Kerr - Mayavase Vol 5 - 1997

A CORPUS OF ROLLOUT PHOTOGRAPHS OF MAYA VASES
H
BY JUSTIN KERR
WITH ESSAYS BY
SIMON MARTIN
INGA CALVIN
THE
MAYA
VASE
BOOK
A CORPUS OF ROLLOUT PHOTOGRAPHS OF MAYA VASES
BY JUSTIN KERR
WITH ESSAYS BY
SIMON MARTIN
INGA CALVIN
MICHEL QUENON AND
GENEVIEVE LE FORT
EDITED BY BARBARA AND JUSTIN KERR
VOLUME 5
THE MAYA VASE BOOK VOL. 5

A Corpus o f Rollout Photographs of Maya Vases
Edited by Barbara and Justin Kerr
Copyright Justin Kerr 1997

all rights reserved except
as stated in the preface
Photography Justin Kerr

Design Barbara Kerr
Printing Allen Press Inc.
Typeface ITC Bookman
Composed in PC Pagemaker
Published by Kerr Associates

14 West 17 Street
New York, NY 10011
USA
(212) 741-1731
ISBN 0- 9624208-4-0
718
CONTENTS
PAGE 720 PREFACE JUSTIN KERR
PAGE 722 COMPENDIUM OF VASE NUMBERS
PAGE 728 THE CORPUS
THE ESSAYS
PAGE 846 THE PAINTED KING LIST: SIMON MARTIN

A COMMENTARY ON CODEX-STYLE
DYNASTIC VASES.
PAGE 868 WHERE THE WAYOB LIVE: INGA CALVIN

A FURTHER EXAMINATION OF CLASSIC
MAYA SUPERNATURALS.
PAGE 884 REBIRTH AND RESURRECTION IN MAIZE GOD MICHEL gUENO N AND
ICONOGRAPHY. GENEVIEVE LE FORT
719
PREFACE
Volume 5 of THE MAYA VASE BOOK series add another dimension to the many facets of
has finally seen the light of day. With each this deity. Having presented Nickolai Grube's
passing year, the analysis o f the scenes and and W erner N ahm 's essay, A Census of
texts on Maya vessels, excavated as well as Xlbalba, in Volume 4, we are delighted to have
unprovenanced, expands our knowledge of Inga Calvin continue the evaluation of those
the art and minds of these ancient people. ubiquitous Maya supernaturals, the Wayob.
With the publication of Dorie Reents-Budet's Her approach is from another perspective and
masterful Painting the Maya Universe, for moves us to yet another plane of inquiry.
which I had the pleasure of doing the photo
graphs, and the beautiful exhibition it accom Throughout this volume, as before, we have
panied, our information about these ceram used the following abbreviations, PY, CX,
ics has been greatly increased. CV, IN, MD, and BW.
Barbara and I wish to express our gratitude PY Polychrom e

to the authors of the essays in this volume CX Codex Style
for their efforts in presenting their assess CV Carved (clay or stone)
ments and thoughts on the complex patterns IN Incised
of Maya thinking. Simon Martin adds immea MD Molded
surably to our knowledge of the politics and BW Black text on w hite (see
interaction between various sites by his in preface, Volume 3)
terpretation of the "Dynasty" series of codex-
style vessels. With the publication o f K6751 This volume contains many vases from mu
(page 846 in this volume), a vase with the long seums in The United States, Canada, and
est inscription we have seen to date, and to Guatemala; that information is noted. If there
our thinking, the most beautiful of the "Dy is no notation as to ownership, then the ob
nasty" vases, Simon has been able to place ject is probably in a private collection. The
some of the individuals named on these co vases are also organized into a iconographic
dex vases into historical time and place. database which is available for the asking.
Michel Quenon and Geneviève Le Fort exam
ine the complexities o f the Maya Maize God. Once again, we w ill caution you that many
Complementing the work of Karl Taube, they o f the vases published here are restored. If
720
you have done fieldwork, you are aware that most o f the glyphs on the body o f the ves These publications are:
very few vases are found in pristine condi sel are spurious. The figure of God A as the
tion, so judgem ent must be used in decid God of Decapitation, the deity carrying the 1. The Maya Scribe and His World
ing which vases to publish. Although there baby and the baby as well, are original. The 2. Lords o j the Underworld
m ay be restoration on a vase but there is jaguar, the figure at the base of the "stela" , 3. Old Gods and Young Heroes
still inform ation to be gained, we feel it is the skeletal cloak, and mol ku chi or God A' 4. The Maya Book of the Dead
necessary to publish it. If you question the are all recognizable. We hope to republish this 5. Blood o f Kings
validity o f a vase, try to find others with vase in the future. 6. Painting the Maya Universe
sim ilar texts and scenes to compare. In ter
estin gly, one can begin to recognize the The ru les fo r u sin g the ro llo u t p h o to Since publishing the original compendium
work o f various restorers, thereby enhanc graphs are sim ple. There is no need for in Volumes 1 and 4, a few more vases have
ing and adding another level to our knowl perm ission to use the photographs in a been "rolled out" and they have been added
edge o f the vases. scholarly work or paper, or even to p u b to the list which you w ill find after this p ref
lish in a n ot-fo r-p rofit book, as p e rm is ace. It is difficult enough for students o f
It is in this context that we have found that sion is h ereby granted and im plicit to any this esoteric m aterial to locate the scenes
the vase on page 223 o f Volume 2 (K2211) sch olar or stu dent. However, the c o p y or texts needed, along w ith the K num bers
is a m odern forgery. This inform ation was right notice and date, along w ith the Kerr o f the vases, w ithout stum bling over the
obtained when another pull from the same file number, m ust accom pany the rollout. various idiosyncratic page, plate, vessel, or
mold arrived in the studio in its unfired R ollou t photographs m ay not be used in other num bering system s that have been
state. Barbara Kerr im m ediately suspected any com m ercial or profit-m akin g book or utilized. So we would to like leave you with
the vase and after intense exam ination and venture w ithout prior w ritten perm ission th is q u ota tion from A Catalog o f Maya
laboratory testing, we realized that the ob and discussion o f fees. Hieroglyphs by J. Eric S. Thompson.
ject in question was new. Upon com pari
son with the photograph o f vase K2211we In keeping with our efforts to bring these "Fellow epigraphers, o f your charity
recognized that it too was a forgery. We have images o f Maya vessels to light and make do not improve this system; confu
also had the opportunity to reexam ine an them accessible to the scholarly com m u sion will outweigh gain and tinkered
other vase, K718 in Volume 1. The modern nity and others who wish to take advan pans soon leak."
paint on this vessel has now been removed tage o f the creativity o f the ancient Maya
and it is o f interest to note that all o f the artists, we are republishing the various Justin Kerr
major figures do exist. However, as we sus compendia o f the most useful and popular New York
pected at the time o f publishing this vase, publications. 1997
721
MScrlbe LOU OG
The Maya Scribe and His World Lords of the Underworld Old Gods and Young Heroes
Michael Coe Michael Coe Michael Coe
Photographs by Justin Kerr Photographs by Justin Kerr Photographs by Justin Kerr
The Grolier Society, New York 1972 The Princeton Art Museum, Princeton The Israel Museum, Jerusalem 1978
1975
Page MScribe KNo. Page OG KNo.
Page LOU KNo.
38 No. 12 6996 14 No. 1 1210
47 No. 16 2847 16 No. 1 511 17 No. 2 928
50 No. 18 7004 22 No. 2 512 19 No. 3 1205
52 No. 20 6994 28 No. 3 531 21 No. 4 1151
59 No. 24 7026 34 No. 4 521 23 No. 5 1206
60 No. 25 626 40 No. 5 556 25 No. 6 1287
62 No. 26 2352 48 No. 6 518 27 No. 7 1218
65 No. 27 6059 52 No. 7 504 29 No. 8 1208
68 No. 29 2800 60 No. 8 555 33 No. 10 1288
71 No. 30 5450 65 No. 9 593 35 No. 11 1209
72 No. 31 6984 71 No. 10 578 37 No. 12 1254
74 No. 32 5505 78 No. 11 530 39 No. 13 1214
80 No. 36 6294 87 No. 12 595 41 No. 14 1207
81 No. 37 1386 89 No. 13 701 43 No. 15 758
87 No. 39 5465 95 No. 14 633 49 No. 20 1204
91 No. 42 511 101 No. 15 517 51 No. 21 1219
94 No. 43 512 107 No. 16 501 55 No. 23 1213
98 No. 45 521 113 No. 17 518 68 No. 32 1216
101 No. 46 2802 119 No. 18 637 71 No. 33 1285
103 No. 47 635 125 No. 19 558 73 No. 34 1215
109 No. 49 2796 131 No. 20 533 75 No. 35 1217
117 No. 57 4477 81 No. 38 1261
118 No. 58 5110 105 No. 58 1211
123 No. 63 4467 107 No. 59 518
125 No. 65 4466 109 No. 60 927
131 No. 70 3324 115 No. 61 1212
134 No. 73 6998 117 No. 62 1273
140 No. 79 109
722
BOD Page BOD K No. Page BOD KNo.

The Maya Book o f the Dead
Francis Roblscek and Donald Hales University of 28 Ves. 38 1341 68 Ves. 83 1488
Virglna Art Museum, 1981 28 Ves. 39 1652 68 Ves. 84 1566
28 Ves. 40 1230 68 Ves. 85 761
Page BOD KNo. 29 Ves. 41 1389 68 Ves. 86 1561
29 Ves. 43 1300 69 Ves. 87 1340
15 Ves. 1 511 30 Ves. 44 1231 69 Ves. 88 1222
15 Ves. 2 1560 30 Ves. 45 1259 69 Ves. 89 1651
16 Ves. 3 1650 30 Ves. 46 1376 71 Ves. 92 1343
16 Ves. 4 1006 30 Ves. 47 1181 71 Ves. 93 1346
16 Ves. 5 1649 31 Ves. 48 1203 71 Ves. 94 1338
17 Ves. 6 1364 31 Ves. 48a 1809 72 Ves. 96 1224
17 Ves. 7 1375 31 Ves. 48b 1811 72 Ves. 97 1489
18 Ves. 9 1198 32 Ves. 49 1001 72 Ves. 99 1395
18 Ves. 10 719 32 Ves. 50 1228 73 Ves. 101 1248
18 Ves. 11 1081 32 Ves. 51 1442 73 Ves. 102 1333
19 Ves. 12 1382 33 Ves. 52 1253 74 Ves. 103 1562
19 Ves. 12a 1813 33 Ves. 53 1080 74 Ves. 104 1366
20 Ves. 13 1079 33 Ves. 54 1256 74 Ves. 105 1365
20 Ves. 14 1559 34 Ves.55 1211 83 Ves. 108 1607
20 Ves. 15 1182 53 Ves. 56 1196 83 Ves. 109 1226
21 Ves. 17 1645 53 Ves. 57 1221 84 Ves. 110 1345
21 Ves. 18 1200 54 Ves. 58 1252 84 Ves. 111 1247
22 Ves. 19 1003 54 Ves. 59 1220 89 Ves. I l l a 1812
22 Ves. 20 1815 55 Ves. 60 1787 91 Ves. 117 1892
22 Ves. 21 521 55 Ves. 61 1565 92 Ves. 120 1609
23 Ves. 22 1370 55 Ves. 62 1257 97 Ves. 122 999
23 Ves. 23 1644 56 Ves. 63 1225 98 Ves. 123 1302
23 Ves. 24 1199 56 Ves. 64 760 98 Ves. 124 1334
23 Ves. 25 1768 57 Ves. 66 1522 98 Ves. 125 1344
24 Ves. 27 1152 57 Ves. 68 1180 99 Ves. 126 955
24 Ves. 29 1380 58 Ves. 69 1185 99 Ves. 127 1005
25 Ves. 30 1197 58 Ves. 70 512 99 Ves. 128 1371
25 Ves. 31 1653 58 Ves. 71 1523 100 Ves. 129 1372
26 Ves. 33 531 65 Ves. 73 1258 100 Ves. 130 1457
26 Ves. 34 556 65 Ves. 74 762 112 Flg. 13a 595
26 Ves. 35 1646 67 Ves. 79 1301 112 Fig. 13b 1742
27 Ves. 36 998 67 Ves. 80 1362 113 Flg. 14 1670
27 Ves. 37 1384 67 Ves. 81 1648 116 Flg. 17a 1201
27 Ves. 37a 1882 67 Ves. 82 1202 116 Fig. 17b 700
Page BOD KNo. Page BOD K No. BOK

The Blood of Kings
116 Fig. 18 1250 174 Ves. 146 1352 Linda Scheie and Mary Ellen Miller
119 Fig. 20a 1184 75 Ves. 147 1381 Photographs by Justin Kerr
119 Fig. 20a 688 175 Ves. 149 1223 The Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth, 1986
121 Fig. 22a 791 177 Ves. 153 1002
121 Fig. 22a 792 180 Ves. 161 1347 Page BOK KNo.
121 Fig. 22c 793 180 Ves. 162 759
122 Fig. 23a 1439 182 Ves. 165 1647 150 PI. 47a 2873
122 Fig. 23b 1440 183 Ves. 168 758 162 PI. 46a 1225
128 Fig. 29A 954 184 Ves. 169 1388 165 PI. 48a 554
128 Fig. 29c 5352 184 Ves. 170 1387 171 PI. 55a 2800
129 Fig. 30a 1386 184 Ves. 171 1437 202 PI. 67a 2786
129 Fig. 30b 501 185 Ves. 172 1337 202 PI. 68a 2783
130 Fig. 31b 717 187 Ves. 176 1783 205. PI. 71a 1452
130 Fig. 31b 1377 189 Fig. 61a 1288 207 PI. 73a 2776
130 Fig. 32 1558 189 Fig. 61b 1209 1 225 V. 9a 1206
131 Fig. 33a 1836 191 Flg. 64 927 225 V. 9b 1392
136 Fig. 40a 5012 191 Fig. 65 1254 233 PI. 84a 638
136 Fig. 40b 504 195 Ves. 179 518 236 PI. 88a 2798
138 Fig. 41a 1183 196 Ves. 180 1251 239 PI. 92a 2795
142 Fig. 46a 5453 198 Ves. 183 635 255 PI. 95a 2912
142 Fig. 46b 1785 200 Ves. 184 1547 260 PI. 96a 2803
143 Fig. 47a 767 201 Ves. 186 1004 292 PI. 109a 2802
143 Fig. 47c 1643 203 Table 1.1 1335 297 PI. 115a 511
144 Fig. 48a 1790 208 Table 7.B 1552 297 PL 116a 1250
152 Fig. 53a 626 212 Table ll.B 1354 299 PL 117a 521
156 Fig. 59 731 213 Table 12.D 1349 299 PL 118a 2847
164 Ves. 135 1348 216 Table 15.A 1810 315 PL 122 1609
167 Ves. 138 771 216 Table 15.B 1350
169 Ves. 139 1299 219 Table 18.A 1368
170 Ves. 140 1339 219 Table 18.B 1367
171 Ves. 141 1546 220 Table 21.B 1351
171 Ves. 142 1604 226 Table 27.F 1356
172 Ves. 143 1551 234 Fig. 86 772
173 Ves. 144 1227 243 Fig. 86c 1394
174 Ves. 145 1555 244 Fig 87a 2796
PMU Page no. MS no. K no. Page no. MS no. K no.

Painting the Maya Universe: Royal Ceramics of the
Classic Period 205 200 620 198 845 5603
Dorie Reents-Budet 93 207 5361 93 1092 1 082
with contributions by 281,359 240 5460 257, 347 1118 558
Joseph W. Ball, Ronald L. Bishop, Virginia M. 198 244 5358 208 1120 731
Fields, and Barbara MacLeod 191 245 3040 166 1121 1439
Photographs by Justin Kerr 283, 358 249 5357 21 1123 688
Duke University Press, Durham & London, 1994 190, 237, 340 250 5224 181 1125 703
200, 338 253 3034 13 1126 1183
327 255 5354 185,337 1127 5356
Page no. MS no. K no. 206 285 5362 138 1131 5347
178,336 334 5370 110, 325 1137 5360
182,337 38 517 316 347 1185 28, 334 1138 5383
82, 150, 326 40 5458 94, 150 445 2784 282 1158 5369
243, 342 53 5457 91, 142, 321 448 4338 10, 329 1262 2815
254 54 5456 190 548 5381 17, 331 1268 5179
38, 315 59 717 268 554 5376 5, 328 1271 5180
284, 359 60 5454 84, 323 605 5723 95, 174, 334 1373 1728
11 65 5451 184, 345 606 5722 18, 331 1370 5346
26 71 5453 45 639 5228 62, 319 1374 633
270, 352 75 5455 73, 324 647 5072 61, 319 1375 635
136 77 5452 73, 324 648 5057 90, 322 1389 5349
19, 330 86 5459 51, 320, 131 651 1599 278, 358 1392 578
98, 202, 339 91 5446 88 652 5062 159 1397 2323
202 108 5436 7 653 1834 242 1401 5225
265 114 5435 199, 339 657 5076 39, 280, 356 1404 511
248 118 5440 86, 126 658 5073 262 1406 767
116 151 5364 243 661 5075 99, 360 1416 4464
275, 352 158 5351 252, 344 663, 5074 60, 168 1418 1463
25, 334 159 5355 19, 330 673 5068 170, 336 1419 1399
270, 352 160 5372 48 728 5597 83 1421 4669
214, 282 161 5400 272, 355 739 3395 189 1425 5054
16, 331 165 5345 274, 350 740 3033 238, 345 1426 5036
41 173 1522 194 779 5604 41, 316 1432 4962
47 176 5352 19, 330 804 5600 196, 339 1438 5379
115,326 194 5350 276 808 5§ 12 113 1444 1743
205 199 621 277 827 5615 27, 151, 332 1491 2707
725
Page no. MS no. K no. Additional correlation of MS no. K no. MS no. K no.
MS and Kerr numbers.
243, 342 1516 5075 881 5599 1552 5636
8, 329 1521 2598 MS no. K no. 1034 5645 1557 5632
263, 350 1523 4805 1037 5644 1582 3400
222 1524 5113 45 1304 1045 5646 1598 5638
13, 330 . • 1525 5366 51 5448 1045 5649 1600 5637
264, 350 1526 2803 57 5450 1046 5647 1603 5639
148 1638 5618 70 2699 1117 1485 1606 5635
241 1678 5394 74 5445 1122 1377 1608 5628
145 1680 4976 102 5437 1129 5359 1609 5630
246, 360 1684 1698 105 5438 1147 5222 1619 5634
36, 314 1687 5824 198 5223 1149 5384 1646 5653
6 1722 5164 256 624 1151 5348 1648 5654
149 BV10 2701 281 5363 1159 5371 1651 5651
20, 334 BV70 2699 323 5375 1165 5365 1661 5629
97 1452 332 5374 1174 1197 1675 5596
354 1251 1181 5368 1676 5389
511 5373 1264 5178 1677 5391
580 5380 1396 2358 1679 5538
604 5377 1417 4388 1685 5567
607 5353 1433 3102 1686 5568
645 5071 1435 5378 1688 5850
665 1489 1436 3463 1689 5847
720 3061 1440 5367 1714 5079
725 5609 1445 4909 1715 5390
727 3058 1446 4572 1720 5233
748 5606 1447 3924 BV03 5657
750 5610 1448 1387 BV17 5656
772 5608 1449 1388 BV23 5658
776 5611 1506 5598 BV53 5662
781 5601 1520 4644 BV57 5655
792 5605 1522 2598 C091 5446
G471 5627
726 c
THE CORPUS
727
© Kerr 1991 File No. K413

Ht. 20.0 Dia. 10.5 Cir. 32.0 cm PY

Ht. 23.5 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 45.6 cm PY
A loose translation o f the text in front of the old deity Itzamna may read:
"In the vessel are the seeds of the genitals."
L. Scheie has suggested that "seeds of the genitals" is a euphemism
for corn gruel or atole.
729

Ht. 22.0 Dia. 11.7 Cir. 36.7 cm PY
730

Ht. 11.0 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 41.1 cm CV
731

Ht. 11.5 Dia. 14.8 Cir. 55.5 cm CV
732

Ht. 13.6 Dia. ll.o Cir. 31.1 cm CX
733

Ht. 15.0 Dia. 10.0 Cir. 37.8 cm PY
M.H. De Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco 1986.67.2
734
©Kerr 1991 File No. K5019

Ht. 22.4 Dla. 17.0 Cir. 48.0 cm PY
735

Ht. 13.0 Dia. 12.8 Cir. 41.5 cm CV

Ht. 14.0 Dia. 13.7 Cir. 40.5 cm BW
736
© K err 1991 F ile No. K 5 02 3

Ht. 15.5 Dia. 13.0 Cir. 36 .0 cm MD
737
Kerr 1991 File No. K5025

X ©
t. 13.0 Dia. 21.0 Cir. 61.0 cm PY
M.H. De Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco 1988.30.3
738

Ht. 12.5 Dia. 13.5 Cir. 54.5 cm CV

Ht. 12.0 Dia. 12.5 Cir. 33.3 cm CX
739

Ht. 18.0 Dia. 16.5 Cir. 51.5 cm PY
740

Ht. 14.8 Dia. 15.2 Cir. 44.5 cm PY
© K err 1991 F ile No. K 5 03 4

Ht. 14.5 Dia. 12.0 Cir. 35.5 cm PY
742

Ht. 15.0 Dia. 18.5 Cir. 57.4 cm PY
Los Angeles County Museum of Art M.90.168.18
743

Ht. 22.0 Dia. 13.0 Cir. 40.5 cm PY
744
© K err 1991 File No. K 5 03 9

Ht. 16.0 Dia. 13.0 Cir. 42.0 cm PY
745

Ht. 11.0 Dia. 16.0 Cir. 48.0 cm PY
Los Angeles County Museum of Art M .90.168.10

Ht. 19.0 Dia. 16.5 Cir. 56.5 cm PY
746

Ht. 23.5 Dia. 10.5 Cir. 35.5 cm PY
747

Ht. 16.0 Dia. 16.5 Cir. 53.5 cm PY

Ht. 8.0 Dia. 22.6 Cir. 65.5 cm PY
748

Ht. 24.4 Dia. 13.0 Cir. 41.5 cm CV
749

Ht. 17.0 Dia. 9.0 Cir. 30.7 cm PY
750

Ht. 15.3 Dia. 9.7 Cir. 29.3 cm PY
751

Ht. 18.9 Dia. 9.7 Cir. 32.0 cm PY
752

Ht. 17.5 Dia. 11.7 Cir. 39.5 cm PY
753

Ht. 17.5 Dia. 11.7 Cir. 39.5 cm PY
754

Ht. 22.7 Dia. 14.4 Cir. 45.3 cm PY
755

Ht. 17.0 Dia. 17.5 Cir. 49.5 cm CV
Published: M. Coe, The Maya Scribe and His World, no. 58
See: S. Houston, A Name Glyph for Classic Maya Dwarfs in

The Maya Vase Book, Vol. 3, pp. 526 - 531.
See: N. Grube, The Primary Standard Sequence on Chocholä Style Ceramics.

