern Pernambuco
(top left and below sugar mil!) , and two palms are added to Paraiba a nd Rio
Grande (top, left and centre); to the latter map are also added captions to
the sea battles, numbered II - IV (battle 1 is already on the Pernambu co
map).
~he 5 additional pa.r ts w~re published by Naber (1923: pis. 59- 63), plus
~n mset of the procession With palanquin and horsem an. He took the addi -
tional parts f:om a copy ~f Barlaeus owned by Wouter N ijhoff in which they
w~re bound m , and he hmted that Johan Maurits ' own copy had also con-
tamed these plates (location of copy not stated).
. The only known example of this Marcgraf map still existin g as a tradi-
tional wall -m ap appears to be that which in 1983 was in the possession of
the. Utre~ht dealer R.C. Braeken. The map itself m easures 101 by 160 em,
or mcludmg the text 123 by 214 em. The overall m easurem ent is different
from that in the three atlas examples because the Latin text h as been cut and
mounted vertically down the right side (instead of running horizontally
along the bottom), the Dutch text is mounted where th e La tin text should
go, and the .Fre.nch text runs down the left side. The map shee ts are pasted
together as I?d1cated by aber (1923), includin g the inset of the horseman
and palanqum, and a~e mounted on linen attached to upper a nd lower poles.
u.nhke the atl~s versions, the map is uncoloured, although now yellowed
With age; a cunous feature is that where the edges are not glu ed down firmly
one can see another map below, much whiter, as if new sheets were p as ted
over ~amaged or soiled ones. Such wall -maps were extremely popular and
sometim es figure in paintings of Dutch interiors, as for example in a paint-
mg by Ja.cob Duck which includes the 1630 'news map' of Recife by Claes
Ja~sz_. VIsscher (Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 161, item 192). No
pamtmgs are known, however, that show the Marcgraf map.
A second ed iti on of the wall-map was produced by Huych Allard (spelt AI-
152 Brazil map
!art on the m ap ) of Amsterdam in 1659, of which there is an incomplete copy
in the Universiteits Bibliotheek in Leiden (Bode! ijenhuis coli. , P. 219,
N. 60). Allard rationalized the awkward Blaeu arrangement by dividing the
map into nine more or less equal sheets (three by three) of approximately
38.5 by 52.7 em . Each sheet was very carefully re-engraved, the details beau-
tifully copied (by tracing or by pricking through onto a new plate), but with
many very small d ifferences, as for example in the placing of the geographi-
cal names. The bottom of the map is extended to give more room for the
four sea battles, whi ch meant an elongation of the cornucopia and other
decorative elem en ts that enclose the inscriptions on the left. A seco nd major
difference is in the provision of Dutch captions for many of the individu al
animals, as well as fo r the various scenes; the source for some of these cap-
tions may have been Barlaeus, or perhaps notes originally supplied to Blaeu
but not used. A third major difference from the Blaeu map is the addition
of a palm at the left end of the manioc scene (just below the fishermen), but
removal of the palm above the church in the Tupinamba vill age scene. A
fourth differen ce is the absence of the horseman and palanquin in front of
the sugar m ill (missing also in the Barlaeus version). Unfortunately, the
Leiden copy lacks the top righthand sheet. The map is signed T' Amsterdam
Gedruckt bj Hujch Allart Anno 1659.
The third ed ition of the wall-map was by Clemendt de J onghe of Amster-
dam in 1664, of which copies are in the Maritiem Museum 'Prins Hendri~'
in R otterdam, the M inistry of Foreign R elations in Rio de Janeiro and m
the British Library. We have studied the latter, which was formerly cut and
mounted on canvas as a folding map but is now remounted and rolled. The
Rio de Janeiro copy appears to be uncut and in good condition, judging
from the large ( 48.0 by 62.5 em) but not very clear reproduction published
by Cascudo (1 956: 306, fold-out), as also the Rotterdam copy (Lemmens,
1979: 331 - small but clear reproduction) .
Like the Allard version, De Jonghe used nine sheets to make a map of 117
by 153 em and again the copying has been very exact. The general layout
follows that of Alla rd , as for example the extension at the bottom and the
concommitent elon gation of the cornucopia and associated elements, but
there are some curious differences. For some reason, De Jonghe took only
some of the Alla rd captions, albeit with slight chan ges in spelling, for the
most part omitting those describing the scenes. The palms at the end of th e
manioc scene a nd a bove the Tupinamba village church are omitted, as also
those at either end of the sugar mill scene, thus conforming neither with Al-
lard nor with Blaeu . As in Allard but not in Blaeu, the horseman and palan-
quin are also omitted. On the top right sheet, bela"': the swags o~ flowers on
each side are added a bee and a grasshopper, whiCh are certamly absent
'
from the Blaeu version but may have been on the Allard sheet. DeJong h e ' s
engraver was sometimes careless, as when he dated the fourth sea battle as
An MDXL and entirely forgot to give the caption Rio Grande on the banner
below the arms for that captaincy.
It is not possible to decide on the source for DeJonghe's version. It shares
with Allard the spellings PARANAMBUCA and !TAMARAC, where Blaeu
h as them as PER N AMBUCA and l. TAMAR I CA, a nd like Allard it has the
Brazil map 153
 watchman on the fishing tower holding a trumpet. The cap tions are clearly
from Allard also, but the omission of the four palm trees sp ans both the two
previous editions, as well as hinting at the Barlaeus version. The De Jonghe
edition can also be instantly recognised by its provision of the motto Honi
soit qui mal y pense around the arms of the Stadholder on the right of the main
(central) title, which is left blank in other editions. This is th e motto of the
Order of the Garter, of which the Prince of Orange had been nominated a
knight in 1627 and installed (by proxy) the followin g year.
ijhoff (1930) examined smaller (about half-size) undated reprints of five
of the De J onghe sheets, in which the captions above the scenes were rhymed
(each with three four-line stanzas in Dutch, which h e reproduced). Accord-
ing to Zandvliet (1979: 505) a further version of the m ap was made by Pieter
Mortier (no details or reference given, however). Rich shoffer (1677: 129)
used the vignettes from the centre of the map, showing the scenes of seine
netting, the manioc mill and the sugar mill below it, while above this he ad-
ded the coats -of-arms of Pernambuco, Itamarad., Paraiba and Rio Grande.
A few years earlier Van den Broeck (1651) in his Diary reprodu ced the plate
of Mauritopolis from Barlaeus and also the waterwheel from northern Per-
nambuco (map 3). Another to use material from the m ap was Santa Teresa
(1698) and almost certainly many other examples could be fo und.
The pictorial embellishments to the original Blaeu m ap incl ude Brazilian
scenes, animals, festoons with fruits, artifacts and leaves, naval battles and
various texts. The iconography has never been studied in detail, but it has
been concluded, probably rightly, that the pictures were derived from draw-
ings by Frans Post. None is signed, but the sugar mill adjoining the coast-
line of northern Pernambuco (map 3 in Barlaeus, 164 7) is very close to the
Page 180 unsigned but squared-up presumed Post drawing in Brussels (item 2d, see
list below); 'Every stroke is in Post's typical calligraphy' said Sousa- L eao
(1973: 37). He disagreed with Larsen that Post himself did the etching of the
plates (p. 17), and he noted that in July 1645 Jan van Brosterhuizen told
Christiaan Huygens in a letter that he was busy etching eenigh West- Indisch
Landtschappen voor sijn Excel!. Grarif Maurits (Van der K ellen , 1866: 129; Lar-
sen, 1962: 260, doc. 59); this must surely refer to one of the scenes used first
in Barlaeus and then for the wall-map.
The four maps of the Brazilian coast form a diagonal from top left to bot -
tom right and we label them here Maps 1, 2, 3 and 4. Above the diagonal
and to its right are four oblong vignettes , two above and two below (the two
lower ones offset from the upper ones in the original Blaeu version); we label
them Vign. a and b, set over Vign. c. and d. The fifth vignette (small map
of Brazil plus text and decorations) is L-shaped and occupies the corner be-
low the diagonal on the left; we label this Vign. e. There is a vertical strip
of 4.6 em between the latter and Map 3, and a horizontal strip of 3.3 em be -
low Map 4. The arrangement of these 9 pieces is given by Naber (1923), Lar-
sen (1962: pl. 90) and Leite (1967: pl. 4).
The description of the pieces which follows is based on the Blaeu version
of 1647, but with reference to any additions made on the Allard and D e
Jonghe versions.
~ap 1 . Plate 80
Ser ipe (54.0 by 41. 9 em). A festoon with rather ~tylized fruits at top, below whtch
ar'f a jaguar, a capybara and a tapir, none of whtch can b~
matched With anythmg
in the Handbooks or T heatri, although the capybara has a shght resemblance to that
in Frans Post's painting of the Sao Francisco river. In the Allard and Dejonghever- Page 181
sions the animals are labelledjaguara ofte Tiger, Capjibara ojte water Vt!rken and .Tap]Jerebe
ojte Anta. Bottom ]eft, overlap by an irregular captioned scroll from Vtgn. e, bottom
right, an oblon g of 10.6 by 29.5 em is overlapped by Map 2.
~ap 2 Plate 81
Sout hern R~rnam buco (44 ·8 by 41 ·6 em) · On right ' part of a seine-netting
· scene,
f 8 con
1 b-
tinued from Vign. c (see below). Top right, an oblong overlap by Vtgn. a o · Y
14.8 em.
~ap 3 Plate 82
Northern Pernambuco with ltamaracd (52.6 by 41.9 em, with strip of 4.6 cm dod"':n lehft
side). Water-powered sugar mill, · JOUr
r negroes a tt en d'ng
I ' two more mvo1ve. I In th' e
boilin rocess and two ox-carts bringing cane from the fields. Allar~ tit es t IS
Thujs :a~ d'Heer van een Sujcker Moolen (House of the master of a sugar m.Ill)B B~hmd
the mill on ri ht, a long farm shed with a palm m front (palm abs.ent m. a: aeus
and DeJongh; versions, but present in Blaeu .and Allard; most of this sec~ ~sr!a~~
JOn
of Map 4)· Allard adds a caption above stating Suyker rzet eens geplant Zynde g
10 Jaer Vru;hten sander 't werden ver Plant (Sugar cane once planted bears frUJ~ ~0 y~ars
without being replanted). Behind the mill, on left, a double-stoned hhouse :I\~ I ur-
0 ean in broad-brimmed hat leaning over the balc?~Y· a~other on ~rse ac e ow,
a~d a figure with a basket of vegetables on the head JUSt m front; behmd ~ha~ ~gam,
the farmworkers' quarters, with a negro gesticulating to the man on t e a cony,
another playing a pipe and holding a gour~ rattle in the :ight hand, and o~f~o:
of six other negroes dancing and two standmg by (one dnnkmg fro:; ~lb d) ),The
treme left, a palm (absent in De Jonghe, but present m ~laeu ~n . ar . ar
whole scene is rendered in extraordinary detail ~nd epitomises datly hfe at a su~
mill. As noted above, the details of the mill are fatrly close to those m the squa~e~ ~p
drawing by Post (Larsen, 1962: pl. 47), but the latter was not the exact. mo e or
·
th e present engravmg. On the Blaeu map ' but not in the other · versiOns,
b k IS ah proces-
r head
sion in front of the mill comprisi ng a horseman, a woman with ~e;s16e;9onPo~t com-
and two negroes bearing a palanqum. Two years later, m Octo ' .h h
leted a ainting using these same figures , reversed and wit~ the woman Wit t e
~asket w~lking behind the palanquin (Alte Pinakothek, Mumch, No 1560, Larsen,
1962· No 13 pl. 40 _ colour); Post must have retained this and other s~et~h es, smce
the horsema'n and palanquin appear together in at least one further p~t~tmg (~~aat­
liches Museum , Schwerin , No 240; Larsen, 1962: No 39, pl. 68). Top e t, an ° ong
12.0 by 7.8 em is overlapped by Map 2.
Plate 82
~~4 .
Paraiba with Rio Grande (51.0 by 41.7 em, with strip 3.3 em belo~). T~ l~ft , c~;:~~~ea~
tion of su ar mill scene from Map 3 (see above). Centre an ng t,. ow
buildin s !ith open doorways and no windows typical of an aldeza or village comm u-
. r g.,., · mbas· above it Allard gives the title Aldea ofte Braszlzaens Dorp (Alde1a
mty 10r .tupma ' • · ']d. · ]] hapel
or Brazilian village). Joined to the left end of the mam bUJ mg IS. a sm~ c _
with a cross over the tiled roof and a bell hung from three poles outside. me worn

154 Braz il map

Brazil map 155
 en stand watching a procession f b fif
and lances (at th . d o ~ out I ty armed m en car rying guns (in front) gestion of feather b ands on the head , who form a double line and a ppear to be danc-
Eur . e rea~, an one with a large plain flag), the colu m n headed b a in g, watched by two naked standing wom en with baskets on their heads a nd five
opean (possibly Elias Herckmans fide Naber 1923· 432) d ~ II d b y
women, each with a basket on th h d , : an o owe y mne seated women with children. Allard and D e Jonghe title this Brasiliaennen Vr[e]ucht
guns and spears all carry their a;m:~n ~~: ,:~~ea~';;rymg co~tainhers; hthe men with over de Victori van haer batalien (Brazilian joy over victory of their battle, thus inferring
may have been rev d f h . . ' su ggestmg t at t e engravmg a celebration da nce). In the centre, a large smoking fire with a low frame around, on
the title Een compaeBrse ., .r om t eGongmal drawing; below the soldiers, Allard gives which are pieces of presumably human bodies; a man with a stick approaches the
rasz zaennen aende znden 0 l h (A B T scene from the left , passing a woman with a basket, and another woman a pproaches
into battle). Above the roof of the cha . or ooc . raZI ian co mpa ny going
not in Allard d D pel Is a palm tree m Blaeu and Barlaeus (but from the bottom; to the left of the fire are eight women drinking (some look very
of right end o~~uga: J~~fhe); the secon~ addional palm (top left of plate in front drunk') and to the righ t of the fire are nine women and men dismembering a body;

~:~~s an~ thebposhitio: of' t~;e:::~ko~/i~~~:~~f~l~en~ :~h~'!:: ;e;;~~~~ph~:ftth:

1
Allard titles this scen e de Braderj (the roasting). The third group of people (above
and to the right) comprises four naked men with bows and two running forward
over ap Y t e corner of V 1gn. c. '
with lances, joined by two dogs and shooting at two 'ostriches'; Allard titles this
Plate 80 Vign. a scene de Strujsjacht (O strich hunt). The two birds (31 and 36 mm high) clearly dwarf
the men (22- 24 mm high) and would seem to be ostriches, but this must be a mis-
Main title (55 2 by 39 0 em) H d d take on the part of th e artist; the re are no records that we know of ostriches in-
decorative fes~oon co~ posed ofe; e .,a RA s ILIA qua parte paret BE LG Is. Below this, a troduced into Brazil at this time and in the Historia (p. 190) Marcgraf only describes
musical instruments (two or thr;az~ Ian weapons ~nd utensil s, etc. _S uspended left, the indigenous rhea (Rhea americana), which he noted was smaller than the ostrich
two or th . l'k . e rums, three smgl e-stnn g cachim bos or bows
ree guitar- 1 e mstru t · k · ' and was found in Ser gipe and Rio Grande, but not in Pern ambuco; the picture in
below)· I Ct fc me~ s, a Stic With two ra ttles at top a nd one hung
, e arm o 1estoon compnsmg a b · . . H andbook, 1: 194 sh ows a rhea, but it was not used for the Historia. That thi s was
the· b' d ' . ow, SIX arrows With vano us a rrowheads
lr m mg more than tw1ce as 1 · E kh , ' based on a scene th at was actually witnessed is suggested by the fact that in one sub-
knobk . (;> h . ong as m c out s Tupinamba man and two
ernes · uman or ammal ft )· f ft ' sequent painting (Waterfall with Indian s hunting, Sousa- Leao, 1973: 90-91, No 49) Page 191
ed right two uare b k
ing bott~m th q ~ ts emu_rs ' centre o estoon, three dagge rs; suspend-
~ts (upper with a black diagon al cross on side a nd a taper-
and two oth u~ ~- s ~n(g~ngfion back), one complete gourd with string around neck
rather similar Tap uyas with bows, arrows and clubs must surely h ave been d er-
ived from the sam e series of sketches as were used for the vignette. In the painting,
however, the bird is white and like a large goose and is certainly not a rhea.
cylind . a! ers ~ m t e lrst not that in Eckhout's Tupinamba wo man) a tall
11 · n c b contamer (apparently WI'th out t h e stnng · '
net of that in Eckhout 's
Vign. b Plate 81
0~r:~~:n a woman) a_nd at the bottom what appears to be half a melo n · right arm
hout ' 11 ' seven Jav)elms, two spear-throwers (without feathers, u nlike that in Eck- Top right (54.5 by 39.2 em). Above, a decorative festoon with branches of fruits
s apu ya man and two clubs th .h d . (m ainly citrus) suspended at each end ; left arm of festoon with two banana leaves
tions on blade (but blade Ion er ' e ~pper Wit ,a o ~bl_e !me of ro und decora-
rounded). These are the on] g than ~n Eckhout s pamtmg, also proximal end and a bunch of ban ana s with a flower han gin g down; right arm is a palm frond with
ments and (at least individ~:~p)resentat!Ons of the knobkernes, th e m usical instru- coconuts, also fruit s which might be L ecythis.
throwers are rather crude] dr:wthe baskets, the bow, a rrows, spears and spear- Below the festoon are seven animals (left to right): two peccaries (probably Tayassu
hung three coats of ~ U . n and may be Inaccura te. From the festoon are tajacu), neither based on Handbook, 1: 18 or the reversed copy in Wagener, No 75;
those of p . F- d-armksH:t e _mon, the combined arms of th e five captaincies and
nnce re en endnk th St dh 0 ld h ,
a boa constrictor (Boa constrictor) which in position resembles that of Handbook, 1: 434
in supplying th fi 1 f ' e_ a er; t e D e Jonghe version is unique (reproduced in D armstaedter, 1928: 652); two deer with rather heavy legs and long
mal y pense. e ma coat-o -arms With a c t' d h b
ap Ion aroun t e order : Honi soil qui h eads like horses, possibly intended to be pampas deer (Ozotoceros bezoarticus),
described under caguacu-ete in the H istoria (p. 235, but no illustration), not in
Below the festoon (left) is (M . Handbooks or Theatri, and a quite different picture in Wagener, No_77; and two rheas
and De Jon he Ta an a~teater 'Yrmecophaga trzdactyla) caption ed by Allard
van een elleJ. k l 'mkanlsdua gbuaer [. guacu) ojte mzeren eeter zjn Tonge is langh 7 Vierendel
n zc ger.yc a een as snaer (Tam a d . .
(Rhea americana) , the on e on the right somewhat similar to Handbook, 1: 194. This
section is missing in the Leiden copy of Allard, but De jonghe presumabl y followed
as 7 t f l n ua guacu or anteater h1s tongue IS long
Hand~u~r e r_s ° abn e 1(ell = 69 em) thick as a bass string); thi s is not based on Allard in supplying the following captions: Wilde Varkens hebben den Navel op de rugh
oo , 1 · 8 4 u t 1s do est to a p t · · f c (Wild pigs have the navel on the back, a myth repeated by Johan Maurits as hat den
1962· N 22
1 ' os pamtmg o 1arm buildings (Larsen
is a ;] t~ h ' p . 6~), except the head is not raised here. Below the festoon (right) nabel auf dem rii.cken in the caption to the Handbook version, as also by Wagener in his
0
f hs. own a . ove. an? ?ead-on, therefore not based on Handbook 1: 112 or the caption); Slangh synde Over de 24 Rynlantse voeten Kan een Hartt Seffens in Swelgen (Snake
copy o t IS crawling Individual in W N 78 b · ' being over 24 Rhineland feet long can swallow a deer in one go; the Rhinela nd foot
(1658· 321) 11 b . h agener, o , ut resemblmg that in Piso
. . ' a emg t e two-toed sloth Choloepus didactylus· next to it on a log is a was 31.4 em or very close to the modern English foot); Harten (Deer); Casewaris (Cas-
sma]1 ammal perhaps th . . . '
that of Handbook 1· 137 e c~mmon ~possum or taibJ (Dzdelphis marsupia/is), but not sowary). Below the two ends of the festoon, D e jonghe (and presum ably Allard) ad-
an imal .' . d b or ItS copy m Wagener, No 65, which is standing. These ded a bee titled Honigh by (Honey bee) on the left , and a grasshopper or locust titled
A. ,r, L ..
20 R s are capt!One
hs ls h.. ..
y Allard and D J h
e ong e as z oJte uyaert gaende s dags omterent Brasilise Mugh (Brazilian mosquito) on the right, both of which are very carefull y
t assen weeg a 'Y zy best doet and Brasiliaense muis (Ai or sloth going per day about drawn; we have found no models for these.
wenty paces when he does his best; and Brazilian mouse). Below the festoon and animals the landscape from Vign. a continues with two
Below the festoo n and · 1 · 1 . scenes. On the left, six naked Tapuyas, two with bows and four with la n ces, attack
l ft b amma s IS a andscape With three groups of people On the
e are a out twenty naked Tapuyas, some with short sticks and many with a sug- two la rge bulls, the one on the left with an arrow in its rump. The scen e on the right

156 Brazil map

Brazil map 157
 contains 32 naked Tapu ·h b
· f h. . yas, so.me Wit ows or clubs , three of the men being vict-
Im~, h w Jch one Sit~, the. one In the middle is falling after being struck with a club
0 with inscribed scroll at top pasted over Map 1). Lower arm a reduced map of the
an t e one on the nght IS already de d d d . . . ' Brazilian coast with a cartouche inscribed Maritima Brasiliae Universae, on the left of
with a club over him D a an ecapitat.ed, his executiOner standing which is a Dutch soldier with a broad-brimmed and plumed hat , long jacket,
B F · ~ .Jonghe, presumably followm g Allard, titles these (left)
rasz zaenen ter Jacht (BrazJ!Jans hunti ) d ( . h ) d''B . . breeches, high boots, holding a staff and carrying a sword, while on the right is an
Malca d (B .1. fi . ng an ng t raszLzaenen Schermutssen Tegen
n eren razJ Jan s 1ght agamst each other). Indian with loin cloth holding an arrow and a recurved bow. A cartouche lower left
bears Johan Maurits' adopted motto QUA PATET ORB IS (taken from Ovid's Tristia, 4
Plate 81 Vign. c (9): 19, in the sen se 'as far as the world extends'; see Hoetink, 1979: 10, fn 3). The
upper arm conta ins a long explanation of the map, beginning: BrasiLiae Geographica
Lower centre (46.2 by 21 5 ) U . .
M 2) 0 h f · em · pper part, a seme-nettmg scene (continued from & Hydrograph ica Tab ula Nova, continens Praefecturas de Cirij·i, cum ltapuama de Paranambuca
1
t ap · D n t e e t, a wooden tower built of four long poles with cross-bars a ladder
1 ltamaraca Paraiba , & Potij'i, vel Rio Grande. Quam proprijs observationibus ac dimensionibus,
a P at orm and a seco~d platform above on which sta nds a man l ean i~ on the
0
diuturna u peregrinatione ase habitis, fundamentaliter superstruebat & delineabat Georgius
top cross-bar. In the versiOn m Barlaeus pi 28 th · · · d hg f Marggraphius Germanus, Anno Christi 1643. This is followed by cartographic informa-
at the t · · )'fi . . ' · ' e man 1s m 1ssmg an t e rame
th f, op IS Sl;p 1 Ie~ mto a smgle cross-bar; Blae u adds the man and completes tion, e.g. longitude is measured from Teneriffe, Canary Islands, which are 36° 45 '
e our crohss- . ars, wJth what appear to be pieces of p alm fron d tied on· Allard west of Tycho Brahe's Uranienborg; 19 miles comprise one degree; and heights
re t urns to t e smgle cross bar b t I. h ,
fi h f h - ' u supp Jes t e mal) with a trumpe t a nd hangs five are given in feet from low tide. Above this is the coat-of-arms of Johan Maurits and
is ebs rkom t edcross -bar; De Jonghe copies Allard. A somewhat similar tower is in above that a scroll sta ting that the engraving took from 1644 to 1646.
th e ac groun to E kh ' · ·
r, · dd . c outs pamtmg of the negro girl , but with only two poles Apart from the fi gures of the Dutchman and the Brazilian, which in any case are
1
s~~~~nggtha a ehr,. wJthh a man standing on the top rung and seven men (or women) rather stylized , this section of the map contains merely standard iconographic ele-
e catc In t e net In the rna th ments and none th at can be related to specific Brazilian themes.
ff · B 1 . · P ere are ten men below (man on right cut
~h/~oa~~ aeu ) wean~g s.h?rt white skirt~ and pulling in a seine-ne t (of which only
. . g headrope ~s VIsible). In front IS a basket with the sides built up as hoops As a whole, the Marcgraf map is an extremely valuable iconographic source
(
veryt S&JmDI1ar to those m Frans Post's paintings, e.g. Itam araca - see Van den Boo- for aspects of Dutch Brazil, especially for ethnography. As can be seen from
gaar uparc 1979· 98) B h. d h · . Post's paintings and drawings , he had a superb talent for compressing details
h . ' . · · e m t e men IS moored a ;angada and to its right
~~ot Terh;angada wJth .the sail et, a man poling it and a basket or contai ner beside into small scenes and even smaller figures and his eye for detail was extraor-
Im . e scene contmues to the right ·th ddl. dinary. It seems very probable that the scenes depicted were actually ob-
the title s, h 1·Lt h , WI a man pa mg a canoe. Allard gives
c wac t omt Waerschouwen wanner d'Visschers met de Vis aen coomen (Watch served and although redrawn and recombined afterwards, they can be
to warn ':hen the fishermen come with the fish). trusted as authentic records of negro, Tupinamba and Tapuya life at this
ImmedJatel b 1 h· · ·
. k. Y ~ ow. t ~s IS a scene showmg a manioc mill, with fo ur men in short time. In few of the post-Brazilian paintings (see below) do the activities of
w h Ite s 1rts workmg mside alk. d .
d resses wJth . , one w mg an two standm g wom en outside in long the people tell such coherent and well choreographed stories, and indeed in
shallow basket th · h d
. son e1r ea s, and between them two men sitting and no other works by Post are there scenes of feasting, dancing, eating or sleep-
a E uropean m a broad-brimm d h t b h. d h B .
0 f . . e a e m t em. eyond the mlll is a plantation ing among Tupinambas and Tapuyas. For this reason, and because the maps
ma~ ~ the sod 'hilled' ~round each plant. To the left of this, Alla rd (only) places
10

~ sima h P m tre~; to the nght of the mill is a small house with a tiled roof. Allard are extremely rare, we have given rather full descriptions here. All are
tJt es t e plantatiOn Faring Pl tt · · rn · reproduced by N a ber (1923) and the quality is excellent, but at two-thirds
(M . I . e an agze wzens vvorteL zn plaetse Tkzn broot werdt genutticht
Lh amoc P antatiOn whose root was eaten in place of bread) and the mill Faringe werdt reduction some of the fine details are lost.
a zer gerast (geraspt] en gedroocht (Flour was here ground and dried). The authorship of the map is very clearly stated in the long caption -
delineabat Georgius Marggraphius - and Marcgraf is indeed described as carto-
Plate 81 Vign. d
grapher as well as astronomer by Barlaeus (164 7: 198). In the minutes of the
Lower right (46 8 b 18 4
. .
) A · 1
· Y · em · smg e scene centred around a large fire with cook- Political Council for December 1640 and July, September and November
dmg pots m front · Five wo men an d t h ree ch I'ld ren walk by vanously
· · long
dressed m 1641, Marcgraf's name is mentioned as exploring various areas and, in the
resses or .short skirts, one with a basket on her head, while three women tend the case of Machioppe near Iguarac;:u, of actually mapping (Algemeen Rijksar-
fi1re and stir a pot and
h ea d . In the background ano th er two stan d b eyond the fire, one with a basket on her chief, The Hague, owic 68 and 69; see Zandvliet, 1979: 504). Christian
.
th c f
, ree 1aces peer out rom the bushes and two men emerge Marcgraf, who had his brother's journals up to 1640, records three main
f rom the forest wJth a de 1 b · c ·
. h f, er s ung Y Its 1eet on a pole across the1r shoulders. In the journeys of exploration in 1639 and 1640, for natural history and geographi-
r~gh t oreground are eight hammocks slung from short poles in the ground with cal purposes, but unfortunately does not say where these took Marcgraf
eJt er. one or. two people m · eac h h ammoc k and three women standmg . ' Al-
behind.
I ard titles this scene BrasiLiaennen Coeucken en ' rust p lats (Braz1han
· · kitchen
· · (Marcgrave, 1685; English translation in Whitehead, 1979b: 309). The map
and restmg itself implies that Marcgraf traversed the Dutch-held coast from Sergipe to
I
pace).
Rio Grande do Norte, with expeditions inland following many of the rivers,
Vign. e especially in the captaincies of Pernambuco and Paraiba and for a considera-
ble distance up the Sao Francisco and Paraiba rivers.
Bottom left of map (L-shaped, 53.8 em at bottom and 24.0 em at top, by 60.9 em,
To what extent this map owes a debt to other cartographers is not clear.

158 Brazil map

Brazil map 159
 Zandvliet (1979: 497) makes a convincing argum ent for the presence in han Maurits, is given as caertemaecker (Caland, 1898: 559) and is listed as as-
Brazil during Johan Maurits' time of the cartographer and engraver Jo- tronomer/cartographer (or just as astronomer) by Barlaeus (1647: 198, 330).
hannes Vingboons, son of Philips Vingboons (the author of the Brasilysche Did Johan M aurits consider Marcgraf a superior cartographer to Golijath?
Paskaert of 1637). Certainly there were surveyors employed by the West India De Mello (lac. cit.) compared the Golijath-Vingboons map with that of Marc-
Company. De Mello (1976: 16) documents the arrival of the 'engineer' Hen- graf and considered the former much richer in place names and other indica-
drik van Berchem in R ecife in May 1637, together with his apprentice or hel- tions, although the Marcgraf map is generally superior in cartographic
per Willem van Valckenburgh; also the presence of Tobias Commersteijn on indications. Marcgraf must surely have had access to a (Vingboons) copy
the island of Itamaraca in May 1638; and the presence of the French car- and a more detailed comparison between the two might show Marcgraf's
tographer Pierre Gondreville in Pernambuco in February/March 1637, debt.
when he made a map of the town of Porto Calvo. The best documented of The original sheets of Marcgraf's map are not known, but what appears
the cartographers to work under Johan Maurits was Cornelis Bastiaensz to be a copy of a small part of it is in the Algemeen Rijksarchief in The
Golijath, who styled himself 'Caertmaecker van Syn Extie Graeff J. Maurits Hague (De M ello, 1976: 30, fn. 19) and is reproduced by Van den Boogaart
van assau' on both manuscript and printed m aps (Unge r, 1948; Zandvliet, & Duparc (1979 : 165, pl. 199). It shows the area from the Juparatibu~u or
1977). Presumably this referred ~.o the period 1638 (when he drew three Salgado river in Sergipe to 'Rio das Lagoas' in Alagoas, thus not conforming
forts and the Bay of All Saints) until 1641 (when he was sent as a delegate with the areas of the sheets in Barlaeus or Blaeu. Curiously, it bears the first
to the coronation of J oao IV of Portugal) . However, he was in Brazil at least paragraph of the title to the Blaeu map ( Geographica & Hydrographica Tabula
as early as 1635 , when he was captured by the Portuguese at Porto Calvo and nova ... superstruebat et delineabat Georgius Marggrafius. Anno Chr. 1643), the
sent, via Salvador, to Portugal, from whence he returned to the Netherlands spelling of M arcgraf and the contraction of Christi being the only differences.
(De Mello, 1976: 28- 29); and if he did not retu rn to Brazil after 1641, he Since it overlaps the areas of Maps 1 and 2 of Barlaeus and Blaeu , was it
certainly received information which he incorporated on his 1648 map of the an earlier version , or did a copyist have a special interest in that area?
Recife area (Ms, on four sheets, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vien- Whatever Marcgraf's debt to earlier cartographers, his map of Dutch
na, Atlas Stosch, o 298; reproduced by De Mello, 1976: 49, 53, 57, 61). Brazil was the finest of that period and surely one of the most impressive
This R ec ife map was published in 1648 by Claes J ansz Visscher, who added legacies from J ohan Mau rits' time in Brazil.
a vignette of Vrijburg and one of Mauritsstad and Recife, both taken from
their engravings in Barlaeus (1647), based on Frans Post drawings; the map
is reproduced by Zandvliet (1977: pl. 5 and 1979:pl. 193 - detail).
More or less overlapping the time when Marcgraf must at least have been
collecting data for the 1643 Blaeu map, Johan M aurits ordered the prepara-
tion of a general map of the Dutch territories in Brazil. This map exists in
two unpublished versions of five sheets covering the area between the Sao
Francisco river and the Ceara Mirim river (Rio Grande do Norte), plus a
single map of the whole area on a reduced scale. The first - and probably
oldest - version is in the H. G . Born Atlas in the Instituto Arqueol6gico Per-
nambucano in Recife, while the second is in volume 2 of the three volume
Vingboons Atlas in the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana in Rome (Reg.
lat. 2106). Although the maps are signed J. Vingboons fecit', De Mello
(1976: 30) argues that they were copied by Johannes Vingboons from lost
originals by Cornelis Golijath, who was the only competen t cartographer
employed at that time by Johan Maurits (De Mello calls him one of the finest
of the Dutch mapmakers). Golijath presumably worked on this map through
1638 and until April 1639 when the Directors of the West India Company
received the sheets and thereafter ordered Vingboons to make copies (De
Mello, lac. cit.). The Vatican (Vingboons) versions were reproduced by
Wieder (1926: pis. 45- 49).
The need to produce another map only four (or less) years after the
Golijath-Vingboons map is curious. Perhaps Marcgraf was required to fill in
areas not properly explored by Golijath. It is worth noting that Marcgraf,
in the list of those entitled from 1 April 1643 to free board as servants of Jo-

160 Brazil map Brazil map 161


I .
I
The artists
ALBERT ECKHOUT
Our visual knowledge of Dutch Brazil owes an enormous debt to Albert Eck-
h~ut (fl. abou~ 1610-1665), not only through pictu res signed by him or at-
tnbuted to h1m (e.g. the Copenhagen and Hoflossnitz paintings) but
thro~gh. the ma?y secondary works that were clearly based on studies ~a de
by h1m m Brazll (e.g. at least some of the watercolours in Wagener's Thier
Buch, as well as the numerous variants on Eckhoutian themes produced by
Schmalkalden, Van Kessel and others). The standard work on Eckhout
~~~~ugh written more th~n forty years ago, is still the book by Thomse~
( ). Th1s was summanzed by Schaeffer (1965 and an enlarged version
196~b ), who included some more recent data based on published works ( es-
p~cta!ly V~n Gelder, 1960) and on correspondence with individuals and in-
stltu~wns m East Germany. Schaeffer had to admit, however, that regarding
the hfe of Albert Eckhout, pouco sabemos.
. It is still ~rue that surprisingly little is known about Eckhout, either of his
hfe or of h1s works before the Brazilian period or afterwards. The recent
study by Valladares & De Mello Filho (1982) repeats (with some errors) the
dat_a al_ready given by Tho_~sen ~nd by Schaeffer and adds nothing new,
whteh IS pe~haps not surpnsmg smce not even the paintings, let alone the
?ocu~entatwn, were actually seen by the authors; nevertheless, their book
IS q~tte the best _source for reproductions of Eckhout's Copenhagen paintings
(all m colour, w1th many enlarged details , and the still-lifes larger than in any
other book). Among recent studies that supplement Schaeffer's data are the
short papers by Van Gelder (1960 - important biographical data), Kless -
162 The artists I A !bert E ckhout
mann (1965 - life drawings in West Berlin), Joppien (1979 - general Page 88
review) and Baumunk (1982 - general review). What is critically needed is
more documental data on Eckhout's pre-Brazilian training, on his activities
after he left the service of Johan Maurits and went to Saxony, and on the
real nature of his association with Jacob van Campen (see below).
Accordin g to Van Gelder (1960: 15), who appears to have been almost the
only author to search the archives (in Groningen, Amersfoort and The
Hague) , Eckhout was the son of Albert Eckhout and Marryen Roeleffs, who
had married on 10 October 1606 in Groningen. His date of birth is not
known, but Van Gelder argued for about 1610 on the grounds that Eckhout
was given priority over Frans Post in the 1643 list of those eligible for free
board as members of the retinue of Johan Maurits in Brazil (Caland, 1898);
this would make Eckhout two years older than Post. His father, given in th e
records as deser stat makelaer (this town's broker - Van Gelder, loc. cit.: 15), was
apparently in financ ial difficulties during E.ckhout's childhood and in March
1619 had to borrow money from his brother-in-law Gheert Roeleffs, desig-
nated as artist in the document recording the loan, thus possibly Eckhout 's
first teacher. A connexion with the Groningen painter Coenraet Roeleffs
(d. 1670) and with a Cor G Roeleffs , who signed a drawing now in the Kunst-
halle in Bremen, was mooted by Schaeffer (1968b: 25), who also noted the
unproved and probably spurious connexion between Eckhout and Rem-
brandt's disciple Gerbrand van den Eckhout (1621-74), as well as the artist
Antonio van den Eckhout (1656-95) and the pastor of the Reformed Church
in Recife, R abberius Eckolt. No doubt other Eckhout, Eeckhout, Eckolt, etc.
links can be suggested, but much more certainty is needed before Eckhout 's
family and early life can be properly documented.
So far, not a single document has been found that would show why Johan
Maurits chose Eckhout or how that choice was made. No pre-Brazilian pic-
tures by Eckhout are known , nor any letters of recommendation. It could be
argued, a postiori, that the subsequent apparent links between Jacob van
Campen and Eckhout (Huis ten Bosch; Flehite panels) stemmed from a Pages 96-99
much earlier relationship in which Eckhout in his twenties worked with (or
for) the fort y-year old Van Campen, who at that time was commissioned
by Johan M aurits to design what would be the Mauritshuis. Since Pieter
Post was involved in the same project and presumably was partly responsible
for recommending his younger brother Frans as artist to Johan Maurits in
Brazil, then either he or Van Campen might also have recommended Eck-
hout. It is not at all clear, however, whether Johan Maurits had decided on
the roles of his two professional artists and thus chose them for their already
proved ability in these fields; or whether the art works by which we now
know them (Post's landscapes, Eckhout's people and natural objects) deve-
loped out of the particular circumstances in Brazil, as for example the
presence of a skilled and enthusiastic natural historian (Marcgraf) who col-
lected plants and animals for illustration; or again, did perhaps the artistic
exuberance of the young artists, as for example Post's delight in landscapes
and Eckhout's obvious pleasure in life drawings, produce those art works
which now seem to us to have been their real contribution, but which were
outside their actual duties?
