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10.1038@s41558 020 0871 4
10.1038@s41558 020 0871 4
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41558-020-0871-4
To cope effectively with the impacts of climate change, people will need to change existing practices or behaviours within
existing social–ecological systems (adaptation) or enact more fundamental changes that can alter dominant social–ecological
relationships and create new systems or futures (transformation). Here we use multilevel network modelling to examine how
different domains of adaptive capacity—assets, flexibility, organization, learning, socio-cognitive constructs and agency—are
related to adaptive and transformative actions. We find evidence consistent with an influence process in which aspects of social
organization (exposure to others in social networks) encourage both adaptive and transformative actions among Papua New
Guinean islanders experiencing climate change impacts. Adaptive and transformative actions are also related to social–eco-
logical network structures between people and ecological resources that enable learning and the internalization of ecological
feedbacks. Agency is also key, yet we show that while perceived power may encourage adaptations, it may discourage more
transformative actions.
C
limate change is already affecting the lives of people across and how to respond to changing environmental conditions can be
the globe. Even under the most optimistic GHG emis- driven by perceptions of the probability and severity of risk associ-
sion reduction scenario in the Intergovernmental Panel on ated with change12, as well as the closeness and intensity of previous
Climate Change’s Fifth Assessment Report1, securing biodiversity related experiences13. Finally, adaptive behaviour can be influenced
and ecosystem services, safeguarding food and water security, and by the social and social–ecological ties binding people to each other
protecting the livelihoods and health of future generations present and the environment14,15. These relationships shape processes of
significant challenges. As sea levels rise and global heating triggers social influence and determine whether and how people access
an increase in climate-related disasters, it is imperative that people information, resources and support (organization)14–18. Social and
on the frontlines of climate change have the capacity to respond social–ecological relationships also help to frame the context in
effectively to reduce their vulnerability2. which people learn to recognize change and strategically absorb,
Whether and how people respond to environmental change process and synthesize information to adapt to shocks and plan for
(adaptive behaviour) is widely recognized to be driven by their uncertainties6.
adaptive capacity, broadly defined as the conditions that under- Responses to environmental change can therefore be driven
pin people’s ability to anticipate and respond to change; to recover by a multitude of interrelated factors, which can be categorized
from and minimize the consequences of change; and to take advan- into six broad domains: assets, flexibility, organization, learning,
tage of new opportunities3. Access to capital, such as financial socio-cognitive constructs and agency5,6. However, most studies
assets, has long been considered a crucial determinant of adaptive focus on how people’s adaptive behaviours may be influenced by
capacity3,4. However, research from diverse social science disci- a single domain of adaptive capacity, rather than simultaneously
plines has recently identified a much broader range of determinants examining these six domains. It is therefore unclear which domains
that underpin whether and how people adapt to environmental should be prioritized in policies and programmes aimed at reducing
change5–8. climate vulnerabilities7,8, despite substantial interest and ongoing
In addition to the assets people can draw on to buffer shocks investment in building adaptive capacity among local and national
in times of need4, adaptive behaviour can be driven by the flexibil- governments, non-governmental organizations and development
ity to change strategies6 (for example, to move between livelihoods agencies6,19. Furthermore, much of the existing work on the relation-
or between techniques and practices within livelihoods9) and the ship between adaptive capacity and adaptive behaviour has relied on
power or agency to influence change10 or to make free choices in hypothetical or intended responses to future impacts, rather than
determining whether or not to change11. Socio-cognitive constructs, people’s actual responses to change7. As a result, our understanding
such as risk attitudes and cognitive biases, can also play an impor- of how diverse domains of adaptive capacity simultaneously interact
tant role in people’s adaptive behaviour by influencing perceptions to shape realized responses to climate change remains limited8.
regarding the need to adapt to change (or not) and the costs and A large body of work describes climate change adaptation as
benefits of adaptation7,8. For example, decisions regarding whether comprising a diversity of responses ranging from minor/moderate
1
ARC Centre of Excellence for Coral Reef Studies, James Cook University, Townsville, Queensland, Australia. 2Centre for Transformative Innovation,
Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. 3Lancaster Environment Centre, Lancaster University, Lancaster, UK. 4Stockholm
Resilience Center, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden. 5Politics Department, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK. 6WorldFish, Batu Maung, Malaysia.
