Death as a Privilege ‘The Hittite Royal Funerary Ritual* ‘Theo PJ. vanden Hout INTRODUCTORY REMARKS ‘The institution that we call “kingship” was — and stil is - in many cultures and societies a binding factor of importance, epresenting the unity of a nation and the personification of its collective power. Tradition is an important aspect in royal ideology: a ruling house likes to present its foundations as deeply rooted in national history, looking back on a long and preferably uninterrupted line of pre- decessors, Taking on the leadership over a country, however, implies responsibil- ity, so that often the fate of the leader is bound up with the well-being of ‘his’ country. This may not s0 much mean that the king is easily criticized when something goes wrong but rather that he isthe embodiment of the “prosperity and Perpetuity ofthe political order." As long as he is strong and healthy, the country is, too. In its moder form we can see this principle at work when the Dow Jones index and the exchange rates ofa nation’s currency keep pace with the health and well-being of the world’s leaders, As a consequence, the death of a king may not ‘only create a politically unstable situation, but can be highly disconcerting from ‘an ideological point of view as well. A successor, therefore, is often quickly en- throned to discourage any potential usurpers, and in the funeral ceremony of his predecessor the idea of continuity and perpetuity of kingship is stressed. The deceased king's body is embalmed or a lifelike effigy is made to deny. 2s it were, his death. Theories such as that of “the king's two bodies” are developed: his “body natural” and his “body politic.”® The former refers to the individual king as ‘2 human being subject all possible physical defects, and the latter to him as the abstract office of government carried on by one individual after another the king. as guardian ofthe Crown. So, to safeguard the country at the moment ofa king's Al this is tue for Hittite society in Anatolia during the second millennium [BC as well. Their kings used to introduce themselves in thei official texts with a sgerealogy of sometimes over four generations, occasionally claiming descent from the almost legendary founders of Hittite rule. They practised a royal ances- torcult with regular offerings to kings and queens reaching back three centuries (of more. Having got the land from the gods to govern, the king was considered responsible for its well-being, This made him an intermediary between god and ‘man, representative of the Sungod on earth. Although close to the gods, he was, ‘not considered divine himself, but turned into a god at death.* Queens, princes anc princesses allegedly shared this fate.’ However, apart from the common expression of “becoming a god” at a king's death, there are only few, but often, ‘quoted, passages that explicitly refer to his divine fate. Instead, there is strong {evidence thatthe Netherworld, too, played an important role in a king's death. ‘The restriction of the theme for this contribution to ideas about death and immorality in cout circles was not a deliberate and free choice. Our Hitite sour- ‘ces come exclusively from temple and palace archives and hence inform us pre dominantly about life in the upper echelons of that society. Moreover, it seems that most ofthe key positions, whether military, administrative or religious, were held by a network consisting of members of the royal family including nephews, ‘cousins and in-laws. Remarks concerning the death and possible beliefs relating {oan afterlife of officials may therefore often be likely to reflect royal ideology as, well. As a result, we hardly know anything about the role death and immortality played in the lives ofthe ‘ordinary’ citizens of the Hitite empire. Here archaeo- logical material is a most valuable additional source. ‘One of our main sources for beliefs held by the former group is the {description ofan intricate royal funerary ritual lasting for two weeks and heavily, laden with symbolism. Ths rte de passage has been preserved fairly well amor the tens of thousands of cuneiform tablets excavated at the site of the ancient Hinite capital of HattuSa, nowadays the small Turkish village of Bogazkale (Bogark6y). Most of the fragments constituting this composition have been ‘known for quite some time, and a first edition ofthese texts appeared almost 40, 3. Hunngtn Metal ibid 192 4 Duting she 130 century BC, however a endeny seems to ave grown o dey the Hie king already ding hs etn or confer up him at les certain privileges that were former” only reserve fr gu. Neve Hatta Sader Gtr und Tempel. Neue hargebungen Inder Hauprtdr der Hethter (Maina 1992), 6,45, and TAPJ. van den Hoo, Tadao oxmolraer Gedachen over lamogrfie en idelone van cen Heise koning (Ameri 1995), 20, 30.82, 5 See below $6. Although in the following pages we will moly