Albert E ckhout 163
 Regar~ing ~ckhout 's arrival in Brazil (with Johan Maurits in January
163 7~) ~ h1s duti~s and activities there, his travels in the country and his possi-
ble VISits to Chile and West Africa, almost nothing is known. His name ap-
pears only one: in contemporary (Brazilian) documents, spelled as Elbert
Eeckhout and g1ven as o 15 in the list of those entitled to free board as not-
ed above. Th e only other clues even to Eckhout's presence in Brazil are his
Signatures on the Copenhagen ethnographic paintings and the indication by
Johan Maur!ts in his letters to the Elector of Saxony of 1653 that der Maler,
welcher mzt mzr zn Brasilien gewesen was Albert (or Albrecht) Eyckhaut (Thom-
sen, 1938: 56; the letters docum ented below). His name is not mentioned by
Barla: us (164 7) in his account of the Brazilian years of Johan Maurits, and
Page 37 there IS no refe rence to him in the Historia nor in Mentzel's Prefaces to the
Theatri . .Marcgraf seems not to have referred to Eckhout in his journals, at
least to judg~ ~y the summary of the 163 7-40 journals given by Marcgraf's
brother C~nst1an (English translation in Whitehead, 1979b), nor is there
a ny mentiOn of Eckhout in Marcgraf's three recorded letters in the
Gemeente Archief, L eiden (15 May 1638, from Salvador; 18 May 1639, from
Fort Maurits; 6 February 1640, from Mauritsstad; the first and last quoted
by Stokvis, 1884: 82- 84; also Moreira, 1926: 661-662, 669). Piso (1648), in
the Preface to his part of the Historia, states that eorum imagines ad vivum a pic-
tore mecum per deserta peregrinante expressas, adjunxi (I have added some figures
made fro'? life by a painter travelling with me in the sertao or backwoods;
repeated m Preface to 1658 edition); was this artist Eckhout?
Paintings by Frans Post (see below) show that on some occasions at least
he travelled with Johan Maurits in Brazil , but nothin g can be deduced from
Eckhout's works. However, in a letter to Johan Maurits from Dam Jorge de
Mascarenhas, Marquis of Montalvao and viceroy of Portuguese Brazil in
Bahia, a copy is requested of a portrait made by Maurits' artist, apparently
of Dom Jorge in Bahia in 1641 (0 pintor fica acabando o retrato que V Excia. !he
ordenou jizesse e creio que nao haverd tempo para me deixar outro e assim pe(O a V Excia.
se sirva de Lh 'o mandar copiar e de me fazer merce mandar m ~ remeter por Flandres
a L isboa, 13 May 1641; Inv. A 3, o 1454, Koninklijk Huisarchief, The
Hague; cited by Schaeffer, 1965: 53). Since Eckhout is the only recorded
portraitist working for Johan Maurits, one must presum e that he went to
Bahia (Salvador) in 1641 during the negotiations for a truce follow ing the ac·
cession of Dom J oao IV as king of Portugal. There is no further record , how-
eve r, of such a portrait or its copy.
Two other journeys have been suggested for Eckhout, in both cases based
solely on oil paintings in the Theatri. The first would be Eckhout's participa-
tion in the expedition by Hendrik Brouwer to Chile in 1642-43, to which
Johan Maurits contributed five ships, as well as 400 men under the sailor-
poet Elias Herckmans (Boxer, 1973: 146-147; see also Brouwer, 1646 and
Rodrigu es, 1949: 136, 253-257, 427-428 for documentation) . Eckhout's
Plate 4c presence could perhaps be inferred from the three paintings of Chileans and
Plate 2d two of llamas in Theatri, 3: 15, 17, 19 and 133 , 135. We agree with Joppien
(1979: 306, fn 54) that the Chileans look as if they were painted from life,
most especially the man with a pipe (f. 17 - . Ehrenreich, 1894: pl. 1(2)).
However, if Eckhout had sailed from R ecife with Herckmans he would hard -
164 Albert Eckhout
ly have had time to paint the Copenhagen Tapu ya and Tupinamba men
(both dated 1643) since the Chile expedition left R ecife on 12 January that
year and did not return until 28 December (Worp, 1893 ; Carvalho, 1906).
Had Eckhout really visited Chile, then one would not expect to find poor
and in one case totally inaccurate paintings of llamas in the Theatri. One
must conclude that the Chileans were brought back to Recife, but that the
llamas were not (or did not survive the journey) .
The second possible journey by Eckhout would have been to West Africa,
either on Colonel Coen's expedition against Elmina (Ghana) in mid-1637 ,
or more likely with Admiral Jol and Colonel H enderson , who sailed from
Recife for Angola on 30 May 1641 with twenty-one ships and captured Sao
Paulo de Luanda toward the end of August and Axim (Ghana) in Febru ary
the next year. It is generally agreed that the small oil paintings of Congo dig-
nitaries in Theatri, 3 : 1, 3 (and possibly also 5, 9 and 11) were most likely
m ade in Recife during the visits of the three Congolese embassies in
1643-44, but the paintings of the zunu and em eme sheep (Theatri, 3: 147 up-
per and lower, labell ed respectively Angola and Guinea), as also the water-
colour (Handbook, 1: 88) for the black and white Angolan sheep of the
Historia (p. 234 ), could perhaps be evidence that Eckhout himself went to
West Africa. On the other hand , these were exactly the kind of animals that
Johan Maurits would have liked to bring to Recife, as much for his zoo as
for their farming potential. With regard to Eckhout's Copenhagen painting
of the Negro man we have argued that the African date palm under which Page 73
he stands was probably already introduced into Brazil, if not brought over
as a result of Johan Maurits' interest in exotic plants and animals, while the
palm in the matching picture of the Negro woman is th e Brazilian wax palm. Page 75
On the other hand, Valladares & De Mello Filho (1982: 124, 137) identify the
latter as the African palm Borassus aethiopium and imply that Eckhout must
have painted the picture in Africa (or at least brought back sketches). On
balance, an African visit for Eckhout seems more likely than one to Chile,
but the evidence is simply not strong enough and no major facts require such
an explanation.
Presumably Eckhout returned with Johan Maurits to the Netherlands in
May 1644, but there is no record of how long his contract continued. We
have suggested that the Tapuya dance in Copenhagen was painted after the
return to Europe a nd that Eckhout may well have made th e tapestry cartoons
destined for the Elector of Brandenburg at this same time. By early 1645,
however, Eckhout was said to be living in Groningen (woonende te Groningen)
according to a docu ment drawn up by a solicitor in The Hague (L. Rietraet)
on 15 March 1645 (cited by Van Gelder, 1940: 96 and 1960: 16). The docu-
ment itself is most curious, since it shows that Eckhout was sufficiently well-
off to lend 3,000 gu ilders on 30 October 1644 to Christoffer Lindenov of Lin-
dersvold ( c 1612- 79), the man who nine years later would negotiate the gift Page 65
of Eckhout 's ethnographic and still-life paintings from Johan Maurits to
Frederik III. On this occasion Lindenov, given as stalmeester to Johan Maurits
(equerry), seems to have been representing the D anish East India Company
and his debt to Eckhout was guaranteed by a M a rtinus Tancken, resident van
de Koning van Denemarcken, who would repay it with interest in six months.
A !bert Eckhout 165
 Why Lindenov needed to raise thi s money is not clear, nor why it should
have been borrowed from a private individual and not from a money-lender.
That the money was lent by a 'mere' artist is odd consideri ng that Lindenov
was created H olmens Admiral in January 1645 and followed his father in a
highly successfu l caree r (Fredericia, 1938: 383). He must have known Eck-
hout in Brazil, but h e would have known Johan Maurits equally well or bet-
ter since he served th ere as a captain until 1643. Whatever the real
interpretation of this incident, however, it shows that Eckhout h ad either
returned a wealthy man through saving his stipend from Johan Maurits, or
that he had been able to accept private commissions in Brazil or in the few
months after he came back.
It was presumably in Gron in gen that Eckhout m et and married his wife
Annetgen Jansen Wigbold, but there is a gap in the marriage records from
1640 to 1646 (Van Gelder, 1960: 16). He next appears in Ame rsfoort, where
the baptismal reco rds show that he lived there from at least 1648 to 1652
(Maria Mauritia, named after Johan Maurits thus perhaps his first-born,
baptised 25 June 1648; Albert baptised 16 August 1649, presumably the first
boy and thus named after father and grandfather; Geertru yd baptised 17 O c-
tober 1652 and the only one of the three to survive into adulthood; see Van
Gelder, loc. cit.) . If Eckhout worked with Van Campen, then it would have
been during this Amersfoort period and while Brazil was still fres h in mind,
for like Post he would almost certainly have been appreciated for his ab ility
to paint exotic subjects with the authority of his years abroad. Thus, any pic-
ture from this period should be easily recognised , but in fact no su ch works
Pages 97-99 are known to exist, unless the Flehite baskets and the Brazilian elements in
the Huis ten Bosch painting are from his hand ; record s or hints of pictures
can be found, however, and are discussed below.
After five years in Amersfoort, Eckhout was invited to work at the Court
of the Elector of Saxony in Dresden , the invitation being entirely arranged
by letters between Johan Maurits and the future Elector Johann Georg II
(from 1656, died 1680). Altogether there are three letters from Johan
Maurits, one in reply, a passport and Eckhout 's eventual release certificate,
all in the Staatsarchiv (formerly Hauptstaatsarchiv) in Dresden; extracts
from these documents were given by Thomsen (1938) and three were
reproduced by Schaeffer (1958):
Loc. 4520 Acta BestalLungen 1651-70, Vol. III , ff. 103-108
2 March 1653, Berlin , Johan M au rits to Johann Georg
Evidently in answer to a letter from the Elector, which presumably answered the
original suggestion that Eckhout work for the Court. Joh an Maurits very carefully
sets out the conditions of Eckhout's employm ent. Extracts in Thomsen (1938: 56)
27 March 1653, Sonnenburg, Johan Maurits to Johann Georg
Further conditions for the employment of Albert Eyckhaut, including the request for
a passport for him , his wife, his child, and servants, money for travel, etc. J ohan
Maurits points out that in Holland the wives have das meiste Commando and the
painter's wife insists that they only go to Dresden if a contract is signed. Extracts
in Thomsen (1938: 58)
19 April 1653, Dresden, Johann Georg to Johan Maurits
166 Albert E ckhout
Contract agreed for Albrecht Eyckhaut and pass for him , his wife and child. Extracts
in Thomsen (1938: 58) and full text in Schaeffer (1958: 333).
Loc. 8297 Allerhand Passe und Abschieds-Brief 1635 -1656, f. 98
19 April 1653, Passbrief vor Albert Eyckhaut Mahlern.
Full text in Schaeffer (1958: 333)
Loc. 8562 Correspondenz Churj J ohann Georgs II mit Moritz 1655-1671
19/29 August 1655, Cleves, Johan Maurits to Johann Georg. . . .
Asks whether Eckhout is now free of the work he was com mi SSioned to do smce
Johan Maurits wou ld much like his services (appar~ntly to copy the paintings that
Johan Maurits has given to Frederik III. Extract m Thomsen (1938: 58- 59)
Lac. 7166 D eutsche und Lateinische Kundschaften und Abschiedspasse 1658, f. 7
19 June 1663, Dresden, Abschied fur den H ofmaler Albrecht Eikhold. . .
Eckhout has worked for ten years at the Court and is now released from his dut ies
to return to the Netherlands. full text in Schaeffer (1958: 333).
In his first letter Johan Maurits made it clear that Eckhout was a well-to-do
man in Holland thus he would expect a salary of four hundred R eichsthaler
plus free food, 'housing, wood for heating and cookin g, and all painting
materials. Possibly, the Amersfoort years had been successful, yet wher_e are
the works to show for it? To some extent the same mystery surrounds h1 s ten
Dresden years. In the contract he was e njoined to produce portraits, history
paintings, landscapes, huntin g scen es or whatever else th~ Elect_or s hould
d esire, yet the only attributable works are the eighty b1rd pa mtm gs at
H oflossnitz, which are un signed and for which no record h as ever been
found to link them with his name. There is great need to go throu gh the
Elector's account books (Rentkammerrechnungen, 193 (3 pa rts) and 410-412)
a nd to search for details of contracts or payments for Hoflossnitz or other
projects. If Eckhout had pretensions as a portraitist~ a nd the two lost Copen-
hagen portraits of Johan Mamits imply that he d~d , then surely he wo_uld Page 171
h ave been required to paint members of the Court, 1f not J ohann Georg him-
self. Even if the Schwedt paintings were by Eckhout - a nd we doubt all ex-
cept possibly the Brazili an scene - this would hardly add up to ten years
work.
The letters a nd the pass imply that Eckhout brought only one child with
him (mit Weib und Kind; mit sein Weihe und Kinde), which would have been
Geertruyd since she is later recorded to have married the clergyman Benno
Uden in Groningen (4 January 1680; Van Gelder, 1960: 17 , also Steenka_mp,
1906: 642). This must mean that neither M aria M auritia nor Albert lived
beyond their first one or two years . While in Dresden a daughter Anna
Leonora was born, who subsequently married in Groningen on 19 October
1695 (Van Gelder, loc. cit., who gives no date of birth_ or. name of hu sb~nd} .
Beyond this , nothing is known of Eckhout's personal life m Dresden until h1 s
release from Court service on 19 June 1663, when he presumably returned
directly to the Netherlands and then settled in Groningen, where on 18 June
the following year he was granted citi zen ship with noth ing to p ay (zonder yets
te betaelen) on the grounds that he was the son of a Groningen citizen a nd had
Albert Eckhout !67
 bee~ abroad (synde een borgerssoon ende buyt~nlands geweest); n otwithstanding his
Wife s lo ng abs~nce, she too was granted citizen ship (Va n Gelder,
1960: _17 -_18). Th1s return did not sign al retirement, h owever, since Eckhout
(n ow m hi s earl y fifti es) paid 12 guilders at about thi s time fo r a dmission to
~he ~ainte:s' ~uild (Van Gelder, loc. cit.). Whether he pa inted much or at all
m this penod IS not known, but only two years later (20 April 1666) the fami -
ly g_rave was made ove r to his widow, who survived him by 18 years, being
buned on 13 May 1684 (Van Gelder, loc. cit. ).
After Eckhout's cleat~ his work seems to h ave fallen into o bscurity. Frans
Post gets frequent_ mentiOn, but Eckhout is actually n amed o nly once (Nys-
t~d , 1980: fig. 5) m the letters of J acob Co hen when he was searching out
pictures for Johan Maurits' gift to Loui s XIV (Sousa -Leao, 1973: 161 - 164).
evertheless, some of the other works located by Cohen were surely by Eck-
hout (see below) a~d o~e ~ust suppose that they were unsigned (the Copen-
hagen e thnographic pamtmgs, a nd then not all of them, are the only signed
works known at present). The first major recognition of Eckhout's work
seems to have been Alexander von Humboldt 's enthusiasm w hen he visited
Copen hagen in 1827 and found it quite lamentable that so few artists had
followed Eckhout's exampl e (Humboldt, 1847: 85). Equal enth usiasm was
sho~n by Dam Pedro II when he vis ited Copenhagen in 187 6 a nd ordered
copies to be made of 6 of the ethnographic paintin gs. It was not until the
turn of the century, however, that th e H oflossnitz b ird paintings were at-
tnbured to Eckhou~ (Beschorner, 1904) and only with the study of Thomsen
( 1 93~) th_at connexwns were explored between the works in Copenhagen ,
H oflossmtz, Schwedt and also Berlin (i.e. the Theatri, Handbooks and Miscel-
lanea Cleyen), as well as Eckhout's involvement with the tapestries. Even now,
the number of securely attributable works is few and h is life is almost as
poorly documented as is Shakespeare's.
Eckhout's works wer e listed by Schaeffer (1965, more com plete 1968b ), who
arnved at a total of _1 5~ by listing the H oflossni tz bird p a in tings individually
(~ut not ~he Theatrz pictures) and by including more than twenty pictures
hmted at m the letter s of j acob Cohen. We doubt some of Schae ffer's attribu -
tions, bu~ w:
dra':" attent io n to other possible works (Flehite pa nels, Huis ten
Bose~ pamtmg), mcluding one (cactu s) which cannot h ave been by him , and
we d1scuss the possibility that Becx and not Eckhout pa inted the three
Copenhagen negro p ortra its.
1. Pre-Brazilian works
No work h~ ever _been attributed to Eckhout's years before sailing for Brazil and
It I S almost 1mposs1ble to guess what subj ects h e migh t have tackled. Johan Maurits
IS unlikely to have employed an unproved artist, but exactly wh at proof Eckhout
could offer must depend on who trained him and for whom (o r with whom) he
worked afterwards.
2. Brazilian drawings and oil sketches
Non e is signed or dated and the attribution to Eckhout ranges from near certainty
m some to mere specul at ion in others.
168 A !bert Eckhout
a. Natural history draw ings: altogether 35 such drawings are known.
i. Theatri , 1-3 (11 drawings of an im als) Page 35
ii . Miscellanea Cleyeri (23 drawings, all plants) Page 42
iii. De Laet botanical MS (f. 46, sabaquicaya, pencil; the other drawings in this Page 83;
volume do n ot seem to be bold enough for Eckhout). pl ate 50
The plant drawi ngs, as for example the castor oil plan t (Miscellanea Cleyeri, 65v-66r Plate 16
- see Whitehead, 1979a: pl. 187), explore the three-dimensional pattern of stem,
branches and leaves with an almost sculptural feelin g and with such confidence that
pl ant studies m ust surely have bee n part of Eckhout's training or pre-Brazilian ex-
perience. For the most part, the zoological drawings are no less successful , as for
example the fat-tai led sheep or the large fi sh called merou (Theatri, 3: 87v and Plate 11a
Theatri, 1: 192 - see Joppien, 1979: opp. 344 and Whitehead, 1979a: opp. 448);
they show equ al confidence and an ability both to capture the texture of hair, fur
or scales and to imply the an imal beneath it. Some of these drawings a re just black
pencil or crayon, with or without white highlights, but in others a variety of coloured
crayons or ch alks are used (brown, yellow, blue and green). The att ribution to Eck-
hout rests on matchin g a few of these drawings with the Copenhagen still-life pa int-
ings Nos 2, 8, 10, 11, for which they seem to have been models; the rem aining Pages
drawings are sufficiently close in style to be by the same hand , as opposed to other- 79-82
wise similar drawings of a yu cca, a Polygonum and a cactus in the D esportes collec-
tion, which show harder a nd rougher h atching and are probably not by Eckhout. Page 147
If some of these drawings were indeed used by Eckhout when painting his still-lifes
or even the ethnological pictures, then he must have m ade many more, perhaps
hundreds, wh ich he presumably would have taken to Dresden and m ost likely
brought back to Gro ningen ten years later, perhaps eventually to be given away or
sold by his widow or his daughters. There is the exciting possibility that these may
still exist.
b. Ethnographic drawings: altogether only 13 such drawings are known to have sur-
vived.
i. Theatri, 1: 104 v (European standing, from the rear - J oppien, 1979: fig. 149) Plate 84a
ii . Theatri, 3 : 25 (Tapuya woman sitting, reproduced by Thomsen, 1938: 95) Pla te 12b
iii . Theatri, 3: 27 (superb portrait in coloured crayons of a Tapuya, frequently Page [2]
reproduced, in colour by Glaser, 1938: 19 and by Whitehead & Duparc, 1979: 271)
Plates 55 , 56
iv. Miscellanea Cleyeri: 60, 61, 62 and West Berlin (a total of 8 drawings from life of
Tapuyas, three m ale, five female, reproduced by Thomsen, 1938: fig. 47 , 48a, band
by Kl essmann , 1965 - the 5 Berlin drawings; see also Anon, 1982: pis 30, 31)
v. Miscellanea Cleyeri: 59 (youn g negro girl in coloured crayons , one of Eckhout' Plate 15b
most appealing drawings , reproduced by Thomsen, 1938: fig . 52)
vi. Miscellanea Cleyeri: 14 (rapid pencil sketch of a gro up of European women sitting Plate 83
and also a pencil sketch of a reclining European woman, both drawings reproduced
by Thomsen, 1938: fig. 46) .
As with the natural history drawings, these few sketches of people must represent
just a fraction of what Eckhou t drew. If all were by Eckhout, then we see the casual
pencil sketch (the reclining European woman), the more careful pencil sketch, often_
with white highlights (the Tapuya drawings) , and the drawin g with coloured crayo ns
(negro girl) which in the case of the bota ni cal pictures appears to have been a
prelude to an oil painting (but no painting of this negro girl is known) . None of the
Albert Eckhout 169
 Tapuya drawings can b e exactly matched to the Copenhagen dance painting, but
alm ost certainl y it was built on sketch es made of the same fi ve (or more?) Indians
drawn at this time, of which two other sketches must h ave been developed as
coloured drawings or oil sketches which would have served for the final Copenhag-
en paintings of the Tapuya man and woman; we presume that it was such coloured
Pages 48, drawings or oil sketches that were copied by Wagener, or even by Locke's artist. As
88, 89 a draughtsm an, Eckhout seems a li ttle more hesitant in these figu re drawings than
in his botanical ones, but he is clearl y well trained and competent , if not particularly
gifted.
c. Natural history oil sketches: of a total of 390 pictures in the fo u r volumes of the
Theatri, 6 in the Miscellanea Cleye~i and 5 in the G~iebe volume, by no means all can
be ascribed to Eckhout. Some a re simply ve ry bad paintings, as for exam ple the fish
araberi (Theatri, 1: 197 - see Whitehead, 1979a: fig. 184); some are competent, but
very wooden, as fo r example the bird <;ariama (Theatri, 2: 35 - see joppien, 1979:
opp. 345); and some are simply superb, as for example the ta pir, the tuidara owl,
and the lobste rs a nd lizard (Theatri, 3: 109b, Ibid. , 2: 195 and I bid., 1: 323 - see
Whitehead & Duparc, 1979: 274, 276, 281) , as also the hawk eagle urutaurana and
the fi h piquitin ga ( Theatri, 2: 201 and Ibid., 1: 161 - see Whitehead , 1979a: fig. 185
and opp. 449). A very detailed study is n eeded to determine th e diffe rent styles
found in the Theatri volumes a nd to decide which is Eckhout's and how many pic-
tures can be attributed to him. Judgin g by the Copenhagen paintings, the very best
in the Theatri are by Eckhout a nd a re ch aracterized by his skill at using accurately
placed highlights to bring out the form of the object. One mu st rem ember, however,
that the standard of the pictures may well have b een influ enced by the condition of
the specimen or by the quality of the sketch es that were perhaps given to Eckhout
to base an oil painting on. This co uld account for the 'woodenness' of some pictures
and the freedom of others.
Page 94; The M auritshui s oil painting on paper of two tortoises bears some resemblance
plate 59 to pictures in the Theatri, but we hesitate to group it with the tapir, tuidara owl, lob-
sters, etc.; in this case the paint is ra ther m ore thinly applied and the artist has given
much more attention to ve ry fine d etail , such as the scales, eyes and teeth (we
wonder if Eckhout would have been so dishon est as to invent teeth for tortoises sim-
ply to emphasise that they are fi ghting). Whether the tortoises were amo ng the pic-
tures brought back from Brazil or not, the fact that 6 other oil paintings on paper
Page 54 were detached from the m ain eries and were on ly later in corporated into the Miscel-
lanea Cleyeri suggests that more may one day be found; the 6 in the Griebe volume
show how scattered such pi ctures may be.
d. Ethnographic oil sketches: only 11 oil sketches known, all on paper and in Theatri, 3 .
i. African envoy (f. 1 - Joppien, 1979: fig. 150)
ii . African envoy (f. 3 - Luck , 1947: 420; Joppien, 1979: fig. 151)
iii. African with bow and arrows (f. 5 - Darmstaedter, 1928: 653 , colou r; Thom-
sen, 1938: fig. 75; Luck, 1947: 418)
iv. African woman pointing finger (f. 9 - never reprodu ced)
v. African woman holding cloth (f. 11 - never reproduced)
vi. Albino negro (f. 13 - Thomsen, 1938: 51; Whitehead & Duparc, 1979: 272,
Plate 12a colour; Joppien, 1979: opp. 313, colour; Whitehead , 1982: 229 , colour)
VII. egro woman(?) with child on shoulder (f. 15 - Ehrenreich, 1894: pl. 1(1), who
considered her Chilean)
170 Albert Eckhout
viii. Arau canian Indian smoking pipe (f. 17 - Ehrenreich , 1894: pl. 1(2); Darm- Plate 12d
staedter, 1928: 654, colour; Wegener, 1938b: 25, colour; Glaser, 1938: 35, colour;
Luck, 1950: 49)
ix. Araucanian with bow and arrows (f. 19 - Ehrenreich , 1894: pl. 1(3))
x. Negro girl holding sugar loaf (f. 21 - Ehrenreich, 1894: pl. 2(2); Darmstaedter, Plate 84b
1928: 651, colour; G laser, 1938: 41, colour; Luck, 1950: 50)
Plate 12c
xi . Indian holdin g spear (f. 23 - Ehrenreich , 1894: pl. 2(1))
The outstanding pictures here are the albino negro (item vi) and the Araucan_ian
Indi an with a pipe (item viii) . As with the best of the Theatrz natural history pamt-
ings, we have little hesitation in attrib_uting these to Eckhout . The negro ~Irl Wit~
a sugar-loaf (item x) is clearl y an earli er versiOn of the negro wom a n m E_ckh~ul s
Copenhagen painting, thus again by Eckhout, while the ~hree :--fncans with bee-
hive' hats and red necklaces and the two African women (1te_ms Iv-v), are reasona-
bly close in style to the negro girl so that they too can b~ attn?uted to Eckhout. The
negro or Chilean woman with a child on her shoulder (Item vn) seems rather doubt-
ful since the body proportions and the Size of the child are so ~ron g. The rema1~mg
two the Chilean with bow and arrows (item ix) and the Indian with a spear (Item
I I
xi) 'are of only m oderate' quality and again we hesitate. If the natural history pamt-
in~s suggest that a nothe r (or other) less talented artist(s) contributed to the Theatn,
then perhaps onl y the best of the ethnographic oil sketches are by Eckhout.
3. Brazilian oil paintings. The 8 ethnographic paintings and the 12 still-lifes, al~ Pages 66-83;
in Copenhagen, h ave been fully described (see above) . Presumably th~y were com plates 38-46,
missi oned by J oh a n Maurits to decorate a particular room (or rooms) In the palace 47-49
of Vrijburg (completed 1641) or that of Boa Vista (~ompleted_ 1643). _The ethno-
graphic paintings are not on their original_ str~tchers (1.e. the paint continues roun~
some ·or all the ed ges) and there is a possibility that the pairs were actually JOIDe
when first hun g, being split and rolled up for the journey back to Europe and subse-
quentl y stored in the attics of the Mauritshuis. The overpainted wedge at the bottom
of the Tapuya painting could have been an attempt to resto:e the balance of the foi~­
ground after the picture was separated from its partner, m which case the dat g
of the signature as 1643, or two years after the date on the ' female half of the as-
sumed combin ed picture, can only mean that the split was made then and ~ot In
1644 back in Europe. Were these paintings mounted together forth~ . decoratiOn of
V riJ.. b urg, to be split in 1643 when Boa. Vista was completed and VnJburg perhaps
· l'k )~ Th d t of both
fill ed with more formal paintin gs (family portraits or the _1 e ·. e . a Ing
male and fem ale negro portraits as 1641 is not consistent with t~IS, while the absenc~
of a signature and date on the mestizo man is hard to explain (mameluc wo~a
dated 1641). The 12 still-life paintings are unsigned and undated. Almost _certamly
they were part of a specific programme, such as the filling of twelve ~Iches l;n ~ l~rge
room and Boa Vista would seem the appropriate place for them. Since a o t em
imp!; a low view-point, with the sky behind, they were presumably set h1gh up on
the walls.
4 Portraits (Brazi l or later). A part of Eckhout's duties must surely have bee_n to
~int ortraits. None is extant, or at least none that is signed or can be de~mtely
~ttrib~ted to Eckhout, but the following 11 have been suggested at one time or
another.
· Portrait of Johan Maurits with Brazilian Indians, according to the earliest cata-
;~gue (1674) of Frederik III's Kunstkammer: Et stiicke med Przndtz Maurztz pa og nogle
Albert Eckhout 171
 Brasilianer - Bering Liisberg, 1897: 168-169. In the catalogue of 1689 this is given
as:_ Et stort styche med .l!rintz Mauritz af Nahsau, og adskillige Brasilianer, som han Jerte i
krzgen med (Ben ng Lusberg, loc. ctt. ). The painting was tran sferred to Christians-
borg Castle and was destroyed during the disastrous fire of 1794.
ii. A second portrait of Johan Maurits, given in the 1674 catalogue a s: Prindtz
Mauritz Contrefei (Bering Liisberg, loc. cit.). This was appa rentl y not in the Kunst-
kammer when the collection was transferred to the new building ( c 1680), therefore
may perhaps still exist.
iii . Portrait ~f Johan Maurits holding up the unsheathed sword of a captured Port-
uguese admiral, undated and unsigned, 108 by 82 em , Raadh uis, Vianen. Sousa-
Leao (1958: 50, small half-tone reproduction) tentatively su ggested that this might
?e by Eckhout, presumably because the picture should da te from the Brazilian per-
IOd. It appears not to have been discussed since (apa rt from being listed by
Schaeffer, 1965: 70; 1968b: 80).
iv. Portrait of an African girl with a curious h eaddress, form erl y in Schloss Charlot-
tenburg, Berlin, but destroyed in the last war and known only from photographs
(e.g. Thomsen , 1938: 123 , fig. 72). Thomsen attributed it to Eckhout because it
Page 106 m~tched a figure in one of the Schwedt paintings (Chinese mu sicians and negro gi rl ,
pamtmg No 10 here). This association with Eckhout seem s ten uous.
Page 164
v. Portr~it of Dom Jorge de Mascarenha , Marquis of M on talvao; perhaps also a
copy of It. The d?cumentation for this has been given above. Schaeffer (1968b: 46)
made enqumes m Recife, Salvador and in Lisbon (Pal acio dos Marquesas da
Fronteira), but without success.
Plate 85a
vi. Portrait of an African chief or king with a boy beside him holding a sword, 193
by 136.5 em. Sold to a private collector in the United Sta tes by Sotheby Parke Ber-
net, ew York (2 1 ?ctober 1977); illustrated in The Burlington Magazine (October
1977) and. by Joppien _(1979 : fig. 152), who discussed its possib le history. As he
showed, this _must certamly be the painting referred to in the 1709 invento ry of pic-
tures belongmg ,t~ ~OUIS XIV and _catalogued as No 244, Un tableau representant un
l .p ' d ..
a
Roy Maure habtlle a l l ndtenne; un pettt Maure aupres de lui tenant un sabre la main qu 'it
ut resente, _et ernere est une couronne posee sur une balustre, f igures comme nature ayant de
hauteur 6 puds 3 pouces sur 4 pieds 2 pouces de large (inventory by . Ba illy, cited by En-
geran~, 1899: 568-569; see also Larsen, 1962: 260). If thi s pa intin g was part of the
collectiOn sent to LoUis XIV by Johan Maurits in 1679, then perha ps the sword is
the one presented to Dom Garcia II Alfonso, the King of Con go and described by
Barlaeus (1647 : 244) as being with silver ornamentation. This does n ot, of course,
mean tha~ Eckhout was necessarily the painter and on the basis of onl y a half-tone
reproductiOn the most that can be said is that a background of sky a nd the placing
of the crown on a balustrade are reminiscent of the Copenhagen pa intings, as also
th e tendency for the left shoulder to be the one thrust forward.
Plate 86b vi i. African wi;h hands resting on handle of sword, 75 by -62 em , r eproduced in
colo~r by_ Dusee (1975) in a brochure for the art dealer S. Nys tad of The Hague.
Dusee ~! aimed that Eckhout painted th is portrait in 1637 in Ghana after the captu re
of Elmma (the Portugu~se fort of Sao Jorge del Mina) and th at the subject was a
slave trader; he also pomted out that the green and white clothes a nd the orange
of the background match exactly those of the portraits of the two African servants
In Copenh_agen (see below). We agree that this similarity in colours is very striking,
and there IS also some resemblance in the way that the highlights and the shadows
on th~ faces have been h andled . ystad (1980: 83) added to Dusee's argumen t by
pomtm g not only to the colours, but to simil arities in the long and rather 'boneless'
172 Albert E ckhout
hands and fin gers, the same strong silhouette of the head and also the same narrow
open space beside the figure (a formula which, outside Groningen a nd Friesland,
would have been a rchaic in the 1640's - but consistent with isol ation in Brazil).
We acknowled ge these arguments and agree that this paintin g could well be by the
same artist who p ainted the three Copenhagen negroes. H owever, we are not con-
vinced that the Copenhagen pictures were painted by Eckhout (see below).
viii -x. Portrait of a n African in ceremonial (European) clothes, with ornam ental Plate 86a
strap across breast, broad white collar and a black hat with a red feath er, 72 by
60 em, Ethn ografi sk Samling, ationalmuseet, Copenhagen, o KMS 7; two Plates 87a,b
matching portraits of African servants in green jackets with white coll ars, both 72
by 59 em , same institution, Nos KMS 8 and 9. The first servant holds an eleph ant
tusk and the second a n ornamented box, while their presumed master has the tip
of a richly decorated sword or dagger showing. Fierce controversy has surrou nded
the attribution of th ese paintings. The traditional attribution has been to Eckhout
(Thomsen , 1938: 11 , pl. 5; Anon., 1955: Nos 196- 198; Larsen, 1962: 54; Van den
Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 145, Nos 163- 165, half-tone reproductions; Ter Molen,
1979: 258, 262; Dam Mikkelsen & Lundbaek, 1980: 44, colour, the servants half-
tone; and Valladares & De Mello Filho, 1981: 126 and the three best and largest
colour reproduction s yet published). A subsequent attribution has been to the Mid-
delburg painter Jas per Becx (Van Gelder, 1940: 96; Idem, 1960: 27- 29; Schaeffer,
1968b: 75 ; Sousa-Leao, 1958: 50 and also 1973: 13 note 7, 161). The uncontested
facts are:
a. Johan M au rits promised 26 paintings to Frederik III in 1654 (hi s letter from
Cleves, 13 Jul y 1654; source cited already). The letter specifies the pictures as von Page 65
alter handt menschen und Jruchten, an der zahl 26 stuck, alllebensgrosse. This clearly refers
to the 8 ethnographic paintings, the dance scene and the 12 still-lifes now in Pages 66-83
Copenhagen
b. Almost certa inl y the 2 portraits ofjohan Maurits (items i and ii above) must have
been in this gift , although not mentioned in the letter. Thus, 3 of the 26 pictures
are not accoun ted fo r
c. The 1674 inven to ry of the Royal Kunstkammer in Copenhagen includes three paint-
ings of Africans, titled En Morian med en Halt med en rod jeer udi (A moor with a hat
with a red feather) and 2 Morianer med gronne Klreder (Two moors with green clothes)
(Bering Liisberg, 189 7: 180). These fairly exactl y describe the existing pictures
d. The Zeeland ch amber of the West India Company ap proved on 10 August 1643
the request ofDom Miguel de Castro for his portrait and also a mirror, which would
be sent to him via Rotterdam if he had not already left. Two years late r, on 18 May
1645, the same chamber aut horized payment to the painter Becx for 6 portra its
relating to Dom Miguel de Castro, Ambassador of the Count of Sonho, 1 taken with
him , 3 presented to the graef(i.e. Count of Sonho ), which included twee sijnde knechten
(his two servants), and 2 kept by the chamber of Zeeland (which were in Portuguese
and in Congolese dress) (Resoluties van de K amer van Zeeland, 1642-44 a nd
1644-46, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The H ague, o.wr.c. , Nos 25, 26; cited in ystad,
1980: 80).
Nystad, who favours Eckhout and not Becx, has given the most complete revi_ew of
the data at present. Essentially, three paintings are documented, on one hand m the
Zeeland records (Becx the painter), on the other in the Kunstkammer inventory (no
painter specified). If the two sources refer to the same three paintings, then Becx
was the artist· if not then Eckhout might have been the artist because he worked
for Johan Ma~rits a~d the oth er Copenhagen paintings were by him. If the Copen-
A !bert Eckhout 17 3
 hagen portraits were the Becx ones, asks ystad, how couldJohan Maurits have ac-
qUired them? Even then , the Zeeland ch amber onl y h ad two, while the two of the
s~rvants had been sent to the Count of Sonho. Furthermore, Becx had virtually no
time t~ make a trip to Brazil, so how could Johan Maurits describe hi s gift to
Fr~denk III as allerhandt couriositeten undt deroselben viehlleicht etliche brasilianische
schzderezen (all sorts of curiositi es and with them perhaps some Brazilian paintings
Page 65 - letter of 13 July 1654, see above)? We tend to agree that the Zeeland and Copen-
hagen documentation may not refer to the same three portraits. Becx is thus exclud-
ed as arttst ~f the Copenhagen paintings, but this does not settle Eckhout's case.
Johan. Maunts does n ot mention these paintings in his letter to Frederik III and
ther~ IS. no proof that he actually sent them. With regard to style, we note that the
detatls m the clothes and the ornamental box fall short of the crispness that one sees
In the Co~en.hagen et~nographic paintings. Since other artists were painting ne-
?roes at .t his time and smce the only link between these three paintings and Eckhout
IS the c~mcidence that they came to Copenhagen, we think it unwise to jump to the
conclusiOn that he painted them .
xi. Portrait of a Botacudo Indian wearing a hat and with a large lip plug. It was il-
lustrated by Schaeffer (1965: 67), altho u gh he did not include it in his li st of Eckhout
works, but we see no reason to include it, especially as Eckhout was unlikely to have
encountered Botacudos. Schaeffer (1968b) did not include it in his subsequent paper.
Plate 75 5. Cartoons. Almost certainly the cartoons for the tapestries for the Elector of
Brandenburg, wh ich were presumably those later sent to Louis XIV were p ainted
by Eckhout (perhaps in association with Post), but the cartoons that' survive today
are t~e result of fifty years of almost constant use, retouching and modification, so
that If the~ are truly Eckhout's work there is no certainty that anything from his
hand re~ams. Most likely the picture that showed a Tapuya couple described under
Pages 111, 114
Lttt. M In the Description of gifts to Louis XIV, was also a carto~n for a tapestry,
but for some reason it was not used.
6. Frescoes .. We h ave discussed earl ier the possibility that Eckhout was commis-
SIOned to pamt the frescoes on the stairway of the Mauritshuis, but there is no evi-
~:nce that he had an~ experience in this medium. Judging from the description of
Page 96 e frescoes by . H ennm (1681), Eckhout must surely have provided the themes for
many of the ammals, plants and people, although we do not think that the presence
of Hottentots m the frescoes necessarily means that Eckhout visited the Cape.