The Maya Vase Book, Vol. 2, pp. 320 - 330
756
© Kerr 1991 File No. K 5112

Ht. 16.4 Dia. 10.5 Cir. 35.0 cm PY
757

Ht. 20.5 Dia. 13.5 Cir. 41.6 cm PY
758

Ht. 21.4 Dia. 14.5 Cir. 46.6 cm PY
7.6Q

Ht. 21.0 Dia. 15.8 Cir. 49.8 cm CV
Traces of stucco over the ceramic
760

Ht. 17.4 Dia. 10.5 Cir. 33.2 cm PY
761

Ht. 18.5 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 45.0 cm PY
762

Ht. 21.0 Dia. 9.5 Cir. 30.7 cm PY
763

Ht. 7.5 Dla. 11.3 Cir. 33.5 cm CX (red on creme)
Denver Art Museum 1982.159

Ht. 15.4 Dia. 15 Cir. 48.5 cm MD
7 0 4 Denver Art Museum 1969.283


Ht. 22.2 Dia. 10.2 Cir. 34.5 cm PY
765

Ht. 29.7 Dia. 16.8 Cir. 55.5 cm PY
766

Ht. 19.7 Dia. 9.5 Cir. 32.7 cm PY
767

Ht. 12.0 Dia. 16.2 Cir. 47.6 cm MD
Denver Art Museum 1982.188a

Ht. 14.7 Dia. 14.3 Cir. 48.9 cm PY
768

Ht. 13.0 Dia. 12.3 Cir. 39 cm PY
769

Ht. 9.2 Dia. 23.0 Cir. 62.5 cm PY

Black glyphs on orange

Ht. 9.0 Dia. 21.0 Cir. 61.0 cm BW

Black glyphs on yellow
770

Ht. 15.3 Dia. 16.0 Cir. 56.0 cm PY

Ht. 13.5 Dia. 11.4 Cir. 34.3 cm BW
Denver Art Museum 1982.2 77\

Ht. 18.0 Dia. 14.5 Cir. 50.6 cm PY
772

Ht. 20.0 Dia. 10.0 Cir. 32.5 cm PY
773

Ht. 8.2 Dia. 12.0 Cir. 34.6 cm CX
Duke University Museum of Art, Durham 1984.42.9
¿sumé».

Ht. 11.5 Dia. 10.1 Cir. 32.5 cm CX
774

Ht. 13.5 Dia. 15.7 Cir. 49.7 cm PY
Duke University Museum o f Art, Durham 1976.77
775

Ht. 21.5 Dia. 16.5 Cir. 47.5 cm PY
The Art Museum, Princeton University, Princeton 1987.65
776

Ht. 22.0 Dia. 10.0 Cir. 31.6 cm BW
777

Ht. 13.0 Dia. 13.0 Cir. 37.5 cm PY
© K^rr 1992 File No. K5346

Ht. 16.5 Dia. 10.2 Cir. 33.3 cm PY
Basket and fabric designs on pottery vessels

778

Ht. 21.0 Dia. 11.8 Cir. 38.0 cm PY
Mint Museum of Art, Charlotte
779
Ht. 17.5 Dia. 16.3 Ht. 17.5 cm PY
780

Ht. 19.3 Dia. 16.3 Cir. 51.3 cm PY
Duke University Museum of Art, Durham 1976.93
781

Ht. 27.5 Dia. 9.0 Cir. 34.0 cm PY
782 Duke University Museum of Art, Durham 1980.116 •


Ht. 18.5 Dia. 14.7 Cir. 43.5 cm PY


Ht. 9.2 Dia. 15.0 Cir. 44.5 cm PY (lidded vessel)
784

Ht. 10.5 Dia. 18.0 Cir. 36.5 cm PY
785
* *•

Ht. 14.0 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 32.7 cm CX
786

Ht. 24.5 Dia. 13.3 Cir. 43 cm PY
Mint Museum of Art, Charlotte 81.20410
787

Ht. 28.0 Dia. 17.0 Cir. 55.5 cm PY
Mint Museum of Art, Charlotte 83.172.51
788

Ht. 19.5 Dia. 12.5 Cir. 37.0 cm PY
789

Ht. 19.0 Dia. 13.3 Cir. 41.0 cm PY
790

Ht. 20.0 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 34.5 cm PY


Ht. 24.0 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 45.0 cm PY
Duke University Museum of Art, Durham 1981.11
792

Ht. 20.5 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 44.5 cm PY
798
VÍH¡f

Ht. 19.5 Dia. 20.8 Cir. 61.5 cm CV
794

Ht. 24.5 Dia. 15.3 Cir. 63.5 cm PY
795

Ht. 25.2 Dia. 18.5 Cir. 55.3 cm CV
796

Ht. 21.0 Dia. 12.0 Cir. 37.2 cm PY
797

Ht. 23.0 Dia. 17.7 Cir. 60.0 cm PY
Saint Louis Art Museum 216:1979
798
aw
Ht. 15.8 Dia. 13.3 Cir. 45.0 cm PY
Boston Museum o f Fine Art MFA 402.1985
799

Ht. 21.5 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 34.0 cm PY
800

Ht. 16.5 Dia. 15.0 Cir. 44.2 cm PY
801

Ht. 20.7 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 43.6 cm PY
802

Ht. 18.8 Dia. 18.0 Cir. 60.0 cm PY
« n -í

Ht. 21.3 Dia. 11.5 Cir. 36.0 cm PY
804

Ht. 32.5 Dia. 16.5 Cir. 52.6 cm IN
805

Ht. 21.0 Dia. 9.0 Cir. 29.8 cm PY
806
© Kerr 1992
Ht. 24.5 Dia. 14.3 Cir. 47.6 cm PY
807

Ht. 14.3 Dia. 14 Cir. 39.8 cm PY
808

Ht. 12.8 Dia. 16.0 Cir. 50.0 cm CV
809
A*j|

Ht. 15.7 Dia. 14.8 Cir. 47.5 cm PY
Popol Vuh Museum, Guatemala
810

Ht. 14.5 Dia. 18.2 Cir. 58.7 cm PY
811

Ht. 17.0 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 34.5 cm PY
812
STM* HP

Ht. 17.4 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 49.0 cm PY
Rlt

Ht. 18.2 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 34.6 cm PY
814

Ht. 17.5 Dia. 15.0 Cir. 47.7 cm PY
815

Ht. 18.0 Dia. 18.5 Clr. 57.4 cm PY
816

Ht. 21.5 Dia. 10.0 Cir. 29.5 cm PY
Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología de Guatemala


Ht. 13.5 Dia. 13.0 Cir. 36.5 cm CX

Ht. 12.5 Dia. 14.3 Cir. 40.2 cm PY

Ht. 18.5 Dia. 15.5 Cir. 47.5 cm PY
819

Ht. 12.8 Dia. 18.5 Cir. 54.2 cm PY

Ht. 22.2 Dia. 20.7 Cir. 72.5 cm PY
820

Ht. 21.8 Dia. 15.2 Cir. 41.7 cm PY
821

Ht. 17.0 Dia. 11.5 Cir. 35.0 cm CX
822

Ht. 19.4 Dia. 9.3 Cir. 31.5 cm PY
National Museum o f the American Indian, Smithsonian
823

Ht. 15.1 Dia. 13.o Cir. 41.5 cm PY
824

Ht. 21.1 Dia. 8.0 Cir. 30.3 cm PY
Gardiner Museum, Toronto
825
m m j iffS t- #> \ n ils L L IJ i

O T i c g 1
p j j <*
i i I \ff0T\ I / 0 F I Ä y i s r .•] a n u ^ lÄ w i li/i
L __ >
Mi

Ht. 22.6 Dia. 8.7 Cir. 28.0 cm PY
826

Ht. 24.3 Dia. 10.0 Cir. 39.3 cm PY
827

Ht. 20.2 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 41.0 cm PY, IN
828

Ht. 14.0 Dia. 16.7 Cir. 49.2 cm PY
829

Ht. 15.5 Dia. 13.2 Cir. 37.5 cm PY, CV
830

Ht. 14.0 Dia. 11.0 Cir. 45.0 cm PY
The crawling figure has an atl-atl between his teeth

and he is wearing a jaguar skin. He may be a hunter
stalking his prey.
831

Ht. 13.7 Dia. 13.5 Cir. 41.5 cm PY
The Hudson Museum, University of Maine, Orono HM 555
832

Ht. 15.0 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 43.5 cm PY
See T h e M a y a S c r i b e a n d H i s W o r ld , no. 20
833

Ht. 12.9 Dia. 14.7 Cir. 46.0 cm PY
The Hudson Museum, University o f Maine, Orono HM 548
834

Ht. 14.8 Dia. 18.5 Cir. 52.0 cm PY
The Hudson Museum, University of Maine, Orono HM549
835

Ht. 16.0 Dia. 14.0 Cir. 45.5 cm PY
836

Ht. 12.9 Dia. 14.7 Cir. 49.5 cm CV
837

Ht. 20.8 Dia. 15.0 Cir. 47.0 cm CV
See The Maya Scribe and His World, no. 71
838
1

Ht. 23.2 Dia. 16.1 Cir. 58.5 cm PY
See The Maya Scribe and His World, no. 35
839

Ht. 14.0 Dia. 15.0 Cir. 46.1 cm PY
The Hudson Museum, University o f Maine, Orono
840

Ht. 23.9 Dia. 13.5 Cir. 44.7 cm PY
841

Ht. 14.5 Dia. 20.0 Cir. 59.8 cm CV
The Hudson Museum, University o f Maine, Orono HM 1190
842

Ht. 18.8 Dia. 17.5 Cir. 54.5 cm PY
843

Ht. 27.2 Dia. 29.0 Cir. 90.7 cm MD
This large slab-leg mold-made vessel probably comes from

the Pacific slope o f Guatemala. The first and third panel
may be the earlist depiction of a Ch'a-Chak ceremony. See
Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years On The Shaman's Path,
David Freidel, Linda Scheie, and Joy Parker, pp.29-33.
844
THE ESSAYS
845
A B C D E F G H J K L M N
846
THE PAINTED KING LIST:

A COMMENTARY ON CODEX-STYLE DYNASTIC VASES
SIMON MARTIN
Their texts take the form o f a single TABLE 1: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

‘king list’, or more precisely a sequence
o f dated successions that number be
BOD K no. Ht. Dia. No. of No. of Painter
tween five and nineteen; the length of
ceramics from the Classic period are those the series being dependent on the size no. (cm) (cm) Glyphs Rulers
Michael Coe has dubbed “codex-style” o f the vessel and scale o f painting. Dy
(1973:90-103). Executed in a fluid calli nastic listings o f this kind w ere first
graphic line on featureless, page-like sur identified on carved monuments, most 121 - ? ? 24 5 B
faces, their rendering is thought to closely notably on the lintels o f Structure 12 122 999 11 11 27 5 C
approximate the appearance of Classic at Yaxchilan (Mathews 1975), though a
Maya books. Although most depict vivid closer parallel here would be the royal 123 1302 11 11.6 27 5 B
mythological scenes only complemented chronologies supplied by the Group o f 124 1334 11.5 11 30 6 B
by glyphic texts, a distinct sub-group, the the Cross and Temple o f Inscriptions
125 1344 13 12.5 30 6 B
‘Dynastic Vases’, are all-glyphic and os at Palenque, first revealed by Linda
te n s ib ly d e a l w ith h is to r ic a l data S c h e ie , P e te r M a th ew s and F lo y d 126 955 16 13.5 37 5 E
(Robicsek and Hales 198^97-104, 157- Lounsbury.
127 1005 18.5 9 48 9 C
159, 1982:58-61).
Throughout this article individual vases 128 1371 11.5 13.5 52 10 A
The publication o f a previously unseen will be referred to by their published 129 1372 15.6 14.8 60 12 B
example, K6751 (see page 846), bearing designations. Examples first published
the finest and longest text to date, pro by Robicsek and Hales (1981:97-100) - 2094 20 9.6 54 9 D
vides an ideal opportunity to review this are prefixed by ‘BOD’ (from ‘Maya Book - 5863 17.5 11 50 10 D
series in some depth. Since Donald Hales' o f the Dead’); those published by Ju s
— 6751 14.2 14.2 88 19 A
initial description o f the epigraphic con tin K err in 'T h e M aya V ase B ook '
tent, much new data has come to light, (1990:215; 1996:842, 844, 845) use the
opening a further window on one of the numeration o f his archive, introduced
Note:
m ost important but poorly understood by ‘K’; designations used by the Maya "No. of Rulers" (column 6) equals the number
kingdoms o f the Classic period. Ceramic Survey are prefixed ‘MS'. o f Rulers named only In complete phrases.
BOD 128 [K1371]
g- BOD127 [K1005]
848
Painter A B C D
K1371 J4 K1005 B2 K2094 FI
h. BOD122 [K999]
Fig. 1. Identifying the hand of

