cussed here. There is an unfortuante frequency of typo: graphical errors in some of the papers, but all are well Presented, interesting, and testify to the strength of the pro: gram from which they came. La Nutricién en el Antiguo Per. Santiago E. Antiine: de ‘Mayolo R. Lima, Peru: Banco Central de Reserva del Pert Oficina Numismatica, 1981. Pp. 189. n.p. (paperback), John D. Meredith, PhD Anthropology, Casper College La Nutricion en el Antiguo Perd is an attempt to use historical documents, from both the Spanish colonial period and later, in order to present a detailed account of prehis. toric Inca foods and food habits. Entries from historical and contemporary Quechua dictionaries are used, as well, to reconstruct prehistoric food categories and practices. The result is a book that outlines Inca culinary habits, tech niques of food preservation, and food resources. Through such documentation, the author hopes to show that the Inca were much better nourished than modern Peruvians. Although archeotogical data are mentioned, they are not utilized to any great extent. For the most part the book is a welcome addition to the literature, since it consolidates subsistence information from a variety of documents not available to scholars outside of Peru. The author has done an admirable job of sifting through these sources and of presenting an account of pre- Columbian nutritional resources and their utilization by the Inca. Unfortunately, the book is marred by some flaws that Fequire a patient attitude on the part of the reader. To begin with, there are no binomial genus and species ‘names provided for any of the animal resources discussed and such terms are not uniformly furnished for the plant ‘materials that are covered. While the author must have had trouble finding Linnaean equivalents based on historical references, itis often difficult to tell which plants or animals are being referred to. This is particularly true when the ‘Quechua term is used; since there is no glossary provided, some kind of access to a Quechua dictionary is almost im. erative for the reader. ‘The author tends also to assume that the use of ethno: ‘graphic analogy is always a safe practice and to overgeneral- ie from available data. As an example, one table calculates Inca daily per capita consumption of various foodstufls as ‘well as the caloric and nutritional values of those foods, but the whole table is based on the number of times these foods are mentioned in 16th- and 17th-century texts. It would seem to be difficult to quantify so precisely given such a data base. Similar questions could be raised concerning the reliability of using Quechua dictionary entries as a basis for inferring behavioral patterns prehistorically In spite of these excesses of zeal and some choppy organi zation, the book will prove useful to those scholars who have an interest in this area. Although one might cake issue with the author's handling of data and with his conclusions in some instances, it contains much that is useful. and enlightening, even though it does require an unusually care: ful reading, 20 Food in Perspective: Proceedings of the Third Interna- tional Conference on Ethnological Food Research. Alex: ander Fenton and Trefor M. Owen, eds, Edinburgh: John. Donald Publishers, 1981. (U.S. Distributor: Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, NJ). Pp. xix + 425. $50.00 (hardcover), Robert Lawless, PhD Anthropology, University of Florida Read at the Third International Conference on Ethnolog: ical Food Research (hosted by the Welsh Folk Museum in August 1977), these papers represent the work of $3 con- tributors from several different countries. The editors pro- vide no introduction (beyond an uninformative three-para graph preface), arrange the contributions in alphabetical order by author, and apparently did no editing. What we are presented with are the raw proceedings from this confer- ence—four years after the fact (the book contains no cita mns later than 1977). (A. similar mish-mash titled Gastronomy and “edited” by Margaret L. Arnott, a con tributor to this book, was published in 1975 from the pro- ceedings of the IXth International Congress of Anthropo- logical and Ethnological Sciences.) Some selections read like unedited field notes, most are simply classficatory, some reflect an outdated style in Euro: pean folklore studies. A few, however, actually have some conceptual framework that makes them worthwhile, among them a heuristic paper on the adult human preference for unpalatable substances (Rozin and Rozin); a well-argued piece that concludes that "when studying the recorded cui- sine of another age it becomes necessary to examine it in the context of social, historical, and economie phenomena” (Sass, p. 258); a neat historical job on “The Beginnings of the Modern Milk Age in Germany" (Teuteberg); a thought provoking essay on interconnections between food habits and architecture (Welsch); and an article on food in a Malayan medical system (Wilson). ‘Most of the papers here simply should not have been pub- lished —and they would not have had they been submiteed to a refereed journal. We should not have to pay attention to substandard papers simply because they are published in book form; such volumes impose on both our patience and cour pocketbooks, Indigenous Psychologies: The Anthropology of the Self. Paul Heelas and Andrew Lock. New York: Academic Press, 1981. Pp. xviii + $22 (index). $29.50 (hardcover). E. Alan Morinis, PiD Anthropology, University of Victoria I has always been regrettable that the mind and collec: tive representations came to be each the property of dif. ferent disciplines, for surely itis the interplay of mind and cculture that is central to human nature and behavior. This book bridges the gap by bringing together anthropologists and psychologists for a collaborative investigation of “in: digenous psychologies,” those culturally construed maps of the mind that every social group provides to its members as the basis for commonsensical cognition and action. The mix is fruitful, and the result is a book that does much to ad-