7. Schwedt paintings. Of the ten recorded paintings, only the one showing the
Page 100; Tapuy~ couple seems to have sufficient affinities with his previous wo rk that it could
plates 62-66
?eattnbuted to Eckhout. However, if this too was by another artist, then certainly
It was very carefull y based on Eckhout's sketches as were also elements in some of
the oth er pa intings. '
Pages 55- 58; ~- Hoflossnitz bird pai~tings. Although Eckhout was working in Dresden at the
plates 33, 34 ttme, and although the btrds are 'Eckhoutian', the treatment of the trees, leaves and
landscapes, even at times the birds themselves lacks both the flow of line and the
sh~er. precisi~n found in Eckhout's Copenh;gen pictures. Perhaps these eighty
pamtm~s of btrds were deliberately crude because of the number of panels required
and the1~ ~l.acement on a ceiling, but we can find no good arguments that ·exclude
the posstbihty that they were executed by an assistant using Eckhout 's Brazilian
sketches. ' twee brasil. schilderjen . . . A 0 1650 van A: Eckhout geschildert, waer van t eene diverse he
174 Albert Eckhout
9. Flehite panels. On the basis of their subj ect m atter, we are inclined to att ribute Page 98;
these to Eckhout rather than to Van Campen, the Bacon go basket bein g so much plate 61
a part of Eckhout's repe rtoire.
10. Huis ten Bosch. For the large paintin g dubbed 'The treasures of Brazil', one Pages 96, 97;
must either acknowledge Eckhout 's participation in it, or one must assume that Van plate 60
Campen very slavishly co pied from sketches supplied by Eckhout. Certainly the two
principal figures are wholly 'Eckhoutian' in pose, while the two Bacongo baskets
and two parasol s are a gain part of Eckhout's repertoire.
11. Lost works. A few can be deduced from the letters written to Johan Maurits
from his fin ancial agen t Jacob Cohen in The Hague durin g the assembling of the
gift for Louis XIV in 1678-79 (see Sousa-Leao, 1973: 162-164; 11 letters from Co-
h en in the dossier 411463, Koninklijk Hui sarch ief, The H ague). Eckhout's name is
once mentioned in these letters, otherwise it is Post's, and for most of the pictures
that are not directly ascribed to Post there is a n implication that they are by him.
H owever, the following may have been by Eckhout:
i. Letter 1 December 1678. Mentions that h e saw in the late Piso's house two small
landscapes (presumably by Post) and een dansende wilde man en een 2 voet stuck van water-
lamoen en andre vrucht niet trefferlij"k gedaen (a dancing savage and a watermelon and
other fruits not very well done). Since there is some evidence from the M arcgraf
map that Post also drew or painted a dance scene, one cannot absolutely ascribe this
to Eckhout. The watermelon, on the other hand, is very much Eckhout's subj ect,
althou gh one is surprised to hear it descri bed as ' not well done'.
ii. Letter 10 December 1678. Mentions as in bad shape een van de 2 langwerpige darinne
de 2 negros te paerd rijten (one of 2 oblong of two negroes on h orseback). Possibly
this could have been by Eckhout, but horsemen occur in Post's works (painting of
ltam araca, Barl aeus and other drawings). Cohen then lists what can only have been
the original cartoons for the Van der Gucht tapestries, which were sent to LoUIS Page 108
XIV. These he describes as 3 groote van een groote I 3 ditto wat klynder I 2 dztto Zl)nde
de langwerpige I 3 ditto klij.ne vensterstucken (3 big of one size I 3 smaller I 2 oblong I
3 small window paintings). Presumably the 8 large ones served as tapestry cart~on s,
while the 3 window paintings were either n ot finally sent or were eventually listed
amon g the other forty or so paintings sent to Louis XIV. After listing these, Co~en
added 1 middelsoort, zij"nde de marian (1 middlesized, being the negro), t:hu s. tmplymg
thatjohan Maurits knew well to which this referred. Nystad (1980: 84) b elieved that
this was a portrait of the Count of Sonho and in fact the very p ai nting that he. h ad
himself acquired some years earlier (brochure by Dusee, 1975 - see above, Item
vii of Portraits). We tend to doubt that his was the painting referred. to by C.ohen,
but almost certainly Cohen's picture mu st h ave been by Eckhout. It IS temptmg to
identify the African king with a boy beside him (item vi of Portraits) ~s this Cohen
picture, but it is too large to be of the middelsoort (nearly 2 metres htgh) .
iii . Letters 27 December 1678, 9 J a nuary 1679. M entions, but without any details,
paintings in the possession of Captain Thomas Tobias (given as 2 pictures. in th e
second letter). Tobias was an Irish sea captain who commanded the Beschermz~g a~d
other warships, married Jannetje Claes of Amsterdam in 1659, and was buned m
the Nieuwe Kerk in Amsterdam on 30 September 1681 (see Nystad, 1980:84). That
Tobias actually had Eckhout paintings is shown by a letter from Cohen to J oha n
Maurits (not cited in Sousa-Leao, 1973), in which he says that he saw at Tobias's
tapoeij.ers met haer kruicken en vruchten en met andre neegros en wilde ook beesten en dieren en
Albert Eckhout 17 5
 een uitsicht op tenerife, en op see vertoont . . de schilderyen zyn halve leevensgroote (two
Brazilian paintings ... (Anno 1650 painted by A: Eckhout, of which one shows vari-
ous Tapuyas with their pots and fruits a nd the other negroes and a savage also beasts
a nd animals and a view of Teneriffe and of the sea .. . the paintings are half life-
size). Tobias valued them at 1000 florins, which seemed too much for Cohen , who
asked J ohan Maurits for his advice in the letter of 9 January. Nystad (1980: pl. 5)
reproduced a pa rt of this letter, but did not give the date nor its location (presuma-
bly with the oth er Cohen letters). The let ter is doubly interesting because it shows
that ethnogra phic pai ntings were being m ade and presumably sold by Eckhout in
the period before he went to Dresden. The fate of the two Tobias paintings is quite
unkn own.
Page 182 iv. The 1709 inventory of pictures belonging to Louis XIV, by N. Bailly (see Enger-
a nd, 1899: 568- 569) lists two other possible works by Eckhout in add ition to the
African King discussed above (item 4 vi). No 250 was a painting of 3 feet 10 inches
by 3 feet 1 inch in a gold frame, showing Indians amongst vegetation; that this was
not by Post can be inferred from the size of the figures, said to be 2 feet 8 inches
hi gh. o 251 was a n unframed picture, 7 feet by 6 feet, of a bay horse without bridle
rearing up; the size suggests Eckhout , but no Brazilian associations are given.
12. Other attributed works. Three main criteria can be used to decide if particular
works are by Eckhout: subject matter (relation to known works), method of present-
ing detail, and actual painting technique, of which the latter is the least studied be-
cause in sufficient atte nt~ o n has yet been paid to the material in Cracow. The
following 6 pi ctures can be mentioned:
i. Monkey sitting between two birds. Schaeffer (1965: 70 and 1968b:80, illustrated)
gave this painting as o 115 in his list of Eckhout works (then owned by Conde
Hon6rio Penteado of Sao Paulo). We know it only by the half-tone illustration, but
it does not seem to present any special features that would mark it as an Eckhout
painting rather than one by the m any other artists of the period who exploited the
monkey and birds theme.
ii. A parrot and some fruits. Given by Schaeffer (loc. cit. : as No 116) as then owned
by J ose M ariano of Rio de J aneiro, but we have seen no photograph of it.
iii. Prickly pear (oil on canvas, 109 by 95 em). Attributed to 'Albert Eckhout' and
offered for sale by Sotheby's of London (Sale Catalogue, 17 November 1982, No 90,
colour photograph). Identified in the catalogue as ' Oportunia vulgaris' (apparently
without intending any humour); the species is in fact Opuntia dillenii of the Caroli-
nas, Central America a nd the Antilles, which would not have been found in the Per-
nambuco area at that period. The detail is reasonably well presented, at least at a
superficial level, but quite lacks Eckhout's ability to observe and interpret botanical
(or zoological) form. The provenance of the plant and the handling of detail clearly
rule out Eckhout.
Page 90; iv. Portrait of boy in the H ermitage. We have earlier discussed this sketch and hesi-
plate 57a tate to assign it to Eckhout.
v. The slave (oil on canvas, 179 by 90.2 em , National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa).
J oppien (1979: 307, fn 62) was the first to suggest an a ttribution to Eckhout, the
painting having been hitherto given as Italian, Spanish or more recently a Dutch
artist in Italy (see Hubbard, 1957: 23, No 823, half-tone photograph). The negro
sits smoking a long-stemmed clay pipe, with a jug and split and dried fi shes in front
of him and the stern of a ship with figures behind . In fact, the mood of the painting
is rather close to the Schwedt pictures. We have not examined it and can say nothing
about the detail.
176 Albert Eckhout
vi. Portrait of a Brazilian soldier (?). Oil on canvas, 118 by 76.2 em , attributed to Pl ate 85b
' Eeckhout' and sold in 1985 by Harari &Johns of London (to whom we are indebted
for a view of the picture and a good photograph of it). The detail of the gun is im-
pressive, but less so the detail of the clothes, while the background of towers and
ramparts looks very far from Eckhout (and very far from Brazil for th at matte r).
The gun is a French flintlock (not a snaphaunce), possibly from Alsace or Lorrame
of about 1630. Compared with the Mestizo soldi er in Copenhagen, the costume, the
foreground and the background lack the crisp precision of Eckhout's treatment of
detail , which here is given almost solely to the gun.
E ckhout's contribution to the M a uritian visual record was a very considera-
ble one, even judging by the works which re main or can b e haza rded . Johan
Maurits was certainly very fortunate in his cho ice of artist, althou gh we have
no idea h ow that choice was made. What Eckhout achieved was the la rgest ,
most deta iled and most accura te portrait yet attempted of the Brazilian fau-
na, flora and people, a nd in doing this he exactly comp_leme?ted_ what Post
was doin g with landscapes. From Post we have not?mg hfe-s1ze, except
p e rhaps a locust and some leaves in the largest of all h1s canvases, t_he land -
scape in the Rijksmuseum , Amsterdam (Larsen , No 18); all el_se IS scale~ Plate 93
down, even the largest human figures scarcely reaching a twen~1eth of the1r
real size. With Eckhout, on the other hand, one senses a consoous attempt
to present his subjects life-size, whether in the Cracow oil_ sk~tches ?f ~nimal s
and plants , in the C openhagen ethnographic and st1ll_-hfe pamtmg~ or
presum ably in the tapestr y cartoons. Unde rstandably, h1s figure dr~wmgs
are quite small, but even h e re his p eople are giants when compared w1th the
Lilliputians in Post's d rawings. No less than Post, E~khout was _a scr~pulous
observe r of d etail, but it seems not to b e the recordmg of detml for 1ts own
sake; Post's landscapes would not lose their impact if the peoples' clot~es, the
machinery of the sugar mills and the tiles on the roofs were a pprox1mat:d
or even inaccurate, whereas the presentation of visual truth in E ckhout 's pic-
tures is essential to their success. The eye becomes increasingly tolerant of
approximations as the scale is redu ced from life- ~ize, but_at life-size the eye
is at its most critical. Eckhout seems to have enjoyed th1s challenge.
Does this m ean that Eckhout's works are purely documentary? Obviously
the documentary aspect was important to J ohan Mau_rits, ~s it i~ t~ us nowa-
days, but this did not prevent Eckhout from composmg h1s pan~tmgs , e:en
some of the n atural history oil sketches in Cracow, and presentmg not J~St
a knowledge of the subject, but a feelin g about it. The Copenhagen stlll-
lifes carry with them an atmosphere, although it is arguable whe_ther the for-
mula used to achieve this effect (objects at eye-level on a shelf w1th a sky ~e­
hind) was entirely Eckhout's invention; a rather similar formula, but ~1th
a black b ackground, was u sed by the Spanish p a inter Sanchez ~otan m a
still-life of fruits and vegetables dated c 1602 (Pe rmanent CollectiOn of the
Fine Arts Society of San Diego, California; see Kitson , 1966: fig. 75) . In the
Copenhagen ethnographic paintings the obje~ts. are . o~ enormous ethno-
graphic interest, but the composition of the pamtmgs lS m ea~h case a very
deliberate attempt to convey an attitude toward the peopl_e dep~cte~ and t~us
to exceed the limits of purely factual description (see dJscussJon m White-
head, 1985 b ). In this sense, Eckhout's paintings ho_ver between art and
science, as perhaps do all really good docume ntary pictures .
Albert E ckhout 17 7
 Of those who taught Eckhout, or indeed those who were later influenced
by him , we have no factual data. His association with Van Campen seems
reasonably certain, but in what capacity it is difficult to say. We presume that
they collaborated on the large Huis ten Bosch painting, bu t how much did
each influence the other? Lacking any certain paintings after the move to
Dresden in 1653 (except the Hoflossnitz bird pictures and the tentative
Schwedt painting of Brazilians), it is extremely difficult to hazard what kind
of work he may have produced. For more than twenty years after h is return
from Brazil , Post showed virtually no real development. Did Eckhout do the
same?
Eckhout was not a great painter. There are pictures or parts of pictures
that show great virtuosity and he had an extraordinarily honest and
penetrating eye when it came to seeing what was before him, but the paint-
ings are essentially memorable for one thing: their exotic su bjects. H e stands
out from the middling artists of his time because he chose, or was obliged
to choose, a highly unusual field and because he did it with competence.
While his contemporaries were carefully exploring flower arrangements,
half-peeled lemons and pewter jugs, seemingly set in some darkened room,
Eckhout was busy with spiders the size of his hand , boa constrictors and
coconuts in broad daylight; and while his compatriots migh t find the endless
clay pipes and conical glasses raised in toast too dull , and so repair with
sketch-book to the local tavern or brothel, Eckhout could calmly sit and draw
an almost naked cannibal (if such they really were) with pegs in his cheeks
and spears on his shoulder. It is, in fact, in the ethnographic field that Eck-
hout still makes his greatest contribution. The natural history drawings and
paintings have their importance, but it is a diminishing importance in the
sense that more and more of Marcgraf's plant and animal species will even-
tually be 'fixed' by reference to an Eckhout picture, their identity and name
will be firmly lodged in the literature, and the original sketch that supported
Marcgraf's Latin description in the Historia will be an historical curiosity.
ot so the ethnographic pictures, which describe something that is now lost
for ever. They will always rank among the most precious of earl y ethno-
graphic documents. More than this, the eight life-size portrai ts in C openha-
gen must rank as the very first oil paintings of New World people by a
professional European artist, or at least the earliest that still survive, and the
dance scene as the earliest large-scale attempt to record a cerem onial act in
the New World. Future work may unearth earlier pictures of this sort, but
it is unlikely that anything approaching Eckhout's superb crayon portrait of
a Tapuya will ever come to light. For the very first time a New World Indian,
and one with a reputation for eating his own kind, looks out at u s not as a
' thrilling savage', but as an individual and very human being. To have
achieved such a portrait in the 1640s says a great deal about E ckhout's own
character and must surely guarantee him a very high place among the artists
Plate 88 who brought the exotic back to influence Europe.
FR A 1 S POST
Frans Post (1612- 80) was the other major artist employed by J ohan Maurits
in Brazil. Born in Haarlem, he was the son of a glass painter and younger
178 Frans Post
brother of the architect Pieter Post, but nothing is known of his training and
it is assumed that it was through his brother that he came to the notice of
Johan Mau rits. Major biographies are by Larsen (1962), which is an invalua-
ble source for documentation (including that for the tapestries and the gifts
to the Elector of Brandenburg and Lou is XIV); and by Sousa-Leao (1973,
following his earlie r studies of 1937 and 1948). Post has hitherto been valued
as a landscape painter and no study has been made of the animals, plants
and ethno graphic details in his pictures.
Post's terms of employment are not known, but his major task may have
been to document civil and military buildings and sites, his landscapes thus
stemming from topographical studies. This would explain the apparent pau-
city of paintings made in Brazil compared with his production afterwards
(see below). He presumably travelled out with Johan Maurits, since his first
dated and extant work is a view of Itamaraca of 1637 (Mauritshuis, Larsen
No 2). That he accompaniedjohan Maurits on military campaigns is shown
by his drawings of Fort Maurits on the Sao Francisco river, of Porto Calvo,
Paraiba and the Maranhao, later used for engravings in Barlaeus (1647). H1s
latest dated Brazilian painting is of Antonio Vaz in 1640, the island devel-
oped by Johan Maurits as his capital, Mauritsstad (Larsen No 8), but he
certainly stayed until 1643 when he appeared in a list dated 1 April (withAl-
bert Eckhout and Georg Marcgraf) of those entitled to dining privileges (Al-
gemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, owrc, 58, Brieven en papieren; cited in
Caland, 1898 and Larsen, 1962: 245, doc. 1). On the basis of engravings of
Dutch occu pied West Africa (Elmina, Luanda, Sao Tome) in Barlaeus, it has
been suggested that Post drew these on a return voyage via Africa before Jo-
han Maurits' own return from Brazil in May 1644 (Sousa-Leao, 1973: 17).
Post's departure fo r Europe independently of Johan Maurits is also implied
by receipt in Holland of 800 guilders for a landscape by order of the Stad-
holder Frederik Hendrik in May 1644 or about two months before Johan
Maurits arrived (Leupe, 1875; Larsen, 1962: 50, doc. 18).
There is no firm documentation to show how long Post remained in the
service of J ohan Maurits after his return to Europe. He was evidently oc-
cupied for some time with the drawings for the engravings for the Barlaeus
book and the vignettes for the map of Brazil (see items 4 and 6 below), but
on 30 November 1644 he signed a notarial act as 'gewesene Schilder' (form -
er painter) to Johan Maurits in Brazil (Larsen, 1962: 24 7, doc. 20).
Nevertheless, he did not join the painters' guild (Lukasgilde) until 1646,
which was obligatory for all except court painters, thus perha~s he had re-
mained a further two years under the patronage of J ohan Maunts. Ten years
later he was on the board of the guild (1656- 57) and then its treasurer
(1658- 59). H e married J annetje, daughter of Salomon Bogaert, professor ~t
the Haarlem ' Latijnsche School' (27 March 1650) and had two sons who d1d
not survive him and a daughter who died not long after his own death. He
was buried in the Grote Kerk, Haarlem, on 18 February 1680.
Post's career is not very well documented, especially for the last decade of
his life when he seems to have given up painting, but Houbraken (1719) pro-
vides evidence that Post received substantial recognition during his lifetime.
A catalogue of Honselersdijk (the castle built in 1612 for the Stadholder
Frans Post 179
 Fred erik H endrik; demolished in 1816), compiled in 1758 by the painter
M a ttheus Ve rheyen , lists three 'West India n ' views by Post, thus indicating
p a tro n a ge (Slothouwe r, 1945: 278-279 , 282, 286); th e next catalogue (made
in 1764, K oninklijk Hui sar chief, The H agu e, No 2572; cited by Blok,
193 7: 29 a nd L a rse n , 1962 : 250, doc. 42) cr edits Post with views of Burgun-
d y, P a ris, Fonta in e bl eau a nd even Philip II 's Escorial and Windsor Castle.
So u sa-Lea o (1973: 18) felt it m o r e likely tha t these European views were stu-
dio wo rks based on en g r avings; P ost mi ght h ave accompanied J o han
M a urits on th e la tte r 's missio n to L o nd o n in 1660-61, but his name is not
on th e embassy li st.
The last d a ted picture by P ost is a la nd scap e of 1669 or eleven years befor e
hi s d eath (Sou sa-Le a o, 1973: No 59). These fin a l years seem to have seen a
d ecline, if on e can judge fro m the statem e n t of J acob Cohen, financial agent
to J oh a n M a u r its, who w r ote o n 9 J a nu a r y 1679 th at de oude Post, die noch leift
. . deselve is soo ongesien vervallen tot den drank en beevende . .. (the old Post, w ho
still lives, is cove rtl y d egr a d ed by d rink a nd trembling) (Koninklijk Huisar-
chief, The H agu e, rv d ossie r 1463; cited in Sousa- L eao, 1973: 164,
d oc. Vlh).
P ost 's wo rks can b e con venien tly su mmari zed in eight categories:
1. Pre-Brazilian works. Larsen (1962 : No 1, pl. 22) proposed a battle scene signed
and dated F. I. Post 163 1, listed as o 15 in an 1830 catalogue of the Count
Schonborn-B uchheim Gallery, V ienna, but now only known from a photograph .
Gudlaugsson (1954: pl. 15) proposed a landscape in the collection of D. R. de Leissa
of Rio de j aneiro. We tend to doubt the first on grounds of subject; the second loo ks
very mature when compared with Post's 6 kn own Brazilian paintings .
2. Brazilian drawings. Onl y 8 are extant or recorded (Whitehead & Joppien ,
1984):
Plate lOl b a . Mau ritsstad, with Vrijbu rg, also bridge to Recife (thus after earl y 1644), pencil ;
owned by the late J oaqui m de Sousa- Leao. Larsen o o 33, fig. 5; Sousa-Leao
o o 63; D e Mello, 1978: op p. p. 96
b. Flat tropical landscape with houses, ink ; presen t owner unknown. Larsen
No o 34; Sousa-Leao No o 62 (small photograph )
c. Maratapasipe sugar m ill , 1638, pen and bistre; present owner unknown. Larsen
o o 36; Sousa-Leao No D 20 (poor photograph only)
Pl ate lOl a d. Sugar mill , sq uared up, ink ; Mu see Royal des Beaux-Arts, Brussels. Larsen
NoD 37, fi g. 47; Sou sa-Leao o o 21; Van de n Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 116,
No 111 (lower fi gu re)
e. Sugar m ill , parts nu mbered a nd a nnotated , sepia and ind ian ink; Stichting Atlas
van Stolk, Rotterdam. Larsen No o 38a; Sousa-Leao No o 22; Van den Boogaart
& D u pa rc, 1979: 116, No 110 (u pper fi gure); Kohl , 1982: 339, fig . 296
f. Bat tl e of Porto Calvo, pa rticipan ts n um be red and lettered, sepia ink and grey
wash; owned by W illiam M. J. Russell , Am sterdam . Larsen nil; Sousa-Leao
o o 55; H onour, 1976: o 77
g. Landscape with fi gu res, ink and wash; presen t owner unk nown . Larsen nil ;
Sousa-Leao o D 56; neve r reprodu ced
180 Frans Post
h. Town in flam es beside ri ve r, possibl y m atchin g the Incendia M olarum engravin g
in Barlaeus (No 46), pen a nd bistre; prese nt owner unknown . La r en No D 35;
Sousa-Leao No o 61. Never reproduced.
Only 4 of these drawings ca.n now be located (a, d , e, f) and of those tha t are lost
onl y two (b, c) are known from a photograph. In the Nederlands Scheepvaart Mu se-
um in Amsterdam is a volume con taining 19 ink drawin gs, 19.6 by 31.0 em , showin g
views of the islands off West Afri ca, with explana tion s in Dutch. La rsen (1 962: 210)
judged them too dry and form al, too lac kin g in spontaneity, to be by Post and sug-
gested Marcgraf or the mapm aker J oha nnes Vingboons. The la tte r is possible, but
M arcgraf mu st be excluded since the drawings relate to the voyage in 1636 of the
Z utphen, flagship of the fl eet that brough t J ohan M auri ts to Brazil (M arcgraf did not
arrive in Brazil until earl y in 1638 - Whitehead , 19 79 a: 451). On the other hand,
Sousa-Leao (1973: 35) was sure that they were by Post, since they a re too skillful
for a naval officer a nd they seem to lack nautical knowledge.
3. Lost Brazilian draw ings. Post m ust have made m any more drawin gs, as for ex-
a mple sketches for the 32 drawin gs for the Barlae us engravin gs (item 5 below) and
for the wall-m ap vignettes (item 6 below), as well as those later copi ed by De Thi ery
(ite m 8 below). He m ust also have m ade pla ns for fort s and buildings, if indeed thi s
was his maj or employment, fo r example the plans of the palace of Vrijburg which
his nephew Maurits Post late r acqui red from him (Blok, 1937: 69). In Wage ner's
T hier Buch are two elevations of a water-powered sugar mill (Nos 108, 109) which Page 49
m ost likely were based on Post drawin gs. Post's apparent preoccupa tion with sugar
mills, however, may me rely be the res ul t of surv ival and/o r recognition of just such
su bj ects, since plans give less sco pe for individu al a nd recognisable style. In his
transaction with the Elector of Brande nburg, J ohan M aurits gave two books of Page 25
pla ns, being items 16 and 20 in the Merseburg li sts. Item 20 included Aile Forten, Page 108
Sti.i.dte und Pli.i.tze in den Sieben Niederli.i.ndischen Provinzen nebst deren (to which the altern a-
ti ve list adds und anderen) statischen Konquesten so in Bresil als anders (Driesen,
1849: 358 and Larsen, 1962: 253, doc. 50). Three such volumes, A 64, 65, 67, are
in the Libri Picturati series forme rl y in Berlin ; the las t deals onl y with E uropean local- Page 34
ities but we have not exam ined the other two.
T he immense amo un t of detail in the pa intin gs made by Post after his return to
E u rope are adequate p roof that he mu st have had noteboo ks crammed with
sketches. These have neve r been found . We d oubt that the two gouache a nd tempera
pictures reported by Larsen (1982) are actu al fi eld sketches for later paintings (see
below).
4. Brazilian paintings. O nly 6 pain tings a re d ated to thi s period:
a. V iew of Itam arad., 1637; label on ve rso with num ber 443 a nd long d escription Plate 89a
in Dutch (Whitehead &Joppien, 1984, which differs slightl y fro m the ve rsion giv:n
by Larsen, 1962: 185); M auritshuis, The H ague. La rsen No 2, fi g. 23 ; Sousa- Leao
No 1, fig . 1; Van den Boogaart & Dupa rc, 1979: 98 (colour)
b. Sao Francisco river and Fort M auri ts, 1638; Louvre. Larsen No 4, fi g. 24; Sousa- Plate 89 b
Leao No 2, fig. 2; Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 108 (colour)
c. T he ox-cart, 15 August 1638; Louvre. Larsen No. 5, fig. 25 (colour); Sousa- Leao Plate 90a
o 3, fig. 3; Van den Boogaart & Dupa rc, 1979: 11 2 (colour)
d. View near Porto Calvo, 1639, signed F. Corea (pun on Post); Lou vre. Larse n Plate 91a
No 6, fig. 26; Sousa- Leao No 5, fi g. 5; Va n den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 107
(half-tone)
Frans Post 181
Plate 90b e. Fort K:_ulen on the Rio Grande, 28 August 1639; Louvre. Larsen o 7, fig. 27;
Sousa-Leao o 4, fig. 4; Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 95 (colour)
Plate 91b f. Fort Frederik H endrik on Antonio Vaz island, 1640; label on ve rso 443; owned
by the late JoaqUlm de Sousa-Leao. Larsen No 8, fig. 92 (colour); Sousa-Leao
0 6, fig. 6.
These six paintings are on canvas, in black ebony frames and more or less
the same size (60.0 -63.5 by 86.0-89.5 em). Two of them (a, f) are labelled
Page 111 on the back 443, being the inventory number in the Du Metz Inventaire of
30 January 1681, which states ' o 443. Trente-quatre autres tableaux aussy
donnez au Roi par le Prince Maurice de assau .. .' (cited by Guiffrey,
1886, 2: 23; also Larsen, 1962 : 259, doc. 55). It seems very likely that all six
were part of the gift to Louis XIV in 1679. When assembling this gift, Jacob
Cohen wrote to Johan Maurits (12 December 1678) and listed '18 kleine
bras. lantschappen in zwarte lijsten' (18 small Brazilian landscapes in black
frames) (Sousa-Leao, 1973: 163, doc. VI f). There is no certainty, however,
that the other 12 were also paintings made in Brazil. In his letter, Cohen lists
8 larger paintings, also 3 window panels and a portrait of a negro (all pre-
sumed to be by Eckhout), plus the 18 landscapes, 4 sea battles and one of
Johan Maurits in his coach (all presumed to be by Post); to these he added
6 more Post landscapes bought in Haarlem (letter of 9 January 1679) which
matched those (presumed 3) already sent to Johan Maurits in Cleves. The
sea battles and the negro were apparently not sent. Thus, of Post landscapes,
there were 18 + 6 + 3 = 27 sent to Louis XIV. Forty years later, in an in-
ventory of t~e royal collection, there were 22 paintings by Post (items
135 -156) which were then on loan to the nearby Chateau de Chaville
(returned to Versailles in 1784), plus another 6 slightly larger ones (items
157-1~2) de ~eme .nature (Inventaire des tableaux du Roi redige en 1709-1710 par
N Bazlly; Cited m Engerand, 1899: 568- 569; also Larsen, 1962: 260,
doc. 57). In 1802, some 18 Post paintings (those in the black frames?) were
transferred to the Musee de Ia Marine and 8 (of these, or others?) were later
returned to the Louvre (D estrem, 1919: 294 ). There are now only 4 in the
Louvre (b, c, d, e,) and one must assume that the other 4 were sold of which
a and f are known to exist. ' interesting since all his hitherto known works are in oils, pencil or pen and
Two large paintings of Mauritsstad are in the Staatliche Schlosser und Gar-
ten , Potsdam-Sanssouci:
g. View of Mauritsstad from landward (western) side, with Vrijburg on left (thus
after mid-1642), 143 by 217 em (Bartoschek, 1978)
h. View of Recife looking southward along the sand-spit, on which are a horseman,
two ox-carts and two women, also the bridge connecting Recife with Mauritsstad
(thus afte r early 1644), and Vrijburg, 142 by 217 em (Bartoschek, 1978; Van den
Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 100 - colour).
~hese are listed in the 1743 catalogue of Schloss Charlottenburg and most
hkely ":ere Nos 2~3 and 284 in the 1699 inventory of Schloss Oranienburg
near Dietz (to which some of the Braziliana from the Nassauischer Hof at
182 Frans Post
Siegen may have been transferred according to Luck, 1957) (see Bartoschek,
1978, who reproduces both pictures, half-tone). The foreground details, es-
pecially in the second painting, lack Post's accuracy, but it is difficult to sug-
gest who else might have done them.
Larsen mentioned a further Brazilian-period painting (his No 3, fig. 28),
known only from a photograph, but the composition is quite atypical. Sousa-
Leao discounted Larsen's and proposed a large painting of a sugar mill (his
No 60), which he thought might have b een the one sold to the Stadholder
in May 1644, but which was apparently destroyed at Kasteel Nederhemert
in the last war (Larsen No 24, fig. 51, who considered it post-Brazilian) .
Recently, Larsen (1982) drew attention to two rather curious paintings
presently owned by Renato Magalhaes Gouvea of Sao Paulo. Said to be
watercolours, he considered them to have been done in a mixture of tempera
and gouache on paper, which would account for the density of the colours
and thickness of the paint. They show typically Postian Brazilian scenes:
a. Landscape with ru ins of the Carmo Convent, Olinda, 25.1 by 41.2 em, signed F.
Post on a stone, bottom left (Larsen, 1982: fi g. 15 and details, figs. 17 , 19). Larsen
matched it approximately with his No 44, which he dated around 1660
b. Landscape with plantation house, 25.2 by 41.1 em, unsigned (Larsen,
1982: fig. 16 and details, figs. 18, 20). Although reversed and painted from a differ-
ent angle, Larsen noted the similarity of the house to that in his No 28 of 1655.
In Larsen's opinion, these two pictures were made from nature in Brazil and
a re the only examples of models for later oil paintings. Although we agree
that the pictures are almost certainly by Post, we find the treatment of the
subjects entirely post-Brazilian, the figures generally walking away from the
viewer and the middle-ground gently sloping downhill; in addition, the
horizon is at 35 and 4 7% of the picture height, whereas in the six Brazilian
period paintings it is lower (mean 31.5%, range 27-34%, but 39% in Fort
Frederik Hendrik; in 16 post-Brazilian paintings picked at random the range
was 36.5-42.9 %, with a mean of39.3 % ). Whether painted in Brazil or Eu-
rope, however, Post's use of a gouache or tempera and gouache medium is
bistre. Some of the 'oils' of the Theatri may not be oils at all, as suspected
also by Albertin-De Vries (1985: 282).
A final painting that has been claimed to have been made by Post in Brazil
is a cavalry engagement at the foot of Morro da Penha at Vila Velha in Es-
piritu Santo, apparently recording the raid made by Colonel Coen in 1640
(Castro, 1976); the painting, 78 by 99 em, was then in the possession of Anna
Amalia and Marcos Carneiro de Mendon<;a of Belo Horizonte, Brazil. It
shows an encounter between Dutch and Luso-Brazilian troops, with the San-
tuario deN. S. da Penha high on the hill and in the background the fort of
Piratininga and other landmarks. In style, as noted by Larsen (1982: 339,
fn), it resembles the single pre-Brazilian picture attributed by Larsen to Post, Page 180
which Sousa-Leao accepted, but with the reservation that it so much resem-
bled the style of Pieter Post that the young Frans must have been slavishly
copying his elder brother (Sousa-Leao, 1973: 21). Its whereabouts is not
Frans Post 183
 known ,_ but Larse~'s good photograph of it (his pl. 22, half-tone) shows
som et?mg _extraordmaril y close in style to the equestrian battle scene in the
M auntshms_( o 765), which is attributed to Pieter Post and signed P. I. Post
1631 (as agam st F. I. Post 1631 in the ' Larsen' picture). Gudlaugsson (1954)
made a good case for Pieter Post's strong influence on the way that Frans
treat~~ landscapes, illustrating the point with what he considered a pre-
Braz lhan land scape (his pl. 15). Whether by Frans or not, one can see the
clos_e :e~emblance between the known landscapes of the two bro thers , but
unttl It IS. proved. that, F:ans also ~ainted cavalry charges and the like, one
cannot d1scuss P1eter s mflu ence m that sphere. If Frans Post was indeed
responsible for a battle scene before he went out to Brazil, we wo nder if he
w_o~ld ~ave gon_e_ back to su ch a style after having developed his own ver y
d1stmct1ve Braz1h an style, which he thereafter continued for the rest of his
life. If not by Fran s Post, then was Pieter Post responsible for the Vila Velha
pain~ing? Au~hors have argu ed for years on a possible stay by Pieter Post in
Braz1l, but Without any firm conclusion. Terwen (1979: 88) summarized the
ev1dence and showed that Pieter could have gone out with Frans in October
1636, stayed six _m_onths in Brazil and been back in Holland by 17 November
1637 when _Chnst1aa_n Hu ygen s said in a letter that Pieter Post was making
so_me drawmg~ f~r h1m. H owever, this is nearly three years too earl y for the
Vt!a Vel?a pamtmg. We leave the question open.
As pomted out by Sousa- Leao (1973: 41- 43 ), works purporting to be by
Fran s Post are regularly offered on the art market but a number of them
must be rejected o_n grounds of style or other cog~nt reasons (e.g. painted
o? c?pper, a matenal Post apparen tly never used). Not one of them has con-
vm~mgl y matched the 6 extant and securely dated paintings of the Brazilian
pen od, but that number is far too small to reflect the activities of a court
painter during seven years in Brazil. It is quite possible that Post was primar-
tl y emplo~ed to record civil and military buildings and sites and this proba-
bly kept h1m busy, but the D e Thiery copies (see below) and perhaps the list
of works sent to Louis XIV suggest that many more paintings were made
by him in Brazil.
~ - Barlaeus drawings. In th e British Mu seum (D epartm ent of Prints a nd Draw-
mgs, o 197* a.2) is a leather-bound volum e, 47.2 by 58.4 em, containing 32 pen
and wash drawmgs of wh ich all but one were the basis for engravings. in the Rerum
per octenmum zn B~aszlza ... historia, the panegyric by Caspar van Baerle describing
the fruitful Braztb an years under J ohan Maurits (Barlaeus, 1647). T he drawings a re
about 33 by 51 em, with small va riation s (except for two double-spreads
f. 18 M a uritsstad and f. 27 S. Pa ul o de Loanda). The volume is inscribed BRAS ILI A~
REG 1 o ES and was fo rm erly No 5221 of the Sloan e Collection , thus acqu ired a t
least befo re 1753 and possibly at the same time a nd from the same source as the
Page 85 Locke drawin gs (Sloane No 5253). The drawings were catalogued by Hind (1931).
et seq. The only European scene in the series is f. 31 Dillenburg showing the family seat
of the assa u famil y a nd birthplace of J ohan Maurits; it is not signed or dated (it
bears_ a ~equ est m pencil for the addition of a coach -and-six). The single unused
drawrng rs _f. 32, Ar~ Archyn , which is signed a nd dated ; apparently, J oha n M aurits
requested tts rn cluswn according to a letter now in the Oliveira Lima Library in
Washrn~ton (Va n der Veldt, 1947) and an en graving was actually m ade, of which
a copy IS m the Rtjksprentenkabinet in Am sterdam (D e Vries et alii, 1953: 63,
184 Frans Post
No 68). Of the 32 drawings in thi s volume, 21 are signed and dated (1645), 9 are
signed only, and 2 a re unsigned and undated. Larsen (1962: 207) notes that four
perhaps eighteenth century copies were owned by W. A. Engelbrecht of R otterdam
(Nos 9, 11, 17 , 21, signed 'Jose Oliveira Barbosa, em Pernambuco').
These drawin gs were probably redrawn from sketches made on the spot and in
four cases the scene is sufficiently close to that in a Brazilian-period painting for the
same original sketch to have been used (Itamaraca, Sao Francisco River, Porto Calvo
and Fort Keulen). There is reason to think that a painting also existed for some,
most or even all the remaining views (Whitehead & Joppien, 1984). On the other
hand, Sousa-Leao (19 73: 37) suggested that the British Museum drawin gs were the
origin al sketches for the paintings, pointing to the very obvious addition of fore-
ground figures to the drawings (in dark brown ink for f. 2 Porto Calvo). We question
this because the De Th iery copies (see item 8 below) match 7 of the Barlaeus draw-
ings and 4 of the Brazilian-period paintings, yet have detail that could not have been
derived from either of these sources, thus based on lost sketches which served for
both paintings and engravin gs .
L arsen (1962: 124- 125) believed that the Barlaeus pl ates were engraved by Post
him self, or at least the 14 signed and d ated on es. Sou sa- Leao (197 3: 17) di sa~reed
and followed the more gene rall y accepted ascription to Jan van BrosterhU!zen, Page 154
although not explaining why such a well-known engraver shou ld have omitted hi s
signature.
The Barlaeus plates were used again by authors for at least another eighty years.
The Mauritiados, a long Latin poem praising Johan M aurits and written by his
chaplain in Brazil Franciscus Plante, has 20 en gravin gs from Barlaeus (Plante,
1647). Van den Broeck (1651) used the plate of Mauritopolis a nd the waterwheel
from the Pernambuco map, Montanus (1671) used 30 Barlaeus pl ates (whtch ap-
peared again in the Dapper German edition and the Ogilby English edition) , Santa
Teresa (1698) used some and others again are found in Van der Aa (1729). T~ e plates
of Vrijburg and Boa Vista appear as vignettes (second down on left and n ght) on
the Ju stus Dankerts map Novissima Americae tabula of about 1680 and perhaps on
other maps of this period also.