the idividual painters.
a. K1371, J4, [BOD 1281

K1344 A2 b. K6751, C l
c. K1302. F3, [BOD 123]
d. K955, [BOD 126]
e. K1344, A2. [BOD 125]
f K1372, D4, [BOD 129]
g. K1005, B2, [BOD 127]
h. K999, B2, [BOD122], [restored]
t. K2094, FI
j. K5863, D4
k. K1334, F2. [BOD 124]
K1372 D4
J- K5863
849
THE VESSELS: TYPE (Robicsek and Hales 1981:237-249; Kerr by the same painter (Painter A) who un
and Kerr 1988; Cohodas 1989). The dertook BOD128 [K137U (although the
Dynastic Vases fall into the same type analysis of glyphic calligraphy, as a form variation in some elements might su g
group as the wider codex-style corpus, o f handwriting, has much in common gest that they were not closely spaced
Zacatal Cream-polychrome (Reents and w ith the m eth od s o f g ra p h o lo g y in tim e) (Figure la -b , 3). This is the
B ish o p 1987; H a n sen , B ish o p and (the detective rather than psychoanalyti artist Kerr and Kerr have called the
Fahsen 1991:225). The vessels selected cal v a r ie ty ) and v a rio u s p o in ts “M etropolitan P a in ter” and linked to
for dynastic texts were o f rather plain of technique: starting point, weight of line, some o f the great m asterpieces o f c o
design, straight-sided or slightly flared stress and flourish, as well as less defin dex-style painting (1988:253). A second
cylinders, ranging from 11 cm to 20 cm able elements of style, can successfully scribe (B) painted BOD 121, 123 [K 1302],
in height (Table 1). Most were tripods with isolate separate hands (see also Cohodas 124 [K 1344], 125 [K 1344], and 129
either rounded or stepped ‘tau’ feet. The 1989:203). Although some features are [K1372] (Figure lc-f). A third (C) was re
la tte r is tru e o f K 6 75 1, w h ich has seen to vary across the range of vessels, sponsible for BOD 127 [K1005] and the
the further elaboration o f a false bottom others are rem arkably consistent and much restored 122 [K999] (Figure lg-h);
and cavity containing the beads of a rattle suggest that the painters were in close while K2094 and K5863 are in a fourth
(note the four slotted 'sound-holes’). contact with each other, or even worked hand (D) (Figure li-j) and BOD 126 [K955]
from a single original. This is evident in in a fifth (E ). U n d o u b te d ly , th es e
A black-brown slip was used for glyph the repetition of certain optional elements, painters contributed many other vessels
painting, dilution providing a range of such as the use of the head-variant for to the wider codex-style corpus, though
brown washes (though this is not a great the number three in all complete dates this is not a topic we will explore here.
feature o f the Dynastic series). B ack relating to Ruler 3, or the inclusion of the
grounds were uniformly cream. Red was te’ numerical classifier in every appear DATING
added to the text to accentuate day sign ance of the months Muwan and Sotz’.
coefficients and cartouches and, as in Stylistically, the treatm ent o f the text
codex-style generally, red bands decorate It is clear that most vases have been sub and its icon ograp h ic content is Late
the rim and base. jected to ‘restoration’ to some degree and Classic (A.D. 600-900). Only one v e s
in a few cases this has been quite exten sel from the codex-style corpus, BOD 130
AUTHORSHIP sive. Nevertheless, close examination re [K 1 4 5 7 ] (R o b ic s e k and H a le s
veals the hands of a limited number of 1981:100), contains a Long Count date
A number of researchers have examined a rtisa n s, p ro b a b ly ju s t five; la rg ely and th is can be r e c o n s tr u c te d to
the painting styles o f codex-style vessels m a tch in g the res u lts o f p reviou s 9.10.7.12.0 5 A h a w 8 C hen (August 15th
with the aim o f identifying the work of in researchers (Cohodas 1989:210). It is A .D . 640) (M a rtin 1996a). A n o th e r
dividual artists or 'schools’ of painting fairly clear that K6751 itself was executed cylin d er vase in clu d es a p erson ified
850
C alen dar Round position o f 6 Ahaw, some affinities with isolated sherds found stone has rendered the great majority of
quite possibly a reference to the Period at El Mirador and Nakbé (personal com its inscriptions quite illegible; the remain
Ending 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahaw 13 Muwan munication: Dorie Reents-Budet 1995) der offering tantalizing clues but little Arm
(December 1st A.D. 711) (Coe and Kerr (data from K6751 is not yet available). At data on which to base an attribution.
1982:102). These pointers suggest that the presen t tim e, ch em ical evidence
the codex style dates to a portion of the points only to a broad northern Petén Notwithstanding, epigraphic work on the
middle Late Classic. source for the Dynastic group. Snake-head polity has progressed, with
Peter Mathews making a particular study
PROVENANCE Epigraphically, there are clear pointers to o f the wide distribution o f its Emblem
the provenance of codex-style vessels since Glyph at centers across the lowlands
Codex-style ceramics have been recovered their texts are consistently associated with (1979). In response to the problematic
from archaeological contexts at El Mirador a single kingdom, that represented by the assignation question, it was he who de
(Matheny, Hansen and Gurr 1980; Forsyth Snake-head Emblem Glyph (Fig. 2). It was vised the neutral term "Site Q”, thereaf
1989), Nakbé (Hansen, Bishop and Fahsen this featu re that ter employed by a number o f authors.
1991), Calakmul (personal communica led C oe to lin k As for its location, a series o f different
tion: Ramón Carrasco 1994; William J. them to the site of centers began to And favor among schol
Folan 1994) and El Zotz (personal com Calakmul or areas ars; foremost among them the little-ex
munication: Dorie Reents-Budet 1995), under its political plored site o f El Perú. In part this was
as well as from a number of smaller cen control (1978:28), due to Ian Graham’s discovery there of
ters in the El Mirador and Nakbé locali based on an earlier th e re m a in s o f tw o lo o te d s te la e
ties (Reents and Bishop 1987; Hansen, assignation of this previously thought to be from the Snake-
Bishop and Fahsen 1991). To date, how m arker by Joyce head site (Miller 1974; Graham 1988).
Fig. 2. The Snake-head
ever, not even a sherd o f the Dynastic Marcus (1973:916,
Emblem Glyph: k’ul kan
v a r ie ty has b een re p o rte d am ong 1976, 1987). F i ahaw, K6751, H3 (draw Recent research has provided fresh in
them. Two Dynastic Vases, BOD 123 n a lly tyin g the ings by the author un sights into the question. The discovery by
[K1302] (MS0063) and K6751 (MS1774), Snake-head less otherwise stated). David Stuart and Stephen Houston o f
have had their paste composition ana glyph to a specific glyphic toponyms, place-names distinct
lyzed by neutron activation as part o f a location has proved to be a surprisingly from the names of polities that occur in
wider study conducted by the Maya Ce vexing and drawn-out process. Normally Emblem Glyphs, has lin k ed two p a r
ra m ic S u rvey (R e e n ts and B ish op we m ight expect the m onu m ents o f tic u la r co m b in a tio n s to the S nake-
1987). Results from BOD123 [K1302] do Calakmul to quickly confirm or disprove head kingdom (19 94 :28 -30 ). The first
not show a close relationship to the bulk its placement there. Unfortunately, the o f these can be seen in a ph rase at
o f codex-style output, though it does have extreme erosion of its poor quality lime Dos Pilas recording the accession o f the
851
w ell-know n Snake-head ruler Jaguar its correct reading was Chik or Chikul Nab head polity. Unlike states further to the
Paw Smoke, which closes with the ex (Martin 1996a). Together with a number south, which were small kingdoms little
pression uti “it happened at", followed of other glyphic pointers in these same more than 25 to 30 kilometers in radius,
by a com bination in itially thought to texts, as well as material recovered by Calakmul is not closely bounded by cities
read Nab Tunich (Houston 1993:108). the Proyecto Calakmul of the Universidad with known Emblem Glyphs and, if this
Sim ilarly, when a Dos Pilas ruler cel A u to n o m a de C am p ech é (d ire cted proves to be a genuine feature rather
ebrated the Period Ending 9.12.10.0.0, by William J. Folan) (Marcus and Folan than a result o f poor preservation, it
he did so not at Dos Pilas but at Oxte’tun 1994), there is now a minimum of twenty- might suggest that its territorial expanse
or “Three Stones” , where he witnessed a five correspondences between the names, was closer to the regional scale projected
dance ritual perform ed by the Snake- titles and place-names o f the Snake- by som e sch ola rs (F la n n ery 1972;
head kin g. O xte’tun w as so c lo s e ly head polity and those we can identify at Marcus 1976; Adams and Jones 1981), or
associated with the Snake-head polity C ala k m u l (M a rtin 1996a, 1996a). that it had some m ore com plex form
that an unprovenanced text (probably Lastly, and of no small importance, is the of multi-center organization (Martin 1993).
from the site of Cancuén) includes a sub p re sen ce o f at lea st th ree Snake-
stitution between the Snake-head Em head Emblems on Calakmul stelae, some The distrib u tion o f codex-style w are
blem and the title O xte’tun Kalom te’ clearly attached to the protagonist of su ggests that the Snake-head p o lity
“Three Stones Batab” (Martin and Grube the m onum ent (Stuart and H ouston encom passed a sizable portion o f the
1994a; Martin 1996b)1. 1994; Martin 1996a). P r e c la s s ic h e a r tla n d o f the n o r t h
ern Petén, in c lu d in g the la rg e ly d e
If we look to the surviving inscriptions of Even if we were to see the Calakmul at p o p u la te d gian ts o f El M irador and
Calakmul we find examples of both place- tribution as established (and the Early Nakbé. Present evidence shows no strong
names, often in contexts that suggest a Classic record at the site is less forthcom in cid en ce o u tsid e th is region , even
‘home’ reference. Excavations undertaken ing on this topic than one would wish), among the range of states that felt its ‘he
b y the P ro y e c to A rq u e o ló g ic o de la the term ‘Calakmul Emblem Glyph’ may gem onic’ influence (Martin and Grube
Biosfera de Calakmul (under the direction be a misleading way to think of the Snake- 1994a, 1994b, 1995).
o f Ramón Carrasco, Centro Regional de head title. We should bear in mind that
Y u ca tá n IN A H ) h a ve u n ea rth ed two the main signs of Emblem Glyphs refer THE TEXT:
Oxte’tun Kalomte’ titles (joining seven es s e n tia lly to p o litic a l u n its rath er
other Oxte’tun references at the site). than individual cities or seats of power For the most part the text repeats a for
Three more instances of the other locale, (the appearance of the Oxte’tun Batab title mulaic pattern o f Date - Verb - Name -
Nab Tunich, have been found (to make may represent a more specific reference Emblem Glyph, with only a few deviations.
four in all) - including evidence that to Calakmul as the heart of the kingdom). Some vases include supplementary texts,
Much remains to be learned about the usually portions o f the Prim ary Stan
1. For the Batab title as Kalomte’ see structure and development of the Snake- dard Sequence (PSS) that relate to the
Stuart, Scheie and Grube 1989.
852
function and ownership o f the vessel context, uncertainty remains in the case it seems better to leave the sp ecifics o f
(Coe 1973:17-22; Stuart 1989). K6751 of two other months, Yax and Keh. th e d a t in g q u e s t io n in a b e y a n c e
has the longest and most com plex of for the present.
these supplem entary sections. Together, these factors make the recon
struction of an overall chronology prob Although an accurate time-scale eludes us,
CHRONOLOGY lematic to say the least. Even where we statistical m ethods can be applied to
have a coherent sequence, the lack of con achieve an approximation of any true his
All dates are given in the 52-year Calendar necting Distance Numbers means we can torical series (though we can only skim
Round without an anchoring in the Long not be sure in which Calendar Round cycle the su rfa ce o f th is co m p lex topic
Count. While the days and months are a date fa lls, lea vin g a sh ort reign here). Christopher Jones, in estimating the
largely consistent across the range of indistinguishable from one in excess of origin of the numerated dynastic sequence
vessels, their coefficients often vary. In 52 years (and we know that several at Tikal devised two average reigns, a mini
accurate restoration accounts for many Maya kings enjoyed great longevity). Were mal figure of 19.3 360-day ‘tuns' and a
o f these disagreements, though the origi we to introduce a series o f amendments, h igh er figu re o f 26 (1 9 9 1 :1 0 9 ). At
nal value can usually be determined once and make some reasoned choices as to Palenque, 12 firmly dated accession-to-
the wider group is compared. Greater length o f reign, a plausible tim e-line accession intervals covering 271 years
d iffic u lty is posed b y scrib a l ‘e r r o r ’ would certainly emerge. However, given gives a mean average o f 22.60 years,
and the p re s e n c e o f im p o s s ib le the w id e p o te n tia l fo r error, the while at Copan we know that 16 rulers
combinations, since these may have sev absence of corroborative data, and even encompassed a 337-span for an average
eral potential ‘solutions’. Further confu some doubt to its historical veracity, reign of 22.46 years (a similar compari-
sion is caused by a problem shared by
almost all vases, namely the similarity A B C D E F G H I J K L M
g iv e n to tw o s ig n s , the a d je c tiv e s
T16 yax and T109 chak, w hich are
rarely distinguished at all2. This is clearly
seen on BOD 128 [K 1371 ] where the
months Yaxk’in (at 13) and Sip (at L3) are
superfixed by identical signs (Figure 3).
W hile these two can be identified by
2. The system of glyphic numeration used here

is the one devised by J.E.S. Thompson (1962);
while transliterations follow the conventions of
the Research Reports on Ancient Maya Writing
(G. Stuart 1988). Fig. 3. BOD 128 [K1371)
853
EL
E~
son o f English and British royal history, ends in the consonant -m (sihom is the
a large sample o f 39 intervals covering Fig. 4. K6751, M4. and a drawing of Wo repro corresponding term in the month lists of
881 years, yields a startlingly close fig duced in Landa (Tozzer 1941:153). some Mayan languages (Fox and Justeson
ure o f som e 22.59 y ea rs per reign). 1984:52), though it is hard to see why
Applying the Palenque and Copdn a v There are difficulties here. The DN does this formula should be employed here3.
erages to the sequence o f K6751, with not appear to connect to any o f the dates On oth er o c ca sio n s it is cle a r that
its 18 intervals, produces a range o f already given in the sequence (a conven T60v:528 has the syllabic value hi, ap
4 0 6 .8 to 404.28 years and we m ight tional count back o f 5.4.4.11 from 2 parently the 'full-form' o f the common
therefore regard four centuries as a rea Ak’bal should arrive at the day 2 Eb). The T60v hi affix4. If we were to treat M4 as a
sonable, if still hypothetical, estimate. strange month sign further muddies the purely phonetic combination we would
water, though it does add a note o f have wo-hi or woh. One possibility is that
With the end of the sequence proper we glyphic intrigue. Yucatec originally had this as a value for
com e to a featu re uniqu e to K6751, the second month, but its weak final -h
a Distance Number (DN) counting towards For this to be a genuine month position was eventually lost. We know that the
a new date. Positions M2-N2 provide 11 w e m u st be d e a lin g e ith e r w ith Classic period saw a complex inter-pen
k’in, 4 winal and 4 haab for a total of 1531 some innovation in the spelling strategy etration of Cholan and Yucatecan terms.
days, w hile the fo llo w in g ’d irection a l o f a w e ll-k n o w n m on th n am e, or If the Snake-head polity did use the wo
count’ verb bears a prefixed 5, suggest the appearance o f some different term value then it clearly adhered to the ik’at
ing that an additional k’atun marker has altogether. The m ain elem ent is the spelling on most occasions (as seen at J6b
been deleted, adding some 100 years to T60v:528 combination characteristic of on K6751)5.
0
this figure. The verb itself, ut “to happen”, the ‘color months’ Ch’en, Yax, Sak and
appears here in an especially rare con Keh, but topped here not by one o f the 3. Though It Is Interesting that Wo Is one o f a lim
figuration, having both the iwal- or i- ‘color affixes’ but by the sign T67. The only ited set of months that occasionally bear unex
m a rk er and the c o m p le tiv e s u ffix - other instances in which T67 appears in plained T142 m a suffixes. These examples might
yet be related to the spelling on K6751.
i: IW A L/i-u-ti-ya (Stuart 1990). Other a similar context are in spellings of the
exam ples suggest that this works as month Wo (Figure 4). In these it acts as
4. T60v:528 as h i wasfirst circulated In a letter
a standard “and then” term and indi syllabic wo, a phonetic complement that by David Stuart In 1989.
cates a forward count (though probably distinguishes a Yucatec reading from its
not to a fully contem poraneous point glyphic spelling in Cholan (T95:552), 5. Frequent phonetic suffixing of ta suggests that
in time). The destination is given as 2 probably ik’at (Thompson 1950:107-108; Wo had the ik’at value at most southern sites during
A k ’bal, paired w ith a highly unusual Mathews and Justeson 1984:198). the Classicperiod (Mathews and Justeson 1984:198).
month sign with a coefficient o f 11 (at A few centers also show n a complements that have
M4) (Figure 4). In the color months the T60v:528 unit yet to be satifactorily explained (note the spelling of
Sip on BOD128 (K1371) at L3).
represents a still unknown word that
854
SYNTAX The secular nature of the Dynastic Vases

argues that ch’am is the intended value
In all cases the verbal event is the same here (Figure 5b). While “he receives God
and represented by the logogram T670, K” can occur in mythological contexts,
an out-stretched hand with its thumb when connected to historical figures it
raised. This sign forms the basis of two almost invariably describes accessions to a. CH’AMIK'AWILfla, BOD 123 [K1302], F3.
visually similar, but semantically quite kingship (Proskouriakoff 1973:168). Fig b. T670I533] CH'AM, Sacul Stela 1 (N.Grube).
c. u-CH’AM-wa K'AWIL, Nlm LI Punlt Stela 2
distinct roots. When the hand is seen to ure 6a-b dem onstrates its functional
after a drawing by (S. Houston)
carry T19 or T534 it reads yal “to throw”, equivalence to the better-known hok’ah d. CH'AMIK'AWILl-wl, Glyphic Block
but when the same position is filled by ti ahawlil “is tied into rulership.” from Calakmul Str. V.
T533 (‘ahaw -in -h an d’) the reading is e. CH’AM [K’AWIL]-wa, K6751, E4.
ch'am “to take or receive”6. Both forms Conflated forms such as this were usually f. u-CH’AM-wa K ’AWIL-la, K6751, L3.
appear in the wider codex-style corpus contrived for their semantic or aesthetic
and both are also seen in conjunction with effect, or even to save space, but in some s u ffix (p e r s o n a l c o m m u n ic a tio n :
the element held here, the 'smoking m ir cases they appear to represent a true con Stephen Houston 1995). W here ch ’am
ror’ device of God K or k’awil (Figure 5a)7. joining of verb and object, a linguistic form appears in m onum en-tal texts this su f
Rather than a component of the verb, this known as noun incorporation (Fought fix is represented by T117 wi. In this
represents the direct object of the phrase. 1973:72; Bricker 1986:34, 138). In this, way, transitive u-CH’AM-wa K ’AWIL "he
the object is inserted into the ver receives God K ” becom es antipassive
bal stem between the root and CH’AM [K’AW IL]-wi "he God K-receives”
6. Building on some earlier semantic work by any inflectional ending, trans (Figure 5c-d). E x actly w hat sounded
Linda Scheie, both Nikolai Grube and David fo rm in g n orm al tra n sitive ending is prom pted by the final w i suf-
Stuart noted occasional T93 c h ’a and T142 m a p h ra s e s in to a n tip a s s iv e
complements to T6701533], leading them to pro ones. W hile tran Fig. 6. Accession of Jaguar Paw Smoke
pose a reading of ch'am “to take or receive". s itiv e in fle c t io n on 9.12.13.17.7
T6701534] and T670119] as yal has emergedfrom
Scheie and Mathews' work on kinship terms,
though Its role on codex-style vessels as “to
brackets the root
w ith two a ffix es,
6 Manik' 5 Sip
(April 3rdA.D. 686). :3 )
throw" was first mentioned to me by Nikolai T l u and T130 wa
Grube. Bothforms appear In mythological contexts (Bricker 1986:126-
on codex-style vases and. whether due to Inaccu 128), certain incor ijíocq I i
y j v o t(n i
rate restoration or confusion on the part of the art porated forms lose
ist, there is some graphic overlap between them. the pronoun and
7. For T1030 as k'awil see Stuart 1987:15. acquire a particular 6b. Dos Pilas Panel 7, A2-B3
6a. El Peru Stela 34, E2-E4. (after a drawing by S. Houston).
855
fix is still unclear, but It seems that a could represent antipassive incorpora In all cases the text continues with the
num ber o f sem i-vowel initial syllables tions, oth ers are clearly plain tra n personal name o f the relevant king, usu
(s u c h as ya , y i, w a and w i) had sitives. Either lone T130 suffixing consti ally filling a single glyph-block (see THE
distinct roles in the glyphic spelling o f tutes a h ig h ly res tricted p a ttern o f RULERS). Except in cases of obvious de
verbs and cued particular vowel or semi its own, or we must posit cases o f dele letion, phrases are com pleted by the
vowel endings (Stuart 1990:218). The wa tion in which the u- pronoun is present but Snake-head Em blem Glyph: K ’ UL-ka-
suffix could well signal a synharmonic not specified in the glyphic spelling. KAN-AHAW or k'ul kan ahaw “Divine Lord
vowel ending to produce ch'ama k'awil o f the Snake [Polity]” (Figure 2). O cca
(Wald 1994). Support for the latter might be found in a sional la suffixing contributes a nom i
significant break to the normal pattern nal ending to kan, form ing kanVl (the
Examples on Dynastic Vases lack the pre seen on K6751 at L3 (Figure 5f). Here the final vowel is still unclear). In the case
fixed pronoun, just as one would expect object, k’awil, is separated out into a fol o f two kings, Rulers 3 and 19, this is
with incorporation, but show no sign of lowing glyph and the root, ch’am, ap jo in e d b y an a d d itio n a l title (s e e n
the wi suffix. Instead we find no less than pended by two signs, the familiar T130 at B4b and N l), the ‘Batab’ com bina
four different endings: T 130 wa and T 126 suffix and a newly introduced T1 u pre tion probably read kalomte’.
ya suffixes, which are clearly inflectional fix, forming the standard transitive a r
in function; vestigial T178 la s y l rangement (despite the remnant ‘mirror’ The problematic Distance Number and
lables, apparently simple phonetic comple device in the hand, the context indicates final Calendar Round date introduce
ments to k’awil, and no suffix at all. that it re p re s e n ts the ro o t alon e). a new verb at N4. Based on the root och
F in din g a ration ale for this isolated “to enter”, this is the form used as a meta
A T126 ending to 'God K-in-hand' is very tr a n s fo r m a tio n w ith in a lo n g and phorical reference to death9. It is normally
rarely seen in monumental text (Copan otherw ise highly repetitive verbal se joined by one o f two objects, ha’ “water”
Stela J). Here it appears to represent an quence is decidedly difficult. On balance, or bih “way, road”, though here the two
other inflectional pattern for the incorpo and without better evidence for a role for appear to have been combined to produce
rated form, quite possibly a change of lone T130 endings, it seems more likely och ha’ bih “enter the watery way (?)”. Just
aspect to the completive8. On K6751 the that the break actually serves to make whose death has taken place is not im
ch’am roots are completed by lone T130 clear the transitive pattern of the whole m ed iately clear. I f the DN is m eant
suffixes (Figure 5e). Genuine instances of text, in which the ‘God K-in-hand’ form is to connect the final accession date to one
this pattern in the inscriptions are also a graphic conflation without grammatical over a century later it is very unlikely to
rare (see Scheie 1982:287, 289), though significance. Conceivably, the omission refer to the king himself, but rather serves
where they do occur there is always o f the p ron ou n w as p ro m p te d by to connect the dynastic narrative to a
an object to the phrase. Although some aesthetic considerations, the awkward more contemporary time-frame. The next
a p p ear w ith co n fla te d fo rm s that ness of putting the u- sign ahead of, or glyph, yu-?-bi-l(a) “the drinking cup o f’,
8. For T126 as a completive ending see
among, the smoke volutes o f God K. 9. The och reading was circulated in a letter by
Justeson 1984:325 and Stuart 1990:218. David Stuart In 1989.
856
introduces a short section of the PSS on RULER 1 RULER 3