tak bout he hing it mot be pein ud that is te may have Ben pel representative ofthe royal fay as a whe Death as a Privilege 39 Years ago from the hand of Heinrich Otten, One passage especially aroused the interest ofa wider public because ofthe apparent parallels withthe funeral scenes (of Patrocos and Hector in the tliad. Since Otien's edition of 1958 and two ‘addenda shortly afterwards’, some reviews?, a French translation’ and short over. all weatments of the ritual or references to it from a religious-historical point of view" were published. The recent publication, however, of some additional frag- ‘ments and the recognition of some others as belonging to this text again cont bute toa better understanding ofthe ritual In the following we will review some general ideas about death and immorality as they emanate from the texts and contrast them with the archaeo- logical record. Finally, we will examine more closely the royal funerary ritual just ‘mentioned: a translation of the description of the events on the eighth day will serve as an example. THE INEVITABILITY OF DEATH AND SOME OF ITS DESIGNATIONS ‘The notion ofa predestined life span was well known among the Hits. n the (Old Hitite ritual forthe building ofa palace that concerns as much the “building” cof the king we encounter the Hittite Parca, the so-called Gulef-deties. The verb uls- is used for inscribing, engraving or cutting: thus, they are the deities who already at birth have laid down the number of years of a king’s life. Like their days are cut shor, destruction of the courtry", and further on in the same text “If on the twentieth day (ie, ofthe eighth month") the Moon dies, then the king will die in battle.” (Once such an omen had appeared and its fateful meaning had been esta- blished by the mantic specialists atthe royal cour, preparations fora ritual were begun. Inthe substitution ritual just mentioned a prisoner was taken and, at night fall, anointed with the ol of kingship while the king sai: See, this man here is king. (I have bestowed] on this man the name of kingship and 1 have dressed this man with [the garment of kilngship as ‘well, and I have put on him the lupanni Evil omen, short years, short days take note [of this man] and go after this substitute! ‘Some official of the Hittite king then escorted the prisoner-king back to his ‘country. At dawn the next morning, the ‘old’ king went through purification rites ‘and prayed to the Sungod and Sungoddess in heaven and the goddess of the Netherworld Lelwani to accept the substitute king, [mn spite of this possible way-out, one ofthe names for death was “the day of one's destiny”. This euphemism seems to have been an ordinary way of refer- fing to someone's future death. It is attested and known to have been used in ‘teaties in stipulations conceming succession rights: “When for you the day of _your destiny will have come, (they will ake your son and instal him as king)" 14 HM Kone Entra fr den hehischen Kn Westen 95 18 KUBXV20e 5-9 cm duper CTH ated 0M Keel 707) 6 KBo VI Aah 9-11 (CTS. cf KK. Rem Pheer ndlaichen mentee as Rocky ogi maaan 2627. eager now ben ules 0 XK Dad 17 Gener te 18 KUB Vis -2(CT592. 68, KK. Riese, Ome 1010 1 Cem aia 20 demi 24 Le asa tying cap ron heen y Kings. 22 RUB IV 8-KUB IN Ie 1-24 (CHEN of HM, Korn 073,101. Ko 1 1c. 56 TAP von en Hot rr Umea eo Ee rope Untersuchung (Wiesbaden 1994; = SiBoT 38), 20-21), we 1807, 18619a Theo van den Hout Even more concealing isthe term “the good day”. Although it never seems to be used in the direct sense of the “day on which one dies/will die” itis one of the more important expressions used in the ritual for a deceased king (see below) and usually taken to designate the moment of death, Sometimes its accompanied ‘bythe divine determinative marking it asa deity abl to receive offerings, just like the Sungod of Heaven, the Sungoddess ofthe Earth and the Soul of the Deceased, Significant in the sense that it may tellus something about the way in which the Hitites conceived of the process of dying, is a third expression for death: “the day of (one's) mother.” Apart from some attestations in treaties and ‘oracles, in which it seems to be a mere equivalent of, for instance, “the day of ‘one’s destiny”, the following passage from a funerary ritual is more revealing [Thlen, the patl-priest, who (is) on top of the roof, calls down into the hhouse and repeatedly calls the one who died by his name: ‘Wherle] has he gone?" Those gods with whom he (is), each say from bellow up (to the ‘o0f)|: “To the finapSichouse he went” and the frst one [from the roof] calls down: “Where has he gone?” Those gods with whom he then (is), saly] from below up (to the roof: “Thereto {he wlent." When they finish the round of gods, then the clothes, that are") his [ | (they") say from below up (tothe roof): “Here he went or |)" He speaks from the roof downwards six