6. Wall-map vignettes. The iconography of the Marcgraf map of 1647 has ~ee n
discussed in detail, with the supposition that the vignettes were based on draw~ngs Page 154
by Post. In fact, there is no obj ect that can be matched with known representatiOns
by Post, although the sugar mill in Map 3 comes close to the s~uared-up dra"':'mg Page 155
in Bru ssels. We agree with Sousa- Leao (1973: 37) that the style 1s typtcall y Postl an,
but with the reservation that the animals have a certain clumsiness a bout them, as
also the Indian supporting the cartouche bottom left, which seems to. belie Pos_t's
accurate lines . Possibly the engraver was at fault. As pointed out earher, the vtg-
nettes greatly enlarge Post's field of interest and, if truly by him , show that his in-
volvement in the activities of the Tapuyas and Tupinambas went very much further
than his pain tings wo uld suggest.
7. Post-Brazilian paintings. About a hundred and thirty or so paintings are Pl ates 92-98
recorded dated between 164 7 and 1669 or eleven years before Post's death. All are
Brazilia~ subjects, the elem ents rearranged but almost certainl y based on Post's ac-
tual sketches of animals, plants, people and buildings; no paintings of European
scenes are known to exist. Although the Brazilian -period paintings must be consi-
dered more authentic records, it is from the post-Brazili an works that most of the
zoological, botanical and ethnographic subj ects sketched and painted by Post can
be constructed. Unlike the earlier paintings, these late r ones very frequently rely on
a repoussoir of finel y de picted plants, with perched birds and with a distinct repertoire
Frans Post 185
 of exot! c anim a!s ,in the immed ia_:e for~ground ('such child ish de tails as serpents
devounng rabbits, as Sousa- Leao put It, but nonetheless of con siderable icono-
graphic, not to m_ention zoological interest if Post did indeed sketch the rabbit Syl-
vzlagus braszlzenszs m Brazil). We discuss the iconographic elements in his pa intings
below.
Plates 99 , 100 ~- De_Thiery copies. In the Cabinet des Estampes of the Bibliotheque Nationale
m Pans are 8 gouaches by Luc-Vincent de Thiery d e Sainte Colombe, one of which
~s dated 1765. They ~e~ict Brazilian scenes which mostly match Barlae us engrav-
mgs and/or a Post pamtmg from the Brazilian period. They are ap proximately the
same Size (33.0-40.8 by 55.8-57.7 em) and occur in vols 1-3 of the series
'Topographie Amer"ique du Sud. Generalites Bresil, Vd 23'.
1. Itamaraca, vol. 3 , tome 5, f. 10, with title in French. Barlaeus No 18· painting in
Mauritshuis (see 3a above) '
2. Sao Francisco river and Fort Maurits vol 1 tom e 2, f. 9, with French title.
Barlaeus No 17 ; painting in Louvre (see 3b) . '
3. Fort Keulen on the Rio Grande, vol. 2, tome 4, f. 34, with title in Dutch.
Barlaeus o 30; painting in Louvre (see 3e)
4. _F ort Frederik Hendrik, vol. 3, tom e 5, f. 28, with title in French. Barlaeus nil;
pamtm g owned by th e la te J oaquim de Sou a-Leao (see 31)
5. Alagoas do Sui, vol. 1, tome 2, f. 10, with Dutch title. Barlaeus No 15; painting nil
6. Recife, vol. 3, tome 5, f. 27 , with Dutch title. Ba rlaeus No 35 2 ; pai ntin g nil
7. Parafba, vol. 2, tome 4, f. 29 , with French title. Barlaeus No 27; paintin g nil
~- Ca?o S. Agostinho, vol. 2, tome 4, f. 37, with French title. Barlaeus No 37; paint-
mg ml
The ,Picture of Fort K eulen ( o 3 above) is signed and dated 'de T hiery Cap Pinx
1765 , thus more than a century after Post left Brazil. The details of these gouaches
~re so ev idently exact, however, that they cannot have been copied from the paint-
mgs nor from the Barlaeus drawings or engravings, but mu st have been taken from
actual Post sketches, perhaps even sketches in colour. Because of the minute detail
and apparently slavish copying of the originals, these gouaches can offer precious
IConographic information.
!he gouaches were first noticed by Ferdinand Denis , Director of the Bibliotheque
Samte-Genevieve, Paris, in 1874. They were seen again by Gilberta Ferrez in 1963,
who alerted Sousa-Leao and one (Itamaraca) was included in the exhibition Os pin-
tares de Mauricio de Nassau (Sousa-Leao, 1968: 37, No 56, not illu stra ted). Eventual-
ly, all eight were reproduced (Sousa-Leao, 1973: 166 , li st of captions, 167 , all in
half-tone, also Itamaraca in colour opp. p. 49). The gouaches are fully discussed by
Whitehead & Joppien (1984) .
For natural history and ethno logy, as well as for architecture and topography,
Post's works are a n invaluable documentary source. For certain subj ects no
counterpart exists in the material so far studied. Although his paintings are
often of moderate or even large size, P ost was virtually a miniatu rist in scale
and his eye for detail was quite meticulous. One can judge the importance
that detail h ad for him by the lengths to which he would go, even in figures
of a centim etr e or so. Very often a len s is required to appreciate th e amount
of fine detail which h e thought necessary. W e conclude, therefore, that the
186 Frans Post
animals, plants a nd people in his pictures h ave a docume ntary value, not
only to show what he observed , but in the case of ethnology to reco rd things
which are p erh aps not found in E ckhout 's works or other sources.
Since many of th e paintings a re known to us only from r eprodu ctions, we
have selected only some of the major subjects for review.
Zoology: mammals predominate, invariably placed in the immediate foregro~nd ,
followed by birds perched in the undergrowth or in trees, very occasiOnally flyi_n g.
Of reptiles, onl y a boa constrictor, a caiman and one or more lizards are used. Fish-
es are absen t and we have not noted any amphibians. Of insects, we have seen a
grasshopper and part of a beetle, but no butterflies; also, no . spiders have been
found such as the Avicularia of Eckhout's Tapuya man. It seems likely that the larger
anim~ls were those that could be sketched in Johan M aurits' zoo and aviary, which
would account for so many eye-level profile views of birds, as well as the variety of
postures in the armadillos and anteaters. His favourite animal was undoubtedly an
armadillo (probably the nine-banded arm adillo) , followed by the giant anteater and
the boa constrictor.
a. Dogs. Larsen No 5; Barlaeus drawing for Alagoas ad Austrum; V_ign . a. These
dogs are included as small details; that in the painting (The ~x~cart) IS brown with
white underparts and presumably belongs to the negroes dnvmg the cart
b. Capybara (Hydrochaeris hydrochaeris). Larsen Nos 4, 51; Ma~ 1. That in t~e first
painting (Sao Francisco river) is munching three plant stems with_leaves and IS v~ry
closely observed; the second is not a reversed copy of the first, while that m the vig-
nette of the map appea rs to be yet anot her version . None seems to be modelled on
that in Handbook, 1: 6
c. Tamandua-gua<;u (Myrmecophaga tridactyla). Larsen Nos 51, 22, 65; M ap 1.' The
largest and m ost striking of the three species, it was an obvious subjec_t t~ add l_ocal
colour' to paintings of Brazil. Curiously enou gh, there IS no 01! pamtmg of It m
Theatri, 3 , merely a pencil drawing (p. 95, presumed by Eckhout), also a watercolour
in Handbook, 1: 84; neither of these is especially close to the representatiOns by Post,
who seems to have used at least four different sketches
d. Tamandu a-1 (Ta.mandua tetradactyla). Larsen Nos 13 , 96. Position of firs~ almost
identical to that in T heatri, 3: 97 and perhaps the same sketch was u sed; It seem s
possible the sketch was the watercolour in H andbook, 1: 62, or a drawing that preced-
ed it. The thin tail d istingu ishes this from the tamandua-gua<;u
e. Tatuete or nine-banded armadillo (Dasypus novemcinctus). Larsen Nos 12 , 22 , 20,
29, 45, 65, 68 (virtu ally repeats 29), 83. All but one are shown in slightly diff~re~t
positions, one even from the rear (No 65), but none rolled up. The species_ IS
represented by two drawings in Handbook, 1: 104, which presumably had a pnor
sketch that was also used for those in the tapestry Le cheval raye, but we see no firm Page 123
indication that such a sketch also se rved for Post's paintings
f. Two-toed sloth (Choloepus didactylus) . Larsen Nos 65, 96, Vign. a. A hea~·on view Page 156
in each case, but the legs different. As noted already, the Handbook, 1: 112 IS not the
same
g. Monkeys (seve ral species). Larsen Nos 39, 65, 83, 96. No obviou s Handbook or
Theatri parallels found
h. Birds (numerous species). Larsen Nos 13, 18, 22, 28,_ 2?, 40, 43, ~6, 90. ~ost_of
these paintings a re known to us as reproductiOns and It IS not possible to Identify
the birds or relate them to other pictures
l'rans Post 187
 i. Jaga~e or cai~an (Caiman crocodilus or C. latirostris). L arsen No 96. Handbook
1: 448 IS a pencil drawing with only the green background blocked in and it rna;
~ave been based on the same mdlvJdual. The species is described but not illustrated
m the H zstorza (p. 242)
j. Lizards (Iguana iguana iguana; possibly also Tropidurus torquatus torquatus). L arsen
os 12, 65, 83; also Sousa-Leao, 1973: No 84. Those in the Sacrifice of Manoah
(No 12) an~ th.e Vi~w of the Franciscan monastery at Igara~u (No 84) are identical
and are e~sily Identified by the large pale scale below the ear opening, the sac below
~he lowerjaw and the c~est along the back. A very similar picture (reversed) occurs
m Theatrz , 3:.16~ and Virtually the same representation occurs also in the tapestry
Le chasseur md1~n , but the gular sac is missing. The two other lizards painted by
Post seem to be d1fferent and might be Tropidurus torquatus, which a ppears in Theatri,
3: 181 upper
k. Boa constrictor (Boa constrictor). Larsen Nos 29 40 45 49 68 83 90 · also Sousa-
L eao,
- 1973 : o 8 4; ':'1gn.
. b. Unlike Eckhout's snake ' ' in ' his' Tapuya
' ' picture,
' Post 's
are all v~ry much alive and are frequently seizing a victim - Post's favourite ar-
madillo m No 29 (almost exactly repeated in No 68), elsewhere a small m ammal
that might ~e a rabbit (Sylvilagus brasiliensis) , e.g. No 83, which is re peated in No 84
ofSo~sa-Le~o (where Post seems to emphasise his involvement by placing his signa-
t~re Immediately below). Marcgraf examined at least fou r specimens, the largest
8 /2 rhmeland feet (2.67 m), a smaller one being brought to h im alive (Historia,
P· 239), so that Post must have had several opportunities to sketch this snake
I. Grasshopper o~ l~cust . Larsen o 18. This very careful depiction does not match
Page 82 the grassho~per Slttmg on a mango in Eckhout 's Copenh agen still -life, which in turn
Page 155 matches Mzs_cellanea Cleyerz: 56r. The grasshopper in the map (vignette b) of the D e
Jonghe versiOn was presumably not by Post, having been added to the map much
later. The o~ly other insect we have seen is the hind part of a disproportionately
large beetle m Larsen No 65 (Ruins of Olinda cathedral)
m. A.bsente~s. P~st ?oes not seem to have used a tapir, of wh ich there was almost
~ertamly a JUvemle m.Johan Maurits' zoo (basis for Theatri, 3: 109 lower); possibly
It was too large an am mal , although it appears on the map (togeth er wit h a jaguar,
two pe~cane~, t~o pam~as de~r and four ostriches). A curious omi ssion (unless we
have m1ssed 1t) IS the gumea p1g, an anim al whose varied representations thus seem
to stem from Eckhout alone. Many other small mammals could be mentioned.
. ?.. Post's. feeling ~or vegetatiOn
Botanv· · IS
· b ot h d ecorat1ve
· (as a repoussmr)
· and evoca-
tive (m the m1d~le ground and distance). In both cases, one is struck by his accura-
cy, combmed With an almost botanical feeling for the form of the tree shrub or
pla~t. Just as the tamandua, armadillo and boa constrictor are the mo;t frequent
chmces .for gu ara~tee in g an exotic flavour, so the palms, pa paya and pineapple
predommate m h1s botanical vocabulary.
a . Papaya (Carica papaya). Larsen os 8, 12, 14, 21, 23, 31, 37 , 40 , 41, 47, 60, 65,
68; also Sousa-Leao, 1973: No 84; Ba rlaeus plate, 'Garasu'. We have fou nd no obvi-
ous use.of.the same tree twice, but Post seems to have been a ble to produce convinc-
mg va~JatlOnS ?n whatever sketches he brought back. All the trees are female and
the frUJts. are either spherical or only slightly elongate; we have not found the her-
Page 71 maphrodite of Eckhout's mestizo man
b: Palms (Cocos nucifera and others). About a third of all paintings. At least three spe-
Cies of palms are represented , the first (probably Cocos nucijera) well shown in Larsen
Nos 11, 28, 47 , 51, 56; the second in Larsen Nos 36, 40, 51, 83; the third in Larse n
188 Frans Post
No 23. Certain ide ntification of the latter two species requires study of the paintings
themselves. Post used palms to heighten the repoussoir on one or both sides, to
break the middle-ground outline (especiall y over buildings), and in some cases as
a variant on the u ndulati ng and increasingly blue lines of bu shy trees that recede
into the background
c. Pineapple (Ananas comosus). Larsen os 13, 18, 21 , 41, 43 , 47, 65, 68. The pineap-
ples of Handbook, 2: 55 and Theatri, 4: 1 merely show the fruit, or the fruit and a
few of the upper leaves. The only figure of the whole plant is the fine pencil drawing
in De Laet's draft of Marcgraf's botany, which is the act ual model for the Historia Page 84
en graving (p. 33)
d. Timacambire (Aechmea sp.). Larsen Nos 49, 60, 83; also Sousa-Leao, 1973:
No 84. This is one of the few occasions when a striking plant is used by both Eck-
hou t and Post. As noted earlier, Eckhout's Copenhagen still-life version is fairly
close to Handbook, 2: 65. Post's versions seem to b~ varia~ts on the sa.m e theme, but Pages 81, 82
not exact cop ies
e. Cactus (Cereusjamacaru). Larsen Nos 4, 12 , 14; Barlaeus pl. 17. A detailed drawing
clearly existed for th e cactus in No 4 (Fort Maurits) since this specimen is exactly
reproduced in the tapestry Le chasseur indien; Nos 12 , 14 are different. This cactus
also appears in the Schwedt Brazilian p ainting
f. Castor oil plant (Ricinus communis) . L arsen No 12 . ot unlike that in Eckhout's
mameluc wo man, but not exactly matching it nor Theatri, 4: 145
g. Banana (Musa sapientium). Larsen No 12; Barlaeus plate,. Paraiba. These are the
only represen tations we have seen, which is curious considenn g the decorative possi-
bilities of banana leaves. Having tried it in his drawing for the Barlaeus plate, and
almost edged it off the canvas in the painting (Sacrifice ofManoah, 27 March 1648),
Post seems to have a bandoned bananas thereafter
h. Other trees, shrubs, plants. Very many other species are represented in these
hi ghly detailed pain tings, testifying to Post's active interest in Brazilian botany and
to the very numerous sketches that he must have made, but stud y must be made
from the actu al paintings
i. Absentees. It is noticeable that Post does not use the wax palm (Copernicia prunifera)
nor apparentl y the date palm (Phoenix dactylifera) of Eckhou t's negro woman and
negro man. Instead of Montrichardia, used by Eckhout in his Tapuya woman and
seen again in the tapestry Les pecheurs, Post prefers the pineapple, perhaps because
its orange/ red enha nces the rather sombre foreground greens. The almost complete
absence of banan as has been noted above.
Ethnology: the vignettes of the map are the most specific statement of th.e li~e and
act ivities of negroes, Tapuyas and Tupinambas, but some of the mformatwn IS fu.r-
ther elaborated in the paintings and it is clear that Post had as keen an mterest m
such things as costume, basketwork , behaviour and implied attitudes as did Eck-
hout, although working on a much smaller scale. H e also ve ry carefully docume~ts
building styles (with a fascination for ruins), manufacturing techmques and soc1al
relationships. What neither a rtist depicted was town life amo ng the. wh1tes, whether
military or civil. There are no interior scen es whatsoever, no wh1t~-walled room s
with women sewing or men drinking, and the onl y recorded portraits are the two
of Johan Maurits, lost in the fire at Christianborg ~astle in 17 ~4 . Even Eckhout's Pages 65,
Copenhagen still-lifes have every appearance of h avmg. been pam ted out of do?r~. 171 - 172
It is as if both a rtists were totally absorbed by the exotiCI Sm arou nd them . Th1s IS
even more striking because, in comparison with the Portuguese, the Du tch stuck
Frans Post 189
 much more closely to their homeland customs with regard to food , drink, clothing
and building, as pointed out by Cascudo (1956), D e Mello (1978) and others. Like
Eckhout, Post obviously found much more to interest him in the countryside and
the following details can be commented upon:
Page 155; a. Sugar mills. The clearest representation is probably that on the map (vignette of
plate 82 Map 3), but the post-Brazilian paintings offer reliable details of variants in con-
Plates 92b, 96b struction. Examples are Larsen Nos 19, 20, 24, 39, 43, 48, 49, 51. The working de-
Page 180 tails are very clearly shown , not only in the Brussels sketch attributed to Post, but
even more specificall y in an architectural elevation in Wagener, No 108, which must
have been copied from a drawing by Post. This, an d the mills in the paintings, all
appear to be waterpowered , but a mill driven by oxen is shown in Post's Rotterdam
drawing, the lefthand part being essentially that shown by Piso in the H istoria
(p. 50); Piso's illustration on the next page, however, seems to be the only source
for details of the boiling of the sugar and ladling it into moulds, a scene which must
have been drawn first by Post
Page 158; b. Manioc mill. The only representations we have found are on the map and in Piso
plate 81 (1658: 115)
c. Farm buildings. All the various types are shown, often in great detail, ranging
from elegant planter's houses to thatched hovels
d . Town buildings. The most comprehensive collection is that in Barlaeus, based on
Page 184 Post's drawings now in the British Museum , which were made after Post's return
to Europe, but presumably based on sketches. A single sketch exists of Mauritsstad
and R ecife, apparently drawn from the tower of J ohan Maurits' 'oud hof' or resi-
den ce before the completion ofVrijburg (which is shown, howeve r, together with the
bridge to R ecife, thus after early 1644). This same view is given in a painting
(Sousa-Leao, 1973: No 25) made long after (in 1657), but lacking Vrijburg and the
bridge (see Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 104, No 96; enlarged detail of R ecife
in De Mello, 1978: opp. 86)
e. Churches. Most are shown in a neglected state, the roofs gone and the plaster fac-
ings crumbling. Perhaps many, if not all, are based on actual sketches, but very few
can be identified (Franciscan monastery at Igara~u , Sousa-Leao, 1973: No 84; Olin-
da cathedral, Larsen o 65)
f. Ox-carts. All are of the same design, with the wheels deep- rimmed (about
15- 20 em) and a single wide bar through which the square end of the axle projects;
the sides are made up of vertical poles, in some cases with planks against them to
contain the load; a nd there is a single shaft with two oxen yoked to it. They are
shown in considerable detail in the paintings (Larsen Nos 5, 20, 96) and again in
Page 155 the Barlaeus engraving of ' Serinhaem', as well as in the m ap
Page 155 g. Horses and riders. We have noted one in the map and three in the paintings (Lar-
sen Nos 2, 40, 56), of which the first (Itamaraca) is the most detailed. Post took great
care here to illustrate the Portuguese method of riding, with stirrups high and knees
bent (a style introduced by the Moors; the Dutch rode with the legs straight down)
and the details of the stirrups and oth er parts of the tack are fairly clear. Even more
Page 186 impressive is the detail in the gouache of Itamaraca, which was apparentl y taken
from the original sketch on which the painting was based; full y discussed in White-
head & Joppien (1984)
h . Palanquin. Post painted this means of transport at least three times (Larsen
Page 155 Nos 13, 40, 56) and it appears on the map. Possibly all derive from a single sketch.
The palanquin drawn by Wagener, No 104, seems to be more directly related to the
190 Frans Post
sketch that mu st have formed the basis for the tapestries Les deux taureaux and Le
roi porte, except that a E uropean woman peeps out, not an African king
i. Jangadas. Post does not seem to have painted this raft-like craft, but it appears
Page 158
in the Barlaeu s engravings of Olinda and Recife, as well as m the m ap. Post shows
only three logs pegged together and rou ghly pointed at their ends; whereas modern
ones in the R ecife area have five. There are also only three logs m the tapestry Le
roi porte
j. Baskets. At least twe nty of Post's paintings include baskets, either carried on the
head or placed on the ground. In some cases they are rende,red in very fine detail
and are worthy of closer study since, together with Eckhout s pamtmgs, they may
well represent our only source for Tupinamba basket art (pace Metraux, 1928: 250
- who overlooked the value of Post's representations)
k. Tapuyas. The very detailed scenes of dancing, hunting and feasting in the map Page 156
have been described above. Two most important paintings show Tapuyas. The first
is Fort Keulen (Larsen No 7), where two Indians stand on the beach, a third sits Plate 90b
and a four th paddles a canoe. The three on the beach wear sandals, ~ av~ sho.rt
lances and a club beside them and appear to be quite naked. The scene IS given m
much more detail in the gouache copy by De Thiery of a presumed lost sketch ~or Page 186
the painting. In this, the lances are barbed, the club has red feathers boun.d to Its
handle two Indians on the beach have red feather bands around the head, wtth lon g
white feathers dangling down the back in the seated one, and the third Indi~n has
been transferred to the canoe and wears a triple gold necklace and a long white one
below, as well as earrings, arm bands and bracelets. Since De Thiery.co~ld ~ot pos-
sibly have invented such details, nor extrapolated th~m from the pa.mtmg, It IS ar-
gued that Post included them in his prior sket~h (Whttehead &Joppten, 1984). ~he
second important painting of Tapuyas 1s a waterfall scene (Sousa-Leao, Page 157
1973: 90-91, No 49), already referred to in discussing the vignettes of the Marcgraf
map. It shows 11 Tapuyas hunting a white bird (possibly a large stork, but beak not
clear), a deer and possibly a tapir and its juvenile. The m en a re ar~ed wtth bows
and arrows lances and clubs. Two of them are on the ground, one bemg apparently
worried by ' a large dog, wh ile an Indian behind looks ready to swin g .his ~lub (at
the dog or the man?); another Indian aims his lance, perhaps at the whtte btrd, but
equally convincingly at the second man on the grou nd. The actions of these men
are unexpected, which strongly suggests that one or more actu al scen es w_ere Wit-
nessed and sketch ed by Post, to be incorporated more than ten years later mto thts
painting
1. Tupinambas . The map seems to provide the bes.t data, but Tupina~bas a ppear Page 155
in many of th e pa intings, wearing short cotton skirts and often carrymg baskets
m. Mestizos, mulat tos. It is not clear whether the many women ~hown in l?ng dress-
es with long sleeves and a bright, sleeveless bodice belong to thts grou·p, smce some
are almost black and others a pale brown
n. E u ropeans. Usually, a single man is show.n, most often the ?wner or overseer of
the sugar mill , in a wide-brimmed hat, long Jacket, trousers to JUSt below the knees,
stocki ngs and shoes. Quite a wide selection of Eu.ropeans (as ~ell as other groups)
is shown in Post's picture of Mauritsstad and Rectfe (Sousa-Leao, 1973: No 25); an
enlargement of the scene is given by De Mello (1978: opp. 90), who suggests that
the central figure m ay be Johan Maurits himself.
Post's paintings, drawings and the engravings made from them have b een
Frans Post 191
 rather neglected as sources and it has often been overlooked that the post-
Brazilian paintings, although painted with hindsight and representing quite
imaginary scenes, were nonetheless built up from sketches done on the spot
and with an accuracy of detail that is confirmed when comparisons can be
made with his studies made in Brazil. His animals, plants and people tend
to be types rather than individuals, chiefly because he was a landscape
painter working on a small scale, but even in the lines of figures in a proces-
sion and even when the drawing is transferred to an en graving, there is a
ring of truth in the way that detail is implied, if not actually drawn.
Post's approach to his natural history and human subjects was quite differ-
ent from that of Eckhout. This is nowhere better shown that in comparing
Plate 93 the two grasshoppers, Post's in the very large landscape in the Rijksmuseum
Plate 49c in Amsterdam (Larsen o 18, pl. 42, in colour) and Eckhout's in the Copen-
hagen still-life. Post's grasshopper is in side view, very detailed, but mo-
tionless, almost inert. Eckhout's, by contrast, is three-qu arter fro ntal, its
detail largely brought out by judiciously placed highlights, and it is totally
alive and quite obviously feeding on the nutmeg. In trying to assess the con-
tributions made by these two artists to the Theatri and H andbooks, where it
is clear that at least two or three hands were at work , it is as well to bear
in mind their very different approaches to their subj ect.
A final word must be added concerning Post's landscapes, around which
a wholly misleading myth has arisen, namely that they were composed by
looking down the wrong end of a Galilean telescope. This notion has begun
to find its way into the general literature (e.g. Elliott, 1972 : 23). It was first
proposed by Larsen (1962: 83 et seq.), who supposed that in this way Post
heightened his foreground at the expense of the background . In spite of criti-
cism from Sousa-Leao (1973), Larsen persisted and subsequently published
what he believed to be proof of his theory (Larsen, 1977). In this short paper
he claimed that 'what has hitherto constituted an educated surmise on my
part, becomes now firm and well grounded reality'. Unfortunately, neither
the surmise nor the reality are what he said they were.
Larsen argued that optically a reversed Galilean telescope would enlarge
the foreground relative to the background (reversed opera glasses, which
work on the same principle as a Galilean telescope, show this quite well).
Larsen's 'proof' that Post actually used such a method was founded on an
engraving 'from a 17th century book with an illustration of an inverted tele -
scope' which was apparently being used to record sunspots. The book was
the Rosa ursina by Christophorus Scheiner (1630). Larsen had explained that
a reversed telescope is one that is viewed through the big or objective end
(convex lens in the Galilean telescope) instead of through the small or ocular
end (concave lens in the Galilean telescope), but in his haste to prove his
point Larsen identified the large end of Scheiner's telescope (which points
out to the sun) as 'the larger ocular at the top'. Although occasionally tele-
scopes had the larger end as the ocular, there is no way to decide this from
the engraving and indeed no need to do so since the telescope would hardly
be reversed for viewing sunspots. Larsen was aware that the image in a
Galilean telescope is virtual, i.e. it cannot be projected. Therefore, to make
his theory hold, he claimed that Scheiner's illustrator had himself incorrectly
192 Frans Post
added the box-like frame and the screen onto which the sunspots were being
projected (and presumably also the assistant who was drawing the sunspots
onto paper).
There is, however, a much simpler explanation. In 1611 Johannes Kepler
gave the theory in his Catopterics of what would later be called the Keplerian
telescope (usin g two convex lenses, not the convex and concave of Galileo).
The first to construct such a Keplerian telescope was none other than Schein-
er, who would hardly have illustrated the by now (1630) inferior Galilean
model. The K eplerian telescope produces a real image which can indeed be
projected onto a screen. Therefore, Scheiner's engraving is perfectly consis-
tent with a K eplerian telescope used the right way round. To claim it as an
example of a reversed Galilean telescope (with erroneous additions) goes
quite against the facts .
The real 'proof' lies in the instrument itself and in Post's paintings. To
glimpse a tiny image and then attempt to transfer it onto paper or canvas
is very different from tracing the image projected by a camera Lucida (which
was certainly used by Dutch artists). It would be difficult in a landscape and
probably impossible for architecture. Dutch artists were excited by Kepler's
new theories of vision, which called into question some of the basic assump-
tions of Euclidean perspective theory, and they experimented with lenses to
widen (and distort) the scene, as well as constructing perspective boxes (s~e
for example Wheelock, 1973 - with numerous references to recent work m
this field). On the whole, however, artists sketched from life and then later
composed their paintings in the studio; Post, for example, clearly used real
Brazilian sketches, out of which he composed all his post-Brazilian pictures.
As Sousa-Leao pointed out, Larsen's theory gets little support from Post's
paintings, for it is precisely the non-observed post-Brazilian p~ctures y1at
best exemplify the reversed Galilean telescope principle, ·not the stx Brazthan
period pictures for which the instrument could have been used. Post's paint-
ings do not seem sufficiently revolutionary to require an optical explan~tion
for their composition; he was 22 when he arrived in Brazil and most hkely
brought with him the conventions of his training. In any case one wonders
whether Marcgraf, who seems to have been very much up-to-date with his
astronomical apparatus (North, 1979), would have been able to lend Post
such an old-fashioned instrument as a Galilean telescope.
Larsen's theory and 'proof are thus untenable. We have challenged the.m
in some detail in the hope that they will not be repeated and further rots-
guide art historians. See also Whitehead (1986).
OTHER ARTISTS
It is often said that Johan Maurits had gathered around him a carefully
selected entourage of forty-six scholars, scientists, artists and craftsmen, all
with their special assignments (Boxer, 1973: 112). This total is a !itt!~. mis-
leading since it stems from the list of people entitled to free board at VnJ?ur.g
palace from 1 April 1643 (printed by Caland, 1898), and most of the hst ts
taken by officials (Capiteyn van de Guarde, Hoffmeester, Stalmeester, Rent-
meester, etc.) or domestic staff (cooks, washerwomen, tailors, gardeners,
etc.). Only two scientists are mentioned, Piso and Marcgraf, and only two
Other artists 193
 artists , 'Elbert Eeckhout ' and Frans Post (both entitled to lu nch a nd dinner
at the. middle ~able)· Nevertheless, Barlaeus (164 7: 330) wrote that J ohan
Mau.nts had With him , m ~eace and in war, the most eminent artists, being
architects, geographers, pamters and sculptors who travelled with him. Even
m~re specific was the claim made by Johan Maurits in a letter to the Mar-
qUis de Pomponne during the negotiations for the gift to Louis XIV, in
whic~ he stated that he had had dans man service le temps de ma demeure au Bresil,
SlX pezntres, dont chacun a curieusement peint a quay il estoit le plus capable (21 De-
cember 1678, Cleves; Koninklijk Huisarchief The Hague rv dossier 1478·
cited in ~ull by T~omsen, 1938: 177 and Larse'n , 1962 : 254,' doc. 52). Admit~
tedly, thts was thirty-four years after the return from Brazil, but one would
expect names to have been forgotten rather than increased unless this was
mere boasting. Both Eckhout and Post were stated in the dining list to be
schzlders beyde met ;ongens, i.e. with assistants, which would bring the total to
four. Authors have frequently speculated on other artists who might have
wo rked for Johan Maurits and the following have been considered:
i. Pi eter Post. The possibility that Post visited Brazil has been reviewed by Terwen
Page 184
(1979: 8~), who con~luded .that~ six-m onth stay from about Janu ary to June 1637
was fe asible. Most likely h1s duties would have been as an architect but he could
have painted also. ' egalement fait occasionnellement oeuvre plus artistique, but as pointed. out by Leite
ii. Georg M arcgraf. According to the biography written by his brother C hristian
(M argrave, 1685): Marcgraf's father and grandfather 'when they perceived him to
be ex tremely .desirous to learn Musick, & ye Art of Painting they dilige ntly took
care to have h1m mstructed Ill both, so that he attained to be a m ost excellent Musi-
cian both .vocal, & in st rumental, & a Painter not to be despised' (the translation by
James Peti ve r - see Whitehead, 1979b: 307). We have discussed earlier the possibil-
Page 41 Ity that Marcgraf executed some or all of the watercolours in the H andbooks with
the conclusion that the evidence is not very strong because the selection of su,bjects
IS rather far from that Ill Marcgraf's part of the H istoria. Nevertheless it would be
surprising if Marcgraf did not m ake natural history drawings. ' xi- xiii. Anthony de Later, J acob Pauwelsen and Paulus Auwaarts . All three. were
iii. Zacharias Wagener. Joh an Maurits could well have been charmed by the naive
Pages 48-51 pictures of the slave market and other scene in Wagener's Thier B uch, but Wagener
was essentially a copyist and was in any case em ployed as a quartermaster, not an
a rtist .
iv. Gillis Peters. His possible stay in Brazil seems based only on a painting da ted
1637 showmg a hi gh-level panoramic view of R ecife (Leite, 1967: pl. 47 ; also re-
produced in Habitat, Sao Paulo , 6: 43) . However, the picture very much resembles
a three-dimensional drawing ex trapolated from maps and plans. Gillis Peters work-
ed closely with hi s yo unger brother Bon ave ntura (e.g. on the 'Si ege of Calloo' in
Antwerp in 1638 - 39) and both were attracted to coastal scenes intended to repre-
sent exot ic places and with local colour , such as Amerindians, introduced into the
foreground (e .g. the West Indian scene illustrated by H onour, 1976: 111, No 81) .
There seems no eviden ce from the pictures of either brother that any Brazilian sce-
nes or elements were actually observed.
v . Jo~an Walther. Gerson ( 1942) suggested that Walther worked in Brazil, citing
as evidence his fl orilegium entitl ed Similacrum scenographicus celeberrimi horti ltzsteinen -
sis . .. in the Victoria and Albert Mu seum in London (2 vols, 9174- 5). In fact
this was made for Count J ohann of Nassau, not for Count Johan Maurits, and it
contains pictures of European cultivated flowers and fruits , not Brazilian plants, grown
194 Other artists
in the Count's Idsteiner Schlossgarten (Whitehead, 197 3: 194).
vi. Abraham Willaerts. As noted by Leite (1967: 103), none of his paintings appear
to have been executed in Brazil, nor does he present any Brazilian themes, but his
contemporary De Bie ( 1661: 247 - text reproduced by Larsen , 1962: 262) claimed
that Willaerts accompaniedJohan Maurits to Brazil and that he participated in Ad-
miral J ol's expedition to Angola and was with the soldiers who took Sao Paulo de
Loanda in Au gust 1641; later, Willaerts lived with Van Campen at Amersfoort. De
Bie ' s statement is persuasive, and seems to have been accepted by Larsen (1962: 44) ,
Leite (loc. cit.) and others, but it is perhaps not very useful until actual Brazilian
works are found .
vii. Johannes Vingboons. Larsen (1962: 45) and more especially Zandvliet
( 1979 : 497) have made a good case for the presence in Brazil of thi s cartographer
and engraver , but until now he is known only for his maps; if he also drew or pain -
ted in Brazil, then none of his works have yet been recognised. His atlas in the Vati- Page 160,
can has been discussed above.
viii. Cornelis Golijath. He certainl y worked for Johan Maurits in Recife. He is co n-
sidered briefly by Larsen ( 1962: 44 ), but as with Vingboons there are no Braz ilian
pictures that can be attributed to him .
ix. H essel Gerrits . Larsen (loc. cit. : 44) suggested this cartographer who mi ght have
(1967: 104), Gerrits died in 1632 or five years before Johan M aurJts arnved.
x. Pieter Coninxloo. A glass-worker who was certainly working in Recife in 1636
to at least 1644 (Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague, Codex 14 , 10 and 13 ovem-
ber 1636; also Dagelijkse Notulen, dossier 69 , 31 August 1641 and dossier 70 , 30 Apnl
1644· also Archief van de H ervormde Gemeente , Amsterdam , Codex 52 , 14 De-
cember 1642; also Gem eente Archief, Amsterdam, Notariele Archieven, Codex 732 ,
20 September 1642) . D e M ello (1959: 31, 35- 36) recorded this documentation , but
there is no evidence that Coninxloo did more than make and engrave glass dunng
his time in Brazil.
glass-workers in R ecife at various times in the period 1643- 50 (Algemeen Rijksar-
chief, The Hague, Dagelijkse Notulen, dossier 70 , 30 June 1643 , 30 May 1644 , 31
M arch 1645 and dossier 74 , 31 August 1650). As with Coninxloo, authors have CI-
ted these three as possible artists of J ohan Maurits, but without any evidence that
they drew or painted.
xiv. Jacob J ensen Nordm and (or just Jensen) (1614-95). A orwegian who served
withJohan Maurits in Brazil (1634-39), later employed by Frederik III in Copen-
hagen as turner, ivory carver and ' manager' of his Kunstkammer. Possibly he made
the ivory furniture given by Johan Maurits to the Elector of Brandenburg (at Mon-
bijou , now at Sanssouci - see Van den Boogaart & Duparc, 1979: 205 ; also Huth ,
1934). Biographical notes by Schnider (1925) and J ensen (1938); autobiography in
Suhm (1784).
The different styles encountered in the Theatri oil paintings and the Handbook
watercolours strongly suggests that there were others at work besides Eck-
hout , Post and perhaps Marcgraf. Are the inferior pictures attributable to
the assistants or jongens which are recorded not only for Eckhout and Post,
but also for Piso and Marcgraf? In the Preface to his part of the Historia , Pi so
mentions pictures by an artist who travelled with him in the countryside and
Other artists 195
 this is repeated in the Preface to the 1658 edition. Was this Eckhou t 0
th h . h ' r was
ere ~not er artist, w o was responsible for the less successful Theatri or Hand-
book pi ctures? It would certainly be in keeping with Joha n Maurits' grand
m ~ nn e r to have had more than two artists, but for the m oment the re is no
e~Iden ce that Marcgraf or Wage.ner were considered arti sts by Johan Mau-
nts, nor that a n y of the others m our list actually painted fo r him.

Epilogue

Considering the p eriod in which they were undertaken, the ' Mauritian ' ex -
plorations of Brazil a re quite remarkable for their scope and their depth. It
would be wron g, howeve r, to think that Brazil's natural productions and nat-
ive people had escaped documentation before the Dutch invasion. Through-
out the sixteen th century and in the first half of the seventeenth century
there were m en busy recording the animals, plants and people of this new
land , beginning in the first days of its discovery with the official secretary
Pero Vaz de C aminha and an unnamed participant on Alvarez Cabral's histo-
ric voyage, who described macaws , a manatee and the Brazilians who greet-
ed the Portuguese (Caminha, 1892; Anon. , 1507). For the most part, it was
missionaries who observed and wrote about Brazil - Jesuits , Franciscans ,
Capuchins, Protestants - but there were also travellers, even a settler (De
Sousa). Moreover, a knowledge of the country was also of value to admi-
nistrators and to some extent to military men , so that references to the fauna
and flora, the Indians, the topography, the geography, the climate and much
else must have found its way into official reports that did not see publication
but often passed into the received ideas available to compilers of travel books.