th ree oth er D y n a stic p ots B O D 125 A1-A3 A5-C1
[K1344], BOD126 [K955), and BOD128 ? ?
[K1371]), usually describing the type of 7 Chuwen 19 Pohp 3 Imix 7(or 12) Yax?
kakaw drink for w hich it was used,
(Stuart 1989). In this case it introduces
a personal name, that of the vessel's owner. All texts begin with the same 7 Chuwen This name takes the form of a gaping ser
A very similar passage appears on K6754 19 Pohp date and the accession of'S k y pent-head with three signs, T44:562:109
(to be published in Volume 6 of The Maya Raiser’, presumably the founding king (or some rearrangement thereof) in its open
Vase B ook), a w ork lik e ly to have from which all others traced their origin. maw. Although the head-form bears some
been executed by the same painter, sug His name is similar to that of Sky Xul, a resemblance to that of Ruler 19 (see below),
gesting that both vessels were commission late ruler of Quirigua (Kelley 1962:Fig.5; it is specifically a skeletal form, such as
ed by or for the same person. Sharer 1978:65), though there is little that seen in the names of three rulers at
sign that the atlantean, a toad-like crea Tonina (Mathews in Becquelin and Baudez
THE RULERS ture with ‘Eb'-markings in the vase texts, 1984:897, Fig. 194).
is the same character. What appears to
I have amended Hales’ listing only in be a ‘full-form’ of this nominal can be seen
using arabic rather than roman nu on K4117 (Kerr 1992:462), in a mytho RULER 4
m erals, which are more easily distin logical context. D1-D3
g u is h e d as th e le n g th o f th e s e CH AK? -KIM /BA K
q u en ce in creases and higher valu es 4(3) Etz’nab 1 Muwan
come into use. O f the first twelve kings RULER 2
precious little can be said, save for a B3a-B4b Here we encounter a problem noted ear
d e s c r ip tio n o f th e ir n a m es (w h ich TAH-CH’AM ? [K’lNICH] lier; namely confusion between the signs
are them selves poorly understood), but 10 Imix 10(14) Yaxk’in for yax and chak, (plausible arguments can
o f the seven nom ináis added by K6751, be made for either among the various ex
all but one finds comparable examples A burning torch, TAH (sometimes simply ecutions o f the Ruler 4 phrase). The
on sto n e m o n u m en ts, w ith fiv e ta) introduces the same T670 sign used in main sign is clearly a human skull, though
clearly identified as rulers o f the Snake- the accession verb, though infixed here this too could have one o f two different
head polity. All data given in this section not with k'awil but with the title k’inich values: BAK “skull, bone” or KIM "death".
are those found on K6751; in cases “sun-faced”10. In the absence of phonetic complementa
where inaugural dates differ from those tion it is not possible to decide between
typical o f the group as a whole, this sec 10. For T184 as k’inich see Stuart 1986. them, though similar names at Yaxchilan
ond value is added in brackets. are clearly Chak Kim “Great/Red Death".
857
RULER 5 RULER 8
yuk, “to yoke or tie together”, has been
C4-C6 F5-H1
suggested, with the -om ending added to
CHAK-? C H A K ?-K A Y / k a ?
form an agentive noun: yukom “unifier”
13 (or 7) Aliaw 8 Sotz’ 8 Lamat 11 Yaxk’in
(M a cL e o d in R e e n ts -B u d e t 1994:
Fig.4.22). Although this ruler has been
Once again we have the problem atic In Ruler 8’s name we see what is probably
dubbed M o’ Bahlum “M acaw -Jagu ar”
color prefix, although In this case we do the popular chak prefix above a whole fish
(Robicsek and Hales 1981:35, 157), the
have a comparable example that shows sign T203 KAY or ka. The following por
bird depicted is not a m acaw but an
a clear chak sign In this position (BOD 128 trait glyph resembles the female T 1000a
owl. Similarly, although this head-form
[K 13711 at F4) (Figure 3). The main sign head, though the dotted element in the hair
b ea rs sp ots, w h ich cou ld s u g g e s t
is a rare, if not unique, glyph in which certainly represents the diagnostic of some
a conflation with the jaguar sign, these
a hand grasps a human skull. other sign.
m ark in gs are a lso a fe a tu re o f
owl portraits. It is tempting to see this as
RULER 6 RULER 9
the avian variant o f the ’impinged-bone'
D6-F2 G la-H 3
set T571/598/599, and the whole com
ch ’a-KIM /BAK 7-7-BALAM/HIX
pound as the name carried by more than
1 Imix ? Mol 1 Muluk 2 K’ank’in
one Snake-head ruler (Martin 1996a;
Stuart and Houston 1994:Fig.9). H ow
The inaugural date o f Ruler 6 cannot be The head of a jaguar, T75 la balam or hix,
ever, neither o f the key diagnostics (tri-
reconstructed, since none of the values is prefixed by what may either be two
lo b e d eye or p r e fix e d fa s c e s )11 are
given in the Dynastic group for the month signs or a single compound form.
p resen t in this case and in stea d it
Mol (10, 11 or 12) are possible when com
probably represents a word for owl: kuy
bined with Imix. RULER 10
(Grube and Scheie 1994) or some sim i
G4-H5
lar term ending in -n. At this point in the
RULER 7 YUKOM-?
text the scribe o f K6751 takes stock of the
E3-E5 12 Chuwen 8(?) dim inishing room available and intro
?-?-a-xi
duces a series of deletions. In this case
3 K ib l9 Ch’en Ruler 10 is the first of five kings in the
the Emblem Glyph is left out, though he
list to bear a T176 prefix, an abbreviated possesses one on BOD129 [K1372] (at 15).
This nominal is one o f the most difficult form elsewhere spelt out syllabically yu-
to break down into identifiable units. The ku-o-ma to produce yukom (compare Fig
11. This said, It should be noted that the example
p refix con sists o f one or m ore signs, ure 6a with 6b) (Martin 1996a). The mean
of his name on K5863 (at 14) shows someform of
followed by a superfixed a above the ‘dot- ing of this name or title is still uncertain, filling' to the owl’s eye.
ted-eye skull’ glyph xi. but a relationship to the Yucatecan verb
858
RULER 11 RULER 13
G 6a-Il J2a-J3 ambiguous T122 sign we have a reading
K ’AB-? -KA’AN-ka-KAN -wa YUKOM-YICH’AK- o f either Yich’ak K ’ak' or Yich’ak Butz’,
11 Kaban 10 Yax? K ’AK/BUTZ’ “ F ie ry C law " or “ S m o k in g C la w ”
8 Kaban 5 Xul (Martin 1996a). The Jaguar Paw Smoke
This name begins with the 'flat-hand' sign we know from the Late Classic record ac
T713a, probably read K ’AB “hand" in non Ruler 13 bears the first name that can be ceded on 6 M anik’ 5 Sip 9.12.13.17.7
verbal contexts12, followed by the “sky" clearly associated with a Snake-head (A .D . 6 8 6 } (F ig u re 6 a -b ); c le a r ly
glyph K A ’AN with an infixed ’white cross’ ruler seen on monuments, Jaguar Paw different from the 8 Kaban 5 Xul date
formed from four darkened triangles (prob Smoke, first discussed by Jeffrey Miller given on K6751. O f the dozen or so
ably a highly abbreviated T650). A comple (1974:Fig.5). After the Yukom prefix we references to his name found across the
mented KAN snake-head is suffixed by wa. find the paw pictogram T862. Other ex lowlands, at least two appear on monu
Once again the Emblem Glyph is absent amples of his name include prefixed or m ents at C alakm ul, Stela 9 and 115
in this case, though this is clearly a space infixed T17 y i and/or suffixed T102 ki (Mathews 1979; Marcus and Folan 1994).
saving tactic since this ruler bears one on complem ents, indicating a reading of
BOD 129 [K1372] (at J4) yich’ak "claw” (Figure 7a-b)13 . With the
RULER 14
RULER 12 I4a-J4
J la -I2 b YUKOM -EK’ -ti-
YU K O M -?-K’A K ’ /BUTZ’ K A ’AN-na
1 Chuwen 19 Xul 11 Kaban 10 Pohp
This ruler was previously known from With the phrase concerning Ruler 14,
only a single vessel, BOD 129 (K13721, sp ace on K6751 b e co m e s an even
where the m ain sign o f his name re more pressing concern and for the first
sembled a jaguar paw. With the appear tim e the verb is d e leted as w ell as
ance o f K6751 it is now clear that this is the Emblem. After the Yukom appellative
in fact the ‘wing’ sign T76/77. Ruler 12 is his name reads Ek’ ti Ka’an “Star in Sky” .
one of four kings in the list to have the The latter combination is seen in one other
Fig. 7. a. Tlkal Temple 1 Lintel 3, A5-B5
scrolls of T 122 in his name - a sign which context, on a glyphic stair from the site
(drawing by J. Montgomery).
seems to represent either “smoke” BUTZ’ b. Site Q, Glyphic Panel 4, pBl-pA2 o f Lamanai, Belize, though its function in
or “fire” K ’A K ’ depending on the context. (after a photograph in Mayer 1987-.Pl.27). this otherwise highly eroded text is far
from clear.
12. T713a as K’AB was contained In a letter cir 13. For T862 as yich’ak see Stuart 1987:28.
culated by Christian Prager In 1994.
859
RULER 15
I5a-I6
ta-ho-ma u-K’AB- One other appearance of this Tahom U’kab
K ’A K ’ /BUTZ’ name requires mention. Piedras Negras
3 Ak’bal 1? Tzek Lintel 2 refers (retrospectively) to the date
9.3.16.0.5 (A.D. 510) and an event con
The coefficient for the month Tzek is ab cerning an early ruler of Piedras Negras in
sent here, although the possibilities when which he ’’receives" a kohaw, a type of mo Fig. 8.
joined with Ak’bal (1, 6, 11, or 16) suggest saic helmet (Scheie and Miller 1986:148- a. Naranjo Hlero -
149). He does so y-ichnal or “in the com glyphic Stairway,
that 1 is the deleted value. This name is
Hlb-G2b.
the only one that stretches to two glyph- pany o f’ someone named by the sequence
blocks. A syllabic combination of ta-ho- ta-[ho]mo u k ’a ba TUN-nl or Tahom Uk’ab
b. Piedras Negras
m a renders Tahom, probably another Tun (as also noted by Stephen Houston16) Lintel 2, T l-V l
agentive form, this time derived from one (Figure 8b). This is clearly a human rather (drawing by D. Stuart).
of the roots of tah. The second part is in than supernatural actor since his nomi
troduced by a prefix that resembles the nal phrase goes on to give the royal Och-
‘xok’-fish variant o f the vowel u. Confirma k’in Kalomte’ title. While not the same
tion o f this value comes from another co name, its similarity suggests some connec 16. Letter to David Stuart: 1995.
dex-style vessel, BOD37a [K1882], which tion to the Snake-head kingdom, and may
shows an identical head in pronoun posi be part of a larger body of data pointing to 17. There are at least two clear contacts between
tion (see Robicsek and Hales 1981:27)14. political relations between Calakmul and these polities, with some suggestion that
Piedras Negras (Martin 1996c)17. Calakmul enjoyed a higher, superordinate sta
The hand sign that follows is read K ’AB
tus (Grube 1996:Flg.8). Additionally, Piedras
(see below), joined by the aforementioned Negras Lintel 12 records the 9.4.0.0.0 Period
“fire/smoke” affix T 122 to produce Tahom 14. For T1012 as u, see Stuart 1990:220.
Ending occurringJustfour years after the events
Uk’ab K'ak’/Butz’. Both David Stuart and detailed on Lintel 2 with a (mostly effaced)
15. A number of epigraphers have suspected that
m y self have linked this name to one “scattering” event whose agent Is described
the 'long-lipped head’ had some relationship to
seen at two other sites, N aranjo and only as the Y-ahaw Ochk’in Kalomte’ or the
the h o value, with potential substitutions In the “vassal o f the West Batab". While this phrase
Caracol, the character nick-named Ta- name of Jade Sky of Qulrlgua and In a spelling
B atz’, a ruler o f the Snake-head polity remains cryptic, present evidence suggests
of the ch'ahom title seen at Yaxchllan (Werner
that the celebrant should be the Piedras
active from at least A.D. 622 until his death Nahm, personal communication 1994). The com Negras king himself, with the West Batab f ig
in 630 (Grube 1994:88; Martin 1996a) parison of the ta -h o -m a spelling on K6751 to ure being some foreign suzerain. If so, our
(F ig u re 8a). The a sso cia tio n relie s name glyphs at Naranjo and Caracol confirms Ochk'in Kalomte'/rom Lintel 2, Tahom Uk'ab
on identifying the 'long-lipped’ head seen the equivalence of the ‘long-lipped’ head to the Tun, would seem to be the best candidate
T607/642 h o sign detected by David Stuart In
in these texts as an uncommon sign for (Martin 1996b).
1987 (David Stuart In a letter to Stephen Hous
the syllable h o15. ton: 1995).
860
RULER 16 to 9.6.18.12.0 (A.D. 572) (Figure 9a). RULER 18

J6 a -K lb At Palenque, a second such ruler is named K3a-L4
K 'A K ’ /BUTZ’ -?-? in a p a ssa g e d e sc rib in g an a ttack YU K O M -?-KA’AN-na
7 Lamat 6 Wo on Lakamha’, the Palenque capital, prob 9 Eb 10 Keh
ably taking place in A.D. 599 (M a r
After another T122 affix we find the prob tin 1995) (Figure 9b). A third example is An example o f Ruler 18’s name is almost
lematic T128 sign, often a partner to the of particular interest since it comes from certainly to be seen on Caracol Stela 3
following ‘Casper’ glyph T628. the site of Okop, in western Quintana Roo (Figure 10). In this case the Yukom ele
(Figure 9c). This would be by far the most ment represented by T176 on K6751 is
northerly appearance of the Snake-head spelt out: yu-*ku-o-m(a). This ruler ap
RULER 17 Emblem and less than 100 kilometers pears as the agent o f a now lost event
L la -L 2 from the major center o f Coba. A fourth, performed by K’an II, king of Caracol, that
u -?[?-K A ’AN]-la though still questionable, instance might took place at 9.9.5.13.8 (A.D. 619).
10 Kaban 10 Pohp occur on the Resbalon H ieroglyph ic
Stairway (at CX15-16).
Th is ru le r’s nam e is another to offer
im p o rta n t new ties to the m o n
umental record. It consists of an u prefix;
a co n fla tio n co m b in in g the hum an
eye T819v (which might represent ut “eye”
Fig. 10. Caracol Stela 3, C9b-D9b.
in this case18) and the rare ‘white cross’
noted in the name of Ruler 11; an infixed
“sky” logogram K A ’AN; and what could be
a vestigial T 178 la suffix. Three previously RULER 19
unrecognised examples of this ‘Sky Wit K5-N1
ness’ compound can be identified as rul u?
ers o f the Snake-head kingdom. A very 9 Imix 9 Yaxk’in
similar conflated form (though without the
prefix, which is presumably a phonetic Fig. 9. a. Caracol Stela 3.A13. Ruler 19, ‘Scroll Serpent’, is named with
b. Palenque Hieroglyphic Stairway, 12-
complement) appears in an otherwise de an u prefix introducing a gaping snake-
J2 (after a cast In the British Museum).
stroyed phrase on Caracol Stela 3 dated c. Okop Sculptured Stone 2, (after head (normally a variant form o f T765
a photograph In Mayer 1987:P1.9 and kan) with what seems to be a speech scroll
18. Suggested to me by Nikolai Grube. afield drawing by E. Von Euw). emerging from its mouth. Significant ties
861
can be found with carved Inscriptions. On CONCLUDING THOUGHTS The ‘careless’ treatment o f dates, in a
C alakm ul Stela 33, a ruler with this text that copies other features consis
nam e, acceded to the th ron e on We have seen that the Dynastic Vases, tently and with attention to detail, might
9.7.5.14.17 (A.D. 579) and was still In and K6751 in particular, make important suggest their placement in a legendary
power at 9.8.0.0.0 (A.D. 593) (Martin co n trib u tion s to our u nderstanding, past, or at least antiquity of some remote
1996a) (Figure 11a). Once again, the date though not necessarily In the ways we ness. Dynastic chronologies at Palenque
of his inauguration, falling on 11 Kaban might hope or expect. There seems little recount a ’norm al’ historical sequence
10 C h ’en, does not co rresp o n d to prospect, for example, that they ‘unlock’ only after tracing its origins within both a
that found on K6751. The same name the royal history o f Calakmul and the legendary epoch and an even more dis
(though without an Identifying Emblem Snake-head polity for the crucial period tant m ythological tim e-fram e (Scheie
Glyph in this badly damaged text) can be of its political apogee during the seventh and Freidel 1990:216-261). At Naranjo,
seen on Caracol Stela 4 as the agent century. Not only do the given accession the m ost im p ortan t o f its ‘s u c c e s s
o f some lost event (Figure 1lb). Finally, an dates differ from carved exam ples In or titles’, stretching to more than thirty -
especially Important example appears on all cases, but the basic ordering Itself eight rulers, names its founder not as
the East Panel of the Palenque Temple of cannot be reconciled with the characters some human precursor, but a patron god,
Inscriptions at N 10, this time complete with we know from m onu m ents. S everal who bears an Em blem Glyph in the
the Snake-head Emblem, where he Is de known Snake-head rulers are also ab same way as any real king (Riese 1984;
scribed as the agent of a ch’akah ‘axe war’ sent from the list (though we should be Scheie 1992:140-141). Given the import
attack on the Palenque capital Lakamha’ alert to the obscurity o f some spellings ance o f the Snake-head polity, and its
at 9.8.17.15.14 (A.D. 611) (Looper and Scheie from the E a rly C la s s ic ). Th e m ost likely antiquity, it would be surprising if
1991; Martin 1996a, 1995) (Figure 11c). likely Interpretation is that the 'painted its royal histories and mythologies were
k in g s ’ s im p ly p re d a te th e ir ca rved not linked to a very distant past. It may
counterparts, and were the source for even have viewed itself as an inheritor of
names used on repeated occasions by political authority from the Preclassic era,
later rulers; a practice common to most, whether from early Calakmul or an even
if not all, major centers (Robicsek and m ightier center such as adja cen t El
Hales 1981:158). Mirador. The likely manufacture of these
vessels in the Preclassic heartland might
a. Calakmul Stela 33, E4. be relevent here.
b. Caracol Stela 4, zDz2 (after a photograph
In Beetz and Satterthwalte 1981:Flg.29d). The apparent death reference on K6751,
c. Palenque Temple o f Inscriptions, East and more especially its relatively short
Panel N10-M11 (drawing, L. Scheie).
862
connecting DN of one hundred and four ‘he receives God K’ event had greater con ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
years, is the only feature that might yet ceptual depth than simply taking hold of
point to a time-frame somewhere within a sceptre or god image, and may have My grateful thanks go to those who pro
the Classic period. The verb itself appears had a strong sense of mythic re-enact vided helpful comments, useful informa
to have no subject, as if the text were trun ment. In this way we might regard the tion , or access to fie ld d raw in gs or
cated, mid-sentence, in the way that most Dynastic Vase narratives as lying some casts used in th is article: E liza b eth
texts on Dynastic Vases were. Neverthe where between myth and history, and Carmichael, Ramón Carrasco, Russell
less, one reading this might see it as begin to see them as less of a departure Gee, Ian Graham, Nikolai Grube, Donald
linked to the PSS and as a reference to from the supernatural landscape of the H a le s , S te p h e n D. H o u sto n , J oh n
the death of the named patron, with the wider codex-style corpus than they at Justeson, Justin Kerr, Dorie Reents-
suggestion that this vase was commis first appear. Budet, Bob Wald, and Phil Wanyerka.
sioned as a funerary gift (Coe 1973). With
out more information, and a comprehen At present, the most tangible contribu
sible chronology, it will be difficult to an tion of K6751 is the identification of new
swer this question. Snake-head rulers it has permitted, not
only on monuments at well-known south
In any case, we must try to understand ern centers, but even extending to the
the purpose of this kind of narrative on a northern ’Peténized’ regions o f Quintana
ceramic and the wider function of such Roo. Th is last in stan ce poses in
exquisite products. It seems clear that triguing questions about the influence of
vases were exchanged as a feature o f elite the Snake-head polity in this area and
interaction in the form o f gifts, though the its interactions with other major centers
broad, apparently ‘middle-class’ distribu in the north. Hopefully, future research
tion of codex-style vessels generally might will link yet more of the painted king list
imply that such activity extended to other to names on dated monuments, further
social levels (Hansen, Bishop and Fahsen illuminating the tidemark left by the Snake-
1991; Houston, Stuart and Taube 1991; head kingdom on Classic Maya history.
Taschek and Ball 1991; Reents-Budet
1994). We should keep in mind that
the Dynastic texts were not intended as
‘documents’ per se, but the means by
which a vessel was imbued with some
special prestige. There are signs that the
863
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Archaeological Context and Socio-
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867
WHERE THE WAYOB LIVE: A FURTHER EXAMINATION OF CLASSIC