7
College of Science and Engineering, James Cook University, Townsville, Queensland, Australia. ✉e-mail: michele.barnes@jcu.edu.au
b c
Fig. 1 | Empirical context and examples of adaptive and transformative actions. a, An overhead view of the Papua New Guinean island where the research
was conducted. b, Construction of sea walls to protect existing land uses is an example of adaptive action. c, Engagement in atoll farming, a form of
livelihood diversification which represented a fundamental departure from near complete dependence on traditional marine resource-based activities, is an
example of transformative action. Credit: a, Dean Miller; b,c, Michele L. Barnes.
or incremental changes to existing practices and behaviours (often of households are primarily dependent on fishing and harvesting
referred to as ‘incremental adaptation’ or simply ‘adaptation’) to marine resources (particularly coral reef-associated resources) for
more fundamental changes that have the potential to create a new livelihoods and food security, and the island is highly vulnerable
system or future (often referred to as ‘transformational adaptation’ to—and is indeed already experiencing—the impacts of climate
or simply ‘transformation’)20–23. Yet debate remains regarding these change, such as sea-level rise, coastal inundation and erosion26, and
concepts and when an action should be considered transformative disruptions to reef ecosystems and associated fisheries27.
as opposed to adaptive21. Following recent theoretical and empiri- In this context, we integrate a full population census,
cal work in this area20,23–25, we define adaptive actions as changes to semi-structured social surveys, key informant and expert inter-
existing practices or behaviours that allow existing social–ecological views, observed fish landings and published reports to document
system structures to absorb, accommodate or embrace change; and adaptive behaviours (Supplementary Table 1) and develop 20 key
transformative actions as more fundamental changes that can alter indicators (Table 1, Supplementary Tables 2 and 3 and Fig. 2) repre-
dominant social–ecological relationships and contribute toward the senting the six broad domains of adaptive capacity described above.
creation of a new system and/or future. Both adaptive and transfor- Our indicators included social and economic characteristics, such
mative actions are thought to be underpinned by adaptive capac- as wealth and risk perceptions (Table 1 and Supplementary Table 2),
ity20, yet the majority of the empirical work on adaptive capacity in addition to a household’s position in a complex social–ecological
and responses to climate change has focused on adaptive action. network (Fig. 2, Supplementary Table 3 and Supplementary Fig. 1).
Thus, a key unanswered question which we aim to address in part is Building on recent advances in network methodology (autologistic
whether different (or the same) capacities and domains of adaptive actor attribute models28), we then developed a multilevel social–
capacity are needed to enable transformative action. ecological network modelling approach that enabled us to predict
Here, we sought to understand how the different domains of adaptive and transformative actions as a function of a household’s
adaptive capacity drive varied household-level adaptive and trans- adaptive capacity (Methods and Supplementary Methods). Adaptive
formative responses to climate change among a population (n = 138 actions included a range of behaviours involving technological
of 140 households) on a tropical island in Papua New Guinea fixes/mitigation (such as building sea walls, which in this case were
(Fig. 1a). Our study context is characteristic of many coastal and considered adaptive because the walls were built to protect exist-
island communities across the global tropics in that the majority ing land uses and did not require major engineering projects; see
Fig. 1b), adapting or intensifying fishing practices and efforts, the social networks examined here from two distinct time periods
and seeking knowledge/creating awareness about climate change. shows that some communication partners and key social nodes (that
Transformative actions included livelihood diversification that rep- is, highly connected respondents) in our study community remain
resented a fundamental departure from near complete dependence stable over time (Supplementary Methods). This suggests that our
on traditional marine resource-based activities (for example, engag- network exposure effect is likely to be capturing some degree of
ing in atoll farming; Fig. 1c), and active engagement in long-term social influence (that is, households are influenced by the adaptive
planning specifically aimed at managing climate change impacts on and/or transformative behaviour of their network partners). Yet the
the community (for example, developing new community response full effect is probably a combination of social influence and social
plans and/or resettlement schemes, which in this case represented selection, which are known to co-occur30.