times. {they] speak] up(wards) six times. When for the seventh time he says downwards: “Where has he glonle?”, they say to him from below up (tothe roof): ‘For him the day of (his) mother {has come andl she has taken him by the hand and accompanied him.” > In this scene the man on top of the roof probably represents the present world, those below the deities of the Netherworld. Such scenes may have been acted ‘out as part of the funeral rites or games. An unfortunately rather fragmentary but related text” shows that the king and queen were ~ oF at least could be ~ the 24. CL KUB XX! 14 64 (CTH 7661. Fdich, Satvetnge des Hat: Reiches in hetiischer| Sprache, 2. Teil Leipzig 1926), 4-58) "1When for you} Alkan wil ave come the day of your moter", KUB V 8145-46 out of 100) 20 penpe for some the dy ofthe moter [vill fave come. bat no massive dying aks pace nats 25. KUB XXX 28 rev 1-12KBo IOKKIV RO (eH. Oten, HetitischeToewimale (Besin 1958), 6:97) the ew duplicate KBo XXXIV 8, 62 ani-nla aoa ec) enables ‘snow to recognize this expression here, tht was resid diferenly hitheno ct. Oten, tnd A. Archi, "Divi Sminqus et Divine de Swberat, Le Cas barat da Ela Mari Armales de Rechercher Inerdcipinates (1993). 7278. 26 C11. Pave, KZ 9 (1969, $9; L-V. Thomas. “Funeral Rites” in Encylopedia of Religion, 4M lide 16 vol New York London 1987). $453, mentions sna tein Chia in hich a close relive ofthe deceased elms the roo ofthe ze ll Back it sou order to make sre he i really ead: “ft does ot ret, hee no due about is death = 27 CH. Outen, KUB XXX Insc Death as a Privilege “a ‘object of this conversation. Given the restrictions mentioned at the beginning of this article concerning the social range of the Hittite text material this is hardly surprising. Not having been transliterated before, the fragment (KUB XXXIX 49) is worth quoting here: x420 ar-tha-aneda hal-zaci GAt-ut-wa ku-uapi 2 hat-tasan Sa-ra-a hal-zai{ 2 Iki-zi maaran MUNUS-an-za-ma nu x/ 23 Isa MUNUS-riwa-za ar-ha ara 24 eax kat-taran-da hal-2a-4 .NGAt-usl 25 katta-an Sa-\ra-a*azy hal-ta-i ku-it-wa-ra-x| 26, -hi-mi $4 AMA-$U 0-08-81 UD KAM-zal 27 -lda-as nu-wa-ra-an-za-an tak-na-ai “UV: 8 Jrucwa-ra-an $u:M1.A"] hari { .. dolwn he (:e. probably the colleague of the divination priest™) calls “Wihere has'| the king |. {rom bellow upwards he (ie. the divination priest) says: |. J he will...) but if (tis) a woman, then | J from the woman's [..}hiscolleaguel I from the [| down he calls: “The king | from below ulpwards the divination priest calls: “What [ 11 will, For him the day of his mother [has come I she” has, and him (romi/to") the Sungoddess ofthe Earth land she holds him by the handis?™"|*" ‘The underlying idea ofthis expression may be thatthe mother who set her child ‘on this earth is the one who will accompany him to his otherworldly existence also." Ineresting in this respect is the appearance of the patill-priest inthe fist passage: he is predominantly attested in birh-rtuals as a purificatory priest. In all likelihood, therefore, “death is understood here as a kind of birth", as Beckman suggests.” It is very unfortunate that the last lines of the above fragment are 30 damaged that we cannot be sure about the exact role of the Sungoddess of the Earth, queen of the Netherworld, here." The similar scene involving the patil: priest on the roof and the deities below takes place atthe end of the day’ in the lines immediately following, the Sungoddess of the Earth is offered food and 28. Cr. below tine 2 28. CF below tine 25 RUB XXXIX 4, 207-28 (CTH 450, ‘M_ This possi is already consiered by G. Beekman, S86 29,236. Beckman, Bo 29,297, for his discussion ofthe pail priest se iid. 235.28, The clone ink tween death and inh seems to bean univers ne the remarks by IV. Thomas in Encylopedia of Religion, 8: 452.453, 33. CF. E.von Scher, WhMyh 198-200, she may have been citer suet of ver mang “to Jet ovteleate™ ve sim or he person fom whom the deseased was taken away Cm)“4 ‘Theo van den Hout drinks, and then a new day starts. So, ifthe gods “with whom he then (is)" are indeed the deities of the Netherworld, then his mother must be coming to fetch him. ie. the king, for his ascent to heaven, and the offerings tothe Sungoddess of the Earth were probably meant to appease her and to set the king fre. If so this, could indeed confirm that also in the irs fragment itis a royal person who is fetched by the mother, because persons of royal descent seem to have been the only ones entitled to escape the Netherworld, that is, the mother apparently able toenter and leave as she pleases, andthe king himself. This is a question we will have o return to, CONTACTS WITH THE SOUL OF THE DEAD {Atte point of death body and soul diverge: the body either decays ors eremated but the soul, after having entered the body a birth, leaves again. This “soul”, as it is taltionally rendered, is the means through which