MAYA SUPERNATURALS
INGA CALVIN
In Volum e 4 o f the Maya graphic literature that examines contem particular human and a supernatural
Vase Book, Nikolai Grube porary Maya beliefs about the soul(s), avatar, that are highlighted in the texts
and Werner Nahm (1994) pre challenges the theory that way (plural and iconography o f Classic Period Maya
sented a thorough census of wayob) creatures illustrate a Classic Pe may-bearing pottery. To support this as
the supernaturals identified as riod practice of individual shamanic meta sertion, this paper will examine the hi
u way (T539) that appear on Late Classic morphosis. Instead, it appears that the eroglyphic text that follows the appellative
Period Maya pottery. In their analysis of creatures identified as way on Maya ce and u way compound. Based on the ce
this glyph, Houston and Stuart (1990) and ramics express an iconographic message ramic corpus, it appears that way char
Grube (1989) independently noted that affirm ing a union between supernatu acters are primarily associated with sacred
the root word way in several m odern ral characters, human lineages, and de locations from which elite ahaw derive their
Maya languages means “sleep,” and that ceased individuals. Additionally, these power and charter for political domina
various semantic and grammatical exten images are often identified with Second tion. The static, esoteric iconography
sions of this word can be translated as ary Non-repeat Text (SNT) that associ present on these ceramics forms a nexus
“dream,” “witchcraft,” “animal transforma ates these supernatural creatures with o f cu ltu ra lly-sy m b olic, m y th o log ica l
tion,” and "co-essence.” These epigraphers specific ritually-charged locations. meanings that gave permanent visible
cited contemporary usage of the word way form to Classic Period Maya belief.
in contexts that illustrate modern Maya be Let us begin with a review o f ethno-
lief that humans have “companion spir graphically-derived information regard A REVIEW OF THE ETHNOGRAPHIC
its” and argued that for the Maya o f the ing Maya concepts about the soul(s). A l LITERATURE
Classic Period, “many o f the supernatu though contact with a variety o f domi
ral figures, once described as ‘gods,’ ‘un n a n t p o litic a l fo rc e s fro m C e n tra l Harvard Chiapas Project ethnographers
derworld denizens,’ or ‘deities,’ are instead Mexico, a strong dose o f Spanish Ca have conducted over thirty years o f eth
co-essences of supernaturals or humans” tholicism combined with the recent in n o g ra p h ic and lin g u is t ic r e s e a r c h
(Houston and Stuart 1990). They also troduction o f Pentecostal Protestants, am ong the co n tem p ora ry M aya and
noted that this word is frequently em radio, and television, have all had an have investigated m odern M aya belief,
ployed by contemporary Maya to describe effect on Maya theories about the na ritual, and religion. It is th ese stu d
the practice of shamanic transformation ture o f the soul and the supernatural, ies from C hiapas in p a rtic u la r that
into an animal spirit-companion. How it is a sserted that there rem ain s a w ill be used to exam ine the con cept
ever, synchronic analysis o f the hiero strong core tradition regarding the im o f way. By co n tra st, eth n o gra p h ies
glyphic texts and images present on ves portance o f ancestors, lineages, and a b o u t e ith e r th e L a k a n d o n or th e
sels and monumental sculpture, together p articu lar locations. Strikingly, it is M a ya liv in g in Y u c a tá n , B e liz e , or
with diachronic analysis of the Colonial these same features, rather than a d i G uatem ala are not n early as n u m er
Period h istorical and m odern e th n o rect one-to-one relationship between a o u s a n d do n o t p e r m it s u c h an
868
in-depth comparison o f data compiled ored candle is lighted at the moment of Although knowledge about the ?ora and
by several different ethnographers. human birth. The length of time that this naab’l has been documented for the Maya
candle burns corresponds to the assigned o f Chiapas, the belief that each person’s
As articulated by Evon Vogt (1969:371), lifespan of the individual; when the candle soul is manifested in at least two physi
the Maya living in highland Chiapas be goes out, the person dies (G ossen cal incarnations appears far more widely
lieve that “virtually everything that is im 1974a: 15). The word for this candle (?ora) accepted. Ethnographic research con
portant and valuable to Zinacantecos pos refers to one’s time, destiny, or fate. ducted among the contemporary Tzotzil,
sesses a soul: domesticated plants, such K n ow led g e abou t the len g th o f an Mam, Tzeltal, and Lakandon o f Mexico
as maize, beans, and squash; salt (which individual’s ?ora is usually only sought and the K’iche and Tzutjil o f Guatemala
possesses a very strong soul); houses and in cases of extremely grave illness when indicate the prevalence o f belief that hu
household fires; wooden crosses erected it is believed that the candle has been mans possess both a personal blood-soul
on sacred mountains, inside caves, and damaged or knocked over. However, even and an animal spirit-companion.
beside waterholes; saints whose ‘homes’ a special petition by a powerful shaman
are inside the Catholic churches; musi ra re ly e ffe c ts a ch ange in the ?ora Among the Tzotzil, the overarching inner
cal instruments used in their ceremonies; (Gossen 1975:455). and personal soul is called ch’ulel. This
all of the various deities in the Zinacanteco soul resides within the human body and
pantheon.” Although the entire meaning The Mam of Chimalteco, Chiapas, use the is said to be centered in either the heart
ful world o f the modern Maya may be word naab’l to describe a person’s “social or the tongue. Ch’ulel flows in the blood
imbued with supernatural animating es soul” or “way of being.” The shared, com that courses through the heart. Am ong
sence, not all these souls are of the same municative aspect of naab’l transcends in the M am -speakers o f Chim alteco this
type, force, or perform the same function. dividual personality and embodies both “inner soul” or aanma (a word possibly
Based on the ethnographic literature, the public propriety and social sensibility (Tate d e r iv e d fro m th e S p a n is h alma or
various manifestations of the soul can be 1992; Watanabe 1989, 1992). Because ánima, m eaning “soul”) refers to a p e r
broken into four broad categories: the pre each specific Maya community possesses son al a n im atin g essen ce a sso cia ted
determined length o f a human life, the a unique naab’l , its members can recog w ith the h e a rt and re s id e n t in the
socially conscious soul, the blood-soul of nize each other and distinguish strangers. breath (Watanabe 1989, 1992). For the
individual essence, and the animal or The concept of naab’l is grounded in the Maya o f San Pedro Chenalhó, Chiapas,
supernatural spirit-companion soul. continuities of local ancestry, received tra “the ch’ulel . . . is as air; it is in the im
dition, and the features of the environment age o f the body . . . It is the impalpable
A m on g the T zotzil-sp eak in g Maya of that are the loci of ritual. Naab’l survives essence o f the individual, o f his ph ysi
Chamula, it is believed that the length of the death of the individual and remains as cal form and m ental ch ara cteristics”
each human life is predestined. A col part of the communal collectivity. (Guiteras-Holmes 1961:296-297).
869
Ch’ulel is believed by the Tzotzil Maya of Zinacanteco, they simultaneously install person evolves. A person of exceptional
Zinacantan to be placed in each embryo the same ch'ulel in the embryo of an ani spiritual strength may have more than
at conception by the ancestral deities. mal. Similarly, the moment a Zinacanteco one soul-com panion, the presence o f
M ost Zinacantecos say that ch ’ulel is baby is born, a jaguar, coyote, ocelot, or which is only revealed later in life as the
passed down through the patriline from other animal is born. Throughout life, person rises in social stature. These ad
a “pool” of souls previously held by mem w h a tev er h app en s o f n ote to the ditional chanul may be forces o f nature
bers of the same descent group (Watanabe Zinacanteco happens to his chanul and (for example, souls of fire, whirlwinds,
1989:263). Ch’ulel cannot be conveyed vice versa [Vogt 1965:34). The newborn lightning, or rocks) as well as animals
from a father to his children because, af chanul and the human child are of the (Spero 1991:189). Spiritu al strength
ter a person dies, the soul remains at the same sex and mature at the same rate. accretes with age, so that often longevity
grave for the same period o f time as the alone serves to demonstrate power; those
person lived. In many ways the transmis Several Maya groups in Chiapas assert with weak soul-mates neither succeed nor
sion of ch’ulel parallels the Tzotzil use of that all animal soul-companions are non- live long lives (Pitt-Rivers 1970:189).
first names; once the ch’ulel has been domesticated mammals. The Chamula
placed in a new member o f the patriline, specify that, unlike wild animals, chanul Modern ethnography about contemporary
the child becomes a “replacem ent" or have five toes on each paw — a physical Maya belief indicates that the chanul is
“substitute” Ik’esholil in Tzotzil) for the characteristic that sym bolically links neither inherited from one’s ancestors nor
departed ancestor (Vogt 1969:373). them w ith th eir hum an co-essen ce establishes any totemic relationship with
(Gossen 1975, Linn 1989, Vogt 1969). other non-kin individuals having the same
It is believed that all salient features of Avians (particularly hummingbirds and species of animal spirit-companion (Linn
modern Maya life are imbued with ch’ulel. birds of prey) are also commonly recog 1989:259, Pitt-Rivers 1970:186-187). The
Ch’ulel can be manifested in at least two nized animal avatars among the Maya of traits o f one’s chanul reflect individual
simultaneously-shared physical incarna Santiago Atitldn, G uatem ala (M artin (rather than any collectively-shared) moral
tions — both a human and an animal Prechtel, personal communication 1988). character, destiny, and spiritual power.
body. The animal spirit-companion or co Notable is the fact that all of the animals
essence is called chanul or wayihel in identified by the Maya of Chiapas as po The words wayihel in Tzotzil and wayohel
Tzotzil, wayohel or lab’ in Tzeltal, nawal tential spirit co-essences are respected for in Tzeltal are used synonymously with
in K’iche’ (likely derived from the same th eir fie rc e n e s s and co u ra ge when chanul to identify the animal soul-com
root as the highland Mexican Nahuatl trapped in dangerous situations. panion. These terms derive from the same
w ord nahual), and onen am on g the root as the verb way, meaning “to sleep”
Lakandon. In the highlands of Chiapas it The definite identification of one’s animal or “to dream” (Josserand and Hopkins
is believed that when the ancestral dei soul-companion is problematic, and of 1988, Laughlin 1988), and refer to the
ties install a ch’ulel in the embryo of a ten changes as the public image of the assertion by many Maya that the identity
870
o f one’s animal co-essence m ay be r e events befall the animal soul-partner, the labeled with the hieroglyph way that were
vealed through a series o f dreams that human counterpart will experience the same produced by the Classic Period Maya.
require interpretation by a specialist. fate (Fabrega and Silver 1973, Vogt 1969).
A REVIEW OF THE PLACES ASSOCIATED
Animal co-essences are believed to reside Consistently highlighted in ethnographic WITH WAY CHARACTERS - U WAY NAL
in supernatural corrals located within the analyses of modern Maya concepts about
mountains and are cared for either by the soul(s) are the following points: Because Grube and Nahm (1994) have
ancestral deities or by Catholic-derived 1. All souls are associated with the thoroughly documented and described
saints who also live inside the large vol ancestors, to whom the individual is the characters painted on Classic P e
canos that surround the various highland linked through blood and descent. riod Maya pottery, this study w ill focus
Maya communities. Each day the care 2. There is an intimate connection more specifically on the particular loca
takers release the animal spirit-compan between having a soul and behaving tives highlighted with either the na or
ions to forage, and at night they are gath properly, lest one be punished by these nal superfix (deciphered as “place”) that
ered back into their sacred corrals. Vogt ancestors. follow the u way compound. Scrutiny
(1969:403) reports the Tzotzil belief that 3. All the various types o f souls are o f the Classic Period Maya iconography
“ . . . a person’s animal spirit-companion significantly related to local community and texts present on both ceram ic and
sits on a stool inside his corral in the places, as epitomized by the mountain other m edia su ggests that, although
m ountain” - another anthropomorphic abode o f the ancestors and a sense of some o f these places may be m ythologi
trait that links the human and animal co social consciousness. cal in origin, they either have physical
essence. 4. Both human and chanul incarna counterparts w ithin Maya sites or that
tions share a common ch'ulel. This shar the actions docum ented as being p e r
Ordinarily, the ancestral gods or totime’ll ing of soul allows both to exist simulta fo rm e d b y h is to r ic a l ch a ra cters on
(a word that embraces the totality o f both neously while living in different places monumental texts can occur in
“fathers and mothers”) reside within their (one rooted in corporeal reality and one the realm o f the supernatural.
mountain homes where they monitor the m etaphysical). Although a Maya may
activities of their descendants and relish dream of encountering the animal spirit- FIVE SKY PLACE - NA HO CHAN
the offerings made to them at various companion, the majority o f Maya tales
sacred loci. If, however, a person offends indicate that the two never meet face-to- The location na ho chan (“five sky
the supernatural guardians through im face in the real, physical world (Guiteras- place”) is described only once in
proper behavior or neglect, the chanul Holmes 1961:299). the ceram ic corpus, on vessel
may be left to wander in the forest instead K 791 in conjunction with an ema
o f being gathered back into the safety of These points serve as a basis for compari ciated anthropom orphic figure
the corral. It is believed that whatever son with the images painted on pottery and wearing a mab (“deer") headdress.
871
The text accompanying this image dearly de S atterth w aite 1981:Figure 15, glyphs serpent em bellished with star symbols
scribes the creature as u way na ho chan, a B18-A22). Additionally, Stela 15 from Dos on K1652 & K2284) and u ku kind (a skele
place well known from a variety of other Clas Pilas records that on the date 9.14.10.0.0 tonized death figure carrying a bundled
sic Maya contexts. Ruler 2 danced at the house of na ho chan deer in a tumpline on K771), this glyph
within the site o f Dos Pilas (Houston appears both on carved monuments and
Na ho chan wttz xaman (“five sky place 1993:110, glyphs E5-F6). on other ceramic texts.
north mountain”) is glyphically and visu
ally presented on K688 and on Pages 19- Two polychrome vessels recovered from Based on Lintels 32 and 53 from Yaxchilan,
20 o f the Paris C odex (Freidel, et al. Burial 116 at Tikal also carry SNT that Looper (1991) has suggested that this sign
1993:100). Additionally, Stela 16 from describes the scene as u ha ho chan yax refers to a K ’awil manikin scepter carried
Caracol commemorates the erection o f a to ko ? (“he goes/it-happened-at five sky while dancing. This interpretation is chal
stela on 9.5.0.0.0 through the combined first-flint ?”). On one vessel celestial ico lenged by Stela 25 from Xultun in which a
efforts of three supernaturals from na ho nography brackets the two characters small jaguar is held aloft while the glyphic
chan (glyphs A13-A15) and the Caracol (Culbert 1993:Figure 69), while on the text records the same akot ch’ul nal danc
ruler. Interestingly, the long-necked bird other vase multiple half-quatrefoils (sym ing-place notation as appears on the
illustrated on K688 and in the Paris Co bolizing the portal between the super Yaxchilan lintels. This evidence (combined
dex bears a striking iconographic resem natural and physical realms) encircle the with the nal superfix that appears consis
blance to the protector god named at A14 two individuals (Culbert 1993:Figure 70). tently with this Main Sign) suggests the
on Caracol Stela 16. However, because neither the name nor glyph more likely refers to a particular lo
the physical status of the dominant fig cation favored by Classic Period Maya for
Although na ho chan is described on ure seated on the bench is inscribed on dancing and that the sign pictographically
Q uirigua M onum ent 3, Stela C as the the ceram ics, it rem ains a m atter of replicates a hind-view of dancing legs.
m y th o lo g ica l site w h ere the Jagu ar speculation whether the location pictured
Paddler and S tin gray Paddler planted on these two vases is metaphysi This same dancing-place glyph appears on
th e “ th ree ston es o f c re a tio n ” on cal or corporeal. the Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque,
1 3 .1 3 .1 3 .0 .0 .0 .0 4 Ahaw 8 K um k’u where it functions as an Emblem Glyph for
(3114 B.C.) (Freidel, et al. 1993:67), Clas DANCING-PLACE -AKOT CH'UL NAL the supernatural character Ox-Bolon Chak-
sic Period Maya elites are also recorded Xib-Chak, and on a now-destroyed mural
as enacting rituals at loci within sites Although there is currently no from Santa Rita, Belize (Taube 1989:39).
that bear the same name. Stela 6 from known phonetic decipherment for Naranjo Stela 13 and Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic
Caracol describes a “scattering" event the glyph that follows the u way Stairway 4, Stela 14, Stela 11, and Stela 15
by a ruler o f the site on 9.8.10.0.0 at compound accompanying to...ek’ record Maya rulers in this dancing-place lo
th e lo c a tio n na ho chan (B eetz and hix (a rampant jaguar wearing a cation after having emerged triumphant
872
from star-war battles against individuals ing-of-captives dances are well documented This location appears on the ceramic cor
from other communities. Each o f these for the later Aztecs (Clendinnen 1991) and pus with such diverse animals as k'aksotz’
texts show the ruler sumptuously attired for the Maya of Yucatán at the time of the (“fire bat” on K2716), the reclining “jaguar
and standing victoriously atop a bound conquest, in a dance of the warriors called dog” (K1211), the “partition jaguar" hold
captive who is dressed only in a loincloth Holcan-okot (de Landa 1937:779). ing a bowl of disarticulated body parts
with his hair gathered on the top his head. (K1442), two God A' figures (K927 and
The iconography on both the monumental K1230), an individual carrying a censer in
These monuments suggest that the ico sculpture and may-bearing ceramics pre the form of a flaming head (K791), and an
nography of BOD 95, which is glyphically sents a coherent symbolic message. Both everted hu m an en gu lfe d b y fla m es
recorded as ch’ak ba (a “self-inflicted media present an association between the (K1256). All of these way creatures wear
hacking/decapitation”) at this dancing- taking, display, and eventual sacrificing of clothing diagnostic o f human sacrifice
place location, may illustrate either the captives by elites. Such messages are sym and/or penitential behavior. The associa
archetypical star-war confrontation be bolized by the subjugated bound captive tion between God A' and this location leads
tween the Maize God and military forces carved on the stelae and the bundled deer Reents-Budet (1994:324) to posit that
bran d ish in g a tok (“flin t-b la d e” ) and on vessel K771, by star-w ars battles chatan, which occasionally appears at the
hanab (“shield”), that occurs in the su glyphically inscribed on monumental texts end of the Primary Standard Sequence, may
pernatural dancing-place location, or a and represented by stars appended to the serve as “a possible allusion to the owner
star-war confrontation that is being staged serpents that encircle the neck of the star- o f the plate as a deified dead person.”
within a dancing-place location to com serpent jaguar. This lineage prerogative is il
memorate a previous victory in battle. lustrated on monuments by the ruler carry To date, the only historical individual iden
These interpretations are not mutually ex ing either a God K manikin scepter or a jag tified as a ch’ul chatan winik is the son of
clusive. It is possible the Classic Period uar effigy and on vessels by the serpent’s tail ruler K ’an Ak (named on Tikal Stela 3,
Maya viewed historical victories as reen around the neck of to. . . ek’ hix that termi and on a pair o f earflares from Rio Azul).
actments o f supernatural events and, by nates in the flaming head of K’awil. Determining the chain of succession dur
restaging these battles within their com ing this period from hieroglyphic texts at
munities, celebrated supernatural sanc PLACE OF BLINDNESS - CHATAN Tikal remains problem atical. Bardsley
tion for their military conquests. Signifi and Urban (1989) believe that a series of
cantly, although the warriors painted on brothers m ay each have quickly su c
this vase carry formidable-looking weap ceeded K ’an Ak as ruler o f Tikal. Follow
ons, they wear the deer and multiple-knot was the first ing this argument, possibly the individual
headdresses that may mark them as the to publish named as owner o f the earflares had al
eventual sacrificial victims (Taube 1988). evidence suggesting that the glyph chatan ready died and was being acknowledged
The staging of such hunting-of-deer/hunt should be deciphered as “place of blindness.” in his capacity as a sacred ancestor.
873
TIKAL EMBLEM GLYPH - MUTUL SNAKE OR SKY PLACE - CHAN nal proposition that only elites from the
site o f Calakmul carried the chan E m
David Stuart (Grube and Scheie blem Glyph title.
1993:1) was the first to propose
the phonetic reading Mutul for To date, fifteen creatures have been iden These studies also indicate the p o liti
the Main Sign of the Tikal Em tified w ith the SNT en ding in either ca l h e g e m o n y a n d in flu e n c e o f
blem Glyph, based on the icono- T561a, pronounced chan, or an Emblem Calakm ul during the Middle through
graphlc Identification of the glyph Glyph composed of the Main Sign T764, Late Classic Periods was o f far greater
as a knotted hank of human hair. a logographic snake head that also pho magnitude than previously recognized.
netically reads chan. With so many char The prevalence o f this Emblem Glyph
Representations from seven vessels (five acters associated with the same chan lo on ceram ics appears consistent w ith
coatlm u n d i [dog?], one nupul balam cation, it is difficult to identify any com the dynam ic h is to ric a l tra je c to ry o f
(“counterpart jaguar” ], and one anthro mon iconographic details that link all Calakmul. It will be interesting to see if
pomorphic individual wearing a dragon/ these creatures. th e p a tte r n e s ta b lis h e d a t T ik a l,
deer skull headdress) appear associated whereby subsidiary sites refer to u way
with this Main Sign. With the exception Marcus (1976, 1987) was the first to Mutul and the site center does not, also
o f in d ivid u a ls on v e ss els K927 and id en tify the chan Em blem Glyph on holds true at Calakmul.
K3459, all are identified using the full monumental sculpture from the site of
Tikal Emblem Glyph. W hile the ch a r Calakm ul, M exico. Her identification Because the word chan is a near or com
acters illustrated on the Altar Vase and was ch allenged by later epigraphers plete homophone meaning both “sky" and
vessel K792 are prim a rily a n th ro p o because “o f the unusually wide distri “snake” in contem porary M ayan la n
m orphic in form, the other representa bution o f this Emblem Glyph and the guages, it has been assumed that both
tions are more zoomorphic in appear d a m a g e d c o n d itio n o f C a la k m u l’ s the phonetic and iconographic versions
ance. In that all seven creatures are en m o n u m e n ts ” (S c h e ie a n d F r e id e l of the glyph are the same. However, in
dowed with a foliated-aham glyph (mean 1990:456). The d is co v ery o f m on u the examples where only T561a chan is
ing “child o f father”) somewhere on their ments from the site o f El Peru using present (even without the prefix nal to
bodies, these supernaturals appear to be th e sa m e chan E m b lem G lyp h indicate that a location is referenced), it
identified with patrilineal ancestors. In prom pted Mathews (1985) to suggest is not at all definite whether elites from
terestingly, a survey o f pottery excavated that a more appropriate, generic name Calakmul or from some more-general sky
from the central area o f the site by the for this polity should be “Site Q .” R e location are intended. In situations in
Tikal Project does not reveal a single ves c e n t s c h o la r s h ip b y H o u s to n and volving multiple renditions of the same
sel with a way -bearing SNT (Coggins Stuart (1991) and M artin and Grube character, it may be significant to note
1975, Culbert 1993). (1994) has confirm ed M arcu s’ o rig i that either the Snake Emblem Glyph or
874
T561a consistently follows the u way sumed that the glyphs written on these an affiliation with both the events sur
compound. For example, chic chan (“deer vessels refer to the Emblem Glyph for rounding the ordering of the cosmos and
snake") is described as u way chan ahaw Seibal (H ou ston and Stuart 1990:6, with a certain water jaguar ways.
using only the T764 Main Sign and not Grube 1989, Grube and Nahm 1994).
the T561a sky glyph. OTHER LOCATIONS
However, Altars 12, 22, and 23 from
THREE STONE PLACE - OX TUN Caracol illustrate bound prisoners sitting Locations that repeatedly occur in the ce
on benches also supported by three ramic corpus in conjunction with way crea
Only characters identified as nab stones. The accompanying text describes tures include nlk (“flower” or “child”), te
or ha hix (“water jaguar") on this event as occurring at Caracol and the (“tree”), pet te ("accession tree”) and several
vessels K771 and K791 appear individuals as elite from sites other than variety o f witz na (literally “m ountain
associated with the nal ox-tun Seibal. It is, however, possible that the place”). Specific mountains are described
ahaw (“three stone place elites”). historical display of captives at a “three as ox witz (“three mountain,” a location that
This glyphic compound, first stone place” within Caracol symbolically also appears repeatedly on monumental
id en tified by B erlin (1958), replicates the rituals of creation. sculpture from the site of Caracol); kan witz
form s the Main Sign o f the (“yello w m ou n ta in ” ) and sim p ly witz
Seibal Emblem Glyph. Additionally, the lo At the site of Quirigua, Maudslay (1889- (“mountain”). The Classic Period Maya tra
cation yax nal ox tun appears on the Tab 1902:2:17) observed that Zoomorph P (in dition of naming man-made pyramids witz
let o f the Cross from Palenque and on the form of a large turtle) rested upon a and conceiving of the site as a symbolic
Monument 3, Stela C from Quirigua as base of three stones. Recently, art histo replication of the natural world suggests
the metaphysical spot where the three rians (Villela 1993, Villela and Scheie that way creatures could be associated
sto n e s o f c re a tio n w ere p la ce d on 1993) have made a compelling argument with particular edifices, the environment,
1 3 .1 3 .1 3 .0 .0 .0 .0 4 Ahaw 8 K um k’u that the placement of this monumental and/or a metaphysical realm. These de
(Freidel, et al. 1993). The prefix yax (de sculpture replicated in physical form the scriptions, like place names associated
ciphered as “first”) may serve to differen ce les tia l ico n ograp h y illu stra te d on with mythological events and the Main
tiate between the supernatural yax nal Page 71 of the Madrid Codex. Sign o f Emblem Glyphs, af
ox tun and the more generic “three stone firm the rela tio n sh ip
place” which forms the Main Sign of the This combined evidence suggests the between way ch a r
Seibal Emblem glyph. Scrutiny o f the “three stone place" could have physical acters, sacred geog
published texts from Seibal does not fully counterparts at several sites, similar to raphy, and ances
resolve this point. Because the ahaw title the mythological locations discussed pre tral ties. Elite indi-
follows on K771 and appears as a superfix viously. The use of this sign by the ahaw Witz (mountain), Palenque. viduals are interred
on K791, it has been traditionally as of Seibal may indicate their perception of (Drawing by L. Scheie) w ith in witz, th e
875
patrilineal leader of the family kinship unit ing ownership phases on all types of ob m erou s a rc h a e o lo g ic a l ex ca va tio n s.
is metaphorically viewed as a “tree,” and his jects, the absence of personal names in Many of these cached ceramics contain
progeny are seen as “flowers.” connection with these supernaturals human bones that have been interpreted
seems highly significant. Main signs bear as offerings to the deceased ancestors
ANALYSIS OF WAY CHARACTERS ing the ch’ul ahaw prefix have generally also interred within these monuments
been regarded as titular in nature. This (Becker 1992). It is possible that the shal
Vessels having may-bearing SNT are un perspective favors a social structure in low bowls filled with fleshed, dism em
like many Maya ceramics in that figures which only one elite individual serves as bered body parts and carried by way
are rarely depicted within either a natu the ahaw from a particular site (Marcus characters refer to the display o f these
ralistic environment or an architectural 1976, 1993:140; Stuart 1993:326). Re sacrificed individuals. O ther objects
setting. Characters appear neither to in cent examination of monumental texts in that have been archaeologically
teract with one another nor to represent dicates, however, that many individuals recovered from funerary contexts
sequences in a continuous narrative. from the same site could simultaneously that are shown carried by
While almost all the vessels depict m ul be endowed with the identical Emblem way characters include ca
tiple characters identified with the way Glyph epithet of ch’ul ahaw (Martin and cao, ollas (perhaps origin a lly
glyph, no way character is ever shown Grube 1994) and that this glyphic title filled with hallucinogenic beverages), dis
twice on a single vessel. These creatures functioned to indicate geo-socio-political embodied human heads, and sacrificial
are truly super-natural; none exist in the status rather than to identify a specific in knives. The recent recognition that Clas
real, physical world. dividual. Ceramic texts linking supernatu sic Period Maya tombs were repeatedly
ral creatures with locations or Emblem entered to enact rituals with the remains
Analysis o f the sixty-five Classic Period Glyphs further support this view. o f the interred suggests that way crea
Maya way-bearing vessels known to date tures may have symbolically participated
reveals that, although several specific Iconographic traits consistently associ in these tomb ceremonies.
categories of zoomorphs can be identi ated with representations o f way crea
fied, the glyphic text following the u way tures emphasize the anthropomorphic Further illustrating their anthropomor
compound is surprisingly restricted. The behavior o f several animals. Many crea phic nature, m any way animals wear
SNT may continue after the possessive tures stand erect and/or dance on two clothing. Garments similar to those worn
u way with the expression “sacred ahaw legs while holding bowls of disarticulated by way creatures appear on captives,
o f Main Sign,” but the proper name of body parts, as an allusion to human sac bound for eventual sacrifice, on Late Clas
an individual, historical Maya personage rifice and/or ancestor-focused ritual. sic monuments. This apparel includes
is never given as the “owner” o f the de Shallow bowl lip-to-lip cache vessels re frayed paper or fabric knotted around the
picted way creature. In light of the Clas sem bling those being carried by way w rist and calves, scarves around the
sic Period Maya propensity for inscrib creatures have been recovered from nu shoulders, bloodletiers at the groin, and
876
a scanty loincloth knotted at The inclusion of a vessel painted with rep H igh-statu s in d ividu als costum ed in
the waist as the individual’s resentations o f the “Holm ul D ancer” the guise o f way creatures also appear
on ly clo th in g. A series o f seems particularly significant consider on monumental sculpture. Both M onu
carved stucco facades from ing that the animals who crouch within ment 1, Stela A from Quirigua and Stela
Structure D5-3 at Tonina de the feathered backrack o f the dancing 8 from Seibal depict rulers dressed in ja g
picts a row of bound captives Maize God have been recognized as way uar-paw mittens and boots. Notable also
wearing rigid, collar -like yokes creatures and are identified in the SNT is an unprovenienced panel from chan/
around their necks that re with Emblem Glyphs (Coe 1978:96; Hous Site Q/Calakmul at the Chicago Institute
sem ble the s tiff necklaces worn by way ton, etal. 1992:501; Reents 1985; Reents- o f Art which presents the portrait and
characters. Depicting way creatures in Budet 1994). Scheie and Grube (1992b:4) titles o f Chak ?Yuk Kan Sak Wayas
this penitential garb m ay indicate that note that the anim als carried in the ( “ G rea t T u rk e y -H e a d ? F o u r-W h ite -
th ese su p ern a tu ra ls are m an ifested backracks of the Holmul Dancers corre Transform er”) in the position o f a d e
through human blood and sacrifice. spond to the “three stones of creation.” feated ballplayer and w earing an elabo
They replicate the jaguar, serpent, and rate turkey headdress. This panel illu s
Recent excavations of Classic Period buri waterlily benches set in place by the Jag trates that Classic Period elites iden ti
als disclose that at least some elites dressed uar and Stingray Paddlers, as described fied with a variety o f way creatures in
in garb diagnostic o f way creatures. on Monument 3, Stela C from Quirigua. addition to jaguars.
Taschek and Ball (1992:494) describe how Miller (1992:159-160) emphasizes that
their excavations at Buenavista del Cayo, the “Holmul Dancer” characteristically CONCLUSION
Belize, recovered an adolescent male wears a shell of carved Spondylus prin
(B urial 88B-11) bundled in a leather ceps at the groin. She speculates that Analysis o f the Maya archaeological and
shroud and wearing jaguar-paw mittens these “bright-red shells give the wearer a ethnographic data indicates a strong as
and a jaguar-skin mantle. This individual symbolic vagina. In this attire, the Maize sociation between deceased individuals,
was placed in the tomb with objects asso God is both male and female, lineages, particular locations, and way
ciated with the performance of religious progenitor and progenitrix- what creatures. Classic Period monumental
rituals, including a mass of stingray spines the modern Maya might call a and ceramic texts suggest that rituals
employed in auto-sacrificial rites positioned ‘mother-father’” (ibid.). The entire enacted at various sacred loci facilitated
over his pelvic area; a mosaic mirror of Buenavista tomb, containing the “Holmul communication with the supernatural
polished crystalline hematite used for divi Dancer” vase, the attire of the interred in wayob. Ceremonies involving the sacri
nation; thousands of small obsidian blades dividual, and the other ritually-significant fice of captives and/or the display o f body
and flint objects; and a large vase deco grave goods, forms a coherent statement parts repeatley are linked with Classic Pe
rated with multiple images of the “Holmul about the close ties between deceased an riod representations o f way creatures.
Dancer” (K4464). cestors and way creatures. Such sacrificial and penitential behavior
877
also form s a significant component of 1975:33, Dame 1941:177-178, Guiteras- bearing ceramics, parallels the contem
modern-day Maya ritual behavior. Holmes 1961:295). Ritual performance porary Mam definition of naab’l. For the
during the Classic Period, as inscribed on m odern M aya liv in g in C h im a lteco,
Contemporary Maya religious specialists monumental sculpture and painted on Chiapas, naab’l (the “social soul” or “way
engage in pilgrimages to various conse ceramics, appears to embody a similar set of being”) is grounded in continuities of
crated shrines located on the mountains of beliefs regarding the relationship be local ancestry, received tradition, and
surrounding a community, inside which tween humans and supernaturals. sacred environment. Derived from a su
the totime’il reside. Here the specialist pernatural foundation or linked with a
makes offerings of alcohol, tobacco, and As previously stated, the Classic Period location imbued with mystical power, the
incense to the supernatural saints and images that are glyphically identified as particular quality o f naab’l shared by
powerful ancestors so as to ensure fu way characters and that seem to be members of this community serves to set
ture prosperity and to cure illness. Sev closely affiliated with lineage ancestors the Mam apart from neighboring Maya.
eral twentieth-century Maya ceremonies, are endowed with paranormal attributes. Naab’l is eternal and remains as part of
particularly those performed within the This tradition of ascribing superhuman the communal collectivity even after the
god houses of the Lakandon in Chiapas, status to lineage founders continued be death of an individual. Occasionally, like
closely parallel the rituals depicted in yond the Classic Period and appeared in St. James the Apostle, who today is re
C lassic Period M aya iconography. In documents written after the arrival of the garded as “the nagual o f El Palmar” in
L a k a n d o n ritu a ls, sm ok in g in cen se Spanish. The Popol Vuh (Edm ondson Chiapas, a Catholic saint may embody
transform s into tortilla offerings con 1971:155) lists the lineages at the time of this essence as the patron saint o f the
sumed by the deities, the ceremonial ta the Fourth Creation as: Balam Kitze, Jag community (Saler 1976:77).
male becomes human flesh that is ritu uar K’iche’ o f the Kaveks, Balam Aqab,
ally devoured, corn gruel atole converts J a gu a r N igh t o f the G rea t-H o u ses, As used on these ceramics, the Emblem
into “sacred water”, rubber figurines are M ahuq’utah, "N ou gh t" o f the Lord Glyph Main Sign appears to derive from
sym bolically given life in order to be Quiches, and Iq’i Balam, Wind Jaguar. mythological origins and to have links
burned as a sacrifice to the gods, and The chronicle continues with an enu with sacred geography. Associated with
annatto dye transubstantiates into hu meration o f the thirteen lineages that these mythic tales and locations, super-
man blood before being smeared on the branched from these founders. They bear naturals and way creatures serve to e n
faces o f idols (McGee 1990:55). For the a startling similarity to the names and lo hance and define the nature o f this
contemporary highland Maya, the perfor cations associated with way creatures sp iritu al power. Use o f the glyph (like
mance o f costumbre (“ritual behavior") is painted on Classic Period Maya ceramics. the “socia l s o u l” th at id e n tifies the
not viewed as a supplication or penance unique tim bre o f region a l M aya c u l
but instead as a method o f insuring reci In an abstracted, metaphorical manner, ture) em phasizes the in d ivid u a l's a f
procity (Colby and Colby 1981:42, Collier the Emblem Glyph, as it appears on way filia tion w ith the collective aspect o f
878
a p a r tic u la r c o m m u n ity . Th e title Future strides in the decipherm ent of composite characteristics o f several ani
c h ’ul ahaw cou ld be used s im u lta Maya hieroglyphic text will produce ad mals. Their iconography affiliates them
n eou sly by several elite m em bers o f ditional theories about the Classic Pe with lineage ancestors and sacrificial vic
d if fe r e n t k in s h ip g r o u p s r e s id in g riod Maya and their relationship with tims; the glyphic text describes them in
w it h in v a r io u s r e s id e n t ia l c o m the supernatural. Ultimately, the sci association with the elite members o f par
p o u n d s , as w e ll as th e p o lit ic a lly entific excavation and documentation ticular polities and locations, but does not
dom in ant ruler o f the site. The C la s o f ceramics bearing way texts will re describe them as being "owned” by these
sic P e rio d E m b lem G lyph , lik e the veal information that will enable schol individuals.
c o n te m p o r a ry d e fin itio n o f n a a b’l, ars to understand more clearly Classic
em b races m any kin ship groups w hile P e rio d M a y a b e lie fs r e g a r d in g the Perhaps, as we continue to make break
rein fo rcin g the su pern atu ral charter ensouled nature o f the cosmos and the throughs in the decipherm ent o f h iero
that u ltim ately sets one p olity apart nature o f human-supernatural interac glyphic text, con textu alization o f a r
from another. tions. Additionally, controlled excava ch aeologica l m ateria l, and close e x
tion should quantify whether the con am ination o f the ethnograph ic record,
Recent decipherments of the word way cept o f way supernaturals was widely it w ill be p ossib le to refine our d e fin i
as "companion spirit” or “co-essence” have shared by the Classic Period Maya or tions o f these su p ern atu ra ls for the
relied heavily on ethno-linguistic defini whether vessels decorated with images C lassic Period Maya.
tions to establish a one-to-one correlation o f these characters was restricted to the
between an individual and the individual’s Central Petén.
chanul. This concept does not appear to
find resonance in either the monumental Data from the corpus o f Classic Period
sculpture or ceramic corpus of the Late Maya ceramics does not indicate that
Classic Period. Classic Period texts never creatures glyphically identified as way A sp ec ia l th an ks to C h a rles C alvin
describe an individual as having an ex are co-essences. Further, the definition and Eden W elker fo r review in g e a r
clusive relationship with characters iden o f way for the Classic Period Maya does lier version s o f this paper.
tified as u way. Way creatures, at least not replicate the animal companion-spir
as represented on the corpus of Classic its docum ented in the ethnograph ic
Period ceramics reveal an iconographic record. The characters represented as
message that affirms the union between wayob on Classic Period Maya vessels are
these supernatural characters, lineages clearly supernatural; they participate in
and deceased ancestors. They possess activities that are inconsistent with the
glyphic texts that align these supernatu physical constraints of the real world and
ral creatures with specific locations. often are illustrated as endowed with the
879
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883
REBIRTH AND RESURRECTION IN MAIZE GOD ICONOGRAPHY
MICHEL QUENON AND