a departure from more general community planning which occurs Thus, our result that network exposure is significantly correlated
regularly). with adaptive and transformative actions (Table 2) indicates that
adaptive behaviour is being reinforced, either through the forma-
Exposure to others in social networks tion of new ties (selection) or the changing attitudes in existing ties
We found that three key domains of adaptive capacity crosscut both (influence). This result represents an example of cultural change31,32
adaptive and transformative actions: organization, learning and in response to climate change. Our results thus lend some weight to
agency. First, we found that network exposure—related to the orga- recent calls for the development and implementation of social influ-
nization domain of adaptive capacity (Table 1 and Fig. 2)—played ence approaches that use the power of networks to catalyse action in
a key role in both adaptive and transformative action (Table 2 and response to climate change8. Such approaches have been successful
Supplementary Table 5). Social networks have long been identified in reducing bullying in classrooms33, for example, and our results
as a source of social capital that can act to support adaptation in suggest they may help to encourage adaptive and transforma-
the context of climate change (for example, by providing access to tive action among those most vulnerable to the impacts of climate
resources and social support14), yet existing research has generally change. Social influence approaches should be used with caution,
not considered the prospect of them having a more direct relation- however, as some literature has shown that the co-occurrence of
ship with adaptive behaviour via network exposure. Interestingly, social influence and social selection can lead to segmented networks
none of our network measures that are characteristic of social capi- and polarization30,32, where behaviours and opinions are divided
tal were significant in our model (for example, connectivity, linking between contrasting groups. Importantly, increasing polarization
ties; Fig. 2), while network exposure was (Table 2). may create challenges for coordinating larger-scale (for example,
‘Network exposure’ captures social processes that result in community-wide) adaptive and transformative action over time.
observed ‘homophily’, which is the propensity for like-minded peo-
ple to be connected29. There are two ways to interpret our network Social–ecological feedbacks and learning
exposure term: social influence, whereby households are influenced Our second key result is that social–ecological network structures
by those they are exposed to in their social networks; and social supporting the learning domain of adaptive capacity played a criti-
selection (also referred to as ‘choice homophily’), whereby house- cal role in both of our studied responses. Specifically, socially linked
holds preferentially choose to interact with households similar to households with many ties to divergent resources were more likely
themselves (that is, like attracts like). An analysis of a subset of to have adapted than those linked to interconnected resources
a b c d
External actors
e
f h Social–ecological Social–ecological Ecological–social
i
connectivity triangle triangle
Social-ecological ties (X )
g h i Key, b–i
Households that may or
may not have taken action
External actor
Social–ecological Open social–
Fish species
square ecological square
Fig. 2 | The potential role of social–ecological networks on responses to climate change. a, A graphical depiction of our social–ecological network
capturing trophic interactions among coral reef fish species (ecological network, B, in blue), communication relationships between coastal fishing
households (social network, A, in red), the links households have to specific fish species based on their fishing behaviours (social–ecological ties,
X, in grey) and the links households have to external actors (in green), such as government officials or individuals working with non-governmental
organizations. b–i, Network configurations that we hypothesize play a role in driving adaptive and transformative actions (Y) in response to climate change
by supporting the organization and learning domains of adaptive capacity, where social connectivity captures connectivity in the social network which can
provide access to information and resources39 (b); network exposure captures social processes such as social influence via social network partners or the
selection of network partners with the same beliefs or behaviours, both mechanisms which can play a key role in shaping human behaviour40
(c); linking ties captures ties to external actors, which can provide access to a diversity of information and support39 (d); social–ecological connectivity
accounts for social connectivity that extends to the ecological system (e); social–ecological triangle captures a form of social–ecological alignment41,42,
which may facilitate social learning about shared ecological resources15 (f); ecological–social triangle captures a form of social–ecological alignment, which
may help to build knowledge about interconnected resources and enable individuals to internalize ecological feedbacks35,36 (g); social–ecological square
captures a form of social–ecological alignment which may enable social learning about interconnected resources and the internalization of ecological
feedbacks15 (h); and open social–ecological square captures linked households with many ties to divergent resources, which may facilitate social learning
about broader ecological trends34,39 (i). Dashed lines in a represent examples of each of the network configurations (b–i); where two overlapping dashed
lines are present, two different configurations are highlighted. Credit: Jerker Lokrantz.