communication between those left behind and the dead remains possible. The terms used in the texts are the sumerograms 21 = Hitt iStan(zan)"- and coi = Hitt akkant- lit, “dead”. ‘They sometimes seem to be used indiscriminately, but are certainly not synony- ‘mous, The 2 is any individuals, ether dead or alive, seat of emotional and ‘ational thoughts." crow isthe "(ghost of the) dead”, that may be invoked after {death and through which contact can be established. Their relation may be com- paredio that of soul and body before death, that is, the GioiM may have been con- ceived of as more “corporeal” than the soul, as some immaterial but potentially visible body. In this respect one could recall the encounters of Odysseus and ‘Aeness in the Underworld with their mother and father, respectively. Seeing them, taking to them, they both want to embrace their parent but grab with their arms empty space. ‘Contact with the Netherworld could be established by ws During an evocation of the gods of the Netherworld, "|w1hen they clean a house {rom blood( shed), defilemlent) injury’ (and) perjury”." a Hitite priest descends to a riverbank, digs a pit and slaughters a lamb over it. He then invokes the ‘Sungoddess ofthe Earth to admit the gods ofthe Netherworld to him, Later on, he digs another pit for these gods using a dagger or sword, pours alibation of cil, hhoney and wine in it and finally throws in one silver shekel, the “standard” means of magic ritual M_ C1 N. Octinger, “Die mSutmime des Hethitichen und ihre indogermanichen Asgangs funk," £794 (1980) 5859 35. See A. Kanmentuber, “Die beitschen Vostellurgen von Seele und Leb, Herr und atesinaerer, Kop end Peron” Zech fir Atyrilogie 56 (1968), 10-162, nd me in {ner ibd 154168 56. See. Oten. WTR 14146 37 KUB VII 411 1-2 (CTH 446 fH. Oven, “ine Beschusrung der Unesnachen set Boga. 24 $4 (1961), 116-117), Death as a Privilege 4s Of payment. As has been rightly observed", this ritual shows striking resem- blances with the prescriptions Odysseus received to enter into contact with the Netherworld in order to see the diviner Teiresias. In the process, he also meets ‘many of his former combatants as well as his mother. It may be objected, how. ver, thatthe contact in the Hittite ritual does not explicitly involve the manes of formerly living individuals but the deities of the Netherworld. On other occa- sions, however, contact with human forefathers was indeed established. Several ‘oracle texts inform us about the anxiety certain crimes of the pas aroused in later times: sometimes the spirits of persons involved were conjured up, and attempts, at pacifying them were made.” Although the way this was done remains largely ‘unknown, effigies may have played an important role: effigies were used as sub- stitutes for living human beings in rituals in order to transfer some evil unto them, effigies of deceased kings and queens were the focus, as we will ee, of both the ancestor cult and the royal funerary ritual, and effigies could be used in voodoo ‘magic. A woman called Nikkallu7z, for instance, tells how she tried te bewitch an enemy ofthe Hittite king: ‘We made two effigies. One effigly of cedar wood we made}, ihe other effigy of lay we made. (On the effigy of] cedar wood we plut] the name of the enemy of the Majesty, while on the effigy of clay [we put] the name BUL-LUGAL]. Now, onto the effigy of au-ttica. |. |!" The Hittites certainly practised ancestor cult as far as the royal family was ‘concemed. The renowned king lists, primarily used for their help in establishing the order and number of Hitite Great Kings and Queens, amply altest to this prac- tice." According to these and similar texts, statues of deceased kings had been erected in temples and received offerings. To what extent this ancestor cult was Dractised outside the royal family remains unknown, but the fact that it was done there fits in with the general belief tha a Hitite king or queen as opposed to any ‘ordinary mortal became a god after death. With few exceptions” the death of a 238 G Stine, "Die Untervelieschutrung des Odyeseus im Lich hebitcher Tete" art Forschner (1969), 245-28 39 C1.G et Monte, "terror dei mow" Amal del Isto Univer tari Oren Nap 33 (497, STB385, i, “La fame dei mor” AION 38 (1973), 319346, and in Arteta el'nfero. Ai nel mondo amc vicinaoromle eclasscne Xela (Veen 198), 35-115. A. Arh." do Zama. Sul culo de mart preseo gh Iii" Ao 61999). F-94 4 KUBVII61,48(CTHAI7.cf.M Hater “Bemerkunpen ur Verwendung maghcher Rite in iitebetiticher Zit” AF 18 (1991, 39.40, compar ko KUB XL 30 (Bo 162) apd Re eres, Hethische erihisprovkole (Wiesbaden 1967, = SBT 4), 6.8. Ct. ewecialy H. Ove, "Die hettschen “Kinin und ie alenalache Chanoogi” Matetngen der Deuchen Oriergeselicha ® (1881) 47-7, i, Die hetitischen his. chen Queen ada atorentalache Chometope. 