Some of the earliest first-hand observations made on the animals, plants
a nd people of Brazil were those set down in the letters of the great jesuit mis-
sionary Jose Anchieta (1533- 97) , who arrived in Bahia in 1553 and three
years later was ordained and became rector at Sao Vicente (Santos) , spen-
ding the rest of his life in Brazil. His letter of 31 May 1560 contains notes
on animals a nd plants, but was only published over two centuries la ter (An-
chieta, 1799 - the original Latin; 1876 - the first Portuguese version). An-

196 Other artists Epilogue 197

 chi~ta was al~o one of the first to study the language of the Tupi-Guaranf
Indians , pubhshed two years before his death as the Arte de grammatica da lin-
goa . . do Brasil (Anchieta, 1595) , and it is significant that De Lae t used
a summary of it for the section on native people in the Historia (Book 8, Chapter
8, possibly also the small ' dictionary' of Chapter 9). More substantial ac-
counts of Brazil were given by the Franciscan Andre Thevet (1502- 90) and
the Prote~tantJean de Lery (1534- 1611), both of whom stayed a short whi-
!e at the httl e colony set up by Nicolas Durand de Villegaignon on an island
m Guanabara Bay (Rio de Janeiro). D e Lery stayed ten months and proba-
bly gathered more first -hand information (De Lery , 1578) ; Thevet, who ma-
de two visits to Brazil, but stayed only three months at the Guanabara colony,
probably drew_mo~e widely on other peoples' observations (Thevet, 155 7 and
15~5): The third i~portant work of this period, and especially for its de-
scnpt!On of the I~dwns , was the account given by Hans Staden (b. 1527) of his
capture by Tupmambas and his nine months imprisonment near Ubatuba
under threat of death before he made his escape. His book probably provi-
des the most authoritative description ofTupinamba customs in the sixteenth
century (Staden, 155 7). However, exceeding by far all these books in the sheer
sc~pe of its descriptions was the virtual encyclopedia of Brazil written by Ga-
bnel Soares de Sousa (c 1540- 91). De Sousa arrived in Bahia in 1570, whe-
re he acquired a sugar mill and farming lands between the J aguaribe and
Jaquaric;:a rivers, remaining there until 1584 and completing his Tratado or
description of the country three years later; at least twenty manuscript versi-
ons of the Tratado were in circulation , finally to be edited by Varnhage n and
publi hed in the last century (Sousa, 1851). Had the Tratado been illustrated
and published , it would certainly have won the acclaim accorded to the Historia
in the next century.
Three lesser works of the sixteenth century can be m entioned. The first
is the H istoria da prouincia Sacta Cruz, a sort of travel pamphlet written by Pero
Magalhaes de Gandavo after a visit to Brazil around 1570 , which extolled
the virtues of the country and encouraged settlers (Gandavo, 1576); it has
four succinct chapters on animals and plants. The second is Do clima e terra
do Brasil by the J esu it Fernao Cardim (1548- 1625), who spent seventeen
years in Brazil from 1583 as a missionary (Cardim, 1625 - resume in Eng-
li sh by Purchas; 1885 - first publication in the original Portugu ese; also Car-
dim , 1925); there are notes on 174 animals and plants. The third is the
manuscript Das cousas do Brasil e costumes da terra (Biblioteca de Ia Academia
de Ia Hist6ria, Madrid,jesuitas 119 , No 254) written about 1580 by another
J esu it missionary, Francisco Soares (c. 1550- 97), which remained unpu -
blished until the present century (Anon., 1904; also 1927) ; his descriptions,
as for example those of manatees and homes marinhos, are sufficiently similar
to Cardim ' s to suspect a pooling of information (Whitehead, 1978: 500).
Interest in the natural productions of Brazil continued in the early years
of the seventeenth century. Some remained for two centuries or more in man -
uscript form, as for example the Diri.logos das grandezas do Brasil of Ambrosio
Fernandes Brandao, a Jew who had arrived in Brazil in 1583 and served in
the Captaincy of Paraiba in a military capacity and as manager of a sugar
mill. In the fifth of the six Diri.logos he described animals that were hunted,
198 Epilogue
fished or were dangerous (Brandao, 1968). A li ttl e to the north of this, two
interestin g works were produced by members of the French colony centered
at Sao Luis do Maranhao in the years 1611-15; both of these were publish-
ed. These were the books by the Capuchin missionaries C laude d'Abbevil-
le (1570- 1632) and Yves d'Evreux (1595- 1629) , the first staying only four
months in Sao Luis, the second remaining for another two years (Abbeville,
1614; Evreux , 1615 and essentially a continuation of the earlier book). Both
described animals and plants of the area (chapters 38 - 42 and 39 - 4 7 respec-
tively). Far more comprehensive, however, were the notes and drawings made
by (or for) the Franciscan missionary Frei Cristovao de Lisboa (1583- 1652),
sent out to Maranhao in 1624 as first Custos of his Order , as Commissary
of the Holy Office and as Ecclesiastical Visitor (see Whitehead ,
1973: 204- 207). Frei Cristovao spent twelve years at Sao Luis and during
that time h e compiled manuscript descriptions of more than three hundred
animals and plants, with crude but useful drawings on 163 pages. The man-
uscript seems to have been overlooked until the present century, but is now
published in facsim ile (Walter, 1967); the fishes were given a detailed review
by Carvalho (1964) a nd the plants by Stellfeld (1968). Although untrained
in natural history, Frei Cristovao (like Gabriel Soares de Sousa a century
earlier) must be reckoned a worthy forerunner of Pi so and Marcgraf because
of the essential hone sty of his observations.
Considering all the works listed above, it might seem that the animals and
plants of Brazil, as well as the native peoples , were rather well known prior
to the arrival of Johan Maurits' scientists and artists. Moreover , to this ac-
cumulated knowledge of Brazil must also be added all those other works on
South and Central America and the Caribbean in which species identical to
those of Brazil were described and in some cases figured. Among the most
important of these was the work of Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes
( 14 78 - 155 7), Governor of Santo Domingo and official chronicler of the In-
dies, whose brief Sumario (Fernandez de Oviedo, 1526) was a prelude to his
large Historia general de las lndias published nine years later (1535). Less com-
prehensive, but still of interest were the observations made by Martin Fernan-
dez de Enciso on the coast of eastern Venezuela in 1510-13, which included
the first recognisable descriptions of hummin gbi rds, tapirs and a rm ad illos
(Fernandez de Enciso, 1519). Some descriptions of a nimals were also given
by Pierre Martyr in his Decades (Martyr, 1516; also English translation of
1555), but mu ch more complete and rivalling the work of Oviedo were the
observations made by Francisco Hernandez (1514- 78), sent to Mexico in
1570 by Philip II to investigate the natural resources (Hernandez, 1615 -
the complex publishing history of this book, as well as De Laet's involvement
in it, are summarised by Whitehead, 1979a: 424, 433, fn. 3, 65). Also in-
fluential were the observations of the Jesuit missionary Jose d 'Acosta (written
1576-77), who spen t about five years in Peru and travelled north as far as
Mexico (Acosta, 1590). To these first-hand accounts must be added the
general works, whether specifically in natural history (e.g. the zoological
compilations of Gessner and Aldrovandi and the botanical compilations of
Clusius and earlier authors), or accounts of voyages, or such collections of
voyages as Hakluyt and Purchas, in which isolated observations on Brazilian
animals, plants and native people can be found.
Epilogue 199
 Had ~ll. thi inform~tion been critically assembled to m ake an up-to-date
1630 :d1t10n of Gabnel Soare de Sousa's 'encyclopedia', would not the
Hzstorza have been ~edundant? For several reasons the answer is no. Piso,
Marcgraf and especmll y D e Laet knew many of the already published works
and to some extent leaned on Oviedo, d 'Acosta, Herna ndez and others. They
were hampe:ed, howeve r, in alm ost certainly not havin g access to some of
the m anuscnpt sources, for they would surely have d erived enormous benefit
from both D e Sousa and Frei Cri tovao de Lisboa. In another sense
however, this v:a ~n adv~ntage. They came with new eyes and they wer~
force? t? descnbe m detad everything that they saw. For the most part, the
de cnptwns that they made were far in advance of those of the earlier
wr~ters. When Marcgraf described an animal or a plant he resisted the temp-
t~t~on to leap to the mo t obviou character and instead followed a quite
:tgtd pla.n tha~ obliged him to consider in turn all th e less striking features;
m adoptmg this very modern approach, one can be fa irl y certain that Marc-
graf was. actually composing his Latin description with the animal or plant
before h~m and was not introducing hearsay. The importance of the Historia
a! o.!tes m ~he fact that it was not only written by professionals, but was writ-
t:n m the !tght of up to a century or more of progress in the natural sciences
smce the hone t but untutored ob ervation of Ovied o Anchieta Thevet De
Lery, De ousa and others. arcgraf may have c~st horosc~pes ( ;rth,
1979: ~19), ~ut hi rational attempts to describe and explain the habits of
Braziltan ammal are far from orne of the curious speculations found in
Ge sner. The .H istoria is, in fact a wholly 'modern' boo k. Finally, the Historia
cored over VIrtually all previous works by its large nu mber of illustrations.
The ':o~dcuts may be poor in many ca es, but given the limitations of Latin
d.escnption , or descriptions in any language at that tim e, they supply a con-
Siderable amount of information nonetheless.
If the Du tch contribution had merely been the H istoria, it would have been
valu able. What makes it unique, at least in this period and until the great
:xploratory voyage of Captain Cook and others in the next century, is that
It ':as fully c~mp.l emented by the artistic achievem ents of J ohan Maurits'
ar~I t~. The sctenttfic and artistic explorations went ver y mu ch hand in hand,
pnncipally becau~e artist and cientist were employed by a man who took
an equal mtere t m both a pect and, through his sheer enthusiasm, made
t~em part of a single project - the exploration of Brazil. As in the natural
hi story sphere, however, so too were there forerunners in the depiction of
ew World subject .
For Bra~il itself, the artistic heritage is rather scant. D e Lery, Thevet and
Staden all tllustrated their book with woodcuts but these are cru de and no
original ?rawings are known. De Lery (15 78: :nd of chapter 10) speaks of
a professwnal art ist, J ean Gardien whom he tried to engage, but without
success; Thevet may have u ed the Mannerist painter Jean Cousin the Youn-
ger, who later provided the illu trations to Thevet's Cosmographic Universelle
(1575) (se~ Hon_our, 1976: item 61); taden possibly made his own sketches,
but most !tk: ly m retrospect. One original drawing that has survived - but
one c?uld wtsh_for ~more useful subject - is that drawn by (or for) Gandavo
showm g the Sao V1cente monster of 1564; it is in a manuscript copy of the
200 Epilogue
Historia da prouincia Sacta Cruz (Biblioteca do Mosteiro de San Lorenzo del
Escurial, Madrid, MS rv-b-28 - reproduced in Gandavo, 1922) and seems
to have formed the basis for Gandavo's fine copperplate (Whitehead,
1977: 181) . The only large-scale attempt to depict Brazilian animals and
plants, or at least the only one to survive, was that of Frei Cristovao. That
drawings of animals were indeed made almost from the discovery of Brazil
is shown by the various representations on maps, as for example the armadil-
lo on Diego Ribeiro's 1529 map (Vatican Library, Borgiana rn) or the (pre-
sumed) Tayasssu on the map by Pierre Descelliers of 1546 Qohn Rylands
Library, Manchester) (see George, 1969). More successful were the
representations of animals and plants made in Europe, based on specimens
or occasional drawings sent back, but the range of subjects was limited. As
noted by George (1980: 81, 87), only one New World mammal was included
in Gessner's 1551 edition of the Historia animalium, the opossum discovered
by Vincente Pinzon and illustrated on the Carta marina of 1502 by Martin
Waldseemuller; even in the 1563 German edition of the Historia animalium,
Gessner could include only nine South American mammals. Images of
Brazilian Indians are equally sparse. Sturtevant (1976), in his excellent
review of 16th century representations of native Americans, listed 26 sources
for Brazilian Indians, of which almost half were on maps, almost as many
existing as woodcuts, and three were drawings or paintings (a Durer sketch
of a Tupinamba; the miniature painting on which Hans Burgkmair based
his woodcuts ofTupinambas for The triumph of Maximillian I (1516-19); and
a watercolour of the Brazilian village set up for Henry n's entry into Rouen
in 1550). As Sturtevant notes, however, the majority of these representations
are at least one remove from reality and only rarely does one see an ethno-
graphic detail that rings true and may have been based on first-hand obser-
vation.
For the New World in general, one can mention four major attempts in
the sixteenth century to depict natural history and ethnographic subjects on
the spot. The first was Oviedo, whose original drawings for books 6, 7, 9 and
32 of the Historia general are in the Huntington Library; photographs of addi-
tional drawings for books 5, 8, 10, 12, 29 and 42, made by Samuel Lothrop,
are in the Tozzer Library of the Peabody Museum, but Sturtevant
(1976: 448) was unable to locate the originals of these. A second important
attempt to record the New World was by the Huguenot artist from Dieppe,
Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues ( c 1533- 88), engaged as recording artist on
Rene de Laudonniere's 1564 expedition to relieve the Huguenot settlement
in Florida, founded by Jean Ribaut. LeMoyne, who may have been a court
artist, painted miniatures in the tradition of late French illumination, as can
be seen from the only original Florida work to survive (a small painting
showing the marker column set up by Ribaut, in the New York Public
Library; Anon., undated: unpaged!). Le Moyne's American drawings or
paintings are otherwise only known through their use for engravings by The-
odor d e Bry in his publication of travelogues (including LeMoyne's) in the
series America, but Le Moyne's ability can be judged by the collection of su-
perb botanical and insect drawings now in the Victoria and Albert Museum
(Anon., undated - European plants for Le Moyne's La chef des champs of
Epilogue 201
 1586~. Of equal importance, but again now lost, will have been the original
drawmgs.~ade by (or for) Hernandez during his years in Mexico, apparent-
ly co.mpnsmg 10 of the 16 volumes (about 1200 pictu res in all) deposited in
the hbrary of Escorial but destroyed by fire in 1671 (resume in Whitehead,
1979a: fn 3,63) . Finally, there are the drawings of J ohn White (fl. 15 77- 98),
emplo_red by S1r Walter Raleigh as cartographer a n d drau ghtsman at the
foundmg of the colony of Virginia at Roanoke in 1585 a nd promoted to
gov~rnor two years later. White's original drawings h ave disappeared, but 76
?f his ow~ ~arefully redrawn watercolours of animal s, plants and people are
m th~ Bntish Museum (Department of Prints and Drawings, 1906-5- 9;
beaut1fu~ly reproduced by Hulton & Quinn, 1964).
Certamly the~e were other men who depicted New World subjects from
fi.rst-hand ~xp~nence, as for example Francis Fletch er, chaplain on Drake's
CircumnavigatiOn (15 77- 80), whose lost journal was in part copied by John
Conyers a century later (British Library, Sloane MS 61; see Wallis,
1984b: 125~ ; or the anonymous artist of the 'Drake' volume in the Pierpont
Morgan Library (MA 3900; see Sturtevant, 1985). However, Oviedo, Le
Moyne, Hernandez and White are representative of those who set out with
a definite artistic programme in mind. What is noticeable is how rarely did
a competent and professional artist set sail for the Americas. Oviedo was no
artist and apologises for his lack of skill ; if Hernandez had a professional art-
ist, then nothing is known about him; Jean Gardien , whom De Lery hoped
to .employ, is mysterious; and John White, althou gh competent and often
qmte accurate~ was in no sense a real artist. Le Moyn e is perhaps the excep-
tiOn , ~ut the smgle surviving picture is highly stylized in its representations
?f ln~Jans (as also the De Bry engravings from his lost works). Leite (1967),
~~ quite .the, b~st summary of the Mauritian artistic heritage, strongly criti-
Cises Rets Jumor (1944: 35) and Sousa-Leao (1956) for supposing that there
were no professional artists in Brazil before Post and Eckhout, citing not only
Jean Ga~di~n, but also the Jesuits Belchior Paulo (or Paielo) in Pernambuco
and Bahta m 1587-88, lnacio Lagott (or Remade Le Gott) around 1619,
and the convert J oao Batista (155 7 -1609), a Flemish artist working in Per-
nambuco and Bahia and mentioned by Fernao Cardim (more fully
documented by Leite, 1953: 124; see also Leite, 1951: 212); also resident in
Brazil (both in Olinda) were the Portuguese painter Hieronimo de Mendon-
c;a around 1595 and the female artist Joana de Souza (1 595 -1618), who was
much admired by Cardim (Loreto, 1903: 169). However, these and the artists
who painted in Brazil in the period immediately after the departure of Johan
Maurits were religious painters and , judging by the admittedly few examples
known to us, were mostly or wholly unconcerned to document what was
around them.
What makes the Dutch contribution so remarkable is not just the artistic
calibre of Post and Eckhout, but the fact that their artistic programme was
so closely bound up with the factual or scientific one. These were truly 'expe-
dition' artists, instructed like those on Captain Cook's voyages to record in
detail and not merely to produce pleasing souvenir pictures. That Post and
Eckhout did produce pictures of considerable aesthetic value seems almost
secondary to what one supposes their instructions were. The more that one
202 Epilogue
examines their p ictures, the more one is impressed by their inquisitive ap-
proach, wheth er it is the habit of a plant, an Indian artifact or the exact con-
struction of a sugar mill. In effect, they were scientists with brushes, and
scientists whose visual dictionary far exceeded the still clumsy and inexact
vocabulary of the pen. To some extent the brush and the pencil can still
describe m ore than mere words, but in the mid-seventeenth century the
natural sciences and ethnology had yet to evolve a modern written precision
and the gap between artistic and scientific description was as great as it had
been a hundred years before. One has only to compare Marcgraf's descrip-
tion of the li ttle herring piquitinga (Historia, p. 156) with Eckhout's marvellous
oil painting (Theatri, 1: 161) to see the difference. Rarely before and never
on such a scale had the New World been so carefully depicted.
As noted earlier in discussing Eckhout's works, the reward in terms of Page 178
scientific informatio n to be gained from the pictures of animals and plants
is for the m ost part a diminishing one. If a picture in the Theatri or Handbooks
is an iconotype, the physical basis for a Linnaean or later scientific name,
then once the picture has clarified the real identity of that species and ena-
bled the n ame to be used henceforth with confidence, the picture itself has
served its scientific function; the information attached to it by Piso or Marc-
graf (or any later author who can be shown to have had exactly that species)
can now be neatly drawn together under a single indisputable scientific
name. The ethnographic pictures, on the other hand, will never lose their
scientific a n d cultu ral value. From the very start of New World exploration
the most fascinating animal was man himself, yet until the arrival of Eckhout
(and to a lesser extent Post) the most that the artists and amateur draughts-
men seem to have been able to produce was a vision of how a European
might look if he painted his body, adorned himself with beads, and stuck
feathers in h is hair. Eckhout's ten pencil sketches ofTapuyas stand as the first
life studies of Amerindians, whether in North or South America, or at least
the first tha t we know of, the first attempt by a competent European artist
actually to record what he saw, virtually unsullied by European precepts ~f
pose, body proportions or physiognomy. The Copenhagen ethnographic
paintings a re one remove from this, a gathering of observed truths to make
a higher truth, bu t with even the few sketches that we have one can see that
the higher tru th did not greatly distort the honesty of the first-hand observa-
tion. Post, paintin g on his miniature scale, is more difficult to assess, but the
evidence of his six sketches testifies to his essential honesty in both observa-
tion and in creating pictures from his first immediate data. In terms of ac-
curacy, there is simply no precedent to this Dutch exploration of New Wo.rld
people and it is made all the more enduring because, through accul.turatJO.n
and miscegena tion, the subjects no longer exist. Fully to appr~CJate thts
Dutch contribution, one should try to vizualise the results had Ovtedo, Her-
nandez, d 'Acosta, De Lery and Thevet had the services of an artist like Eck-
hout. As it is, we have lost precious information that cannot now be
retrieved.
Whenjohan Maurits boasted to the Marquis de Pomponne that the tapes-
try cartoons destined for Louis XIV showed tout le. Br~si~ en pourtrait~ ~e :--vas
not altogether exaggerating. A portrait shows an mdtvJdual and, tf 1t 1s a
Epilogue 203
 good portrait, it also presents a more gen eral statement a bout the subject
and to a greater or lesser extent organises our feelings about it. This well
describes many or most of the pictures in the Theatri and Handbooks and one
can see this 'act of portraiture' in those parts of the tapestry cartoons that
are not damaged or lost, as well as in the Copenhagen paintings and in Post's
landscapes. Like a portrait, the Mauritian oeuvre taken as a whole - the
Historia, the pictures and all that evolved from the primary sources - is full
of both facts and also feelings or attitudes that have been unco nsciously or
deliberately woven around those facts. Essentially, this oeuvre is documentary,
but in its selection of subjects and in the exact way that they have been
presented and later combined, it amounts to an exceptionally large and com-
plex statement about a particular country as observed by a particular people
at a particular time. From start to finish it was choreographed by a truly
remarkable man a nd it well deserves to be called a portrait of Dutch seven-
teenth century Brazil. For his motto Johan M a urits took a phrase from
Ovid's Tristia, written in exile at Tomis on the Black Sea: Qua patet orbis
(whe rever the world extends) . In the event , he made the world that he ex-
plored reach forward to ours.
204 Epilogue
ADDEND U M
Since going to press, two extremely important p ap e~s have come to o_ur n?ti ce,
both awaitin g publication. The first, by Dr E~e Khma n ~f the Umvers1ty of
Waterloo in Ontario Can ada, interprets the Iconographical programm e ~f
the Anciennes Inde~ tapestries as shown by th eir position in the CounCil
Chamber of the palace of the Knights of Stjohn in Valetta, Malta; she shows
that, althou gh the d ocumental elem ents were Dutc~ (i.~. Eckhout and perh ~ps
Post), it was the F rench (i.e. the Gobelins) wh~ msmuatcd an underlymg
theme _ the loss of Eden a nd hope of its restora tion , thu s the p aradox of the
idealized yet exploited New World. . .
The second important paper is a complete ap~ra 1 sal of the ~rmth~l ogy of
Dutch Brazil (i.e. the work of Marcgraf and the pictures of the T_he~trz, Hand-
books, etc.). This study has been _mad~ by D ante Martins Te 1~e 1ra of the
University of Rio de Janeiro and It entirel y supercedes the classic paper by
Adolf Schneider (1938).
Kliman , E . (in press). The lost and found p a radise: meaning and the origin
of meanin g in the Anciennes lndes. Gazette des Beaux A~ts. . .
--r. · · D
.1eixeira, . . M ( ·
1 n press) · As fontes do parafso. U m ensa10 sobre
· a ormtolog1a
F d 1d
no Brasil holandes (1624 -1654 ). Master's thesis, U nive rs1dade e era o
Rio de J aneiro (presented 1987).
We must al so m e ntion the most recent biography of Zacharias ~agen_er, espe-
cially for hi s time in the East Indies, and a detailed account of h1s two JOurneys
to the Japan ese cou rt at J edo in 1657 and 1659.
Zandvliet, K. 1987 . Zacharias Wagen aer 1614 - 1668. A life i~ the e service of the
Dutch East Ind ia Com pany and the Dutch West India ompany, PP·
20-29 in The Dutch East India Company in the 17th century. Life_and work of
Zacharias Wagenaer (l614- 1668). [Exhibition catalogu e, 20 Apnl - 31 Oc-
tober 198 7, 3rd Exhibition of the Holla nd VIllage Museum], 111 PP·
Slot, B. 1987 . Zacha rias Wagenaer's j ourn eys to cou rt , pp. 35-40 (same pub-
b) ication).
Addendum 205
 PHOTOGRAPHIC SOURCES

We would like to acknowledge the following for providin g pho tographs (and
our special th a nks to those who considered royalty fees ina pprop riate to a
book intended for scholars): Archives of th e ussR Academy of Sciences,
L en in grad; Bayerisch e Staatsge maldesammlung, Munich ; British Library,
Lond on; Flehite Mu seum , Amersfoort; Forschun gsb iblio thek, Gotha;
H arari & J ohns , London ; H e rmitage , L e ningrad ; Hi sto risch es Museum ,
Frankfurt-am-Main; H oflossn itz L odge, R adebeul ; J agiellon Libra ry,
Cracow; Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresd e n; Lou vre, Pa ri s; Manufacture a -
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R otterdam; Museu Nacional de Belas Artes , Rio de janeiro; Nat ional Gallery
of I reland, Dublin; ationalmuseet, Copenhagen; N ys tad (N ijstad) Oude
Kun st, The H ague; Pala is du Gouve rne m ent, Valletta, M alta; Rijksmuseum ,
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LIST OF PLAT ES
On frontispiece p. [2]: Perhaps th e first real portrait of an Amerindian by a professional
European arti st. Tapuya (Tarairiu) Indian by Albert Eckhout (crayon, 21, 8 by 16.6
em, Theat n~ 3: 27, Jagiellon Library, Cracow).
Page [6]: Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen, engraving (42.5 by 31.7 em , Rijks-
museum, Am sterdam, 38:499. By Pieter Soutman, 1647, after a painting by Gerard
van Honthorst)
Pl. 1. Historia naturalis Brasiliae, title page. Leiden hand-coloured copy. Rijks-
museum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden
Pl. 2. Historia naturalis Brasiliae, woodcuts from Marcgrafs section (Leiden copy). a.
Piratiapia (Epinephelus morio, p. 158). b. Jabiru Uabiru mycteria, p. 201) . c. Guinea pig
(Caviaporcellus, p. 224). d. Llama (Lamapacos, p. 244)
Pl. 3. Historia naturalis Brasiliae, woodcuts from Marcgrafs section (except c. from
Piso's section) (Leiden copy). a. Iamacun1, cactus (Opuntia brasiliensis, p. 126, mid-
dle). b. Acaiaiba, cashew (Anacardium occidentale, p. 95). c. Manioc (Manihot esculenta,
Pi so p. 55). d. Inimboi ( Caesalpina bonducella, p. 56)
Pl. 4. Historia naturalis Brasiliae, woodcuts from Marcgrafs section (Leiden copy). a.
Tupinamba couple (p. 270). b. Tapuya (Tarairiu) couple (p. 280). c. Chilean couple
(p. 284)
Pl. 5. Theatri, 4, title page. Watercolour, about 60 by 35.5 em. Jagiellon Library,
Cracow
Pl. 6. Theatri, 4, oil s on paper. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Lemons (30.6 by 48.1
em, p. 155). b. Iacapucaya or sapucaia, brazil nuts (Lecythis pisonis, right and
L. usitala, centre) and Costus sp., top left (45.8 by 32.5 em, p. 37)
List of plates 225
 Pl. 7. Theatn~ 4, oils on paper. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. J amacaru (Opuntia
brasiliensis, 33 .5 by 21.8 em, p. 29). b. Urucaria (Syagrus coronata, 29.1 by 19.1 em,
p. 51). c. hambuguac;:u, castor oi l (Ricinus communis, 50 .4 by 31.0 em, p. 145).
d. Mundubiguac;: u or pinhao manso Uatropha, perhaps J curcas or J urens, 51.4 by
32.1 em , p. 199)
Pl. 8. Theatn~ 1, oils on paper. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Lobsters (Macro brachi-
um carcinus)and li zard (probably Ameiva ameiva o r possibly Kentropyx sp.) (17.6 by 38.1
em, p. 323). b. Piquitinga (Lite piquitinga, size not recorded , p. 61)
Pl. 9. Theatn~ 2 (bird s) and 3 (mammals), oils on paper. Jagiellon Library, Cracow.
a. Cariama (Cariama cristata, 20.4 by 18.1 em, p. 35). b. Tuidara, owl (1jto alba
tuidara, 25 .8 by 20.1 em, p. 195). c. and d. Llamas sensu Jato (Lama pacos, 32 .5 by
21.1 em and 31.6 by 22.1 em, pp. 133, 135)
Pl. 10. Theatri, 2, oils on paper. Jagi ellon Library, Cracow. Urutauran a, hawk eagle
(Spizaetus ornatus, 29.8 by 18 .2 em, p. 201)
Pl. 11. Theatri, 1 and 3, pencil and crayon. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Ita iara or
m erou (Epinephelus (Promicrops) itajara, 21.9 by 41.0 em, p. 192). b. Tamandua guac;:u,
giant anteater (Myrmecophaga tridactyla, 26.6 by 41.0 em, p. 95)
Pl. 12. Theatn~ 3, mostly oils on paper. J agiell on Library, Cracow. a. Albino negro
(37 .9 by 23.6 em, p. 13). b. Sitting Tapuya (Tarairiu) Indi a n (crayo n , 34.2 by 20.0
em, p. 25). c. Indian with spear (28.4 by 18.0 em, p. 23). d . Ara ucan ian Ind ian
smoking pipe (31.7 by 20.2 em , p. 17)
Pl. 13 . Handbook, 1, watercolours. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Sheep (p. 84).
b. Guinea pig (p. 26). c. Roan horse (p. 36). d. Johan Maurits' pet parrot (p. 216)
Pl. 14. Handbook, 2, watercolours. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Ipeca (Scapa neus
melanoleucos, p. 103). b. Guebec;:u , sailfish (Istiophorus platypterus, p. 403). c. Piratiapia
(Epinephelus mario, p. 315). d. Enema, stag beetle (p. 419)
Pl. 15. Handbook, 2, watercolour. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Timacambire (Aech-
mea sp., p. 65). Misc. Cleyeri, crayon. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. b. Negro girl
(p. 59). Theatri, 4 , oils on paper. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. c. Ianipaba or J enipa-
po (Tocoyena selloana, 28.0 by 20.0 em, p. 109). d. Romeiro, pom egran ate (Punica
granatum, 49.4 by 32 .5 em, p. 153)
Pl. 16. Misc. Cleyen~ crayon. Jagiellon Library, Cracow. a. Nambuguac;:u, castor oil
(Ricinus communis, pp. 65 v and 66r). b. handiroba (Fevillea trilobata, p. 58 r)
Pl. 17. Leningrad copies, A series, watercolours. Archives USSR Academy of
Sciences, Leningrad. a. Mammals (African monkeys, Cercopithecus nicticans,
Erythrocebus patas; Aguti , Dasyprocta leporinus; Tamanduaguac;:u, Myrmecophaga tridacty-
la; 33 by 20 em, folio 8). b. Birds (Tangara miri, Pipra rubrocapilla; Cabiaguac;:u,
Domacobius atricapillus; Jaguac;:ati guac;:u , Chloroceryle amazona; no nam e, unidentified;
Caiic;:ic;:ica, Hydropsalis brasiliana; C aiicupoucaya, Calospizacayana, Caiicuriba, Cyanerpes
cyaneus; Guiraroba, ? H emithraupis guira; no name, not identified; Anhima, Anhima
corn uta; J abiru, Jabiru mycteria; Potiriguac;: u , Sarkidiornis melanotos; 33 by 20 em , folio
11)
Pl. 18. Leningrad copies, A series, watercolours. Archives uss R Academy of
Sciences, Leningrad. a. Fishes (Trunkfish , Lactophrys trigonus; Guapua, Antennarius
multiocellatus; Pira aca, M onacanthus varius; Guambajacuati, Chilomycterus atinga;
Man-of-war fish , Nomeus gronovii; Jetimixira, Halichoeres radiatus; Miivipira, Dactylo-
pterus volitans; 33 by 20 em, folio 21). b. Fish and crustaceans (Reriapiya, L epas hillii
and Conchoderma virgatum; Panapana, Sphyrna lewinz~· Guanhumi , Cardisoma guanhumi;
33 by 20 em, folio 17)
226 List of plates
Pl. 19. Lenin grad co pi es, B series, watercolours. Archives USSR Academy of
Sciences, Leningrad. a. Ta ibi (Didelphis marsupialis, 32 .5 by 19 em, folio 25). b. An-
hinga (Anhinga anhinga, 32 by 20 em, folio 96). c. Pirabebe (Exocoetus obtusirostris, 28.2
by 19 em, folio 67). d . Potipema (Macrobrachium carcinus), Potiguac;:u (Macrobrachium
acanthurus), Potiatinga (Palaemon pandaliformis; 32 .5 by 19.5 em, folio 145)
Pl. 20 . Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours . Kupferst ich- Kabinett, Dresden.
a. H ammerh ead shark (Sphyrna, ? S. lewini, No 2). b. Fly ing gu rn ard (Dactylopterus
sp., No 5). c. Stingray (Aetobatis narinari, No 17) . d. Cuttlefish (No 21)
Pl. 21. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours. Kupfersti ch-Kabinett, Dresden. a. Sea
horse (No 22). b. Mantis sh rimp (Squilfa obtusa, No 23). c. Acuti (Dasyproctus lepori-
nus, No 67). d. Pam pas dee r (Ozotoceros bezoarticus, o 77)
Pl. 22. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours. In Kupferstich-Kabinett , Dresden.
a. Goose b~rnacles ( Lepas hillii and one Conchoderma virgatum lower left, No 24 ). b.
In sects (including centre left the fl y Mutuca and at bottom the stag beetle Enema,
No 86)
Pl. 23. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours. In Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden.
a. Crab (Cardisoma guanhumz; To 25). b. Angola parrots (No 30)
Pl. 24. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours. In Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden.
a. Cashew nuts (Anacardium occidentale, o 56). b. Manioc roots a nd plant (Manzhot
esculenta, No 60)
Pl. 25. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours . In Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden.
a. Two-toed sloth ( Choloepus didactyl us, No 78). b. Tamandua guac;:u, g1ant anteater
(Myrmecophaga tridactyla, o 82)
Pl. 26. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours . In Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden,
a. Tupin amba man (No 93). b. Tupinamba woman (No 94)
Pl. 27 . Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours. In Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden.
a. Tapu ya m an (No 95). b. Tapuya woman (No 96)
Pl. 28. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours . In Kupfer tich-Kabinett, Dresden.
a. egro man (No 9 7). b. egro girl ( o 98)
Pl. 29. Wagener's Thier Buch, watercolours. In Kupferstich-Kabinett, Dresden.
a. M estizo man ( o 99). b. M ameluc woman (No 100)
Pl. 30. iedenthal drawi ngs. Sachsisch e Landesbiblioth ek, Dresden. a. Tamandua
guacu , giant anteater (Myrmecophaga tridactyla, Vol. 1, f. 180 upper, 10.9 by 25.0 em,
Ca 211). b. Th e sam e (Vol. 1, f. 180 lower, 11.5 by 18.0 em, Ca 211). See pp. 51, 52
Pl. 31. Niedenth al draw in gs. Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden. a. Roan horse
(Vol. 1, f. 51, 19.5 by 19.5 em, Ca 211). b. Tatu ete, nine-banded armad ill o (Dasypus
novemcinctus, Vol. 1, f. 186 upper, 15 .6 by 19.0 em, Ca 211). See p. 52
Pl. 32. Griebe collection, oils on paper. In Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden.
a. Cuacucua (Ogcocephalus longirostris, f. 207). b. Potiatinga (Panulirus echinatus, f.
208). c. Camarupi (Tarpon atlanticus, f. 205). See p. 54
Pl. 33. Hoflossnitz ceiling paintings, oi ls on canvas. At Radebeul near Dresden .
a . Iapu , campo oriole (Icterus jamacaii) . b. Guara, scarlet ibis (Eudocimus ruber)
P. 34. Hoflossnitz ceiling paintings, oils on canvas. At Radebeul near Dresd en.
a. Ara ra, scarlet macaw (Ara macao). b. J abiru Uabiru mycteria)
Pl. 35 . Schmalkalden's journal, watercolours. In Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha.
a. Llama (Lama pacos, f. 99). b. Blue and yellow macaw (Ara ararauna, f. 118). See
p. 58
List of plates 227
 Pl. 36. Schmalkalden's journal, watercolours. In Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha.
a. Tupinamba man (f. 11). b. :rupinamba woman (f. 13). See p. 60
Pl. 37. Schamlkalden's journal, watercolours. In Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha.
a, b. Chileans (ff. 68 and 69). c. Tapuya woman (f. 20). See p. 61
Pl. 38. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. Tapuya (Tarairiu) man (266 by 159 em, EN 38 A1). See p. 66
Pl. 39. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. Tapuya (Tarairiu) woman (264 by 159 em, EN 38 A2). See p. 67
Pl. 40. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. Tupinamba man (267 by 159 em, EN 38 A3). See p. 69
Pl. 41. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalm useet,
Copenhagen, Tupinamba woman (265 by 157 em, EN 38 A4). See p. 70
Pl. 42. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalm useet,
Copenhagen. Mestizo man (265 by 163 em, EN 38 A5). See p. 70
Pl. 43. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalm useet,
Copenhagen. Mameluc woman (267 by 160 em, EN 38 A6). See p. 72
Pl. 44. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalm useet,
Copenhagen. Negro man (264 by 162 em, EN 38 A7). See p. 73
Pl. 45. Eckhout portrait, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. Negro woman (267 by 178 em, E 38 A8). See p. 74
Pl. 46. Eckhout painting, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, ationalm useet,
Copenhagen. Tapuya (Ta.rairiu) dance (168 by 294 em, EN 38 B). See p. 76.
Pl. 47. Eckhout still-lifes, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. a. Fruits (EN 92). b. Manioc (EN 93). c. Vegetables (EN 94). d. Gourds
(EN 95). For identifications and measurements, see pp. 79, 80
Pl. 48. Eckhout still-lifes, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. a. Coconuts (EN 96). b. Slender gourds (EN 97). c. Gourd, fru it and
cactus (EN 98). d. Brazil nuts (EN 99). For identifications and measurements, see
pp. 80, 81
Pl. 49. Eckhout still-lifes, oils on canvas. Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet,
Copenhagen. a. Pineapple and papaya (EN 100). b. Palm inflorescence and basket
of spices (EN 101). c. Melon and mangoes (EN 102). d. Bananas and guavas (EN 103).
For identifications and measurements, see pp. 81, 82
Pl. 50. Botanical drawing in De Laet MS, pencil. Sloane MS 1554, Department of
Manuscripts, British Museum. Sabaquicaya (?Lecythis pisonis, 37.5 em, f. 46). See
p. 84
Pl. 51. Botanical drawings in De Laet MS, pencil and one ink. Sloane MS 1554,
Department of Manuscripts, British Museum. a. Nana, pineapple (Ananas comosus,
12.8 em, f. 14v). b. Jamacaru, cactus (Opuntia brasiliensis, 9.0 em, f. 59v). c. Copyba
(Tapirira guianensis, 13.1 em, f. 73v). See pp. 84, 85
Pl. 52. Locke drawings, watercolours. Sloane MS 5253, Department of
Manuscripts, British Museum. a. Tapuya (Tarairiu) man (f. 26). b. Tapuya
(Tarairiu) woman (f. 27). See p. 86
P. 53. Locke drawings, watercolours. Sloane MS 5253, Department of
Manuscripts, British Museum. a. Tupinamba man (f. 39). b. Tupinamba woman
(f. 40). See p. 86
228 List of plates
Pl. 54. Locke drawings, watercolours. Sloane MS 5253, Department of Manuscripts,
British Museum. a. Negro man (f. 31). b. Negro woman (f. 32). See p. 86
Pl. 55. Eckhout sketches of Tapuyas (Tarairius), pencil. Kupferstichkabinett,
Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, West Berlin. a. Tapuya man standing
(41.0 by 24.4 em, KdZ 24 541). b. Tapuya woman standing (33.2 by 21.6 em, KdZ
24 542). See p. 88
P l. 56. Eckhout sketches ofTapuyas (Tarairius), pencil. Kupferstichkabinett, Staats-
bibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, West Berlin. a. Tapuya woman sitting (33.2
by 21.6 em, KdZ 24 543). b. Tapuya woman sleeping (39.6 by 25.2 em, KdZ 24 544).