(combined effects of open social–ecological square and closed The role of power
social–ecological square, Fig. 2; Supplementary Methods), whereas Our third key result provides evidence that perceived power—a key
households directly linked to interconnected ecological resources indicator of agency—plays a critical role when it comes to encour-
(ecological–social triangle) were more likely to have transformed aging, or discouraging, adaptive behaviour. Specifically, we found
(Fig. 2, Table 2 and Supplementary Table 5). those households that felt they had power or influence to change
People learn through different types of interaction and expe- or guide the management of marine resources (the primary source
rience, both with the environment and with their peers34. Our of income and food) were more likely to adapt, but less likely to
results indicate that social learning that involves many independent transform (Table 2 and Supplementary Table 5). Moreover, power
resources (in this case households sharing and building knowledge played a disproportionate role in the adaptive behaviour of house-
with each other about several different fish species and poten- holds with less exposure to others who had taken action in response
tially their different ecosystem functions and/or parts of the eco- to climate change (Fig. 3, Methods and Supplementary Methods).
system they inhabit) may contribute understanding about broader By definition, transformative action supports moves to reorder
ecological trends, thereby prompting households to adapt to social–ecological relationships, thereby challenging existing struc-
changing environmental conditions. In contrast, our results sug- tures20,23,25. Yet people can be resistant to fundamental change, par-
gest that knowledge built through personal connections with inter- ticularly those in powerful positions who may stand to lose from
connected resources (personal learning about trophically linked such changes, which often involve shifts in power8,25. Our results
fish species in this case) may enable people to internalize ecologi- thus underscore the importance of carefully considering the role of
cal feedbacks35, catalysing more transformative action in response local power dynamics in shaping responses to climate change, as
to environmental change. Given the complex, micro-level interac- these dynamics can affect the ability of people, communities and
tions likely to be occurring between two interlinked species, such entire social–ecological systems to deal with dramatic change that
ecological knowledge is probably gained through personal experi- may require more fundamental action beyond what is typically
ence built up over years of observation and reflection36, and peo- understood as adaptive to sustain livelihoods and ecosystems15,25.
ple may not be consciously aware of it and of how it impacts their Surprisingly, we found that none of our indicators of flex-
behaviour8. ibility or financial assets were significantly related to adaptive or
transformative action (Table 2 and Supplementary Table 5). In line New Guinean tropical island community, are critical to building the
with recent research highlighting the important, yet often over- evidence base on complex social–ecological interactions and how they
looked, role of socio-cognitive constructs in supporting adaptive relate to human behaviour38. We therefore believe our results are likely
behaviour7,8, we also found that perceptions of past experience with to be of wide interest and may have relevance in other similar con-
more severe impacts were significantly related to adaptive action. texts. Indeed, many island communities around the globe, particularly
Yet neither of our indicators of the socio-cognitive domain were across the tropics, face similar climate change challenges and need the
significantly related to transformative action. Developing a bet- capacity to adapt. In this context, our results suggest that harnessing
ter understanding of when and how transformative action may be the influence of networks, facilitating individual and social learning,
shaped by past experience, and other socio-cognitive factors such as and carefully considering power dynamics could add considerable
risk perception, is an area ripe for future research. value to existing approaches aimed at reducing climate vulnerabilities.
a b
0.6 0.6
0.4 0.4
0.2 0.2
0 0
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14
No. of network partners that have taken No. of network partners that have taken
adaptive action transformative action
Fig. 3 | The impact of power and network exposure on adaptive and transformative action. a,b, Differences in the probabilities of taking adaptive (a) and
transformative (b) actions depending on the number of network contacts a household has that are also engaged in similar action(s), and the perceived
power or influence a household has to change or guide the management of marine resources. Shaded regions represent 95% confidence intervals
calculated based on the estimated standard error for the network exposure effect.