103-106. and 126 CF. eg. KBo VI 29 422 (CTH 85, ed. A. Gas Haut Der Bericht ther sine Thro esting nebt den Porallieten (Lepr 1925, 4647) cbwaneme sata hp Bat "When my father king Mari I) bad ie™46 ‘Theo van den Hout king was formulated a, for instance, “when my father became god.” This difer- tence in fate may be seen also in the substitution ritual quoted above. During the ddays.on which the several necessary rites are performed, the king daily addresses himself in the early morning to the Sungod of Heaven withthe following prayer: ‘Sungod of Heaven, my Lord, what have I done that you have taken from ‘me (my) th[eone] and given it to someone else? .. You have summoned ‘me to the (ghosts ofthe) dead and, belhold, (here) Iam among the (ghosts ‘of the) dead. I have shown myself to the Sungod of Heaven, my Lord, s0 let me ascend to my divine fate, to the gods of Heavfen] and {free} me from among the (ghosts of the) dead.*° By temporarily stepping down the king has become a mere mortal and already feels himself surrounded by the manes and begs to be admitted to kingship again, which promises him a place among the gods after death. But in spite of both the formula of “becoming a god” and the passage just quoted, itis rather surprising, that the deceased kings and queens never receive the divine determinative (2), a8 ‘opposed, for instance, to the Roman emperors and some oftheir family members ‘whose names, after having been awarded divine status by the senate through the act of consecratio, are forever accompanied by the adjective divus. I the two passages quoted earlier in connection with the expression “the day of the mother", the Sungoddess ofthe Earth was mentioned, and there was, reason to believe thatthe deceased king was thought to be in the Netherworld ini- tally, from where he was taken away by his mother. When queen Puduhepa asked for a long life for her husband, she addressed herself to the Queen of the [Netherworld Lelwani. Moreover, an important part of the funerary ritual for a Hitite king consists of combined offerings to ~ among others ~ the Sungod of Heaven or the Sungoddess of Arinna a well as the Sungoddess of the Earth. It ‘may be, as we already suggested, that offerings to the later deity were meant to pacify the gods ofthe Netherworld in order to prevent their demanding the king's soul. This hypothesis finds support in the anxiety the king expresses in his 488 KB XV 20 dup ey. 14-19" (CTH 221 ed. HM. Kure, S807 9.62.63) {44 Masson, Les Douce Dieu, 5-1. sugess that before ascending to the gos king or queen afer death fit had 4 go the Neher ht, trough a paris passage so tee et pares enn” inorder to obtain morality. ARRowg the two passages quoted cow rection with th expression “the day of the mother” sem imply that he King fst went no ‘he Nehereol rom where hi Mother would then rig i to heaen, the Hite sources do fou scem to sport the en of this ai of passage. The ents adduced by heal ome {rom nit ha see ore ini house roma indo imparies noe with 2 ‘meray character The eat eves hee at place wo safely str the els. never to surface Death as a Privilege a7 prayer to the Sungod of Heaven just quoted Interesting at this point may be a short but enigmatic scene enacted on the second day of the royal funerary ritual: “The ‘Old Woman’ takes a pair of scales. On one side she lays silver, old and all (kinds of) precious stones, on the other, however, she lays clay. “The ‘Old Woman’ speaks as follows to her colleague while mentioning the deceased's name: ‘Will they bring him, so-and-so? Who will tring him” eer colleague then answers: “The men of Hatt (and) the urufi-men will ‘bring him.” And the first one says: ‘Let them not bring him!” but her col- league says: "Take the [silver (and) gold.” And the first one says: ‘I will not [ake it’ and she says so three times. ‘The third time the first speaks thus: “The clay I will tafke’, and] she breaks the pair of scales]. She [holds’| them up towards] the Sungod [and sings’ and {stats} to wail OR. Gurey* ties to explain the scene as a “market transaction” in which the deceased is symbolized by the earth or clay and his weight in gold, silver and pre- ious stones is offered to the mysterious urubhi-men: “but their price is refused, he (ie the deceased) is redeemed” If however, they are the ones bringing him, he cannot be offered forsale to them. Moreover, inthis interpretation the ura men, whether equivalent tothe Hati-men or in cooperation with them, represent the powers ofthe Netherworld, which seems avery unexpected role forthe king's ‘own countrymen. Finally, if the “Old Woman wants to free the deceased from the urubfi-men, then her urgent appeal not to bring him, does not make much sense. Could it be thatthe second priestess plays the pat of the Netherworld, trying to lure her colleague into taking the valuables thereby leaving the deceased to her? In such an interpretation the “Old Woman’ may not even have wanted the deceased to be