GENEVIEVE LE FORT
Classic Maya sculptures frequently por

tray rulers and other individuals wearing
the Maize God costume. Known examples
are El Peru Stela 34 (Fig. 1), El Zapote
Stela 5 (Fig. 2a) and Copan Stela H (Fig.
2b). An unprovenanced panel (Fig. 3) to
be referred to as the Yomop Panel pro
vides another example. It shows Lady Ok
Ain (Lady Foot Caym an) dressed in a
Maize God costume, her bare feet su r
rounded by a Water Lily Monster.1 She is
identified by five glyphs located to the left
o f her face as a Yomop Ahaw.2
A casual review of the Maize God costume

in monumental art shows two components
to be consistently present: a beaded or net Figure 1. El Peru Stela 34 (drawing by J. Montgomery)
skirt and the Xok-spondylus shell belt as Tonsured Maize God, is the Classic Maya
sembly. Also remarkable is their highly For an understanding of Maize God-re prototype of Hun Hunahpu of the Quiche
standardized representation across the lated iconography, see “The Classic Maya Maya Popol Vuh. His two sons, Hunahpu
Maya Lowlands. Such iconic style begs the Maize God: A Reappraisal” by Karl Taube and Xbalanque, also known as the Hero
question of a possible thematic significance (1 9 8 5 :1 7 1 -8 1 ). F reid e l, S ch eie and Twins, are intimately involved with their
which is the focus o f this study. Parker (1993:59-122) have also shown father’s journey into the Underworld and
that some aspects of the Maize God myth are frequently depicted on ceramics. The
1. A similar Water Lily Monster as basal element ology are metaphors for how the Maya Classic-period name for the Maize God
appears on Palenque House D, Pier C, where one of viewed the creation of their world and its was Hun-Nal-Ye, “One-Maize-Revealed.”
the actors wears a Maize God beaded skirt. continued renewal. These cosmic inter
pretations are not included in this study Although numerous examples o f female
2. The Yomop Emblem Glyph is known from In
as its focus is lim ited to the linkage impersonators exist, the Maize God cos
scriptions at Tonlna and Tortuguero, In captive-
between costume and epic. Throughout tume can be worn by males as seen on El
related events; at Tortuguero (Monument 6), a
war event, on July 28, 649 and at Tonlna, a cap this paper, the expression “Maize God" Zapote Stela 5 (Scheie, Fahsen and Grube
ture event on July 17, 789. The location o f the is used to refer to various, sometimes 1992:1) and Copan Stela H. There is how
Yomop site Is currently unknown. overlapping forms, o f maize gods which ever a certain ambiguity as to who is be
developed over time. One o f them, the in g im person ated. For D icey T a y lo r
884
and First Mother of the gods. On the tab METHODOLOGY

let of Palenque Temple 14, the mother of
Kan Balam, wearing a net skirt, imper Due to their richness in m ythological
sonates the First Mother. In the text, the themes, ceramics are an obvious source
First Mother is referred to by her portrait of information. They were therefore ex
head and a moon sign (Freidel, Scheie and amined for clues to a possible Maize God
Parker 1993:464). Therefore the net skirt epic beyond the well-documented resur
seems to mark the progenitor gods and rection theme. A review of Maize God-re
those who impersonate them in ritual. lated iconography shows four different
recurring scenes, each depicting a stage
A majority of the iconography on which this in the story o f the god. Most ceramics
study is based is composed of emergence portray single episodes but there are a
scenes. These have variously been referred number of vessels with a combination of
to as: emergence, rebirth, or resurrection. themes. These composite scenes suggest
Although synonymous, the terms rebirth the following sequence o f events:
and resurrection are used here to refer to Episode 1: Rebirth of the god
different types of emergence. The Maize Episode 2: Dressing scene
Figure 3. God epic is characterized by distinct epi Episode 3: Canoe scene
Yomop Panel sodes taking place in and out of the Un Episode 4: Resurrection scene
derworld. Two of these are emergence epi A description and discussion o f each epi
sodes, significantly different in nature to sode follows.
(1992:518), the deity i^fem ale and rep require being labeled accordingly.
resents the Moon Goddess^Howeyerr-^he THE REBIRTH OF THE MAIZE GOD
beaded skirt is frequently worn by indi The resurrection o f the Maize God is a (EPISODE 1)
viduals dressed as the Tonsured Maize well documented theme, but resurrection
God (Taube 1985:174). In his discussion implies prior death and sacrifice which The first image (Fig. 4) to be analyzed is
o f Goddess I, Karl Taube (1992:64-9) are not as frequently depicted. However found on a multiple scene vase (K3033,
shows that the skirt can be worn by the there exist several representations o f dis PMU: Fig. 6.46). Linda Scheie has identi
Moon Goddess and concludes that “in a em b od ied M aize God head s (Tau be fied the lower right scene as the rebirth
number o f instances, the Classic moon 1985:176-177). Although not a focus of of the Maize God from the mouth o f a Vi
goddess merges with the Tonsured Maize this study, the death/sacrifice episode is sion Serpent (Freidel, Scheie and Parker
God.” For Linda Scheie, the Maize God by all means part of the overall Maize God 1993:92). The god is naked and wears a
and Moon Goddess are the First Father epic and at times will be mentioned. minimum amount o f finery, nam ely a
885
the mouth o f a monster recalls Vision-