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Data analysis We used MPNet to estimate our multi-level autologistic actor attribute model, the statnet package in R to calculate basic network statistics,
and the multinets package in R to create our multilevel network diagram that appears in the Supplementary Information file. All other
analyses were done in StataMP 15.1.
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April 2020
Summary data that support the findings of this study are available within the paper and its Supplementary Information file. Figure 3 and Supplementary Figure 1 are
based on raw data. Raw ecological network data have been deposited in the Tropical Data Hub and can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.25903/5ecf39990a0bb.
Raw social and social network data are available upon request from the corresponding author M.L.B. with reasonable restrictions, as these data contain information
that could compromise research participant privacy and consent.
1
nature research | reporting summary
Field-specific reporting
Please select the one below that is the best fit for your research. If you are not sure, read the appropriate sections before making your selection.
Life sciences Behavioural & social sciences Ecological, evolutionary & environmental sciences
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Research sample We focused our analysis on a small, low-lying island in Papua New Guinea with a highly marine resource dependent population and a
high degree of vulnerability to climate change (like many small-island communities in the Pacific). In this context, climate change
impacts are already being experienced, which made it an appropriate case study for researching climate adaptation. Surveys were
predominantly completed by male heads of household acting as household representatives, though in some cases due to
unavailability other household members completed the survey.
Sampling strategy Social data: Surveys were collected from 138 of 140 households on the island. Key informant interviews were conducted with the
elected community leaders.
Ecological data: Fish landing observations were conducted opportunistically, but were as thorough as possible. A researcher circled
the island each day during the survey period (May-June 2018) and attempted to record all catches as they came in. As noted in the
manuscript, we cannot guarantee that all catches during the sample period were recorded, or that catches from that time period are
representative of catches year round.
Data collection Researchers collected the surveys in Tok Pisin (the local language) using ODK Collect on Android tablets at the homes of participants.
Surveys were conducted by two co-authors fluent in Tok Pisin and a Papua New Guinean research assistant from a different province.
The field team was accompanied by local guides. Key informant interviews were structured and extensive notes were taken
throughout. Fish landings were recorded by taking photographs of the catch and through a short survey using ODK collect on Android
tablets, which recorded the gear type used and other information about the fishing trip. This research was part of a larger project
regarding the role of social networks on inequality. Participants had been provided with a general summary of the overarching
research topic and the sub-component focused on climate adaptation as part of gaining informed consent. The two co-authors who
formed part of the field team were aware of the specific hypotheses, but participants and the local research assistant were not.
Timing The census, surveys, interviews, and fish landing observations were conducted from May to June 2018.
Non-participation Two households did not participate. These two households were purposely not approached due to a death in the immediate family
which occurred at the beginning of our field trip.
2
Human research participants
Recruitment Before beginning data collection, the researchers explained the research project to the community through a public
announcement at a local gathering. Researchers then went from household to household with a local guide, introduced
themselves, and asked to speak to the head of household. They then explained the research again and asked if they would be
willing to participate, and if they agreed, proceeded with the census before returning to conduct the survey. If no one was
home or it was not a convenient time, they returned again later. If the head of household was unavailable, e.g. off island,
then another adult household member was asked to provide the census information and complete the survey instead. As all
households were invited to participate, and all but two agreed, there is no bias in the recruitment process which may impact
the data and results.
Ethics oversight Research protocols were approved by the Human Ethics Committee at James Cook University. Informed consent was
obtained from all respondents.
Note that full information on the approval of the study protocol must also be provided in the manuscript.
April 2020