present in such a potentially perilous conversation. In order to Prove that the sale was not made, she then shows the broken scales to the Sungod of Heaven. In spite then, of the ukimately divine fate, which the members ofthe royal fami after death enjoyed, the Netherworld and its gods may have inily housed 4 Taking upa suggestion by Jd Kuyper, “Le Oigatins Funéaves dune Reine Hine” Std nigra « Linguistic’ & (1987), 9.98, one cold se the wane concern 0 be Fed rom he ‘Netherworld in Hat's 1 words atthe very end of hi soled “Testament mae. ne ‘apts “protect me from the ean for tht mach dpued pase see de Marino “Hat e Hatayar un Problema Apers.” Oren Aguas 28 (1989), 1-24 wi leva erature, and H.C. Meche "Death an the Hite King” i Perpetiver on Ted: European Language, Caltare and Religion Studs e Honor of Edgar €. Polome (McLean, Vipin 1989), 2.188 46 KUB XXX 15+ oby 26.36 (CTH 480, eH. Oxen, TR 6-49 the wanton “ly” ne ‘Mis base on he gy txt KUB XXXIX A ob 3 (oH Oten,OL2 7 (192), 231.233. 47 Schweicha Theo van den Hout ‘them, and there is some support for this notion in archaeological evidence as we will presently see. TEXTS AND ARCHAFOLOGY: SOME POSSIBLE FUNERARY STRUCTURES In he Hitite texts there occur three architectural terms designating buildings with ‘clear funerary purpose. These are the &.NA, (DINGIR-LIM) oF “Stone House (of the gol)/(divine) Stone House”, the ®™hekur(sa0.U8)-house and the €.G1D1M (oF & $4 Canis), “House of the (ghost of the) dead.”** In all three cases we are dealing with places where either the remains ofthe king had been deposited or where a special cul for a deceased king was situated. These entities did not necessarily consist ‘only of buildings or monuments, but presumably all were institutions comprising, ‘rounds, properties and personnel. Among the latter were farmers tilling the land belonging to the institution, herdsmen and craftsmen. Probably, such a commun: ity was self-supporting to a high degree and rather reclusive as well. This may be ‘deduced from a stipulation concerning a “Stone House” according to which men within the community could marry women from outside on the condition that they would join the community: no one, however, was permitted to leave for a ‘martiage outside. The same document illustrates the importance attached to the cult by the fact that it granted freedom from taxes to the “Stone House.” This las regulation was not exceptional and is attested forthe other two institutions as wall" ‘The ENA, o “Stone House” may have been a real mausoleum: the place where the remains of the deceased find their ultimate resting place. In the royal funerary ritual the ashes and bones are deposited there on the second day after hhaving been burned on the pyre: [The .. | have brought from the palace two oxen (and) two times nine sheep. One [ox (and) nine sheep] they dedicate tothe Sungoddess [of the Earth], the other ox and nine sheep [they dedicate tothe soul of the] de- ceased. [.. the blones they pick up and from the pyre they |. | them and bring [them] into his Stone-house. In the innlermost| of the Stone-house they set up [a beld,tlake] away the bones from the throne [andl] place them ‘on the bed, that was set up. A lam|p weighing]... shekels with Fine ol they 4K The ink between then, and the Ara howe hinges onthe ienicstion — whether by ea or fle esymciogy — with the E tui “house of hones" (Aprogy of Hat HW 75) ‘Obvious at any rte the clove connection of the Det ane with the cult of Lani the [Netherworld and hihi gods general. Conclusive evidence frie wea al a Soleo or asa temple dedicated 10 the ancestor cult seem tobe lacking cf. OR. Garmey, Sehweich 38-43, ¥- Haas ~ M. Wafler, UF (1976) 6599 and ibd 9 (1977), R712, a Pale rite Enmiogcal Dictionary (Berlin ~ New York 19844), 3 9323, 48 _KUB XIULA/KUB LVIl 46 (CTH 252 fH. Onen, HT 104-107), 50. See mpartiLe Isiione Cli del" haku Ptee Cente Wit” Soli Micenet ‘ed Egeo Anatole 18 (1977) 19464 forthe boku hose forthe) cba cE. ART 6 5 with One's restortion 178 108 ser KUB XII cy 6 Death as a Privilege 49 put in front of the bones |... Theln they dedic{ate] one ox and one sheep tothe soul of the deceased Later on, several objects of gold, silver and other precious materials that were Used during the various rites ae brought into the “Stone House” as wel. ‘The evidence for the hekur-house, however, hints ata place which could be dedicated tothe cult of a deceased king or queen without necessaily contain: ing their remains. The last known Hittite king. Suppiluliyama (Il), tells how he ‘made a statue of his father and described in detail his res gestae and then contin. les: “An everlasting fekur I built. A statue I made and brought it ito the ever. lasting fekur. I put it in its proper place (and) dedicated?) it"? The statue of a queen in connection with a hekur is mentioned in an oracle text." Here it seems to be the living queen who