See p. 89
P. 57. Portraits of Indians, crayon. a. Unknown artist (28.3 by 23.0 em, OP 16893),
Hermitage, Leningrad. b. Eckhout, Tapuya (Tarairiu) Indian (37 by 25 .7 em, KdZ
24 542), Kupferstich Kabinett, Staatsbibliothek PreusSIScher Kulturbes1tz, West
Berlin. See pp. 90, 88
Pl. 58. Americque by Van Kessel, oils on copper, signed and dated 1666 (main pan-
el 48.5 by 67.5 em, No 1913). Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Mumch. See
p. 90
Pl. 59. Fighting tortoises, oils on paper (30.5 by 51.0 em, No 957) . Mauritshuis,
The Hague. See p. 94
Pl. 60. Triumph, with the treasures of East and West, oils on canvas (308 by 205
em, o 013/0135). Huis ten Bosch, The Hague. See p. 96
Pl. 61. Still-lifes with fruits and baskets, oils on panel (85 by 530 em in total,
A 4254). Flehite Museum, Amersfoort . See p. 98
Pl. 62. Schwedt pai ntings 1 and 2, oils on canvas. Formerly at Castle Schwedt an
der Oder. a. Brazilian scene. b. Oriental scene. See pp. 100, 101
Pl. 63. Schwedt pai ntings 3 and 4, oils on canvas. Formerly at Castle Schwedt an
der Oder. a. Malaysian market. b. Mughal merchant (?), etc. See pp. 101, 102
Pl. 64. Schwedt paint ings 5 and 6, oils on canvas. Formerly at Castle Schwedt an
der Oder. a. Indonesian (?) soldiers, etc. b. Oriental scene. See pp. 102, 104
Pl. 65. Schwedt paint ings 7 and 8, oils on canvas. Formerly at Castle Schwedt an der
Oder. a. Three Africans (? Hottentots). b. Greenlander, Africans, etc. See p. 104
Pl. 66 . Schwedt paintings 9 and 10, oils on canvas. Formerly at Castle Schwedt an
der Oder. a. Oriental scene. b. Chinese musicians. See pp. 105, 106
Pl. 67 . Tapestry Le cheval raye. Anciennes lndes, Grandes Indes, 2nd set, basse
lisse (GMTT 193(1), Mobilier National, Paris). See p. 123
Pl. 68. Tapestry Les deux taureaux. Anciennes lndes, Petites lndes, 6th set, haute
lisse (AFR 80.2*, T.56**, Academie de France, Rome) . Seep. 124
Pl. 69. Tapestry L'Elephant. Anciennes Indes, Grandes lndes, 2nd set, basse lisse
(GMTT 192(1), Mobilier National , Paris). See p. 126
Pl. 70. Tapestry Le chasseur indien. Anciennes lndes, Grandes lndes, 2nd set,
basse lisse (cMTT 193(3), Mobilier National, Paris). See p. 127
Pl. 71. Tapestry Le combat d 'animaux. Anciennes lndes, Petites lndes, 6th set, haute
lisse (AFR 80.9*, T.63**, Academie de France, Rome). Seep. 129
Pl. 72. Le roi porte. Anciennes lndes, Grandes Indes, 4th set, basse lisse (Palais du
Gouvernement, Valletta, Malta - copied after Krotoff, 1984, p. 42)
List of plates 229
 Pl. 73. Tapestry L'Indien a cheval. Anciennes lndes Grandes Indes 2nd set basse
lisse (GMTT 192(3), Mobilier National , Paris). See ~. 131 ' '
Pl. 74. Tapestry Les pecheurs. Petites lndes, 7th set haute lisse (cMTT 188(1),
Mobilier ational, Paris). See p. 132 ' Pl. 90. Frans Post landscapes, oils on canvas. a. Ox-cart, signed and dated 15 Au-
Pl. 75 . Tapestry cartoons, details. Mobilier National, Paris. a. L'Elephant (cos
743). b. Le chasseur indien (cos 745). See pp. 126, 127
~1. 76 . D esportes drawings 1 and 18, oil s on paper. Bibliotheque, Manufact ure Na-
twnale de Porcelaine, Sevres. a. Llamas (Lama pacos, 28.5 by 33.0 em , Port. 1, No
109). b. Cuacucua and Niqui (Ogcocephalus longirostris a nd Thalassophryne natterz; 23.0
by 31. 5 em , Port. 2, No 47). See pp. 142 , 145
~1. 77. Desportes drawings 9 and 19, oils on paper. Bibliotheque, Manufacture Na-
twnale de Po rcela in e, Sevres. a. Fat-tailed sheep, al so flamingo (27.0 by 44.0 em ,
mounted , S. 67). b. Fishes hanging, also crabs and tortoise (31.0 by 49.0 em, Port.
2, o 46). See pp. 144, 146
Pl. 78. D esportes drawings 3 and 23 , oils on paper and crayon. Bibliotheque,
Manufacture ationale de Porcelaine, Sevres. a. Birds and nine-banded armad illos
(30.0 by 50 .0 em , Port. 1, No 122). b. Cactus (Cereusjamacaru, 36.0 by 25.0 em, Port.
3, o 15). See pp. 142 , 147
Pl. 79 . M arcgrafs map of Brazil by Blaeu, 1647. Moun ted as wall-map, 101 by 160
em , or including text 123 by 214 em. Formerl y in possession of R.C. Braeken of
Utrecht . See p. 152
Pl. 80. Marcgrafs map of Brazil by Blaeu, 1647. Vi gnette on map 1 and vignette
a. See pp. 155 , 156
Pl. 81. Marcgrafs map of Brazil by Blaeu , 1647. Vignettes b, c a nd d. In vignette
c, t~ e adj acent fishing tower scene from map 2 is added at left, a part at right being
omitted. See pp. 15 7, 158
Pl. 82. Marcgraf s map of Brazil by Blaeu , 1647. Vignettes on maps 3 and 4 . See
p. 155
Pl. 83. Eckhout sketches, pencil. Misc. Cleyeri (p. 14, bottom). J agiell on Library,
Cracow
Pl. 84. Eckhout sketches, pencil, also oil s. Theatrz; 1 a nd 3 . J agi ellon Library,
Cracow. a. Standing man from rear (p. 104v). b. Negro girl (p. 21)
Pl. 85. Portraits ascribed to Eckhout , oils on canvas. a. Afr ican king with boy hold-
ing sword , 193.0 by 136.5 em. Private collection , u.s.A. b. Sold ier with gun, 118.0
by 76.2 em. Sold in 1985 by Harari & Johns, London. See pp. 172 , 177
Pl. 86. African portraits, perhaps by Becx, oils on canvas . a . African with hat
(perhaps Dom Miguel de Castro), 72 by 60 em, KMS 7, Etnografiske Samling, Na-
tionalmuseet, Copenhagen. b. African with sword , 75 by 62 em , S. ij tad Oude
Kunst B.V. , The Hague. See pp. 172, 173
Pl. 87 . African portraits, perhaps by Becx, oil s on canvas. a and b. Perhaps servants
of Dom Miguel de Castro (see pl. 86 a), 72 by 59 em , KM S 8 a nd 9, Etnografiske
Samling, ationalmuseet, Copenhagen. See p. 173.
Pl. 88. Tile panel with polychrome decor, including Eckhoutian figures; Delft,
a round 1700 (unknown workshop, 170 by 79 em, NM 124·00 - 443). Rijksmuseum,
Am sterdam. ote resemblan ce of negre s near centre to Eckhout 's Negro woman ,
pl. 45.
23 0 L ist of plates
Pl. 89. Frans Post landscapes, oil s on canvas. a. Itamaraca, signed and dated 1637 ,
63 .5 by 89.5 em. N o 915, Mauritshuis, The H ague. b. Sao Francisco river, signed
and dated 1638, 60 by 88 em . No 1727 , The Louvre, Paris
gust 1638, 61 by 88 em. No 1728, The Louvre, Pari . b. Fort Keulen, signed and
dated 28 August 1639, 60 by 86 em . No 1726, The Louvre, Paris
Pl. 91. Frans Post la ndscapes, oils on canvas . a. Porto Calvo, signed F. Corea, dated
1639, 61 by 88 em. No 172 9, The Louvre, Pari s. b. Fort Frederik, sign ed and dated
1640 , 60 by 88 em. The late ]. de Sousa-Leao
Pl. 92. Frans Post land scapes, oils on panels. a. La nd scape with tamandua-f and
palanquin , signed and dated 2 October 1649, 53 by 69 em. No 1560, Alte
Pinakothek, Munich. b. Sugar mill, signed and dated 1652, 45 by 65 em. No 153,
Mittelrheinisches Landesmuseum , Mainz
Pl. 93 . Frans Post landscape, oils on canvas, signed and dated 22 December 1652,
282.5 by 210.5 em . No A3224, Rijksmu seum , Amsterdam
Pl. 94. Frans Post, Maurit sstad and R ecife, oils on panel, signed and dated 25 Au-
gust 1657 , 46 by 83 em . Collection Dos Santos, Sao Paulo
Pl. 95. Frans Post, Tapuya (Tarairiu) Indians fighting and hunting, oils on panel,
signed and dated 1665 , 57 by 72 em . Museu ac ional de Belas Artes (Governor's
Palace), Rio de Janeiro
Pl. 96. Frans Post, landscapes, oi ls on canvas and on panel. a. Sugar mill , signed,
about 1660, 71.5 by 91.5 em. o 2116, Museum Boymans-Van Beuningen , Rotter-
dam. b. Su gar mill, signed , 49 by 62 em. No 84 7, National Gallery, Dublin
Pl. 97. Frans Post, Franciscan cloister, oils on panel, signed, 48 by 70 em. No s 427 ,
Historisches Museum, Frankfurt am Main
Pl. 98. Frans Post, plantation house with settlers, oil s on panel, signed and dated
1660 , 21.5 by 28.0 em. Art Gallery K. & V. Waterman, Amsterdam
PI. 99. Gouache cop ies of Frans Post paintings by D e Thiery, ca. 1765. Cabinet des
Estampes, Bi bliotheque Nationale, Paris. a. Itamaraca. b. Sao Francisco river. c. Fort
Keulen. d. Fort Frederik Hendrik. See p. 186
Pl. 100. Gouache copies of Frans Post paintings by De Thiery, ca. 1765. Cabinet
des Estampes, Bibliotheque ationale, Paris. a. Alagoas do Sui. b. Recife. c. Parai-
ba. d. C abo S. Agostino. See p. 186
Pl. 101. Fran s Post draw in gs. a. Sugar mill, pen and Indian ink, 14.3 by 28.2 em.
Musee Royal des Beaux Arts, Brussels; b. Mauritsstadand Recife, pencil , 17 by 29
em. The late ]. d e Sousa-Leao
VIC ETT E S
The vignettes a t the end of each chapter are taken from Piso & Marcgrave's H istoria
naturalis Brasiliae (1648).
List of plates 231
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raGlien!ibus: pifcis hie rnagnirudinem acquirit interdum novem'aut de·
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232 Plate 1. H istoria natura/is Brasiliae, title page Plate 2. VVoodcuts from Historia naturalis Brasiliae 233
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Plate 4. U0odcuts from Historia natura/is Brasiliae 235

234 Plate 3. Woodcuts from H istoria natura/is Brasiliae
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236 Plate 5. Title page from Theatrz~ 1 Plate 6. Oil paintings from Theatrz~ 1 237
c
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238 Plate 7. Oil paintings from Theatrz; 4 Plate 8. Oil paintings from Theatri, 1 239
a

c d

Plate 10. Oil painting from Theatri, 2 241

240 Plate 9. Oil paintings from Theatrz; 2 and 3
a b

242 Plate 11. Pencil and crayon drawings from Theatri, 1 and 3 Plate 12. Oils and a crayon drawing from Theatri, 3 243
 -.
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244 Plate 13. W£aterco lours from Handbook, 1 Plate 14 . W£aterco lours from Handbook, 2 245
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246 Plate 15. Watercolours, crayon and oils from H andbook 2, Misc. Cleyeri and Theatrz; 4 Plate 16. Drawings from Miscellanea Cleyeri 247
 - ·-:·..

248 Plate 17. Watercolours from L eningrad A series Plate 18. Watercolours from Leningrad A series 249
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252 Plate 21. Watercolours from Wagener 's Thier Buch Plate 22. Watercolours from Wagener's Thier Buch 253
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254 Plate 23. Watercolours from Wagener's Thier Buch Plate 24. Watercolours from Wagener's Thier Buch 255
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258 Plate 27. Watercolours from Wagener's Thier Buch Plate 28. Watercolours from Wagener's Thier Buch 259
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Plate 30. Drawings from Niedenthal's collection 261

260 Plate 29. Watercolours from M-agener's Thier Buch
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262 Plate 31. Drawings from Niedenthal 's collection Plate 32. Theatri oil paintings in Griebe collection 263
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264 Plate 33. H ojli:issnitz ceiling paintings Plate 34. H ojli:issnitz ceiling paintings 265
 a a

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266 Plate 35. Watercolours from Schmalkalden's journal Plate 36. Watercolours from Schmalkalden's journal 267
a b

268 Plate 37. Watercolours from Schmalkalden's journal Plate 38. Portrait of Ta.puya man by Eckhout, in Copenhagen 269
270 Plate 39. Portrait of Tapuya woman by E ckhout, in Copenhagen Plate 40. Portrait of Tupinamba man by Eckhout, in Copenhagen 27 1
272 Plate 42. Portrait of Mestizo man by Eckhout, in Copenhagen
273
Plate 41. Portrait of Tupinamba b E
woman ry ckhout, . C
m openhagen
274 Plate 43. Portrait of Mameluc woman by Eckhout, in Copenhagen Plate 44. Portrait of Negro man by Eckhout, in Copenhagen 275
276 Plate 45. Portrait of Negro woman by Eckhout, in Copenhagen Ptate 46. Tapuya dance by Eckhout, in Copenhagen 277
 a b

278 Plate 4 7. Still-lifes by Eckhout, in Copenhagen Plate 48. Still-lijes by Eckhout, in Copenhagen 279
 l - ..

280 Plate 49. Still-lijes by Eckhout, in Copenhagen Plate 50. Pencil drawing in De Laet MS, British Museum 281
 ;VM\A.
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282 Plate 51a. Pencil drawing in D e Laet MS., British Museum Plate 51 b. Pencil drawing in De Laet MS., British Museum 283
 ..0

284 Plate 51c. I nk drawing in D e Laet MS. , British Museum Plate 52. Watercolours from Locke volume, British Museum 285
"

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286 Plate 53. Watercolours from Locke volume, British Museum Plate 54. Watercolours from Locke volume, British Museum 287
 ' I

288 Plate 55. Eckhout sketches of Tapuyas, West Berlin Plate 56. Eckhout sketches of Tapuyas, ffist Berlin 289
 a

/
/
/

290 Plate 57. Unknown artist and Eckhout, Leningrad and West Berlin Plate 58. Americque by Van Kessel, Munich 291
I
I

292 Plate 59. Fighting tortoises in oils, Mauritshuis Plate 60. Triumph, with treasures of east and west, Huis ten Bosch 293
 a

294 Plate 61. Still-life panels, Flehite Museum Plate 62. Brazilian and Oriental scenes, Schwedt paintings 295
 b

296 Plate 6 3 . Market and Mughal merchant, Schwedt paintings Plate 64. Soldiers and Oriental scene, Schwed! paintings 297
 b

298 Plate 65. Africans and scene with Greenlander, Schwedt paintings Plate 66. Oriental scene and Chinese musicians, Schwedt painting 299
 Plate 68. L es deux taureaux tapestry, Rome
301
300 Plate 67. L e cheval raye tapestry, Paris
 Plate 70. Le chasseur indien tapestry, Paris 303
302 Plate 69. L'ELephant tapestry, Paris
 l
Plate 72. Le roi porte tapestry, Paris 305
304 Plate 71. Le combat d'animaux tapestry, Paris
 Plate 74. L es pecheurs tapestry, Paris 307
306 Plate 73. L'Indien a cheval tapestry, Paris
 b

Plate 76. Oil paintings by Desportes, Sevres 309

308 Plate 75. Details of tapestry cartoons, Paris
 a

310 Plate 77. Oil paintzngs

. by Desportes, Sevres Plate 78. Oil paintzng 311
. an d drawzng
. b"
" Desportes, Sevres
/
I

BRASILI A
qua parte paret
BELGI

312 Plate 80. The Marcgraf map of Brazil, Blaeu, 1647 a 313
/
I

BRAS ILl
quapart p
B ELG IS

...

b
313
Plate 79. The Marcgraf map of Brazil, map 1 and

312 Plate 80. The.\{arcgraf map of Brazil, Bkuu, 1647

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PLate 79. The A1arcgraf map of Brazil, map I and vi nette a 313
 a

c b

314 Plate 81. The Marcgraf map of Brazil, vignettes b, c and d Plate 82. The Marcgraf map of Brazil, vignettes on maps 3 and 4 315
 ..0

316 Plate 83. Sketches by Eckhout, Miscellanea Cleyeri Plate 81. Sketches by Eckhout, Theatri, 1 and 3 317
 .D

318 Plate 85. African king and soldier, ascribed to E ckhout Plate 86. African portraits ascribed to Becx 319
 Plate 88. Tile panel with Eckhoutian figures, Amsterdam 32 1
320 Plate 87. African portraits ascribed to Becx
 a

b
b

322 Plate 89. ltamaracd and Sao Francisco river by Post

Plate 90. Ox-cart and Fort Keulen by Post 323
 b

324 Plate 91. Porto Calvo and Fort Frederik H endrik by Post Plate 92. Landscapes with tamandua-{ and sugar mill by Post 325
 )

326 Plate 93. Landscape by Post Plate 94. Mauritsstad and Recife by Post 32 7
 b

328 Plate 95. Tapuya I ndians fighting and hunting by Post Plate 96. Sugar mills by Post 329
 Plate 98. Plantation house by Post 331
330 Plate 97. Franciscan cloister by Post
 ..0

332 Plate 99. ltamaracd, Sao Francisco river, Fort Keulen and Fort Frederik H endrik Plate 100. Alagoas do Sul, Recife, Paraiba and Cabo S. Agostino 333
 General index
Abbev ille, C. d' 199
Abin gdon , Lady 122
Academ ic, Pa r is 140
Academ ic de France, Villa Medici ,
Rome 119, 121
Academy, L eide n 112 , 126
Academy of Arts, Leningrad 90
Academy of Sciences of the ussR 44, 48, 90
Acos ta , J. d ' 199, 200, 203
Aeckh ou t, A . (see Eckhout)
Afena (Akan sword) 74; pis. 28a, 44, 54a
Afri can d elegations/envoys 65 , 74, 131, 170
African king 74 , 131 , 172 , 175, 191; pl. 85a
Afri cans 49 , 75 , 86, 97 , 99, 102 , 104, 106,
114, 120, 170, 171, 172, 173
Aix-en-P rove nce (Musee des Tapisser-
ies) 107 , 122
Akan swords (see Afena)
;\lagoas ad Austrum (do Sui) 161, 186, 187;
pl. lOOa
Albertin-D e Vries, E. 35
Albertin a Library, Vienna 29
Albino negro 52 , 70 , 114, 127 , 170, 171;
pl. 12a
Aldeia 155
Aldrova ndi, U. 199
Algem een Rijksa rchief, The Hague 65, 73,
159, 161, 173 , 179 , 195
334 Plate 101. Drawings by Post
Allard (Allart), H. 152 - 153, 154, 155, 156,
157 , 158
Alsace 177
Alte P inakothek, Munich 90 , 155
Americque (pain ting) 24, 29 , 33, 90-94,
98; pl. 58
Amerindians (Ameri can indians) 37, 43 , 49,
60, 65 , 66 , 68, 76 , 89, 100, 101, 108, 113 ,
135, 157 , 159, 170, 171, 185, 191, 194, 198,
201 , 202 , 203 ; pis. 4, 12 , 26, 27 , 36, 37,
38-41, 52 , 53, 55-57 , 62, 80, 81, 95
Amersfoort 23, 72 , 98, 163 , 166, 167, 195
(also separately indexed: Flehite Museum)
Amsterdam 20, 37 , 48 , 50, 51, 55 , 59 , 62,
87 , 88, 151 , 153, 175 , 181 (also separately
indexed : Archief Hervormde Gemeente,
Gemeente Archi ef, Nederlands Sch eep-
vaart Museum, Nieuwe Kerk, Rijkspren-
tenkabinet, Rijksmuseum)
Anatomy Theatre, Leiden 25 , 95 , 11 2
Anchi eta, J. 197 , 200
Ancienn es lndes (tapestries) 107, 109, 118,
120, 123 , 136, 139, 143, 147 , 148; pis. 67,
68, 69 , 70 , 71 , 72 , 73 , 74
Angivilliers Comte C. d' 141, 149
Angola 21, 75 , 86, 165 , 195
Anklets (see bangl e )
Antiles 176
General I ndex 335
 Antonio Vaz (island) 78, 179, 182
Antwerp 90, 93 , 194 135, 152, 155, 156, 157 , 158, 191; pi s. 26b, Bibliotheca Apostoli ca Vaticana 160 Brongniart, A. 141
Apollo (painting) 98 27b, 36a, 37b, 39, 41 , 52b, 53 b, 61, 62, 80 Bibliotheka JagiellOI1ska, Cracow 32, 35 Brosterhuizen, J. van 154, 185
Araucanian 63 , 171; pl. 12d Baske twork 125 , 189 Bibliotheque Ce ntrale, Pari~ 43 Brouwer, H. 59, 62, 113, 164 92
Archie[ H ervormde Gemeente, Amster- Basle 19, 38 Bibliotheque Nationale, Pa_~Is 186. Brownover (Brou nover), S. 87, 88,
dam 195 Baslers tab (watermark) 38 Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve, Pans 186 Brunet, M. 141
Architecture 95, 141 , 186, 190, 193, 194 Basse li sse 118 (and espec iall y throughout Blaeu, J. 151 Bruno, H . 31
Archives of th e Academy of Scie nces, Lenin- tapestr y chapter, pp. 10 7 -140) Blaeu W.J. 48, 49 Bru ttig a.d. Mosel (Schloss) 57
grad 22, 32, 44, 48 Batavia 64 Blaeu' map 60, 63, 151- 156, 158, 160, 161; Bry, Th. de 201, 202
Archives ationa le , Pa ri s 110, 115 , 141 Batiments et Manu factures (see A ngiviller) pis. 79 , 80, 81, 82 Burgkmair, H. 201
Arebola, F. 120 Batimcnt s du Roi, Gobelin s, Pa ris 110, 138 Blum enbach , J. 58 Burgundy 180 2
Argentin a 119, 120 Ba tista, J. 202 Boa Vi sta (palace) 20, 60, 64, 78, 109 , 171, Bu stle (featherwo rk) 67; pis. 27a, 38, 5 a
Bay of All Saints 160
Armband s (see also bracelets) 100, 191
Armoury Palace. Krem lin , M oscow 137 Baye ri ches Nationalmu eum , Mu nich 69 Bo~~l5 Nij enhuis collection, Leiden 153
Cab inet des Estampes, BI·bl.lOt h'eque Nat ion-
ale, Paris 186
Arms of Austri a 41 Baye rische Staatsb ibliothek, Munic h 44 Bodleian Libra ry, Oxford 87, 88
C abo S. Agostinho 131, 186; pl. 100d
Arm s of capta in cie 154, 156 Baye ri sche Staatsgcmiild esamml unge n, Boel , P. 150
Munich 33, 90 Cabral, A. 11 , 197
Arm of France 122 , 138 Bogaert , J. 179
Cachimbos 156
Arms of Stadholder 156 · Beatri ce von Wattenwyl-Ha us, Berne 121 , Bogaert, S. 179
132 Caen 20
Arrow 60, 69, 86, 120, 128, 131, 132, 133, Bolas 92
Beau va is 132 Calabria, M. 51, 53, 5?
134, 137 , 156, 157, 159 , 170, 171 , 191 ; Bom, H .G. 160
Camera Iucida 197
pi . 26a, 36a, 40, 53a, 70, 72, 74, 80 Beauvea u, L. de, Comte d 'Es pence 110 Bonnem er 115, 118
· h p V de 197
Arrowheads 69, 100, 134, 156; pl. 40 Becx, J. 65 , 168, 173, 174; pi s. 86, 87 Borgian a 201 Camm a, · · 97 98 99, 163,
Bee r, E.S. de 87 Campen, J. van 75, 96 , , ,
Aru a ks 125 Botacudo ind ians 174
Behagle, P. 136 166, 175, 178, 195
Arx Arch yn 184 Botani cal garden (Recife) 20, 131
Canary Islands 159
Asa nte 74 Belin de Fontenay, J.-B. 115, 140, 141, 150 Botani cal In st itute, Copenhagen 83
Cann ibals(- ism) 86, 87, 114, 157, 178;
Ashmolean Mu seum , Oxfo rd 122, 129 Bellen , j.H . 54 Bothe, C . 50 39 pis. 27b, 36b, 39, 52b
Assembl e lationale, Pa ris 120, 125, 133 B lo Hori zontc 183 Bouret, M . (Ferm ier Generale) 119, 121 , 1
Canoes 158, 191
Astronomical ob ervato ry (R ecife) 20 Benedi ct in e m onasteries, Beuro n, Gri.is- Bow (mu sical) 156
sau 34 Cape Blanc 84
Astronomy 21 , 159 B 60 69 86 101 120, 128, 131, 134,
Atlases 63 , 151, 152, 160, 195 Berch em , H. va n 160 o~;O 15,6, 1S7, ,159, '170 , 171, 191; pis. 26a, Cape Carnoro 84
Cape of Good Hope 42 , 48 , 50, 64, 174
Atlatls (see speanhrowers) Bergen ( orway) 69, 105 36a: 40 , 53 a, 70, 72 , 74, 80
Captaincies of Brazil 153, 154, 156, 159
Audran , C. 116, 140, 150 Bergendael 79, 111 Bowman 101, 118, 133, 13 7
Cardim , F. 198, 202
Aug burg 74 Berg! , J. 139 Bracelets (see a lso a rmbands) 68, 73, 75,
Carli , A. 40
Aurora (painting) 98, 126 Berlin 23, 24, 28, 38, 42 , 45 , 46, 51, 68, 76 , 77, 89, 100, 191
Carm o Convent, Olinda 183
Austria 41, 138 89, 99 , 101 , 108, 114, 119, 122, 166, 168, Braeken , R .C. 152
Auwaarts, P. 195 169, 181 (also separately indexed: Berliner Brahe, T. 159 Carolinas 176 159 160
Cartographers, cartography 12 , ' '
Aviary 187 Meublenkamm er, Charlottenburg, Colin, Brahmins 92
161 195, 202
Axim 74, 165 D eutsche Staa tsbiblioth ek, Electo r's li- Bram er, L. 96 c , 23 25 33 46, 77, 95, 96, 97,
Babin, M. 122
brary, French Embassy, Garde M eubl e, Brand mark 75, 86 a~~~~~lS 121, {23 , '124, 125, 127 , 128, 129,
Handscheiftenabteilun gen, Koningli che Brandao, A.F. 198, !99 130, 132,- 140, 142-150, 165 , 174, 175 , 177 ,
Baco ngo (see baskets) Bibliothek, Kupfersti chkab in et, Ministry of Brandt, J.F. 44
Baerle, C. van (see Bar!aeus) Agriculture, Museum fur Vo!kerkunde, Braquenie, H. 120 H d- 203(; pl.) 75119 124 125 135 , 155 , 181, 182 ,
Bag (featherwork) 128; pis. 70, 75 Brasilianische Natur-Gegenstiinde (see also an Carts ox- ' ' '
Orani enburg, Preussische Staatsb iblioth ek, 187, 190; pl. 90a
Bahia 164, 197, 198, 202 Prussian Secret Archi ves, Staatliche Schlos- books) 40
Bailly, N. 172, 176, 182 Castro, M. de 173
ser unci Garten , Staatsbibliothek Preussi- Brazil m ap (see also maps) 151-161
Bangl es 75, 100, 127 Cavalry engagement 183
scher Kulturbesitz, Zoologisches Museum) Bremen (Kunsthalle) 163
Baratta, L. 65, 79 Ceara 152
Berliner Meublenkammer 109 Breugh el, P. 94
Barbosa, j.O. 185 Ceara M irim river 160 .
Bernaerts, N. 140, 141, 148, 150 Breyne, Ja. 87
Ba rlaeus, C. 25, 30, 184 C hamber of Zeeland , West India Comp-
Berne, Switzerland 121, 124, 132, 133 Breyne, Jo. 87 , 88
Bar!aeus maps 152, 154, 155, 156, 158, 161 any 173, 174
Betzko Collect ion, Academy of Arts, Len in- Breyne J.P. 37, 87
Baskets (Bacongo) 24, 66, 75 , 97 , 98 , 99, grad 90 , . 82 190 C hantill y (chateau) 122
Bridge (Recife) 180, 1 , 77 83 85 C hapels 126, 155
127, 133, 134, 137, 175; pis. 28b, 45, 54a, Beuron (monastery) 34 British Library, London 23, 33, ' , ,
60, 69, 74 Bex (sec Bccx) C harles II (of England) 95, 151
86, 151, 153 184 185 Charles V (of D enmark) 79
Baskets (Brazilian) 60, 62 , 68, 70, 72 , 81 , Bialostock i, J. 35 British Museum , London 33, 151, , ,
Charleton (or Courten), W. 83, 87, 88
86, 92 , 99 , 100, 101 , 120, 125, 131, 134, Biblijoteka Rj ali ta' Malta 119 190, 202

336 General Index

Genera/Index 337
 Charlottenburg, Berlin (Schloss) 106, 172 ,
182
Chaville (chateau) 182
Chile 58, 59, 61 , 63, 113 , 114, 164, 165
Ch ileans 29, 58, 61 , 62, 63 , 113 , 118, 120,
132 , 164, 165, 170, 171; pis. 4c, 37a,b
Chile expedition 59, 63, 64, 113 , 164, 165
China, Chinese 50, 64, 94, 99, 104, 106, 172;
pis. 64b, 66b
Christian III (of Denmark) 19
Christian IV (of Denmark) 105
Christi a n VII (of D enmark) 138
Christiansborg Castle 65 , 172 , 189
Church e 153 , 190
Chusted , J. 44
Claes, ]. 17 5
Cleves 11, 20, 25 , 62 , 65, 79 , 87 , 95 , 108,
134, 167 , 173, 182, 194 (also separately in-
dexed: Bergendael , Freud enberg, Prinzen-
hof, Schwa nenburg, Sonnenburg)
Cleyer, A. 42
Clothe (costumes) 61, 64, 67 , 68, 69, 70 ,
71 , 73, 74, 76 , 97 , 113 , 128, 131, 132 , 134,
135, 158, 159, 172 , 17 3, 174, 17i , 189, 190,
191
Clubs 61 , 67 , 68 , 75, 76 , 88, 100, 128, 135 ,
156, 158, 191; pi s. 27 a, 38, 46 , 52 a, 62 , 70
Clusiu (De l'Ecluse), C. 199
Coastal profil es 84
C oats of arms 110, 111 , 154, 156, 159
Colin , Berlin 38, 52
C oen (C oin, Koin), C olonel H . 74, 165 , 183
C ohen, ]. 62 , 76, 95 , 110, 111, 112 , 113 , 115,
168, 175, 176, 180, 182
C oin (see Coen)
Colbert, J.B. 110
Collegium Mauritianum , Kassel 19
C olloredo, Count 138, 139
Comb (Tapuya) 100
Comm ersteijn, T. 160
Compiegne (Musee) 142 , 145
Comtes des Ba timents, Manufacture des
Gobelins, Paris 11 5
C ongo 75
Congo embassi es/envoys 65, 165
C ongolese baskets 24, 66, 75 , 97, 98 , 99 ,
127 , 133, 134, 137 , 175
Coninxloo, P. 195
Conyers, ]. 202
Cook, Captain J , 40, 200 , 202
Copenhagen 23, 28, 33 , 43 , 49 , 57 , 60, 65 ,
67 , 68 , 69 , 74, 75, 76, 77 , 79 , 82 , 83 , 84,
85, 86, 88, 89, 92 , 93, 94, 95 , 96, 97, 100,
106, 107 , 114, 117, 118 , 126, 135, 148, 150,
162, 164, 165 , 167 , 168, 169, 170, 171 , 173 , Desportes, C.-F. (son) 115, 140, 141 , 149 , 150 Elector of Brandenburg (see Friedrich Wil-
174, 17i, 178, 188, 189, 192, 195, 203, 204 Desportes, F. 33 , 94, 115, 116, 117 , 124, 125, hem)
(also separatel y indexed: Botanical In sti- 138-1 50, 169; pis. 76, 77, 78 Elector of Saxony (see J ohann Georg I and
tute, Christia nsborg Castle, E tnografisk Desportes, N. (nephew) 141 , 150 II )
Samling, Fred eriksborg Castle, Kongeli ge Elector's library; Berlin 34, 52
Deutsche Staatsb ibliothek, Berlin 34, 52,
Bibliothek, Nationalmuseet, Rosenbo rg Elisabeth of Bohem ia 20
151
Castle, (Royal) Kunstkammer, Royal Elmina (El Mina, S. Jorge del Mina) 74,
Deutsches Zentral Archiv, Merseburg 108
Museum of Fine Arts, Yah! Collection) 165, 172 , 179
De Vicq , F. 31
Cordoba Province, Argentina 120 Diemen, A. van 50 Elsevier (publi shers) 29, 37
Coreo, F. 181 Embassies (Congo) 65, 74, 165, 173
Dietz 182
Cornu copia (on Braz il map) 153 Empfrio (fazenda) 83
Dillenburg (family seat) 19, 184
Costum e, see cl oth es Empress of Austria (Maria Theresa) 138
Drainage pipes 112
Cotan , S. 17i Engelbrecht, W.A. 185
Drake, F. 202
Envoys (Co ngo) (see embassies)
Count Schonborn-Bu chheim Gall ery, Vien- Dresden 22, 23, 43, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53 , 55,
na 180 Equestrian battle 184
57 ' 58, 65, 72, 78 , 89, 98 , 105, 106, 107'
Count of Sonh o 131, 173, 174, 175 113, 134, 135, 166, 167 , 169 , 174, 176, 178 Erlangen ( i.irnberg) 53
Courbevoi e 122 Escorial, El 180, 202
(al so separately indexed: H auptstaatsar-
Courten (see Ch arl eton) chi v, Kupferst ich-Kabinett, Sachsische Espiritu Santo 183
Cousin , ]. 200 La ndesbibliothek, Staatsarchiv) Etnografisk Samling, Nationalmuseet , Copen-
Cozette 138 hage n 65, 104, 173
Drum s (musical) 102 , 106, 156; pl. 63b
Evreux, Y. d ' 199
Cracow 22 , 23, 24, 28, 32, 33, 35, 44, 46, Duck, ]. 152
49 , 51 , 58, 65, n , 106, 113, 123, 126, 129 , Eyckaut , Eyckhout (see Eckhout)
Di.irer, A. 29, 64, 94, 119, 12 3, 201
136, 176, 177 (also separately indexed: Duke of Congo 131 Falcao, E. de C. 43 , 48, 50
J agi ellon Libra ry) Durr, G . 57 Fanti , Ghana 74
Cristovao de Li sboa, F r. 199, 200, 201 Du M etz, G. 111, 112 , 115, 182 Farm buildings 155, 190
Cunha, S. Ferreira d a 71 Dupui s 110
Fazenda Empfrio 83
Dutch clay pipe 75, 135, 176, 178 Feasting (Tapuyas, Tupinambas) 159, 191
D a gelijkse Notulen (see Algemee n Rijks- Dutch East Ind ia Co mpany 50, 54, 64 Featherwork 67, 92, 100, 101, 128 , 134, 135 ,
archief) Dutch West Ind ia Company 11, 20, 21 , 27, 157 , 191
Daggers 71 , 156, 173; pis. 29a, 42 48 , 160, 173 Fernandez de Encisco 199
D a nce, dancers, d ancin g (see also tapuya
Eagle (heraldic) 38 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, G. 199 , 200,
dance) 66 , 157, 159, 175
Ear-plu g 76, 101 , 134 201, 202, 203
Danish East Indi a Company 165
Earrings 62, 73, 75, 127, 131, 191; pi s. 43, Ferrez, G. 186
Dankerts, ]. (m a p) 185 Festoons 154, 155, 156, 157
D a nnel, D. 104 45
East Ind ians 102 Fishing craft, see jangada
D a nzig 51 Fishermen 75, 114, 120 , 132, 133 , 134, 137,
Dauphin (of Fra nce) 11 0, 112 Eberstein , Graf von 57
Eckhart, E. 55 153 , 158
D ecima, Japan 42 Fishing (watch)tower 152, 154, 158
D e Ia Cro ix 119, 126, 137 Eckhou t, A. (also Aeckhout, van den ~ -:: k­
hout, Eeckhout, Eyckaut, Eijckhout) Flehite Museum, Amersfoort 33, 75 , 98, 99,
D e Ia Tour 119, 125 134, 163, 168 , 175; pl. 61
throu ghout, but see especiall y pp. 162 - 178;
D elft 25 , 88, 96 , 108 Flem ish painters 150
pis. 38, 39, 40 , 41, 42 , 43, 44, 45 , 46, 47,
D e medicina Brasiliensi (Pi so) 27
48 , 49, 55, 56, 57 b, 59, 60, 61, 83, 84, ?85 Flensburg 105
D enis, F. 186
Eckhou t, A. (father) 163 Fletcher, F. 202
D epartement des objets d 'art, Louvre, Fontainebleau 138, 180
Paris 129 Eckhout, A. (son) 166, 167
Eckhout , Anna L. (daughter) 167 Formosa 61, 64
D epartm ent of Botany, O xford 83 Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha 33, 58
D epartm ent of Oriental M anu sc ripts 85 Eckhout, Annetgen]. (wife) 166
Eckhout , Antonio van den (pai nter) 163 Forster, G . 40
D epartment of Prints and Drawings, British Forster, JR. 40
Museum, London 184, 202 Eckhout , G eertruyd (daughter) 166, 167
Eckhout , G. van den (painter) 163 Fort Frederik H endrik 90 , 112 , 182, 183,
D esceliers, P. 201
Eckhout , Maria M. (daughter) 166, 167 186; pis. 91b, 99d
Descerpz, F. 64
Eckolt , R. (pastor) 163 Fort Keulen (Ceulen) 90, 182, 185, 186, 191;
Description des Tableaux . . 111 , 112, 113 , 114,
Eeghen, l.H. van 151 pis. 90b, 99c
115, 118, 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 131, 132,
Ehrenberg, C.G. 44 Fort Maurits 128, 135 , 148, 164, 179, 181,
134, 135, 142, 143 , 145, 149, 174 186, 189

338 General Index General l ndex 339

 Forts (unspecified) 90, 160, 181 Gold we igh ts 24 , 93 H a nd schriftenab teilung, Preuss ische Staats- H radca nech Pa lace, Prague 138
Fox-Maule, A. 79 Golijath , C.B. 160, 161 , 195 Humboldt , F.H.A. vo n 78 , 168
bibli othck, Be rlin 44
Francart, J. II 110 Goltzius , H . 94 H a nff, M. 108, 115, 123, 125, 126, 127, 129, Hui s ten Bosch, Th e H ague 33 , 57 , 75 , 96,
Franciscan cloister (at Igarac;:u) 112 , 188, 190 Gondreville, P. 160 130, 131, 133, 134 97' 98, 11 3, 126, 131, 134, 163, 166, 168 ,
Francken, F. 128 Gong (gamelan) 24, 93; pl. 58 175, 178
Harari & Joh ns, London 177
Fran z, E. 29 Gotha 23 , 33, 58, 64, 107 Hunters, huntin g scenes 38, 120, 128, 134,
H arness (tack) 113 , 132 , 190
Frederik III (of Denmark) 19 , 25 , 65 , 79 , Gottorfische Kunst-Kammer 29, 67 H artmann , G. 101 141, 157, 167, 191
95 , 104, 165 , 167 , 171 , 174, 195 Gottorp (Sch loss) 29, 105 Hats (beehive- ) 75, 77, 127, 131, 135, 158, Huntin gto n Library 201
Frederik H endrik (Prin ce of Orange) 20, Gottwald, C. 51 159, 171 , 173, 174; pl. 72 Hu ygens, C h. 154, 184
96 , 154, 180 Gou rd rattle 155 H ats(? J avanese) 75, 127; pis. 28b, 45, 54a, Hu yge ns, Co. 31, 98
Frederiksborg Castle 105 Gouvea, R . Magalhaes 183 69
French Embassy, Berlin 122 leones plan/arum (Carli ) 40
Gra ndes Indes (tapestry series) 118, 119, 120, Hauff (see Hanff) Iconography 13, 19, 22 , 23, 24, 32, 44, 63 ,
Frescoes 24, 25 , 33, 96, 174 121, 123, 12 5, 126, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, H auptstaatsarchiv, Dre den 166
Freudenberg 25 , 95 94, 106, 107 , 11 3, 123, 154, 159, 185 , 186
136, 142-150 H aute lissc 118 (and especially throughout
Friedenstein (Schloss) 58 Idstein er Schloss(garten) 195
Grand M aste r (Knights of St. John) 95, 119 tapestry chapter, pp. 107 - 140)
fri edrich V (of Bohem ia) 20 lguarac;:u (Igarac;:u) 159, 188, 190
Grand master's Palace, Valetta, Malta 116, H aven, S. 105
Fri edri ch Wilhelm (Elector of Branden- llli ge r, C . 41 , 43
119 H eadd ress 67, 92 , 100, 101 , 134, 172;
burg) 19, 25 , 28 , 34, 37, 38, 45, 46, 52 , Imperial Tapestry Factory, St. Peters-
Grand Trianon , Versailles 150 pi s. 27a, 38, 46 , 52a, 62 , 74
65, 73, 88, 91 , 95 , 108, 109, 110, 111 , 113, burg 119, 136, 138
G raswinkel, T. 31 H ein s(ius), N . 31
115 , 134, 151 , 165 , 174, 179 , 181, 195; pi ; 5 ln cendi a M ola rum (Barl aeus) 181
Great Elector (see Friedrich Wilhelm) H eldri ng, J.C. H. 94 Tndex nominum plan/arum universalis (M ent-
Friedrichsroda (near Gotha) 59 Great Elector (atlas) 151 H enderson , C olonel J ames 165
Fri esland 20, 173 zel) 29
Grebber, P. de 97 H ennin , J. van 62, 96 Indi ans (see Amerindians)
Fursrenstein , Silesia (Schloss) 34 Greenland, Greenlanders 99, 104, 105 , 106; H enry II (of France) 201
Furley, B. 87 Indonesia 55 , 61 , 71
pl. 65b H erbarium (Marcgraf) 28 , 66 , 83, 85 Institut Fran c;:ais de Restaura tion des Oeuvres
Furn iture (Brazilian ivory) 25, 73 , 195 Griebe, G.H. (son) 53 H erckmans, E. 59, 156, 164
Fyt, J. 141 , 150 d 'A rt , Pa ri s 116
Griebe, J.W. 22, 32, 51-55, 124, 146, 170; H ermitage, Len ingrad 23, 33, 90, 120, 137 , In stituto Arqueol6gico Pernambucano,
Galerie Chevalier, Courbevo ie 122 pl. 32 176 Recife 160
Galerie ationale de Ia Tapisserie, Beau- Gronin gen 20, 72, 163, 165, 166, 167, 169, H ernandez, F. 83, 199, 200, 202, 203 In st ituto Hi sto rico, Ri o de J aneiro 79
vais 132 173 Highcliffe Castle 122 Interio r sce nes 189
Galilean telescope 192, 193 Grote K erk, H aarlem 179 Histoire naturelle des poissons 43 Inventaire General des Meubles ... (Du M etz)
Galileo Galilei 193 Grussau (Krzesz6w) 34, 35 Historia animalium (Gessner) 64, 201 111-115, 182 (see also L'inventaire of Yvart)
Gamelan (gongs) 24, 93; pl. 58 Grzeszczuk , S. 35 Historia l ndiae (Pi so) 46 Inverted telescope 192
Gandavo, P.M. de 198, 200, 201 Gsell , G. 48 Historia natural is Uonston) 29 Itamaraca (I. Tamarica) 11 2, 125 , 152, 153,
Garcia II Alfonso (Kin g of Congo) 172 Guanabara Bay (Rio de Janeiro) 198 Historia naturalis Brasiliae throu ghout , but see 154, 155, 158, 160, 175 , 179, 181 , 185, 186,
Garde Meuble, Paris 119 Gucht , M. van d er 10 7, 108, 109, 110, 111 , especially pp. 27 -31; pis. 1, 2, 3, 4 190; pis. 89a, 99a
Gardien, J. 200, 202 134, 175 Historia piscium (Willu ghby) 29 Ttinerario (L in schoten) 92
Garsault 74 Guinea 73 , 165 H istoria rerum naturalium Brasiliae (Marc- Ivo ry furniture 25, 73 , 195
G emeente Archief, Amsterdam 151 , 195 Guitars 156 grave) 27
G emee nte Archief, Leiden 164 Guns 70, 71, 72, 156, 157, 177; pis. 29a, 42 , Hoflossnitz (Lodge) , R adebe ul 22, 23, 32, J agiellon Libra ry, C racow 32, 35
G eneva 19 85b 53, 55-58, 65 , 75, 78, 98 , 100, 106, 117 ' J agua ribe ri ve r 198
Gerrits, H. 195 123, 126, 136, 144 , 162 , 167, 168 , 174, 178; J akarta 64
Haak, F. 37 James I (of England) 20 .