Serpent-like behavior, some differences
exist suggesting separate iconic domains.
Here the creature has both piscine and
reptilian features that characterize it as
a fish-snake monster. It inhabits the w a
tery Underworld and has the distinctive
cheek fin feature o f a fish and remnants
o f fins along its snaky body. An additional
argument in favor o f a separate entity is
that beings emerging from Vision S er
pents usually wear jewelry and an elabo
cated by the presence of water bands, a rate headdress. This is consistent with
Figure 4. K3033, Polychrome vase, Popol Vuh
Museum (drawing by L. Scheie). fish, and a canoe above. Episodes 1,2, the view that they represent ancestors
and 3 are therefore present3 being recalled through blood sacrifice
simple headdress and wristlets. Above the rituals. The total or near-nakedness of
rebirth event, a canoe with a fully dressed OTHER REBIRTH SCENES those emerging from the fish-snake mon
Maize God is handled by the Paddler ster and the w atery environm ent are
Gods. A third event (on the left) depicts a Linda Scheie calls the creature from clues that we are dealing with a different
dressing scene in which two unclad women which the Maize God emerges, a Vision creature and a different situation.
attend to the god; one of them is adjusting Serpent (F reidel, Scheie and Parker
his belt. The sequence starts with the rebirth, 1993:92). Although the emergence from Similar rebirth scenes exist, but repre
followed by the dressing scene, and ends with sentations of snake-fish monsters vary;
the canoe scene. The canoe scene is third in 3. As will be seen later, the canoe scene acts as a at times their reptilian aspect is empha
sequence because the god wears a belt with transition between watery Underworld events (Epi sized; at other times their piscine nature
which he has just been adorned in the pre sodes 1and 2) and resurrection (Episode 4). Although is highlighted. An example of the latter
vious dressing scene. This is further sub not explicitly depicted, the latter may be present if comes from a Naranjo area polychrome
stantiated by the large sack he carries on the cylindrical shape of the original Image Is con bowl (Fig. 5). It shows the upper torso of
his chest. This sack, probably filled with sidered. We start at the watery Underworld level with
an unmistakable Maize God em erging
the rebirth episode; then go clockwise to the dress
maize, is sometimes held by the god dur from the mouth o f a fish. Again the god
ing scene. Next, we leave the watery Underworld
ing his final resurrection scene (Taube via the canoe scene and continue around the vase to wears a minimum of ornaments. A water
1985:177). The first two scenes are lo discover the head of the Maize God In a position band and other associated iconography
cated in the watery Underworld as indi similar to that in the resurrection scene. confirm the watery Underworld locale.
Other vases depict what may be the Maize Karl Taube (1992:59), is also found in one
God emerging from the gaping mouth of o f the openings o f a turtle shell in a res
a fish-snake (Fig. 8a and 8b). The near- urrection scene (Fig. 12). Its presence on
nakedness of the god points to a rebirth K4956 may be an argument in favor of
scene. Some of these fish-snakes are be the speared monster being related to the
Figure 5. Polychrome vessel ing speared by Jaguar Paddler and the Maize God myth.
Pax God (Fig.9). They wade h a lf sub
A Chochola-style vase K3115 (Fig. 6) is merged in water, a Water Lily Monster In a different medium, a Dumbarton Oaks
likely to depict the same episode, although marking the location in the watery Un carved shell ornament (Fig. 13) from Jaina
here the reptilian aspect of the fish-snake derworld. The same individuals may be is relevant to this discussion. It shows a
monster is accentuated. The lack of wrist engaging the monster on the vases Maize God emerging from an opening in
lets, necklace, or pectoral on the god’s just discussed (Fig. 8a and 8b). the back o f a large fish. Some of the de
body suggests again a rebirth scene. No Although partly eroded, a Pax tails, to be addressed later, suggest a res
tice the similarity in composition of the God, holding a speared fish, urrection scene instead of a rebirth event.
god’s outstretched left arm compared to observes the battle scene Yet, here is another clear example of the
that o f the previously discussed vessel. (Fig.8a). One o f the main strong association that exists between the
actors m ay be G1 o f the deity and a fish zoomorph.
A lid from an Early Classic tetrapode Palenque Triad who appears
v e s s e l (F ig .7) d is p la y s a fish -sn ak e to pull the Maize God by the THE FISH-SNAKE MONSTER AS XOK
creature with the face o f a young god hair from the open jaws
em erging from the open jaws. The large of the monster. Artistic renditions o f the fish-
upturned snout is marked in the front snake monster were probably in
with the cross hatching o f a water lily A n oth er spearing fluenced by specific water crea
pad or m ay possibly represent a fish scene is depicted on tures, the regional style, and the
s c a le p a tte r n as on o th e r s im ila r K1391 (Fig. 10). A Figure 7. Lid of an Early Classic vessel time period. Yet, representations
zoom orphs. Water Chochold-style vase (after Galerie Mermoz Catalogue of the monster’s head share a sur
1986:Flg. 29).
sy m b o ls denote a (K 4 9 5 6 ) sh ow s a prising number of common char
watery Underworld speared fish-snake monster (Fig. 11), fins acteristics; an upturned, blunted snout oc
location. clearly defined, with an upturned snout casionally marked with a mirror sign, scal
in the shape of a water lily pad. The conch loped supra orbital plates (eyebrows) with
Figure 6. K3115 shell in the open mouth may refer to the an optional mirror sign and terminal lobe
Chochola vase (drawing sacrifice of the Maize God. The associated in the shape of a fin or adorned with plant
by C.Tate 1985:Flg.7). iconography, called Water Lily Serpent by growth, and fins or a tuft of hair at the
887
of hair at the base of the snout. Based on

these diagnostic features, it is highly prob
able that this is the same head being dis
played by Maize God impersonators on
monuments. It has long been referred to as
the head of the Xok fish. There are indeed
striking similarities between the Xok head
and that of the fish-snake. Three monu
mental examples of Xok belt ornament are
£h those found on El Peru Stela 34 (Fig. 14a),
Naranjo Stela 24, and Cancuen Stela 1
Figure 8. (Fig. 14b). A comparison with the head of
a. K595, Polychrome vessel the fish-snake monster from vase K3033
b. K1742, Polychrome vessel
(Fig. 14d) suggests a similar creature.4
Close examination of the Xok head on the

Yomop Panel (Fig. 14c) shows the typical
upturned snout to be replaced by an ex
tended upper jaw . The ja w becom es
rather narrow and elongated, with a set
Figure 9. Polychrome vessel of serrated teeth and a continuous upper
(modified by M. guenon after
lip delineating it. In this frontal view, the
a drawing by D. G. Peck,
upper jaw is raised and hides the actual
Dumbarton Oaks).
snout. Tufts of hair or fins seen on top
are equivalent to those found around the
snout o f other Xok heads. These physi
ognomic variations raise the question of
which fish species contributed to the over
all appearance o f the Xok monster.
4. On monuments, the terminal lobe of theXok's

eyebrow Is thefin or tuft of hair-type, whereas on
ceramics, Is most often replaced by plant growth.
888
Figure 10. K1391, Spearing scene.
Figure 11. K4956, Spearedfish zoomorph,

on a Chochola vase. Figure 15. a. Fish zoomorph (from drawing by
G. Griffin in K. Reilly 1991.fig. 12a)
b. Tropical Alligator Gar (drawing
by K. Reilly, 1991 fig. 12c)
Tom Jones (1985 and 1991) has proposed

that the English word for “shark” derived
from the Maya word xok and has sug
gested the B ull Shark (Carcharhinus
Figure 14. Xok belt ornaments.
leucas) as a prime candidate for the Xok
monster. Based on the Bull Shark’s abil
a. El Peru Stela 34 (after drawing ity to travel upriver, it is likely that the
by J. Montgomery) Lowlands Maya were fam iliar with its
sight and general appearance. Karl Taube
b. Cancuen Stela 1 (after T. Maler (pers. comm. 1995) suggests another po
1908:Plate 13,Jig. 1) tential candidate: the alligator gar. He
Figure 12.
K1892, Resurrection points out the fish zoomorph incised on
c. Yomop Panel
scene, codex style plate, the right thigh o f an Olmec green serpen
d. K3033fish zoomorph tine statue dubbed “Slim” (Fig. 15a). Kent
(after drawing by L. Scheie) Reilly (1991:160), following a suggestion
Figure 13. Resurrection by Linda Scheie, identified the “Slim” fish
scene on a carved shell zoomorph as the giant Tropical Alligator
(after a photograph from the Gar (Lepisosteus tristoechus) (Fig. 15b).
Dumbarton Oaks Research
Library and Collections).
This predaceous freshwater fish o f the
Lepisosteldae fam ily and other related
alligator gar species are known to frequent
889
Figure 16. Head

coastal brackish waters o f the G ulf of be a testimony to a yet unexplained epi variant glphsfor the
Mexico and have been reported as occa sode of his journey in the Underworld. It Paddler Gods. Copdn
Stela P [from a drawing
sionally entering marine waters (Herald, is noteworthy that at Copan, a small Maize
by L. Scheie) a. Jaguar b. Stingray
1961:71). They are characterized by long God effigy was found inside a spondylus Paddler Paddler
sharply toothed jaws, diamond-shaped sh ell (S h a rer, M ille r and T ra x le r
ganoid scales, and dorsal and anal fins 1992:Fig. 10). Exam ples o f the glyph are found on
lo c a ted far back on the b o d y (Page Copan Stelae 7 and P (Fig. 16) and Sacul
and Burr, 1991:29). The Lepisosteus One aspect o f the Xok head as belt orna Stela 1. Similarly, a jaw less Xok head
trlstoechus is reported to attain a length ment is the lack of a lower jaw. Jawless dress adorns GI on a number of Early
o f twenty feet or more (Norman 1963:96). skulls usually suggest war trophies and C la s s ic ca ch e v e s s e ls (H e llm u th
defeated enemies. Indeed several of the 1987:Fig. 270-272, 275 and 276).
The fish on the Dumbarton Oaks shell vases reviewed above show that the mon
(Fig. 13) has ganoid-like scales as well as ster was the object of a fight and demise If the identification o f the fish-snake mon
a dorsal fin located at the far back. As by various supernaturals (Fig. 8a, 8b and ster with Xok is correct, then the pres
with the fish zoomorph on “Slim”, its tail 9). As already mentioned, one o f the an ence o f a Xok head in the Maize God cos
is supported by a central shaft and the tagonists is the Pax God. According to tume may be a direct reference to the
open mouth configuration is quite simi Landa (1941:164), festivals in the month rebirth (Episode 1) o f the deity. Interest
lar including a large fang-like tooth pro of Pax involved war ceremonies in which ingly, the Xok-spondylus belt ornament
jecting from the middle of the upper jaw. the likely result was the taking of war is worn by the god himself at or after the
Furthermore, the long beak-like jaw of the captives. He also notes (ibid.: 123) that dressing scene (Episode 2). It can be
gar recalls the elongated upper jaw of the during battles the Yucatec Maya removed shown that the god receives this orna
Yomop Panel Xok ornament (Fig. 14c). the jaws o f slain enemy warriors. Karl ment during the dressing scene to be dis
Taube (1988a:335) points out that this played at his subsequent resurrection.
Unlike the Xok head, there is very little may have been true o f the Classic pe By wearing this symbol, the Maize God
iconography to explain the origin o f the riod, as the patron o f the month Pax has and, eventually his impersonators, attest
spondylus shell component. Many sug the distinctive feature of having had the to the rebirth episode.
gestions have been made ranging from a lower jaw torn from his face. An argument
representation of the female womb (Tay for the participation of other supernatu A study of rebirth from a fish-snake mon
lor 1992:522) to GI o f the Palenque Triad rals is provided by a feature common to ster requires the examination of yet an
or Chak Xib Chak (Jones 1991:250). Be both the Stingray Paddler and GI. Some other vessel. The lid and sides o f a Rio
cause spondylus shells are used as re versions o f the head variant glyph for Hondo bowl (Fig. 17), show an Underworld
ceptacles in blood sacrifice, they might the Stingray Paddler include a head scene divided by water bands indicative of
refer to the sacrifice o f the Maize God or dress in the form o f a jawless Xok head. a layered environment. Along the bottom
890
counts. Fish have traditionally been con

sidered to be people o f the previous era
who were destroyed by a great flood. The
same fish were then transform ed into
water band dwell the souls sions. Matt Looper (1995:79) human beings to populate the present
of the dead in conch shells. Their heads ties the presence of flowers in the com world. A ccord in g to Taube, Panels 5
are oriented in a counter clockwise direc position with birth and points out that the and 6 o f the South Ball Court at El Taj in
tion. Nude human beings and fish-snakes Ho’-Nikte’ (“Five-Flower-Plant”) toponym concern the creation o f the human race
with human or possibly Maize God heads is associated with scenes of emergence. from fish-m en and the taking o f corn
emerging from their mouths are clinging from a temple cave. These actions per
to yet another water band originating from FISH AND EMERGENCE MYTHOLOGY form ed by
Water Lily Monsters. This time, their ori Tlaloc, the
entation is in the clockwise direction. No The frequency of rebirth scenes suggests god o f rain
tice the near-nakedness of the human the existence of a mythological theme but and lig h t
beings. The Rio Hondo bowl iconography explicit accounts are lacking. Even the ning, paral
uses opposite directions to express the Popol Vuh which documents some aspect lel those of
journey of the dead souls into the watery of Maize God mythology, does not men th e M aya
Underworld, their rebirth, and eventual tion it. Yet, in several Mesoamerican ac C ha ko b
resurrection. This opposition parallels the counts of emergence, fish are identified w ho break
descent o f the dead Maize God into the with corn and the creation of human be o p en the Figure 19. K2723, Rebirth scene.
watery Underworld as seen on some of ings. In “The Teotihuacan cave o f origin", mountain of
the Tikal canoe bones (Fig. 18) and his Taube (1986) details some o f these ac- sustenance to retrieve the corn. In the
subsequent emergence from the Under P o p o l V u h, a fte r X b a la n q u e ’ s and
world at resurrection time. Hunahpu’s death, their bones are ground
and thrown in the river where they are
One last example o f a rebirth scene is transformed into catfish. The next day
shown on vase K2723 (Fig. 19). A half- they reappear in their hum an form .
naked Maize God is depicted floating on Stross (1994), in describing the head
the surface o f the w atery Underworld dress o f the ruler on La Mojarra Stela 1,
above a split skull. The split portion of equates the fish in the headdress (a
the skull forehead represents the so- shark) with a maize plant. He also notes
called “capped Ahaw" glyph (nik) which the near homophony in Mixe-Zoquean
is used in “child o f father” birth expres Figure 18. Canoe scene; Incised bonesfrom languages for fish and maize.
Tikal Burial 116 (drawing by L. Scheie).
891
THE MAIZE GOD DRESSING SCENE: TH E C AN O E SC E N E :

(EPISODE 2) (EPISODE 3)
Usually, the dressing scene depicts the= Canoe scenes related to