is preparing her own memorial. She decorated it however, with a gold wreath which she denied the deity of the city of Aruina, whose wrath she thereby brought on herself, Hiding inher avarice the gold wreath ‘and trying to satisfy the deity with two silver ones instead, the queen only made matters worse. She was temporarily banned from the palace until in aletter to the king she disclosed the hiding place. Trouble involving another queen and both an & *Mhekur SasMn “hekur-house of the Tutelary Deity” and an NA, DINGIR- Li “divine Stone-house/Stone-house of the god” is attested to in the affti concern. ing Murti 1's stepmother, the last wife of his late father. In an emotional appeal to the gods Musil says: ‘You, Gods, don’t you see, how she has tured over my father's complete ‘estate to the hekur-house of the Tutelary Deity (and) the divine Stone- ‘house? One thing she had brought over from the town of Sankara, another she gave away to the entire population in Hattusa. Nothing she left behind! Don’t you Gods see? ‘The juxtaposition of the two terms in this passage indicates how closely inter related they were without, however, being identical. Very often these. hekur- houses are accompanied in the texts by either a geographical, divine, or some ‘other (mostly obscure) name. From the geographical names it may be inferred that they could be located outside Hattusa. This possiblity seems to be discussed jn the royal funerary ritual in a fragment probably belonging to the description of the events of the second day:5* $1 2OGXTK 114)44. 51° (CTHLASO 9H. Onen, TR 68.69) 5 KBo XI 3 if 17-21" (CTH 121, ed HG. Guerock, “The Mite Conguet of Cypmus Reconsidered.” Jounal of Near Ease Studies 26 (1967.78.78), 58 KUB XXIt 70 ob 12.27 (CTH S66, A nal Ein Oat dber de Inrge am et sehen Hof (UB XXI70= Bo 201) (Hedberg 1978; = THe 6), St KUB XIV 41138" (CTH70.cf, CHDL.N 361b wih erature) 58 KUB XXXIX 12 Vor the posible inde oi to KUR XXX 1S6KUB XXXIX 19011 6 Oten, 17 G8\KUB XII ARIKB XXXIV 35 (CTH 4S,50 Theo van den Hout {The ... } they will pick up, [but if in another city the body has been ‘blued (or: to another city the bones” have been brought), in that (ity. | they will pick them up, and in which city there (is) a ‘Stone house’ for hhim, fo that city they will bring’ [them], until, however, (his) bones ito that city... }, they will {..]. Finally’, infto which city (if there in that city there (is) his “Stone-house’, then thereto that city they will rans prt them (i.e. the bones). ‘One of these hekur buildings in the countryside took on considerable political importance, as it seems. Located somewhere in southern Anatolia, it was proba- bly the cult place for king Muwatali I, who died around 1274 BC. His eldest son and suecestor was deposed and subsequently banished by his uncle. In order to keep the youngest son from honoring his father and thereby displaying his legal righs to the throne Hattsili I, the usurpec king, and initially also his son ‘Tudhaliya IV denied him access to the shrine.*” ‘Although no obvious royal tombs have been found sofa. a least two sites in and around the capital Hatta come into consideration for having been funer- ary monuments of the kind discussed here (see Fig. 1)" Inthe text KBo XII 38 {ust quoted Suppivliyama (I) recorded the dedication ofan “eternal hekur" to his father Tudhaliya LV It has already been pointed out by others" thatthe cuneiform text is the translation of a (monumental) hieroglyphic inscription and that this ‘might be the very much weathered and barely legible inscription onthe stony out top of Nigantas inthe Upper City of Wattufa, Upto now. only the beginning of this text had been definitively interpreted and seemed to match the cuneiform version. Recent archaeological research of the site now tends to confirm this, and ‘as aconsequence, Nisantas may be considered a hekur-strcture.® The building ‘ontop ofthis outcrop measures 38135 m with a monumental entrance gate flanked bby sphinxes reached by a slowly ascending slope of approximately 35 m, The scanly remains ofthis building, however, do not allow us to reconstruct anything ‘more than the ground plan ofthe building, nor were any finds recorded in support of the supposed cult purpose. We cannot, therefore, conclude that we have found the grave of Tudhaliya IV. First of alli on the combined evidence of the cunei- form and hieroglyphic text this was indeed the hekur for Great King Tudbaliya ‘$6 RUB XII At ob, 2-4 KLUB XXXIX 12 fev? 2°-46/KBo XXXIV $5, 1-3" (CTHLAS0, of. nen, TROT) ST Cl Bo 847299 (Bronze Tele) i915 3 ed H. Oten, Die Bronte! aur Mogi Ein Stace Tudbaliye 1 (Wiesbaden 1988; = SiloT Ah. 1), 1418 and 42-4, PHL. Hoawink en Cu, 2482 (192), 244.29. 8 Accorting to K. Biel, Die Heer (Monchen 1996.14, he stony outrops in Boga of Sanka and Venieehle and of GavrKalesi (some Oks. southwest of Ankara) may alo be considered er-srctres. 