Gessner, C. 61 , 63 , 64, 199, 200, 201 pi s. 33, 34
H aa rl em 25 , 87 , 179, 182 J angadas (Brazilia n li shm g craft) 52, 113,
Ghana, Ghanaian sword 66 , 73, 74, 75, 165 , H olstein -Gottorp, F. 105
H a in tzel, J.A. 74 131 , 158, 191; pis. 72 , 100b
172 ; pi s. 28a, 44, 54a H olstein-Sonderburg, M . vo n 19
H aklu yt, R. 199 J ans 119, 122, 125 , 138
G ien 142 Holthui s, L.B. 123, 124, 128, 131
H amb urg 65 , 79 J apan, J a panese 50, 55, 61, 64, 101 "
Gifts (to Elector, Louis X IV, etc.) 25 , Hon selersdijk (castle) 179
Hammocks (hamaak, Han gmatte, hang- J apanese armo ur and arms 93; pl. :J8
33-34, 65 , 109-113, 194 H oogerhuis, H et 98, 99
mat) 60, 70, 11 2, 113, 117 , 119, 125, 131, Jaqu a ric;:a river 198
Gi lli s, J. 93 Hooghe, R. de 105, 106, 107
135 , 147 , 158
Gmel in, J.F. 43 H orkel, J. 36, 44, 45, 46, 54 J ard in des Pl antes 148
Handbooks throughout, but see especiall y Java, J ava nese 50, 75, 101
Gobel in s, Paris (tapest ri es) 12, 23, 25 , 46, H orsemen 113, 118, 120, 131, 132 , 152, 153,
pp. 40-42; pi s. 13, 14, 15a J ava nese gamelan 24, 93
97, 107, 109, 110, 111 , 112 , 115, 11 7, 118, 155 , 17 5, 182, 190; pl. 99a .
H andschriftenabtei lung, Baye rische Staatsbib- J avelin s 156
119, 122, 123, 124, 133, 136, 140, 150 H otel du Cont role general des Fmances 138
li othek, Munich 44 J ewell ery 73, 75; pl. 43
Godthaab Fjord, Greenland 104 Hottentots 96, 104, 174; pl. 65a
H andsc hriftenabtei lun g, Deutsche Staatsbib- Joao IV (of Portu gal) 160 , 164
. Goeteris, M. 51 Hou asse, R.-A. 115, 118
li othek , Berlin 52

340 General Index General Tndex 34 1

 Johan Maurits of Nassa u-Si egen (also
Montz) throughout, biographical informa-
tion pp. 19- 26; pl. page 6
Joh a nn Georg I, Elector of Saxo ny 56
Johann G eo rg II, Elector of Saxony 55, 57 ,
65, 77, 134, 164, 166, 167
Joh a nn of Nassau 194
Johann der Mittlere of assau 19
J ohn III (of Poland) 140
Jol , Admiral Cornelis 165, 195
Jon ghe, C. de 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158,
188
J oseph II (of Au st ri a) 138
Jupa ra tibu r; u 161
Kassel 19, 20 , 42
Kasteel ed erh emert 183
Kepl er, J. 193
Keplerian telescope 193
Kessel, J. van 24, 29, 33, 66 , 67, 90-94,
96, 98 , 100, 102, 125, 130, 162; pl. 58
King of Congo 172
Kirchberger, A.G. 59
Kirchberger, S.C. (daughter) 59
Klein , J.T. 53
Kl enck(e) (atlas) 63, 151
Kloster Melk 33, 139
Kni ghts of StJohn 95, 119
Kn obkerri es 156; pl. 80
Konigli che Bibliothek, Berlin 40, 51
Kon igs berg 108
Ko ngelige Bibliothek, Copenhagen 28
Koninklijke Biblioth eek, Th e Hague 95
Ko ninklijk Hui sa rchief, The H ague 79, 95,
108, 109, 110, 111, 164, 175
Krem lin , M oscow 137
Krzesz6w (see Gri.i ssau)
Kun sthall e, Bremen 163
Kun stkammer (Royal- ), Copenhagen 65, 66,
68, 104, 171, 172, 17 3, 195
Kunst kam mer, Gotrorp 67, 105
Kun stka mm ern 93
Kupferst ich-Ka binet t, Dresden 22 32 48
50, 51 , 53 ' ' '
Kupferst ichkabin ett, Staatsbibli oth ek Preus-
sicher Kuiturbes itz 88
Kwa n-li period vase ~8; pl. 60
La Chapelle Besse 110
Laet, J. de 27, 28 , 36, 37, 60, 63 , 66, 83 ,
85, 91 , 103, 169, 189, 198, 199, 200;
pis. 50, 51
Lago tt , J. (Le Gott) 202
Lances 70 , 74, 100, 101, 156, 157, 191
La ndscapes 21, 23, 33, 56, 57 , 69 , 70 , 90 ,
93, 111 , 112, 135, 142 , 149, 157, 163, 167,
174, 175, 177, 179, 180 182 184 192 193
204 ' ' ' '
La negrese portee (tapestry) 139, 143 , 148,
150
Lange, J. de 110
Larsen, E. 192 , 193
L'art de perruquir (Garsault) 74
Later, A. de 195
Latijnsche school, H aarlem 179
Laudonnieres, R. de 201
Lebitsch, J. 23 , 32, 33, 51, 53
Le Blond 119, 138
Le cham eau (tapestry) 138, 139
Le chasse ur indi en (tapestry) 67, 102, 104,
114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123,
124, 127, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 145 , 146,
147 , 148, 188, 189; pl. 70
Le cheval isabelle (see L'Elephant)
Le cheval pommele (see L'Indien a cheval)
Le cheval raye (tapestry) 71 , 72, 102, 116,
117 ' 119, 121, 122, 123, 13 3, 136, 138, 139,
143, 144, 146, 147 , 148, 187; pl. 67
Lecl ercq , A. 122
Le combat d'animaux (tapestry) 69, 80, 102,
116, 117, 120, 121 , 122 , 123 , 129, 137, 138,
139, 142 , 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149;
pl. 71
Lefebvre 119, 125, 138
Leid en 20 , 21 , 25, 29 , 37, 87, 88 (also
separa tely ind exed: Academy, Anatomy
Th eat re, Bode! Nijenhuis collection,
G emeente Archief, Leiden University,
RIJksmu se um van Natuurlijke Historie,
Universiteits Bibliotheek)
Leiden University 20, 21
Leiden University library (see Un iversiteits
Bibliotheek)
Leissa, D.R. de 180
LEl eph a nt (tapestry) 75, 80, 81, 82, 97, 99,
114, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 126, 134,
135 , 137, 139, 144, 148, 150; pl. 69
Le Moyne de Morges, J. 201, 202
Leningrad 24, 44, 46 , 54, 56, 68, 90, 98,
103, 107, 120, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 134
136, 137, 146 (also separately indexed:
Academy of Arts, Academy of Sciences,
Archives of the Academy of Sciences,
Betzko Collection, H erm itage, Imperial
Tapes try Factory, Ru ssian Museum, Zoo-
logical Institute)
Lenin grad pictures 44 - 48; pis. 17 - 19
Le roi porte (tapestry) 97, 102, 114, 116, 117,
120, 12 2, 123, 125 , 129, 135, 136, 138, 139,
143, 144, 145, 146, 147 , 148, 150, 191 ;
pl. 72
' Les deux taurea ux (tapestry) 72 , 91 , 114,
116, 11 7' 119, 120, 121, 122, 12 3, 124, 131,
133, 135, 139, 145 , 148, 191; pl. 68
Les pecheurs (tapes try) 68 , 75, 97 , 99, 114,
116, 120, 121, 122, 125, 132, 135, 137' 139,
143, 144, 145, 148, 189; pl. 74
Les taureaux (tapes try) 139
Le Telli er, M., Marquis de Lou vo is 110
Libra ry of Congress, Washington 28
L ibri picturati (also Theatrz~ Handbooks, Miscel-
lanea Cleyeri) throughout, but see especiall y
pp. 33-44
Li chtenstein, M. H .K. 30, 36, 40, 41 , 43
Liebstadt 21
Lindenov of Li ndersvold , C . 65, 66, 165
L'Indien a cheval (tapestry) 63 , 113, 116, 117,
118, 120-12 2, 131 , 136, 139, 142 , 148; pl. 73
Linnaeu s, C . 21, 24, 27 , 28, 30, 43, 85
Linn ean Society, London 30
L'inventaire general . peinture . (Yvart) 11 5
(see also lnventaire of Du M etz)
Lip plu g 67, 174
Li sbon 120, 172
Locke, J. (drawings) 66, 67 , 69, 70 , 72 , 73 ,
74 , 77, 85, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 96, 100, 170,
184; pis. 52, 53, 54
London 51, 87, 138, 177, 180 (also separate-
ly indexed: British Library, British Mu-
seum , Department of Oriental Manu-
scripts , Department of Prints and
Drawings, Linnean Society, Victoria and
Albert Museum)
Lorraine 177
Lothrop, S. 201
Loui s XIV (of France) 25, 31, 33, 95, 109,
110, 111, 112, 115, 118, 135, 141, 145, 149,
168 , 172 , 174, 17 5, 176, 179, 182, 184, 194,
203
Louise Henriette (of Brandenburg) 38
Louvre, Paris 110, 113 , 122 , 125, 128, 129,
133, 134, 135, 139, 141 , 142 , 181, 182 , 186
Lu anda, S. Paulo de (Loanda) 75 , 165, 179,
184, 195
Lutzen, N.A. 79
M achioppe (near Iguarar; u) 159
M adrid 71, 93, 198
M aire, J. le 79
M aison de Ia Chasse et de Ia Nature,
Paris 142, 143
Malays 99, 101, 104
Malta 107, 119, 120, 121, 123, 125 , 126, 127, 129,
130, 132, 133, 137, 140, 149 (also separate-
ly indexed: Biblijoteka Rj ali ta' Malta,
Grand Master's palace)
M ameluc(a)s 72 , 74 , 79 , 94, 97, 100, 114,
124, 125, 171, 189; pi . 29b, 43
M ancini Palace, Rome 119, 121
Manioc mill 60, 154, 158, 190; pl. 81b
Manioc plantation 158
Manoah (see Sacrifice of -)
Manufacture National e de Porcelaine,
Sevres 33, 140
Mapmakers 48 , 160
M a ps 12, 21, 48 , 49 , 60, 63, 64, 105, 114,
126, 151-161 , 179, 185 , 187, 188, 190, 191,
194, 195, 201; pi s. 79 , 80, 81, 82
Maragniio (Maranhao) 152, 179, 199
Maratapasipe sugar mill 180
M a rcgraf, C. (Marcgrave) 21, 30, 41, 159,
164, 194
M arcgraf, G . (Marcgrave, Markgra f)
throughout, biographical information p. 21
Marcgraf m ap 21, 23, 33, 60, 126, 145,
151- 161, 175, 185, 187 - 191; pl. 79
Mariano, J. 176
Marigny 122
Marillon (cou ntry estate) 121
Maritiem Museum 'Prin s H endrik', Rotter-
dam 153
Mark 95
M arket scene (Malaysia) 101 , 102, 112;
pl. 63a
M arlborou gh, Duke of 95
Marse ille 139
M arte rsteck in , S.B. 59
Martius, C.F.P. von 27, 44
Martyr, P. 199
M asca renh as, Dom J. de (see Montalviio)
Matarazzo, Y. 83
M at ham , T. 29
Matthioli, P.A. 63
Mauritzados (poem, Plante) 185
Mauritopolis 154, 185
Maurits de Braziliaan (see also Joh a n
M aurits) 83
Mauritshuis, The H ague 20, 25, 33, 62 , 77 ,
78, 90,94-96,97, 102 , 109, 125, 134, 149, 163,
170, 171, 174, 179, 181, 184, 186
Mauritsstad 20, 49 , 69 , 160, 164, 179, 180,
182, 184, 190, 191 ; pis. 94, 101b
Maximillian I 201
Mazarin, J. 110
M elk (Kloster) 33, 139
M elly, P. de 110 , 111
Menagerie, Paris 143, 145
Menagerie, Versailles 140, 145, 149

342 General Index General Index 343

 New York 172 Pal acio dos M a rquesas d a Fronteira, Li s-
Menagerie, Vincennes 149 Muni cipal Archives, Amsterd am (see bon 172
Niedenthal , S. 23, 32, 33, 51-53, 70 , 143;
M endon c;a, A.A. and M. Carneiro d e 183 Gemeente Archi e!) Palanquin s 49 , 114, 119, 120, 125, 152, 153,
M entzel, C. 34, 36, 37, 38, 42, 46, 89, 164 Musee d es Arts D ecorat ifs, Paris 142 pi s. 30, 31
ieuhof, H . (brother) 62 155, 190; pis. 68 , 72 , 82a, 92a
M ercure de France 140 Mu see des Beaux-Art s, Lyons 139 Paraiba 48 , 152 , 154, 155, 159, 179, 186,
Nieuhof, J. 62, 92, 93
M eri an, D.M. and M.S. 48 Musee d es Beaux-Arts, M a rse ill e 139 189 , 198; pl. 100c
N ieuwe Kerk, Am sterdam 17 5
M erseburg (lists) 108, 109, 181 Musee de Ia Chasse, Gi en 142 Paranambu ca 153
M e tizos 70, 94, 171 , 177 , 188, 191; pi s. 29a, Musee J acq uemart-Andre, Pa ris 121, 133 ijhoff, W. 152
Parasols 97 , 98, 113, 120, 131, 135, 175;
42 Mu see d e Ia Marine, Paris 182 Nijm egen 87
Noaill e, D ue de 139 pi s. 60 , 72
M eteorology 27 Musee Municipal, Gueret 139 Pari s 43, 91, 107, 108-112, 119, 121, 140,
Nordmand , J.J. 68, 69 , 195
M ex ico 199, 202 Musee National du Chatea u de Com- 150, 180 (also se parately indexed:
ouvelles lndes (tapest ries) 107 , 116, 119,
Michelangelo 92 piegne 142 Academi e, Archives Nationales, Assembl e
122 , 123, 133, 138- 140, 142 , 143, 144, 145,
Middelburg 50, 63, 173 Musee Royal des Beaux Art s, Bru ssels 180 Nationale, Batiments du Roi, Bibliotheque
146 , 147 , 148, 150
Mi eris, W. va n 69 Mu see Sa int-Deni , Rhcim s 139 Centrale, Bibliotheque Nationale, Biblio-
Mil aenen, W. de 20 Musee d es Ta pisseries, Aix-en- Prove nce 107, urn berg 74
th eque Sainte-G enev ieve, Cab inet des E -
N ys tad (Nijstad), S. 172, 17 3, 174
Mills ( ee also m anioc, sugar -) 60 , 155, 12 2 tampes, Comtes des Batiments, D epa rte-
158, 190 Musee d e Ia Veneri e, Senlis 142 Ober St Veit (palace) 33, 139 ment des obj ets d 'art, Gobelin s, In stitu t
Mill y (see Melly) Musee des Voitures 120 Olschl iiger, A. 105 Fra nc;ais de restaura tion des oe uvres d'art,
Minerals (Brazili an) 66 M usei Petropolitani 46 Osterreich ische Nationalbibliothek, Vien- Louvre, Mai on de Ia C hasse, M enagerie,
Min g vase 98; pl. 60 Museu de Arm as , Rio d e J a neiro 71 na 160 Mini stere de ]'Agriculture, Ministere de Ia
Mini stere de !'Agriculture, Paris 119 Museu de Arte, Sao Paulo 122 Ogilby, ]. 185 Justice, Mini stere d e Ia M arine, M obilier
Mini stere de Ia Justice, Pa ri s 122 Mu se um Boyman s-Van Beunin gen, Rotte r- Oleari us, A. 29, 104, 105 National, Musee des Arts Decoratifs,
Ministere de Ia Marine, Pari s 122 d am 94 Olinda (cathedral, convent) 11, 183, 188, 190, Musee J acquemart-A ndre, Musee de Ia
Ministry of Foreign Relations, Rio de Mu seum ational d ' Histoire aturelle, 202 Marine, Mu seum National d 'Hi stoire
J a neiro 153 Pari s 141 Oli veira Lima Library, Was hin gton 184 Naturelle, Salle de Ia Comedie)
Miquelet type gun lock 71 ; pis. 29a, 42 Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin 101 Oosterbeek 94 Paulo, B. 202
Miscellanea Cleyeri through out, but see espe- Museum VI-Ormianum 29 Oranienburg, near Dietz (Sch loss) 38, 182; Pauwelsen, J. 195
cially pp. 42- 43; pis. 15b, 16, 83 Musi c m a nu script s 34, 35 pl. 5 Pedro II (of Brazil) 79 , 168
M ob ilier at ional, Pa ri s 119, 120, 121 , 123, Musical in st ruments 106, 156 Oranj ezaal, H uis ten Bosch, The Hague 96, Peking 122
125 , 126 , 127 ' 129 , 130, 132, 133, 138 Mu sicians (Chinese) 106, 172; pl. 66b 98 Penis strin g 61 , 67; pl. 38
M onasterie 34, 113, 188, 190 Order of the Garter 154 Penn , W. 87
a poleo n 122
Monbijou 73, 195 1assa ui scher Order of the K ni ghts of StJohn 95 Penna, J. M eira de 35
H of, Siegen 95, 109, 182
M onnoyer, A. 140 Order of the W hite Elepha nt 25 Penteado, D.I. 83
assau-Si egen (see J ohan M a uritz)
M o nnoyer, J.-B. 115, 141 , 150 Orn aments 67, 69 , 70 , 73 , 75, 76 , 88, 100, Penteado, Conde H. 176
Nat ional G allery of Canada, Ottawa 176
M on Plaisir Pal ace, Peterhof 131, 134, 135, 172 , 173 Pepys, S. 96
ationa l Mu seu m , Warsaw 35
(Petrodovrets) 136, 13 7 Ornitlzologiae (W illughby) 29 Perellos y Rocafu ll , R . de 119
Nationalmusee t, Copenhagen 33, 65, 79 ,
Montalvao, D om J. de Mascarenhas , M a r- Orry, P. 138 Peretz 57
104, 17 3
quis of 164, 172 O strich hunt 157; pl. 80 Perman ent Collection , Fine Arts Society of
Naturalien-Buclz (Griebe) 22, 32 , 51-55
Moors 96 , 190 Ost- und West-lndisclzer . . L ust- und Stats- San Di ego 177
Naturgesclziclzte der auslandisclzen Fisclze
M oradores (settlers) 126 Garten (Francisci) 29 Pern ambu co 60, 152, 153, 154, 155 , 157,
(Bloch) 43
Moritz of H essen-Kassel 19 Ottawa 17 6 159, 160, 17 6, 185 , 202
aval battles (see sea battl es)
M oritzburg (castle) 57 Ottoman j ewellery 73 Persians 99
Necklaces 73, 75, 77 , 88, 100, 127 , 131 , 171,
Morro da Penha, at Vila Velha 183 'Oud hof , Recife 190 Peru 63, 113, 199
191
Morti er, P. 154 Oudry, J.-B. 141, 150 Peter the Great (of Russia) 46 , 48 , 116, 119,
Ned erhemert (castle) 183
Morus, A. 31 O vid 159, 204 120 , 136, 13 7
ed erl a nds Scheepvaart Museum , Amster-
M oscow (Armoury Palace) 137 O x-carts (see carts) Pete rh of (Petrodovrets) 136
dam 181
M o uree, Ghana 74 Oxford 28 (also separately indexed : Ash- Peters, B. and G . 194
Negro dance 49, 155
Mozin 119, 126, 137 molean M useum , Bodleian Library, Petites Indes (tapestry series) 116, 118, 119,
egroes throughout ; pis. 12a, 15b, 28, 44, 45 ,
Mpemba 131 D epartme nt of Botany, Sherard Coll ection ) 121 , 122 , 123, 125, 126, 127 ' 129, 132, 133,
54, 84b
Mughal merchant 102 137, 140, 148
Nei lson 138 Pagoda 101; pl. 62b
Mul attos 71, 114, 124, 134, 191 Petiver, J. 42, 83 , 194
Nem (gold discs) 74; pis. 28a, 44 Paielo, B. (see Paulo)
Munich 23, 44, 90 (also separa tely indexed: Pewter jugs 178
Neu-polirter (Francisci) 29 Pain t a nalysis 116, 117
Alte Pinakothek, Baye risches National- Philip II (of Spain) 180, 199
ets (for pots) 70, 156; pi s. 41 , 53b Pain ters' guild (of St Luke) 168, 179
museum , Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Pierpont Morgan Library 202
Nets (sein e) 70, 114, 120, 133, 134, 152, 154, Pakahas-Novas indi a ns 128
Bayerische Staatsgemiildesammlungen
155, 158; pi s. 74, 81b
H andschriftenabteilung)

General Index 345

344 General Index
 Rosary 131 Schieblin g, C. 57
Pi es, E. (descendant) 21 Purchas, S. 199
Rosenborg Castle, Copenhagen 69 Schlectendal , von 44
Pies, H . (father) 20
Qianlong, Emperor of Chi na 122 Rostock (atlas) 151 Schleswi g 29
Pies, W. (see also Piso, G.) 20, 21, 27
Quellinus, E. 93, 96 Rotterdam 25 , 87, 88, 110, 17 3, 185 , 190 Schmalkalden, A.G., C.G. , J. , L. , and M.
Pi gments (of tapestry cartoons) 116, 117
Quiver 131, 135 (also separately indexed: Maritiem Muse- (parents, children) 59
Pikes 113, 132
um ' Prins Hendrik', Mu seum Boymans- Schm alkalden, C. 23, 33, 58-65, 66, 67,
Pilnitz (castle) 57 Raad hui s, Vianen 172
Van Beu n ingen, Sticht ing Atlas van Stolk) 69, 70, 72 , 73, 74, 93, 113, 132, 162;
Pinzon, V. 201 R ade b eu l, near Dresden 22, 32, 55
Rou en 110, 201 pis. 35, 36, 3 7
Pipes (clay) 75, 77 , 86, 100 , 127 , 135 , 164, R adiogra phs (Copenhagen Eckhout paint-
Royal arm s and monograms 119, 121 , 122 Schneider, A. 22
171, 176, 178 ; pis. 28b, 45 , 54a in gs) 78
Royal Kunstkammer, Copenhagen (see Kunst- Schneider, J.G. 43 .
Pipes (musical) 155 R a ft s, see jangadas Schi:inborn-Bu chheim , Count (gallery, VIen-
Pirati nin ga (fort) 183 R aleigh, Sir Walter 20 2 kammer) . .