god being attended by two or more un the resu rrection o f the
Figure 20. K1004, Dressing scene (drawing by L. Scheie)
clad women. In Fig. 4, one o f the atten Maize God are found on
dants adjusts the god’s belt assembly. In K 3 0 3 3 ( F i g . 4), K 4 3 5 8
Fig. 20, he is being presented with a Xok- (Fig.21) and K731, (Fig.24).
shell belt ornament. There Xbalanque Although they pertain to
holds a large plate containing other o r the overall Maize God story,
naments and a baby who, Linda Scheie the well-documented canoe
suggests, is the reborn Maize God (Freidel, scen es from the T ik a l
Scheie and Parker 1993:279). Hunahpu, bones (Fig. 18) are not in
with a bundle, is seen on top o f what cluded in this discussion.
looks like a fish-snake monster which Besides the cosmic meta
might very well be the Xok monster. The ph or th ey stand for
monster has water symbols on its body (Freidel, Scheie and Parker
and a tail sim ilar to the one on vase 1993:90), the Tikal bone
K1391 (Fig. 10). In Fig. 21, following the Figure 21. K4358, Dressing scene. canoe scenes picture the
dressing scene (left), the god is seen journey of the Maize God at his death or
dancing in the center. Here Hunahpu, (1994:667) probably denotes a location in sacrifice into the watery Underworld. Sev
with a blowgun, is depicted twice; in a the watery Underworld. The dressing scene eral of the Tikal bones show a canoe in the
canoe with Jaguar Paddler and on top of location may have been known as uuk-ha’- process of sinking into the watery Under
a long-nosed beast head. nal (Place of Seven Water). This is based world. The resurrection canoe scenes are
on a reading by Stuart and Houston neither shown sinking nor are they always
In Figs. 22a and b, the dressing scene (1994:73) of an ut-t (“it happened at”) ex depicted singly. This conveys the feeling
takes place on an elaborate platform. pression on vase K1202 (Fig. 23a) also de that here the canoe scene acts as a transi
Besides their obvious similarity in com picting a dressing scene. There Hunahpu tion between episodes, the most likely one
position, one should note in Fig. 22a, carries a bundle around his neck as in in this context being from the watery Un
Hunahpu leaving the dressing platform, other similar compositions. This mythologi derworld (Episodes 1 and 2) to the final
carrying a blowgun and a bundle. Both cal toponym must have been important resurrection (Episode 4). This is particu
platforms are decorated with a Water Lily enough to be painted as the main subject larly w ell expressed on vases K3033
M o n ster w h ich a c c o rd in g to Ta u b e on yet another codex style vessel (Fig. 23b). (Fig. 4) and K731 (Fig. 24).
892
The canoe and resurrection ters as well as for poling in swampy and
episodes are explicitly linked muddy bottom estuaries. As opposed to
to one another on vase K731 many representations o f Jaguar Paddler
(Fig. 24). There, multiple ca seated, paddling with a regular paddle,
noes carry various individuals here he is seen standing in the action of
towards a resurrection scene. poling towards the land mass represented
At the right is Jaguar Paddler by the turtle of resurrection.
holding what appears
to be a strangely
shaped paddle.Taube
(1985:175) has sug
gested that the three
boatmen hold articles
Figure 22. Dressing scenes, a. K4479; b. K626
related to the maize agricultural
In Fig. 4, the Paddlers ferry the god who cycle. He interprets the pointed in
carries a bulky bag tied around his neck. strument as similar to the koa or
As noted earlier, the canoe scene follows digging stick. The same pointed
the dressing scene as the god wears a belt devices are found on a vase from
with which he has just been adorned. the Popol Vuh Museum (Hellmuth
Because rebirth and dressing scenes take 1987:Fig. 443-6) where they are w m in h o i n/ in h ¡ © © u h L ii i h
place in the watery Underworld, the canoe held by the Hero Twins while in Figure 24. K731, Canoe and resurrection scene,
scene can be interpreted as the transition the company of a resurrected Maize God (drawing byL. Scheie).
from the watery Underworld to the next (depicted twice) standing in a canoe. An
logical episode, that of the resurrection. other possibility is a combination between The individual riding the central canoe
paddle and p u n tin g pole. cannot be identified with certainty, al
Similar designs have evolved though several suggestions have previ
among cultures inhabiting ously been made. He holds in his left arm
sw am ps and riv e r delta. an object, the bottom half of which is deco
uM'.:,' Punting poles doubling as rated with a K ’an cross while the top half
paddles have a blade termi is made o f a turtle shell. A deer antler is
Figure 23. "uuk-ha'-nal" locations. nating into one or two elon held in his right hand. This combination
a. K1202, Dressing scene on codex style vase. gated prongs. This design is of turtle shell and deer antler represents
b. as a main glyph expression on a codex suited for travel in open wa a Mesoamerican percussion instrument
style vase (drawing by M. guenon after
Robtcsek & Hales 1981: Table 8F)
893
still in use today. In modern rendition, pole held in his jaguar paw.
the striking surface o f the turtle shell is Very little is left of the third
the plastron which requires the shell to individual but reptilian markings on the
be held and oriented exactly as shown. Figure 25. Resurrection scene (drawing by L. Scheie) legs identify him as Chak riding the first
This instrument (minus the bottom half) canoe on K731.
is still being played in the Tzotzil commu Taube (1993:67) points to a similar scene
nity o f Zinacantan in the highlands o f (Fig. 25) where a pair of Chakob brandish THE MAIZE GOD RESURRECTION SCENE
Chiapas. During the nine days preceding ing lightning weapons surrounds a Maize (EPISODE 4)
Christmas, a Posada (an inn) Ceremony God emerging from a split turtle carapace.
is held in the Church o f San Lorenzo. Dur On both vases, the action of the Chakob re In numerous resurrection
ing this short ceremony the statues of the sults in the splitting of the turtle carapace, scenes the god emerges
Virgen de Navidad and San José are pa allowing the Maize God to emerge, as well as from a split turtie cara- ,
raded around the side chapel. Four m u to bring maize to the surface of the earth. pace. There are how- /
sicians lead the procession, two with ever, examples of emer- j£
turtle-shell drums, one with a plain drum The canoe scene in Fig. 24 is not unique gence from skulls and I
and one with a rattle. Vogt (1993:144) as it is partially duplicated on a potsherd split mountains. Often \
writes that the two turtle-shell drums (Fig. 26) excavated at this is the sole subject N
(called pat ‘ok, “turtle-back”) are played Copdn (Reents-Budet being depicted. There
with corncobs in order to increase the 1994:207, MSC133). are exceptions as on
production of maize. It is unclear what The surviving im vase K731, which has a
the bottom half o f the turtle-shell instru age shows part of canoe scene, or on a
ment represents; it may act as an addi three standing fig vessel (Fig. 25) where the
tional resonance chamber or may simply ures. The central H ero Tw ins are flo a tin g
be a container filled with corn seeds as sug fig u re can be around a Water Lily Mon
gested by the K ’an cross. Possibly the beat identified as the ster. The god is rarely alone
ing of the turtle shell simulates thunder sam e in d ividu al at his resurrection as in
while a Chak splits the turtle carapace sta n d in g in the F ig.27 a. U su ally he is
open (a sign of lightning) with a stone ax. central canoe on Figure 26. Canoe
shown with the Hero Twins
scene participants
K731. He holds a (Figs. 12, 27b and 28) or
Linda Scheie identifies the third individual turtle-shell drum with container in his left surrounded by Chakob in
as Chak holding a quatrefoil stone on his arm and a deer antler in his right hand. the act of breaking open the Figure 27. Resurrection scenes,
shoulder in front of a resurrection scene The individual on the right is Jaguar Pad- turtle carapace with stone a. Polychrome plate BOD Fig. 57
(Freidel, Scheie and Parker 1993:94). dler with the strangely shaped paddle/ axes (Fig. 24 and 25). (drawing by L. Scheie)
fa. (drawing by L. Scheie)
894
ornament as in Fig. 12. Equally remark (Fig. 1 and 2a) might have conveyed the
able is the lack of a net skirt. However specific instant in time when the Maize God’s
this component is usually present in head emerges from the turtle carapace while
Maize God costumes on monuments or the rest of the body is still hidden.
on vases depicting the Holmul dancer.
This discrepancy can be explained by the
fact that the beaded or net skirt actually
rep resen ts the turtle carapace from
which the god emerges. It is therefore ap
propriate for Maize God or Moon God
dess im personators to wear a beaded
The growth of the maize plant Is implicitly skirt as testimony to the resurrection epi
invoked by the god’s emergence. On two sode. As the Xok-shell belt ornament re
ceramics (Figs. 12 and 27b), one of the Hero fers to the rebirth of the god (Episode 1),
Twins pours what may be water from ajar similarly the net skirt is a sign of his res
into the open crack of the turtle carapace.5 urrection (Episode 4). By displaying these
On another vase (Fig. 25), one o f the two costume elements, the two most im
Chakob, while holding a snake-hafted ax, portant stages in the Maize God journey
displays a sprouting seed of corn to the in and out of the Underworld are recalled.
god. The maize connection is explicitly
stated in Fig. 24, where the god holds a The connection between net skirt and turde
double container bag, the bottom half of back is particularly evident when compar
which seems to be filled with maize grains. ing the resurrection scene on K1892 (Fig. 12)
Taube (1985:177) calls this bundle the with the Holmul dancer on the Buenavista
Maize Sack and discusses it extensively. Vase K4464 (Fig. 29). The artist realisti
cally depicted the turtle carapace on one
At his resurrection, the god wears the fin of the dancer’s net skirts by the addition
ery he was adorned with during the dress of centrally located dots in lozenges repre Figure 29. K4464, The Buenavista Vase.
ing scene, including a Xok-shell belt senting the turtle scutes. The same tech
nique was used to depict turtle shells. Some o f the Holmul dancers portrayed on
5. This may also have been a purification ritual ceram ics are understood to show the
similar to the one practiced fo r the new born
The w earing o f an additional beaded Maize God himself as opposed to im per
among the Postclassic Yucatec Maya and
Central Mexican Aztecs (Taube, 1993:184) huipil or shoulder piece by impersonators sonators. Typically the costume includes
895
an elaborate backrack, a Xok-shell belt Here the god emerges erect from an open are present. The Water Lily Monster re
assembly, and sometimes a net skirt. It ing in the back of a fish in a position simi calls the location o f rebirth while the
has been proposed that their dancing with lar to that of other resurrections. In addi emergence from a split in the skull points
the back-rack refers to specific events that tion, the deity is adorned with a large to his final resurrection. We will recall that
are cosmic in nature and related to cre amount o f finery as evidenced by several the same Water Lily Monster m otif su r
ation. These events must have taken place cut-away areas which were once inlaid rounds the feet o f Lady Ok Ain on the
after the god had been reborn and resur with jade. By depicting resurrection from Yomop Panel.
rected. It is therefore appropriate to see the fish o f rebirth, the Maize God epic is
the god wearing both the Xok-shell belt reduced to its two most important events. THE RESURRECTION TURTLE
ornament as well as the net skirt as ref
erences to his previous rebirth and res Resurrection from the split skull o f a Various supernatural beings inhabit the
urrection. Even when the net skirt is not Water Lily Monster is shown on a codex turtle shell openings. According to Linda
present, other techniques may be used style plate (Fig. 30). A water band, water Scheie, one opening has the head o f the
to refer to the resurrection episode. On stack, and several shell-llke glyphs for ha’ turtle while the other shows either God K
vase K5356 (Reents-B udet 1994:185, (water) suggest the watery Underworld lo or a Water Lily Impersonator. The latter,
Fig. 5.23) the Holmul dancer stands be cation of rebirth. Yet the god emerges erect wearing a bound water lily pad headdress
tween two parallel bands of symbols rep and wearing elaborate ornaments. Res (Fig. 12), has been called the Water Lily
resenting the turtle carapace design. urrection, and its metaphor for the maize Serpent (Taube 1992:59). We already en
These represent the sides of the crack in plant, is further emphasized by countered this supernatural being on
the turtle carapace from which the god the pla n t grow th s u r vase K4956 (Fig. 11 ) in conjunction with
emerges at resurrection time. rounding the head of a speared fish-snake. A Pawahtun god
the d eity . Th is can also appear either in one o f the open
OTHER RESURRECTION SCENES iconography ings (Fig. 28) or in the mouth of the turtle
quite clearly por- head (Fig. 27a).
At resurrection time, the god may also rise trays the head of
from a split mountain top (as on the basal the Maize God as the The crack in the carapace may be sur
element o f Bonampak Stela 1), from a split p rim o rd ia l ear o f rounded by a K'an cross. This is equiva
skull, or even from the back of a peccary corn, sim ilarly de lent to the jade-studded opening in the
(Freidel, Scheie and Parker 1993:Fig. picted on murals at back of a fish on the Dumbarton Oaks
2:19) or a fish. An example of the latter is Cacaxtla. As on the sh ell. In Yucatec, K ’an means “precious”
the Dumbarton Oaks shell (Fig. 13) briefly D u m b arton Oaks Figure 30. Resurrection or “precious stone". According to Thomp
described earlier. Even though the com shell, the two most scene, codex style plate, son (1970:284) in a Chilam Balam of
position portrays a fish, several details important events in BOD 116 (drawing by K. Chum ayel account, ja d e sym bolizes
suggest resurrection instead o f rebirth. the Maize God epic Taube). maize because it was precious. But as
896
Figure 31. Palenque, Sarcophagus lid.

1992:131), the net design is used in the
a. HanabPakal (after M.G. Robertson) naming a conquered town (Turkey Moun
b. Detail of turtle pectoral (drawing by M.G. Roberston) tain). Similarly, in Late Postclassic, it cov
with blood droplets falling from it has ers representations o f mountains in the
the value of k’ul or "sacred, holy”. This species like Staurotypus triporcatus. This Codex Borbonicus (Fig. 33). Because of
symbol may therefore mark the opening is also the case of the pectoral worn by the associated color, these are known
in the turtle carapace as a sacred, precious Hanab Pakal on the sarcophagus’ lid at as “green m ou n tain s". By extension ,
hole or indicate the sacredness of what Palenque. There the dead king, on his way
em erges from it. A sim ilar K ’an cross to the Underworld, wears the net skirt of
adorns the base o f the primordial maize the Maize God and a pectoral in the shape
plant on the Palenque Tablet of the Foli o f a keeled turtle (Fig. 31a and b).
ated Cross. This maize plant, called Na-
Te’-K’an (“First-Tree-Precious”), is in all The significance of turtles in resurrection
aspects equivalent to the resurrected scenes remains to be discussed. Taube
Maize God (Freidel, Scheie and Parker (1985:175) has suggested that the growth
1993:281). of maize from a turtle means that the lat
ter must be representing the earth. He also
The skull marking a turtle shell (Fig. 12) showed that although the earth could be
has been identified by Nikolai Grube as thought as a flat surface and conceived as
K ’an Tok Kimi or “Yellow-Torch-Death- a great caiman, it could also be perceived
S k u ll” (F re id e l, S c h e ie and P arker as a rounded dome-like form which was
1993:465, Note 48). While water lilies on conceptualized as a great turtle floating on
the turtle’s underside (Fig. 12 and 27a) the surface of the sea (Taube 1988b: 198).
symbolize the surface o f the watery Un
derworld on which the turtle rests. The net design of the Classic turtle cara
pace also covers Late Postclassic earth
The context calls for a water turtle as op caimans (Fig. 32a and 32b) as well as
posed to a land tortoise. Barnacles found w ater lily pads (M ille r and Ta u b e,
on turtles inhabiting brackish waters may 1993:184). Common to these three enti
explain the water shells infixed on cara ties is their watery environment as well
pace (Fig. 28). The top of the turtle shell as their ability to float on the water sur
is sometimes defined by multiple parallel face. Therefore all three can represent the
lines (Fig. 28 and 25). Most likely they earth floating on the sustaining sea. Fur
depict the carapace keels of mud turtle therm ore, at Cacaxtla (George Stuart
897
turtle shell, caiman and water lily pad Bonampak Stela 1. Similarly on the Tab components in the costume worn by Maize
represent the “green earth”. The green let of the Foliated Cross, the king Kan God impersonators on monuments.
color refers to the precious quality o f the Balam, In the guise o f the resurrected
place o f emergence. Such a statement Maize God, stands on a split mountain A common set of traits distinguishes the
was further strengthened when Maize named Yax-Hal-Witz-Nal ("First-True- rebirth o f the Maize God from his res
God or Moon Goddess Im personators Mountain-Place"). But the taking of corn urrection and from ancestor em ergence
wore a net skirt made of jade or other from the spilt mountain Is not only for out o f a Vision Serpent. Am ong them
green stone beads. sustenance: It also symbolizes the emer are: a w a tery U n d erw orld lo c a tio n ,
gence o f human kind. In the creation story emergence from the open mouth o f a
The crack in the turtle carapace Is a ref of the Popol Vuh, after the yellow and fish zoomorph in a near horizontal p o
erence to the origin o f maize when the white corn are taken from "the broken sition, and the lack o f adornments. By
Chakob broke open the mountain hold place, the bitter water," the ingredients contrast, resurrection calls for a bejew-
ing the maize kernels, with lightning axes. are ground to form the first human be eled deity to rise upwards from a crack
In Aztec mythology, the creation of the ings (Tedlock 1985:163-4). or opening as w ou ld a m aize plant.
people Is followed by a search for their Common diagnostic features link the
sustenance. After Quetzalcoatl's discov CONCLUSIONS: fish zoomorph of rebirth to the Xok head
ery of the source of maize Inside a moun worn by Maize God im personators. A l
tain named Tonacatepetl, the diseased Maize God iconography on ceramic and though the Xok monster may have been
god Nanahuatzin Is asked to break open other m edia can be classified into five modeled after the shark, species o f gar
the mountain which results In the maize groups. Composite scenes suggest a se common to the waters o f the Maya Low
kernels and other seeds being scattered q u en ce d e ta ilin g the g od 's jo u r n e y lands could have been candidates. The
in all directions (Taube 1993:39). The through the Underworld. Although the latter would explain the distinctive up
same myth o f the discovery o f maize details o f the story can no longer be per jaw of the Xok head on the Yomop
inside a mountain is also known from verified by w ritten or oral accounts, Panel. The rebirth episode seems to have
s e v e ra l M aya g ro u p s (T h om p so n som e a sp ects can be m atch ed w ith required the active participation o f vari
1970:349 -51). In Quiche Maya accounts, M esoam erican em ergence m ythology. ous supernaturals, among them Jaguar
this place is referred to as pan paxil, pan The five episodes o f this epic are death Paddler, GI o f the Palenque Triad, and
cayala with the meaning o f "at the bro and s a c r ific e , r e b irth fro m a fis h the Pax God. Testimony to their capture
ken place, at the bitter w ater place" zoomorph, dressing event, transit out and defeat o f the Xok monster may have
(Tedlock 1985:328). The splitting o f the o f the w atery Underworld, and resur taken the form o f a jawless Xok head
mountain o f sustenance also finds its rection. The last four episodes became dress as seen in the Stingray Paddler
parallel in the emergence o f the Maize the target o f this study in an attempt glyph and in Early Classic representa
God from a cleft In wltz mountains as on to unravel the meaning o f some o f the tions o f GI. The rebirth episode finds a
898
p a rallel In M esoam erican em ergence is not only the symbol o f the growing and the object o f the ritual, in order to
m ythology where fish are identified with m aize plant but also o f the origin o f clarify the role it occupied in the o v e r
corn and the creation o f humankind. humankind. At his resurrection, the de all ritualistic life o f the Maya.
ity never wears the beaded or net skirt of
The next episode deals with the dressing his impersonators, as this represents the ACKNOWLEDGMENTS:
o f the god in preparation for his resurrec turtle shell from which the god emerges.
tion. He is adorned with a set of finery that Because they stand for the earth, the We are p a rticu la rly indebted to Karl
includes a Xok-shell belt ornament to be turtle carapace, the water lily pad, and Taube for reviewing this paper, and for
worn in testimony of his rebirth. The scene the earth caiman share the net design as his valuable comments and encourage
takes place in a watery Underworld location a diagnostic feature. ment. We also w ish to thank N ikolai
called uuk-ha’-nal. Hunahpu, one of his sons, Grube for his support.
appears for the first time carrying a bundle At Cacaxtla and in Late Postclassic, loca
and a blowgun. tions known as "green mountains" are NOTES:
covered with the same design. The green
The transition from the watery Under color with which it is associated indicates References to ceramics are expressed as
world to the place of resurrection takes the precious quality of the place of emer K x x x n u m b ers a c c o rd in g to J u stin
the form of a canoe trip under the guid gence. This was reinforced when imper Kerr’s numbering system in “The Maya
ance o f the Paddler Gods. Several other sonators w ore a skirt m ade o f green Vase B ook” series and in his p h o to
supernatural beings holding devices sym stones or jade beads. The Xok head and graphic archive: as BODxx for vessels
bolizing thunder and lightning may ac beaded skirt not only recall the Maize documented in “The Maya Book o f the
company them. In the most frequently God’s journey in the Underworld but also D ea d ” b y F. R o b icsek and D. H ales
depicted resurrection scene, the god symbolize renewal. By wearing these cos (1981); as PM U :M SC xx) for vases in
rises from the back o f a turtle shell tume elements, impersonators became “Painting the Maya U niverse” by Dorie
after the Chakob cracked it open with the symbol of the origin of the people and Reents-Budet (1994). (See compendium
their lightning axes. The turtle repre o f their sustenance. in this volume, pps. 722-726).
sents the earth but more specifically it
sym bolizes the mountain o f sustenance The number o f monuments portraying All drawings are by Michel Quenon, ex
from w hich the prim ordial corn was Maize God and Moon Goddess im per cept where otherwise noted.
taken. In em ergence m ythology, the sonators corroborates the importance
taking o f corn from the m ountain o f o f the ritual. Future research needs to Geneviève Le Fort is a Research Assis
sustenance is a prelude to the creation address the circumstances underlying tant, FNRS, Belgium.
o f the human beings. When the Maize the cerem ony itself, such as the trig
God rises from the split turtle shell, he gers, the selection o f the protagonists
899
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A CORPUS OF ROLLOUT PHOTOGRAPHS OF MAYA VASES

EDITED BY BARBARA AND JUSTIN KERR

THE MAYA VASE BOOK VOL. 5

Edited by Barbara and Justin Kerr

Copyright Justin Kerr 1997

Photography Justin Kerr

Published by Kerr Associates

PAGE 720 PREFACE JUSTIN KERR

PAGE 722 COMPENDIUM OF VASE NUMBERS

PAGE 728 THE CORPUS

PAGE 846 THE PAINTED KING LIST: SIMON MARTIN

PAGE 868 WHERE THE WAYOB LIVE: INGA CALVIN

Barbara and I wish to express our gratitude PY Polychrom e

BOD Page BOD K No. Page BOD KNo.

Page BOD KNo. Page BOD K No. BOK

PMU Page no. MS no. K no. Page no. MS no. K no.

© Kerr 1991 File No. K413

© Kerr 1975 File No. K504

© Kerr 1977 File No. K731

© Kerr 1979 File No. K954

© Kerr 1996 File No. K3115

© Kerr 1991 File No. K4546

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5014

M.H. De Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco 1986.67.2

©Kerr 1991 File No. K5019

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5020

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5022

© K err 1991 F ile No. K 5 02 3

Kerr 1991 File No. K5025

t. 13.0 Dia. 21.0 Cir. 61.0 cm PY

M.H. De Young Memorial Museum, San Francisco 1988.30.3

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5028

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5029

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5032

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5033

© K err 1991 F ile No. K 5 03 4

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5036

Los Angeles County Museum of Art M.90.168.18

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5037

© K err 1991 File No. K 5 03 9

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5040

Los Angeles County Museum of Art M .90.168.10

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5042

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5043

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5044

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5152

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5053

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5082

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5085

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5092

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5093

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5094

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5109

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5110

Published: M. Coe, The Maya Scribe and His World, no. 58

See: S. Houston, A Name Glyph for Classic Maya Dwarfs in

See: N. Grube, The Primary Standard Sequence on Chocholä Style Ceramics.

© Kerr 1991 File No. K 5112

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5123

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5124

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5151

Traces of stucco over the ceramic

© Kerr 1991 File No. K5165