R oyal Library, Berlin (see Ki:ini gii che Bib- na) 180
Piso, G. 20 , 21, 24, 25, 27-3 1, 36, 37 , 42 , Randenbroek 98, 99
liothek) Schwanenburg (castle) 95
46, 59, 62 , 64, 71 , 76 , 84, 111 , 164 , 175, R apiers 71; pis. 29a, 42
Royal Museum of Fine Arts , Copenha- Schwedt a.d. Oder (castl e, paintin gs) 23, 33 ,
193 , 195, 199, 200 , 203 R attles 156 43, 66, 67, 68, 72, 89, 98, 99-107, 114,
Pl ans (forts, buildings, towns) 21 , 49 , 60, R ave nsburg 95 gen 82
118, 123 , 128, 133, 143 , 167 , 168, 172 , 174,
64, 78, 95, 181, 184, 194 R avenstein , L. van 41 Ru cker, j. F. 42
176, 178, 189; pis. 62, 63, 64, 65 , 66
Pl antation house 183; pl. 98 R awe, J. 52 Rudolf II 20
Rudolfi , K. 28 Schwerin 150, 155
Pl a nte, F. 185 R ay, J. 29
Ruin s (in Post paintings) 188, 189, 190 Schwerin, O.L.B. 28
Poissy 110 R eal Armeria, M adrid 71
Ru ssell , W.M .J. 180 Sculptors 194
Political Council 159 R ec ife 11, 20, 49 , 59, 63, 69, 78, 89, 90 ,
Ru ssi an Museu m , Lenin grad 137 Sea ba ttles 152 , 153, 182
Pomponn e, Marquis S.A. de 95, 109, 110, 109, 131, l 'i l , 152 , 160, 163, 164, 165, 172,
Ru ysch , F. 46 Seba, A. 46, 48, 93
112 , 194, 203 180, 182, 186, 190, 191 , 194; pis . 94, 100b,
Ru ysch, R. 82 Seine nets (see nets)
Ponchos 61, 113, 132, 135 101b
Senegal 74
Porto Calvo 48, 134, 160, 179, 180, 181, 185; R embrandt H. van Rijn 20, 74, 163 Sachsen-Gotha-Altenburg, Duke Ernst of 58 Senlis 142
pl. 91a R entkammerrechnungen (of Elector of Saxo- Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dresd en 22, Sergipe 152 , 155, 15 7, 159, 161
Porto Seguro 11 ny) 167 32 , 37, 46, 51, 53 Serinhae m 48 , 190
Portraits 23 , 65 , 77 , 79, 88 , 89 , 90, 95 , 164, Restorations (Copenhagen ethnograp hi cal Sacrifi ce of M anoah 94, 100, 188, 189 Serpentina 125
167 , 168, 169, 171 , 172 , 173 , 174, 175, 176, paintings) 78 Saddle, saddle-bag 113 , 132 Sertao (backwoods) 164
177 , 189 , 203 , 204 Rheim s 139 St Bla siu s church 59 Sev res 33, 37, 54, 82, 125 , 140-148, 149,
Portugal 160, 164 Ribaut, J. 201 St Germaine-e n-Laye 110 !50
Portuguese 114, 160, 197 Ribeiro, D. 201 St J ulien -en-C haussee 122 Shakespeare, W. 168
Portuguese adm iral 172 Ri ebeeck, J. van 48 St M a rgaret's church , Gotha 59 Shell dev ice 119,12 1
Portu guese riding style 190 Ri ehel, W. 41 St Petersburg 46, 48, 119, 120, 136, 137 Sherard Collection, De partment of Botany,
Post, F. throughout, but see especiall y Ri etraet, L. 165 St Remy-en-l' Eau (chateau) 122 Oxford 83
pp. 17 8- 193; pis. 89-98, 101 Rij ksbureau voor Kunsthi stori sche Documen- Salgado river 161 . Shield 77 , 86; pis. 28a, 54a
Post, M. (nephew) 181 tatie, The Hague 35 Salle de Ia C omedie, Louvre, Pans 110 Ship's stern 176
Post, P. (brother) 78, 90, 95 , 96, 163, 179, Rijksm useum, Amsterdam 98, 101, 112 , 121, Salon (R ond, Grand Trianon, Versa illes) 150 Sieber, F. 43
184, 194 128, 133, 177, 192 Salvador 48, 160, 164, 172 Siege of Calloo 194
Pots 113 Rijksmuse um van Natuurlijke Historie, Sandals 61, 67, 68, 77 , 86, 89, 100, 191 ; Siegen 11 , 95, 109 , 183
Potsdam-Sanssouci 73 , 182, 195 L eiden 28, 44, 72 , 91 , 92 pis. 38, 39, 52a,b Sihl, near Zurich 38
Powder horn 71; pi s. 29a, 42 Rijksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam 184 San Diego, California 177 Silva Nigra, Dom C. da 44
Prado, M adrid 93 Ring (of mam eluc woman) 73 Santos (see Sao Vicente) Sland, M . 31
Pragu e 107 , 138 Rio d as L agoas 161 Santuario de N.S. da Penha 183 Slaves (market, trade, slavery) 73, 75, 86 ,
Pretsch (castle) 99 Rio de J a neiro 28 , 44, 45 , 71 , 79 , 153 , 176, Sao Fra ncisco river 24, 100, 128, 155 , 159, 114, 172 , 176, 194
Preussische Staatsbibli othek, Berlin 22, 34, 180, 198 160 , 179, 181, 185 , 186, 187 ; pis. 89b, 99b Sloane, H. 83
44 Rio Grande do Norte 90 , 152 , 153 , 155 , Sao Jorge del Mina (see Elmina) Sloane Collection (manuscripts) 83, 85, 87,
Priest, J. 37 157 , 159, 160 , 182, 186 Sao Luis de Maranhao 199 184, 202
Prince of Orange 154 Riscard 110 Sao Paulo, Brazil 122 , 125, 129, 176, 183 , Smith , C. 34
Prinzenhof, Cleves 95 Roeleffs, C. and/or G., Gh. and M. 163 194 Smith , S. 87
Procession 152, 155, 156, 192 R oi Solei! (see Louis XIV) Sao Paulo de Loanda (see Luanda) Smithsoni a n Institution , Washington 93
Pru ssian Secret Archives 108 Rom e 107 , 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125 , 126, Sao Thome 179 Snijders, F. 140, 150
Pru ssian State Library, Berlin (see Pre us- 129, 133, 160 (also separately indexed: . Sao Vicente (Santos) 197, 200 Soares, F. 198
sische Staatsbibliothek) Academie de France, Mancini Palace, VIl- Saxony 21, 56, 163 Soldi ers 102 , 156, 159, 177 , 195
Publi c Library, ew York 201 la M edi ci) Scheiner, C. 192 , 193

General Index 34 7
346 General Index
I I

Solms, A. va n 96, 98 Tambetas (cheek ornaments) 67, 76, lUi , Unio n (coat-of-arms) 156 Warburg, A. 24
Sonho 75 (also separately indexed: Count of 134; pi s. 38, 46 U nive rsitatsbibliothek, Erlangen- Warriors (Ch in ese?) 104
Sonho) Tams, K. 78 Ni.i rnberg 87 Warsaw 35, 140
Sonnenburg (castle) 95 , 166 Tancken, M. 165 Universiteits Bibliotheek, Leiden 28, 33, 153 Washington 28, 93, 120, 184
Sotheby's, London 176 Tapestries throughout, but see especially University Library, Rostock 151 Waterfall scene (Post) 15 7, 191
Sotheby Parke Bernet , New York 172 pp. 107-140 U ranienborg 159 Watermarks 24, 38, 41, 45 , 46
Soufflot 122 Tap u yas throughout; pis. p. [2), 4b, 12b, 27 , Ute nsils 156 Waterwh eel 154, 185; pl. lOla
Sou sa, G. Soares de 197 , 198, 199 , 200 3 7c, 38, 39, 46, 52, 55, 56, 5 7b, 95 Utrecht 87, 88, 152 Wattenwyi-De Sacconay, B.F. von 119, 121
Sou sa -Leao, J. de 44, 83, 182 , 186 Tapuya dance 49, 67, 76 , 79, 88, 100, 114, Weapons (uns pecifi ed ) 25 , 72, 100, 113, 11 7,
Yah! Collection, Copen hagen 83
Souza, J. de 202 15 7, 170, 178, 191; pi s. 39, 46, 80 156
Valckenburg, W. van 160
Spears 60, 61, 67, 68, 74, 76 , 77, 86, 92 , Tarairiu (see Tapuyas) Wegener, H . 44
Valenciennes, A. 43, 44
102 , 135 , 156, 171, 178; pis. 27a, 28a, 38, Telescope 192, 193 Weick mann , C. 74
Valentine Bay 61
44, 46, 52a, 54a, 70 Te n ~r iffe , Canary Islands 159, 176 Weinbergschloss, Radebeu l 55
Valle tta, Malta 116, 119, 121 (Malt a separate-
Spearheads 76 Tenture des In des (tapestries) 25, 29, 46 , West Africa 24, 74, 130, 164, 165 , 179, 181
ly indexed)
Spearthrowers 60, 67 , 68, 76, 100, 128, 135 , 107 , 110 , 118, 140, 149 Westerudd, 0. 78
Varn hagen, F.A. de 198
156; pis. 27a, 38, 46, 52a, 62, 70, 75 Texel 59 West Indi a Company (see Dutch West In d ia
Vatican Library 151, 160, 195, 201
Speroni, P. 78 Theatri rerum naturalium Brasiliae thro ughout, Com pa ny)
Verheyen, M. 180
Spices 81 but see especially pp. 35-40; pis. 5, 6, 7, White, J. 202
Versailles 119, 140, 145, 149, 150, 182
Spix, J.B. 27 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 , 15b,c,d, 84 Wiebe!, C. 57
Vianen 172 Wied Ne uwi ed , M.A.P. 27
Spree 38 Theatrum artis scribendi (Hondius) 41 Vicq , F. de 31
Spurs 61, 132 Wiesbaden 57
The Hague 11, 20, 23, 25, 83, 95, 96, 108, Victo ria and Albert Museum, London 194,
Staa tliche Schlosser und Garten, Potsdam- 111, 163, 165, 172, 17 3 (also separately in- Wigbold , A.J. 166
201
Willaerts , A. 195
Sanssouci 73 , 182 ; West -B erlin 109 dexed: Algemeen Rijksarchief, Huis ten Vie nna 120, 139 (also separately indexed:
Willem Lodewijk of Nassau-Dillenburg 20
Staatliches Museum , Schwerin 150 , 155 Bosch, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Koni nklijk Albertina Library, Coun t Schonborn-
Willem Maurits, Prince of Nassau 95, 109
Staatsarchiv, Dresden 166 H u isarchief, Mauritshuis, Rijksbu reau Buch heim Gallery, Osterreichische Nation-
William of Orange 19
Staatsbibli othek Preu ssischer Kulturbesitz, voo r Kun sthi storische Documentatie) albiblioth ek) Windsor Castle 180
Berlin 28, 33, 34, 3 7, 88 Thesaurus (Seba) 93 Vignettes (on maps) 60, 105 , 114, 151, 152, Winter King (see Friedrich V of Bohem ia)
Staden, H. 198, 200 Thevet, A. 198 , 200 , 203 154; 155 , 156-159, 160, 179, 181, 185, 187,
Winter Palace, St. Petersburg 119, 120
Stadholder 20, 95, 96, 156, 179, 183 Thier Buch (Wagener) 22, 32, 48-50, 51, 53, 188, 189, 190, 191; pis. 80, 81, 82 Woodcuts (H istoria) 21, 28, 29, 30, 36, 37,
Stapels, H. 84 55 , 77 , 100, 106, 135, 162 , 181 , 194; Vila Vclha, Espiritu Santo 183, 184 40 , 41, 43, 60 , 61 , 63, 64, 72, 83, 84, 85,
States General 20, 95 pis . 20, 21 , 22, 23, 24, 25 , 26, 27, 28, 29 Villa Medici, Rome 119, 121, 122 86, 87, 92,. 100, 103 , 113, 123 , 124, 132 ,
Stichting Atlas van Stalk, Rotterdam 180 Thi ery de Sainte Colombe, L. -V. de 181, Villegaigno n , N.D. de 198 134, 145 , 200, 201
Stichting Johan Maurits van Nassau 94 185, 186, 191 ; pis. 99, 100 Vincennes 149 (see also Menagerie)
Worm , 0. 29, 66, 68, 75
Still-lifes 23, 33, 65, 77, 79-83, 98, 102 , Tile panel pl. 88 Vingboons, J. 151, 160, 161, 181, 195
113 , 125, 135, 148, 150, 162, 165, 169, 171, , Tobias, Captain T. 175 Vingboons, P. 160 Ximenes 83
17 3, 177 , 189, 192 ; pis. 47, 48, 49, 61 Tokyo 55 Viri, Comte de 138 Yuanmingyuan (palace) 122
Stirrups 132, 190 Toorenvliet, J. 95 Visscher, C.J. 152 Yva rt 115, 123, 125, 1 26, 127, 129, 130, 131,
Stosch (atlas) 160 Topography 179, 186 Vogel, A. 57 133
Stralsund 105 Tower (see fishing tower) Vos, P. de 141, 150
Stronbel, B. 57 Tozzer Library, Peabody Mu seum 201 Vrijburg (palace) 20 , 78, 109, 160, 171, 180 , Zeeland (chamber of W.I.C.) 17 3
Stuart 138 Traca (gun type) 72 181, 182 , 185 , 190, 193 Zoo (see also M enagerie) 20, 91, 127 , 131,
Stuart of Roth esay, Lord 122 Trew Coll ection, U niversitatsbibliothek, 149, 165, 187 , 188
Wagene r, Z. throughou\, but see especiall y Zoological Institute, Leningrad 44
Sugar-loafs 77 , 171 E rlangen-Ni.irnberg 87
pp. 48-50 Zoologisches Museum, Berlin 41, 43
Sugar mills 28 , 49, 60, 126, 135 , 152 , 153, Trist ia (Ovid) 159, 204
Trumpet 154, 158 Waldsee mi.ill er, M. 201 Zurich 38
154, 155, 177, 180, 181 , 183, 185 , 190 , 191 ,
Wall map 152, 153, 154, 181 , 185
198; pis . 82a, 92b, 96a,b, lOla Tupi-Guaranl 198
Swords 70, 74, 159, 172, 17 3; pis. 29a, 85a, Tupinambas throughout; pis. 4a, 26, 36, 40 , Walther, J. 194
86a, 92b, 96, lOla 41, 53
Swordsman 101 Tynl ey, Lord 138
Systema naturae (Linnaeus) 27, 43
Ubatuba 198
Taborda, capitulation of - 11 , 25 Uden, B. 167
Tack, see harness Uffele, J. van 71
Taiwan 64 Ulmer M useum, Ulm 74

General I ndex 349

348 General Index

Botanical index
Abacates (Persea americana) 82
Ab6bora (Cucurbita pepo) 80
Acaiaiba (see cashew)
Acanthus leaves 119, 120, 121, 132, 133
Aechmea 81 , 82 , 126, 189 ; pl. 15a
Agave, sisal plant (?Agave americana) 147
Ambu yae mbo 124
Anacardium occidentale (see cashew)
Ananas comosus (see pineapple)
Anona cherimolia (see pinha)
Apeiba (Apeiba tibourbou) 85 , 131
Apples 99, 132
Arac;:as (Psidium araca) 82
Arachis hypogea (see peanuts)
Aristolochia brasiliensis 12 4
Azapucaya (see sabaquicaya)
Bamboo 134
Bananas (Musa ) 70 , 75 , 82, 99, 100, 132,
133, 135, 157, 189; pl. 49d
Borassus aethiopium 75 , 165
Bottle go urd (Lagenaria siceraria) 80, 126, 150
Brassica napus 80
Brassica oleracea 80
Brazi l nuts (see sapucaia)
Bromeliads 82 , 126
Caaeo (Mimosa pigra) 85
350 Botanical I ndex
Cabbage (Brassica oleracea) 80
Cacti 7 5, 80, 81, 82, 100, 120, 126, 128, 131,
135, 147 , 149 , 150, 169, 189; pls . 48c, 78b
Caesalpinia bonducella (see inimboi)
Caesalpinia echinata (see ibirapitanga)
Calabashes 68 , 70 , 80
Cambul 83 , 84
Canambaia, canambaya (Rhipsalis) 84
Capsicum chinense 81
Capsicum frutescens 81
Carana iba 100
Cardon 84
Carica papaya (see papaya)
Cashew (Anacardium occidentale) 72, 76, 79,
100, 118, 125 , 126 , 129; pls. 3b, 24a
Cassia grandis 68, 124
Castor oil (plant) (Ricinus communis) 72 , 94,
125, 169, 189; pls. 7c, 16a
Cereus 131
Cereus jamacaru 100, 128, 14 7, 189; pl. 78b
Cereus pernambucensis 75, 131
Cherries 132
Cinchona 87
Citrullus lanatus 79
Citrus (trees, fruits) 70 , 75 , 125, 157
Citrus aurantifolia (see limes)
Citrus grandis (see pomelo)
Citrus limon (see lemons)
Citrus sinensis (see oranges)
Coco nut (palms) (Cocos nucijera) 75, 76 , 79,
80, 81, 102, 125, 12 6, 129, 157, 178, 188;
pl. 48a
Coconut shell (carved) 68
Cocos nucifera (see coconut palms)
Copernicia prunifera (see wax palm )
Copijba, copyba ( Tapirira guianensis) 85;
pl. 51c
Corncob 100
Cucumis melo 75, 80, 82
Cucumis sativus 80
Cucurb ita 72
Cucurbita moschata (see pumpkin s)
Cucurbita pepo (see ab6bora)
D ate palm (Phoenix dactylifera) 73, 165, 189
Dracaena 14 7
Eschscholtzia 132
E ugenia 84
E ugenia uniflora (see pitanga)
Fevillea trilobata (see nh andi roba)
Ficus carica (see fi gs)
Figs (Ficus carica) 81
Flamboyant 68
Flowers 33, 36, 41, 42, 67, 71, 72, 73, 75,
78 , 79, 81, 82, 98, 100, 108, 118, 133, 135 ,
141, 153, 157, 194
Fruits 33, 36, 41, 42, 48, 49 , 61, 66, 68, 70,
71, 72, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 98, 99, 100, 101,
102, 104, 106, 108, 112 , 114, 119, 125, 126,
127 , 133, 135, 137, 141, 148, 150, 154, 155,
157, 176, 177, 189, 194; pl s. 47a, 48c, 61
Goiaba (Psidium guajava) 81
Go urds 60, 61, 70, 80, 126, 128, 133, 150,
156; pis . 4 7 d, 48b,c
Grape (vine) 99, 12 5, 126, 133
Guavas 82 , 125; pl. 49d
Guazuma ulmifolia (see ibixum a)
Gustavia augusta (see j enipa rana)
Hancornia pubescens (see m angaba)
Hancornia speciosa (see mangaba)
Heliconia 72
Heliconia .?psittacorum 72
Hermaphrodite papayas 71, 188
Hibiscus 72
Himathanthus bracteate 67
Honeysuckle 132
Hymenaea courbaril (see jatoba)
Iac;:apucaya, j acap ucaya (? Lecythis pisonis)
pis. 6b, 50
lamacuru (see j amacaru)
l an ipaba (see j enipapo)
I bat!, ibati (? Ibatia) 83 , 84
Ibatia (see ibati)
Ibira 84
Ib irap ita nga (Caesalpinea echinata) 84
Ib ixuma, ibixum a (Guazuma ulmifolia) 85
In ga (l nga) 84
Inga cf. bahiensis 84
lnimboi (Caesalpinia bonducella); pl. 3d
Ipomoea 75
Ipomoea pes-capri 67 , 73 , 75
lxora 72
J acapu caya (see j ac;:apu caya)
J acquemontia 72
J amacan1 , j am acar u (Opuntia brasiliensis) 60,
84, 85, 100; pls. 3a, 7a, 51b
] ambos (?Syzygium malaccensis) 81
J a racat ia Uaracatia heptaphylla) 85
J ato ba ( Hymenaea courbari[) 6 7
J atropha curcas (see pinh ao m anso)
J atropha (?curcas or urens) 72
J en ipapo (Tocoyena selloana) 82; pl. 15c
J eniparana (Gustavia augusta) 81, 126
Lady's fin ge r bananas (Musa sapientium) 82
Lagenaria siceraria (see bott le gourd)
Lantana (Lantana camara) 67
Lecythis pisonis (see sapu caia)
Lecythis usitala (see sapucaia)
Lemons (Citrus limon) 81, 98, 128, 178; pl. 6a
Lim es (Citrus aurantijolia) 81
Luffas (L ujja cylzndrica) 82, 126
Lycopersicum esculentum (see tomatoes)
Maize (cobs) 71, 75, 131
Mangabas (Hancornia speciosa, H.
pubescens) 79, 81
Mangijera indica (see m angoes)
Mangoes (Mangifera indica) 42, 81, 82 , 188;
pl. 49c
Manilwt esculenta (see manioc)
M ani oc (Manihot esculenta) 31, 60, 69, 80 , 83,
125, 129, 153 , 154, 158; pls. 3c, 24b, 47b
Marjoram (Origanum vulgare) 80
M arrubium (Stemodia foliosa) 84
Melocactus violaceus (see pinda)
M elons 75, 79, 81 , 82 , 99, 100, 101 , 125,
126, 133, 156; pl. 49c
Millet 128
Mimosa pigra 85
Montrichardza 129, 135, 13 7, 189
Montrichardia arborescens 68, 133
84;
Mundubi guac;: u (see pinhao manso)
Musa sapientium (see bananas)
Myrta 84
Botanicalindex 35 1
Na na, na na (see pinea ppl e) Pumpkin (Cucurbita moschata) 80
Nh a mbu guac,: u (see castor oil pl a n t) Punica granatum (see romas)
Nh a ndiroba (Fevillea trilobata); pl. 16b
R ed peppers (Capsicum) 81
N u tmeg 192
R hipsalis (see canambaia)
Nu ts 41, 49, 79 , 80, 81, 91, 92, 100, 101 , 126
R icinus communis (see castor oil plant)
Nymphaea 72
R om as (Punica granatum) 81
Opurtunia vulgaris (see prickl y pea r) Rom eiro (see pom egranate)
Opuntia brasiliensis (see jamaca ru ) R ose m a ry (Rosmarinus officina/is) 80
Opuntia dillenii (see prickl y pear)
Oran ges (Citrus sinensis) 79, 132
Sabaqui caya, azap ucaya (? Lecythis piso-
Zoological index
nzs) 84, 169; pl. 50
O ra nge blossoms 72 , 75
Saccharum oificinarum (see sugar cane)
Origanum vulgare (see marjo ra m )
Sa pu caia, Brazil nuts (Lecythis usitala, L. piso-
Palm fr ui ts 81 nis) 81, 84, 126, 15 7; pis. 6b, 48d
Palm s 70, 75, 81, 86, 125 , 131, 133, 147, Seasho re bi ndweed (Ipomo ea pes-capri) 73
!52, 153 , !54, !55 , !56, 15 7, 158, 165, 188, Semen h erba viva (Mimosa pigra) 85
189; pl. 49 b Shrubs 188
Pa paya (Carica papaya) 68, 71, 75, 81, 83, 94, Sicana odorijera 82, 126
188; pl. 49a Si sal pl a nt (see agave)
Papaya gan toong 71 Solanum 72
Papaya hermaphrod ites 71, 188 Solanum grandiflorum 67
Pap ri ka 99 Solo (he rm aph rod ite papaya) 71
Passiflora 68, 72, 75, 124 Stemodiafoliosa (see marrubium )
Passiflora hncinata 68 S uga r cane (Saccharum oificinarum) 71, 123,
Passiflora edulis 79, 8 I 124 , 125, 136, 143, 155
Passion -fru it (Passiflora) 81, 99 Syagrus corona/a (see urucari a)
Anhima (Anhima cornuta) ; pl. 17b
Peaches 99 Syzygium malaccensis (see jambos)
Abacatuaia 132 Anhin ga (An hinga anlzinga) 125; pl. 19b
Peanuts (Arachis hypogea) 81
Taioia, taioia (?Trianosperma tayuya) 84 Acanthostracion quadricornis 30 Anomi acea 73
Pep pe rs (Capsicum frutescens, .) C. chinense) 81 Anteaters 49, 91, 100, 114, 120, 126, 144,
Ta.lisia 79 Acarapitamba 91
Persea americana (see abacates)
Tidisia esculenta (see pitomba) Acararanga (A ra ararauna) 91 156 , 187
Phoenix dactylijera (see date palm )
Ta.pirira guianensis (see copijba) Acuti (see a gouti) Antelope 123
Pi nda (Melocactus violaceus) 81, 82 , 100, 126, African crowned cra ne (Balearica pavoni- A nlennarius multiocellatus (see guaperu a)
T im acambire (see Aechmea)
!50 Antennarius principis (see gu aperu a)
Tocoyena selloana (see jenipapo) na) 125, 145
Pineapple, nana, nana (Ananas comosus) 36, Antennarius scaber (see striped frogfi sh)
To m atoes (Lycopersicum esculentum) 82 African elepha nt 126
60, 79, 81, 83, 84, 100, 189; pi s. 49a, 51a A ntennarius striatus (see striped frogfish )
Trianosperma tayuya (see taioia) Agapornis pullaria (see lovebird)
Pinha (Anona cherimolia) 79 Agouti, agu ti (Dasyprocta leporinus) 91 , 92; Ara ararauna (see blu e and yellow macaw,
Pinh ao manso Uatropha curcas) 67; pl. 7d ru cari a (Syagrus coronata) 81; pl. 7b
pis. 17 a, 21c aca ra ra nga)
Pisonia 30 Araberi 170
Vege ta bl e 33, 61, 80, 98, 101 , 104, 106, 11 2, Agu apeacoca 58
Pi ta nga (Eugenia unijlora) 81
119, 125, 126 , 148, 150, 155 , 177; pl. 47 c Aguara dog 68 Araca ri (sec to uca n)
Pi tom ba ( Ta.lisia esculenta) 81 Arac hnid s 36, 40, 41 , 45, 46 , 49
Vin e 82, 99 Aguti (see ago uti)
Plumbago 72 Ai , two -toed sloth ( Choloepus didactylus) 125 , Ara guagu a 103
Plumbago capensis 72 Wa te rm elo n 11 2, 126, 17 5 Ara ma.cao (see scanl et macaw)
156, 187; pl. 25a
Polygonum 149 Wax pa lm (Copernicia prunijera) 75, 100, 131, Arclwsargus unimaculatus (see sallem a)
Aiaia, spoo nbill (Ajaja ajaja ) 56, 126
Polygonum orienta/is 14 7, 169 148, 165, 189 Airu ete (Amazona aestiva) 129 Arctiidae 67
Pomegra nate (Punica granatum) 99; pl. 15d Wheat 128 Armadillo 63, 76 , 91, 124, 142, 143, 144,
Ajaja ajaja (see a ia ia)
Pomelo (Citrus grandis) 82 149, 187, 188, 199, 201
Yu cca ( Yucca recurvijolia) 147 , 149 , 169 Ajuruete 127
Pri ckl y pear (Opuntia dilleniz) 82, 176 Avicularia 66, 100, 187
Yucca gloriosa 14 7 Alectis 132
Psidium araca (see arac,:as) Alligator 124, 129, 13 7
Psidium guajava (see go iabas) Babirossa 29
Alpaca 63
Bad ge r 52
Amazona aestiva (see airuete)
Bagre 130
Ameiva ameiva (see li zard s)
Baj ac ugu aza 54
Amp hibi ans 41 , 49 , 187
Balearica pavonina (see Afri can crown ed crane)
Angola n shee p 165

Zoological l ndex 353

352 Botanical l ndex
Barnacles ( Conchoderma virgatum, L epas hill- Caninde (see blue and yellow m acaw) Curoatapinima 54 Giant anteater (see tamandua gua~ u )
ii) 49 Capybara (Hydrochaeris hydrochaeris) 24, 129, Cuttlefi sh 40, 49 , 103; pl. 20d Giraffes 94
Basket star 40 143, 155, 187 Cyclopes didactylus (see two-toed anteate r) Glaucidium brasilianum 130
Bat 104 C a rangid s 102, 127 , 132 Cypraeacea 73 Glyphisodon saxatilis 130
Batfish (see cuacucua) Carauna 131 Cypraea mauritiana (see cowry) Goat 126
Bees 153, 15 7 Cardisom guanhumi (see la nd crab, ?ucauna) Goniopsis cruentata (see grapsid crab)
Bee tl es 93, 187 , 188 Dactylopterus (see fl ying gurnard) Goose barnacles (L epas hillii a nd Conchoderma
Cariama (Carzama cristata) 36, 170; pl. 9a Dasypus novemcinctus (see tatuete)
Bee tl e elytra 100 Carigueya (see ta ibi) virgatum) 49; pi s. 18b, 22a
Deer 123, 15 7, 158, 188, 191
Birds 22, 23 , 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 40 , 41 , Carpilius corallinus 124, 128, 131 , 147 Grapsid crab (Goniopsis cruentata) 103 , 128,
42, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52 , 53 , 54, 55 , 56,
Didelphis marsupia/is (see taibi)
Cassowary 104, 120, 127, 135, 136, 137, 157 147
57 , 58, 65, 66, 69, 75, 77 , 90, 91, 93, 97,
Diodon (see porcupine fi sh) Grasshoppers 42 , 82, 153, 157, 177 , 187,
Cat 40 Dodo 29
98, 100, 103, 104, 106, 108, 118 , 120, 121, Caterpillar 67 188, 192
Dogs 40, 68, 86, 100, 101, 143, 149 , 157,
123 , 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, Catfish 130 Grey parrot (Psittacus erithacus) 75, 130
134, 135, 141, 142, 144, 145, 149, 157 , 167 , 187' 191 Grouper 103
Cavia porcellus (see guinea pig) Dolph in fish (see also bottlenosed dol-
170, 174, 176, 185, 187, 191; pis. 2b, 9a,b Cebus apella (see caijuba) Guaiamu (?Cardisoma guanhumz) 49
phin) 102, 103 Guamaiacu-ape (Lactophrys trigonus) 30, 66 ,
10, 13d, 14a, 17b, 19b, 23b, 33a,b, Centipede or centopee 103 Doradus 103 103 ; pl. 18a
34a,b, 35 b, 58, 77a, 78a (also Schwedt C ephalopods 36 Dusicyon culpaeus (see South American fox) Guamajacuguaza 102
paintings a nd tapestries: 62-74) Cerdocyon thous azarae (see sava nn a fox ) Dusicyon sylvestris (see aguara dog) Guambajacuati (see porcupine fish)
Birds of pa radi se 54 Cheval m a rin 112
Bl ac k skimm er 56 Chilean sheep (see also llama) 63 Eagles 36, 38, 123, 144, 170 Guanaco 63 , 113, 132
Blue a nd yellow macaw, caninde (Ara ararau- Chilomycterus atinga (see porcupine fi sh) Echinoderms 45, 46 Guanhumi (see land crab)
na) 58, 61 , 91; pl. 35b Chloroceryle amazona 133, 144; pl. 17b Edible oyster 77 Guaperua (Antennarius) 91, 92 , 127; pl. 18a
Blue crab (see ucaun a) Choloepus didactylus (see ai) Elephants 93, 94, 119, 126, 135, 144 Guapua (see guaperua)
Boa constri cto r (Boa constrictor) 38, 66 , 112 , Coandi (see coe ndau) Eleph ant tusks 73, 173 Guara (ibis) 24, 58, 98, 100; pl. 33b
114, 126, 148, 157 , 178, 187, 188 Coati (Nasua nasua) 127 Ememe sheep 165 Guarapotiapirangaiuparaba 58
Boar 57 , 137, 143 Cockatoo 101, 102 Enem a (see stag beetle) Guariba ( = ?caijuba) 104
Bodianus rufus 124 Coendau, coandi ( Coendou prehensilis) 61 Epinephelus 124 Guarirama 102
Boicinin ga 66 Cogado 102 Epinephelus guttatus 103 Guaruguara 41
Boiti a p6 46 Conchoderma virgatum (see goose barnacles) Epinephelus itajara 124, 127; pl. 11a Guatucupa 46
Bonnethead (shark) 103 Epinephelus moria 130, 131, 132; pl. 2a Guebu~u (see sailfish)
Conus 93
Bot tl enosed dolphin , dolphin fi sh 102 Erythrocebus patas 130, 143 Guinea fowl 104
Conus marmoreus 93
Brase m 103 Escorpiao 103 Guin ea pi g (Ca via porcellus) 72 , 77 , 82, 100,
Coot (Fullica) 103
Brazi li a n m osquito 157 Eudocimus ruber (see scarlet ibi s) 123, 125 , 135, 188; pis. 2c, 13b
Coral 49, 75
Brazili a n mou se 156 Guirapongobi 58
Corcovado 102 , 127 Fat-tailed sheep 169; pl. 77a
Bubo virginia_nus nacurutu 126 Guirapotiapirangaiuparaba 123
Counterfeit pa rrot 75 Fish eagle 123, 144
Bujo (see toad) Guiraroba (iHemithraupis guira); pl. 17b
Cows 52, 70 Fishes 30, 36, 38, 40 , 41, 43 , 45, 46 , 48, 49,
Bulls 15 7 Guirataicimaipecu 58
Cowfish 30, 66, 103, 132 53, 54, 55, 91, 92, 102, 103 , 104, 106, 108,
Butterfli es 93, 187 Cowry (Cypraeacea) 73, 93 H alichoeres (see wrasse)
118, 124, 127 , 129, 130, 131, 132, 141 , 145,
Cabiagua~ u (Domacobius atricapillus) ; pl. 17b Crabs 49, 69, 102 , 103, 124, 128, 129, 131, 146, 148, 149, 158, 169, 170, 176, 187, 199; Halichoeres radiatus (see wrasse)
Caiaguacu 91 136, 13 7, 138, 146, 147 ; pis. 18b, 23a, 77b pis. 2a, 8b, 11a, 14b,c, 18a,b, 19c, 20a,b,c, Hammerh ead shark (?Sphyrna lewinz) 103,
Caii~i ~ ica (Hydropsalis brasiliana); pl. 17b Cranes 91, 98 , 12 5, 145 21a, 32a,b,c, 58, 64a, 67, 70, 72, 73 , 76b, 104; pi s. 18b, 20a
Caiicupoucaja (Calospiza cayanajlava) 145; Crangej o (Goniopsis cruentata) 103 77b Harpa 93
pl. 17b Crax Jasciolata (see mituporan ga) Flamingo (Phoenicopterus antiquorum) 56, 130, Hawaiian dog 40
Caiicuriba ( Cy anerpes cyaneus); pl. 17b Crayfish 41 131 , 144, 145; pl. 77 a Hawk (Parabuteo unicinctus) 12 3
Ca ijuba (Cebus apella) 104 Crested crane 91 Flyingfish, pirabebe 102, 124; pl. 19c H aw k-eagle (see urutaurana)
Ca im a n (Caiman crocodilus or Crocod il es 129, 141, 143, 145 Flying gurnard (Dactylopterus) 124; pis. 18a, H eron (see whitenecked heron)
C. latirostris) 18 7, 188 Crowned crane (see African crowned crane) 20b Hippopotam us 24
Caiman crocodilus (see caim an) Crustaceans 36, 38, 40 , 45, 46 , 49 , 54, 118, Frog 141 H olacanthus tricolor 12 7
Caiman latirostris (see caim an) 123, 125 , 127 , 128, 136, 141 Frogfish 130, 131 Horses 40 , 52, 70 , 113, 120, 123, 126, 131,
Calappa ocellata 124, 128, 131, 146 Cuacucua ( Ogcocephalus longirostris) 54, 124, Fullica (see coot) 132, 137, 157, 176, 190; pis. 13c, 31a
Callithrix jacchus (see marmoset) 139, 146; pi s. 32a, 76b Hummin gbirds 66, 199
Cuebi 54, 55 Geese 124, 144, 157 Hydrochaeris hydrochaeris (see capybara)
Calwpiza cayanajlava (see caiicupoucaja) Gelochelidon nilotica aranea 144
Camarupi 54; pl. 32c Cuguacu-ete, pampas deer (Ozotoceros bezoarti-
Geochelone carbonaria 94 Iapu (see also jabiru) 106; pl. 33a
cus) 15 7, 188; pl. 21d

354 Zoological Index Zoological Index 355

Iapuiuba, iapu iupa 58
Ibiboboca (Micrurus ibiboboca) 127
Ibi s (see searlet ibi s)
Icterus jamacaii 100, 144; pl. 33a
Ierebacaba 69
Iguana (Iguana iguana) 127 , 146, 188
Ind ian rhinoceros 123
In sects 36, 38, 40, 41, 45, 46, 49 , 51, 53, 54,
93 , 187 , 188, 201; pl. 22b
Invertebrates 108
Ipeca (Scapaneus melanoleucos); pl. 14a
Istiophorus platypterus (see sai lfi sh)
Itaiara (see Epinephelus itajara)
Jabiru , iapu Uabiru mycteria) 60, 64, 124,
136; pis. 2b, 17b, 34b
Jabiruguacu (Mycteria americana) 60
Jacare (see jagare)
J ac urutu (?Bubo virginianus nacurutu) 126
J agare (Caiman crocodilus or C. latirostris) 145,
188
J aguac;:ati goac;:u ( Chloroceryle amazona ); pl. 17b
Jaguar 61 , 119, 120, 12 3, 129, 137, 142 , 143 ,
155, 188; pis. 67 , 71
Japuru ca 103
J etimixira (see wrasse)
Kentropyx (see li zard )
Kin gcrab (? Limulus polyphemus) 103
Lactophrys trigonus (see guam a iacu-ape)
Lagocephalus laevigatus (see puffer/ish)
Land crab (Cardisoma guanhumi) 124, 128,
129, 131, 137, 146; pis. 18b, 23a, 40
Leopard 29 , 143
Lepas hillii (see goose barnacles)
Lite piquitinga (see piquitin ga)
Limulus polyphemus (see kin gcrab)
Lions 142 , 143, 149
Lizard (incl. senembi) 41, 66, 91, 94, 100,
128, 136, 170, 187, 188; pl. Sa
Ll amas 61, 63, 113, 120, 132, 142, 143, 164,
165; pis. 2d, 9c,d, 35a, 76a
Lobsters (see also shrimps) 128 , 170
Locusts (see grasshopper )
Louri 54
Lovebird (Agapornis pullaria) 75
Lynx 57
Lysiosquilla scabricauda (see mant is sh rimp)
Macaijuba (Cebus apella) 104, 125
Macaw (Ara ararauna and A. macao)
76 , 97 , 197
Macrobrachium carcinus (see shrimp)
Magpie 132
Maguari stork 56
356 Zoological Index
Mamm als 36, 38, 40, 41, 45, 46, 49, 51, 94,
108, 118, 123, 129, 149, 187, 188, 201;
pi s. 2c,d , 9c,d, 11b, 13a,b,c, 17 a, 19a,
21c,d, 25a,b, 30a,b, 31a,b, 35a, 58,
76a, 77a, 78a (also Schwedt paintings an
tapest ries: 62- 74)
Manatees 197, 198
Man-of-war-fish (see pilotfi sh)
Mantis shrimps (Lysiosquilla scabricauda; see
also Squilla obtusa) 103, 128
Maori dogs 40
Marin e animals 102
Marmosets ('Callithrix jacchus) 100, 101, 133,
143
M egalopyge lanata 67
Merou 169; pl. 11a
Meru 60
Micrurus ibiboboca (see ibi boboca)
Miivipira (see fl yin g gurn a rd)
Mithrax hispidus (see red spider crab)
Mituporanga (Crax Jasciolata) 53, 58, 145,
149
Molluscs 45 , 46 , 77
Mon acan thid fish 146; pl. 18a
Monacanthus hispidus 130
Monkeys 42, 90 , 104, 125, 130, 131, 143 ,
148, 176 , 187 ; pl. 17 a
Moray eels 131
Mosquito (see Brazilian mosq uito)
Moths (in cl. M egalopyge lanata) 67, 93
Mouse (see Brazilian mouse)
Mu cu 91
Mullet 124
Mu ssels 73
Mutu ca (see in sects)
Mycteria americana (see jabiruguacu)
Myrmecophaga tridactyla (see tamandua guac;:u)
Narinari, stingray 54, 60 , 102 ; pl. 20c
Nasua nasua (see coati)
Nine-banded armadillo (see tatuete)
Niqu i (Thalassophryne natterz) 124, 146; pl. 76b
Nomeus gronovii (see pilot/i sh)
O ctopus 127
Ogcocephalus longirostris (see cuacucua)
Opossum (see taibi)
Ostrea rosacea 73
Ostriches 120, 127, 129, 13 5, 136, 145, 149,
157 , 188
58, 61, Owls 123, 126, 130, 144, 170; pl. 9b
Oxen 119, 125, 126, 190
O ysters 74, 77
Ozotoceros bezoarticus (see cu guacu -ete)
Ramplzastos ariel (see toucan)
Pam pas dee r ( ee cuguacu-ete)
Pa napanao, panapana 103 ; pl. 18b Red spider crab (Mithrax hispidus) 124, 128 ,
131, 146
Parabuteo unicinctus (see hawk)
Parribacus antarcticus (see shovelnose lobster) Reef oysters 77
Parrots 25, 41, 54, 62, 75 , 77, 127 , 129 , 130, Remora 132
131, 134, 149, 176; pi s. 13d, 23b Repti les 36, 38, 40, 45, 46, 49, 51, 127, 187
Reriapi ya (see goose barnacles)
Paru 46
Peacock (feathers) 75 , 126 Rhea (Rhea americana) 60, 67, 157
Peccaries (Tayassu tajacu) 157, 188, 201 Rhinoceros 29, 64, 91, 119, 123, 135 , 136,
143; pl. 67
Pecten 73, 93
Peixe gate 103 R hinoceros unicornis (see rhinoceros)
Peli can 104 Roan horse 52, 70; pis. 13c, 31a
Penguin 61 Saco (see so co)
Persephona mediterranea 128 , 147 Saguij 100
Petimbuaba 103 Sailfish (lstiophorus platypterus) 43 , 130, 131;
Pfeil staert 102 pl. 14b
Phalium 73 Sall ema (Arclzosargus unimaculatus) 132
Phasianus brasiliensis ( = mituporanga) 53 Sarkidiornis melanotos 124; pl. 17b
Pheasant 136 Saugthiere 45
Phoenicopterus rmtiquorum (see fl amin go) Savann a fox ( Cerdocyon tho us azarae) 68
Phrynops (Batrachemys) nasutus 127 Sawfish 103, 124
Picu ipinima 145 Sawshark 103
Pi gs 157 Scarlet ibi s (Eudocimus ruber) 24, 66 , 98, 100,
Pilot/ish (No meus gronoviz) 91 , 92 , 130; pl. 18a 106, 126; pl. 33b
Piqu itinga (Lile piquitinga) 36, 170 , 203; Scarlet macaw (Ara macao) 76, 97, 127;
pl. 8b pl. 34a
Pira aca (Monacanthus varius); pl. !Sa Sciaen id 130
Pirabebe (see fl yin gfish) Scombroid 102
Pirametara (m ullet) 91 , 92, 124 Scorpion 103
Pira pelom boeba 103 Seahorse 61, 104, 129; pl. 21a
Pirapixanga (Epinephelus guttatus) 103 Seal 57
Pirat iapia (Epinephelus morio) J32; pi s. 2a, 14c Sea star 40
Piraumbu 91 Sea urchin 103
Plagusia depressa 128 Senembi 66
Pol ydactyly 63 Serpents 186
Pom acanthid 127 Serranid 124, 127, 132
Pongobi 58 Sharks (teeth) 69, 103
Porcupine 61, 64 Shee p 40, 51, 63, 70 , 120, 130, 131, 144,
Porcupine/ish ( Chilomycterus atinga, Dio- 145, 165 , 169; pis . 13a, 77a
don) 102, 124, 127 , 139; pl. 18a Shells 73, 74, 75, 77, 92 , 93 , 98, 102, 119,
Possum (see taibi) 121
Poti atinga 54; pis. 19d, 32b Shovelnose lobste r (Parribacus antarcticus) 128
Poti guac;: u (Macrobrachium acantlzurus); pl. 19d Shrimps (Macrobrachium carcinus) 128; pi s. Sa,
Potipem a (see shrimp) 19d
Potiriguac;: u, potiriguagu 58; pl. 17b Skimmer (see black skimmer)
Prist is pectinatus (see saw fi sh) Sloths 51, 60, 125, 156, 187
Psittacids 97 Snakes 52, 66, 104, 108, 127, 141 , 157, 188
Psittacus eritlzacus (see grey parrot) Soco, saco 53
Pteroglossus aracari (see to ucan) South African tortoise (Testudo (Psammobates)
Pterygopliclzthys etentaculus 12 7 geometrica) 131
Puffer/ish (Lagocephalus laevigatus) 124 South American fox (Dusicyon culpaeus) 68
Sparids 130, 132
Quad rupeds 48 , 141
Sphyrna lewini (see ham merhead shark)
R abbits (Sylvilagus brasiliensis) 186, 188
Zoological Index 357
 Sphyrna tiburo (see bonnethead shark)
Testudo (Psammobates) geometrica (see South Afri-
Spider crab (see red spider crab) can tortoise)
Spiders 66, 77 , 82, 100, 178, 187 Thalassophryne natterz. (see niqui)
Spitzaetus ornatus (see urutaurana) Thamnophilus palliatus 127
Spoonbill (see aiaia) Tiburao 103
Squid 130
Tiepinanga, tiepiranga 58
Squilla obtusa 128; pl. 21b Tiger, tigre 93, 129
Stag 143
Timacambire (Aechmea); pl. 15a
Stag beetle, enema; pis. 14d, 22b Toad (Bufo) 70; pl. 41
Starfishes 51, 60 , 104
Tolypeutes tricinctus (see tatu a para, -gua~u)
Stingray (see narinari)
Tortoises 23, 33, 40 , 77, 94, 102, 104, 127 ,
Stork 56, 98, 126, 191
131, 136, 146, 149, 170; pis. 59, 77b
Striped frogfish (Antennarius striatus) 130 Toucan , aracari 91, 126, 127 , 144, 150
Strombus 73 Trogon 144
Sulphurcrested cockatoo 101 Trogon collaris 12 3
unfish 66 Trogon curucui 123
Swordfish 43
Tropidurus torquatus 188
Sylvilagus brasiliensis (see rabbits) Trumpetfish 103
Synbranchid, mucu 91
Trunkfish (see guamaiacu-ape)
Tadpole 41 Tuidara ow l (Ijto alba tuidara) 123, 170;
Taibi , carigueya, opossum, po sum (Didelphis pl. 9b
marsupia/is) 60, 64, 91, 156, 201; pl. 19a Turbo 93
Tama]u asu 103 Tusk (elephant) 73
Tamandua 144, 188 Two-toed anteater (Cyclopes didactyl us) 100
Tamandua beba 52; pl. 30b Two-toed sloth (see ai)
Tamandua gaam 51 Ijto alba tuidara (see tuidara owl)
Tamandua-gua~u, giant anteater (Myrmecopha- Ucauna, blue crab (?Cardisoma guanhumi) 49,
ga tridactyla) 41, 49, 51, 65, 126, 144, 156, 69, 102, 124
187; pis. llb, 17a, 25b, 30 Unbarana 54
Tamandua-f (Tamandua tetradactyla) 52, 91, Unicorn 93, 94, 139
187; pl. 92a
U rutau ra na, hawk-eagle (Spitzaetus orna-
Tamandua tetradactyla (see tamandua-f) tus) 36, 170; pl. 10
Tamoata 54
U ubaranacaguacu 54
Tangara miri (Pipra rubrocapilla); pl. 17b
Tapirs 120, 123 , 129, 142, 143, 155 , 170, Weaverbirds 113, 130, 131, 148
188, 191, 199; pl. 71 Whitenecked heron 56
Tatou 65 Wild pigs 15 7
Tatu 60 Worms 41, 48
Tatu apara (?Tolypeutes tricinctus) 76 Wrasse ( Halichoeres) 130; pl. 18a
Tatuete, nine-banded armadillo (Dasypus Zebra 119, 123, 124, 135 , 136, 143; pl. 67
novemcinctus) 91, 124, 142 , 187 ; pis. 31b, Zoologi cal specimens 95
78a Zunu sheep 165 COLOPHON
Tatugua~u ( Tolypeutes tricinctus) 76
Tayassu tajacu (see peccaries) Design and typography: Frederik Bos,
Amsterdam
Typesetting and printing: Krips Repro bv,
M eppel
and Waanders bv, Zwolle
(co lou rplates)
Lithography: NEROC/Koning veld Arnhem
and Basisscan, Amsterdam
(cover and plates 86-98)
Binding: Boekbinderij van Wijk bv, Utrecht

358 Zoological Index Colophon 359

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