58 WO. Guterbock, INES 26 (1967), 74, 81, Laroche, Anatolia 3 (1969-1970), 9398 with Vv © CI. Neve, “Die Augrabungen in Bopanky-Hatute 195, mun. ArchaoogicheAnciger 192, Death as a Privilege st Hstatsr« Leebel dats suereseney Verte Map of the ancient Hite capital Yala, nowadays Bofarkdy (Bofahae)(counesy Deng Neve, source AA 193,622) IV, his son but it probably years ater his fers death, cent nt on that cecasion, Moreover he sper of sate and sys nothing abot wanting fae’ ashes fom somewhere ele. Secondly, we have dea with he funerary character ofthe so-called Room B inthe rock Sanctuary of Yanhaya medi. Iy case Yas wih is clear dedication to Tula IV. This oom = mast 2Dmlengtt naw. scope me we ace ot a try (oom A) and connected with i through an even naower pscogeay bea th ret tr Be) a wes ade pas eager ack imo the ground witha hit oramented wits on. This socalled Sword God ean belinked by textual evidens othe Netherworld swells he el! (wn 69-80) (61 For a description of his room see R. Naumann in K. Bite et a, Das hehtiache Felsen Yiaya Bertin 1973), 39-49, and K. Bite, i, 158-168. sec also Neve in Asti nd ‘he Ancient Near Ease K. Ere, B. Hroos, M. Melk, N- Org (Aare 1999, 348.358 wan 5,32 ‘Theo van den Hout Fig? Yarttaya Room B eastern wall with reliefs ofthe Sword Go, Great King Tali TV inthe cera hit paetve diy Sarma ad one of he ices (Pwo cutesy DDI. Mei. ‘of twelve marching gods on the opposite wall (see fig. 3).% Furthermore, there is the large relief (nr. 81) ofthe king embraced by his patron deity Sarruma (see fig. 2) and a smaller cartouche (nr. 83) with his name in hieroglyphic script usually taken to refer to a colossal statue atthe northern end of the room of which only th: pedestal withthe imprint of two feet remains. All relief figures are oriented towards this end of the room. Finally, along the two long walls there are three niches (see fig. 2) that may once have contained the ashes of the Great King and, Possibly, his immediate family: ‘Thus, room B of Yaziikaya displays most obviously a funerary character because of the reliefs and ~ if interpreted correctly® ~ the columbaria, but refer ing to the Netherworld* and not so much to the apotheosis of the king. In the case of Nigantas it was the combination of the cuneiform and the hieroglyphic {ext that led us to believe that we are dealing with a genuine hekur-monument. If Yaziltkaya Room B was once the real ‘grave’ or mausoleum, then the more {emple-like structure of Nigantay may have been meant to serve the cult of the deceased king in his deified form. In other words, Room B may have been at lamarhandatiel (eG. Mean. The ite Sate Cal ofthe Talay Dees (Chicago 1991), 102-103 with n, 98. ited ofthe ‘om, sogested bythe CHD LAN 7 lomarfandat 2 ose fan (stem lomarbandat ‘woul be equally possible (atough the problem of king it a an apposton anata ‘eras, which in vew ofthe similar passage i 46 must mea something ike “Ttelry ‘ety ofthe Lab xing the ine ofthe sal place” I this mea a fxn theme of he endothe kings reignite? The lst atestation cores rom te prayer tthe Sing (CTH 372) ‘na yasage pall tothe well Anown pave abou fe being bound up with death a's day being counted The fragmentary sate of the abet ((KUB XXX1 1274) KUB XXXVI 9 1546) only allows us to read teu pda | but a reference to royal death might erin Be snproprine there. The text ie mentioned by nen, HTR 18, aye ante insane of hit entation il unpublished. XXX 17 (CTH 450 2: fH. Oten, WTR 5053) and XXXIX 2 (CTH 450 1B: H.Oten, [TR \8y, XXXIX 64s mentioned a5 oer ad belonging oneray texts ina more pve ay by Oten, OLZ 57 (1962). 292233, Laroche, CTH, However, buts 10 he festivals (crs), 83 Ci. sready HC. Melcher. Ablave and Intnamental in Hite (dis, Harv Univers Cambege, Masachusete 197), 78,58 Theo van den Hout The purpose of the composition is that of prescribing and its goals are ‘wholly practical: when a king died, the organization for a complex 4-day funerary ritual had to be set in motion immediately. This ritual involved many incividvals, over a hundred animals, huge quantities of foods and all sons of ‘objects that had to be ready for their ole on a certain day ata certain time, And, ‘san important aspect of all rituals, it had to be performed impeccably: the text itself was not ‘sacred’, but its object most certainly was. The existence of copies and the practical character make it abundantly clea not dealing with a description of a death ritual once carried out for a specific Hittite king, but with the traditional protocol of the Hittite royal funerary ritual, Because of its pre- sctiptive characte, the text is not meant to explain any of the symbolism or mean- ing of the rites: they were supposed to be known to the people involved. As such this composition isa unique document in the literature of the Ancient Near East ‘comparable only to much later works as, for instance, De ceremoniis aulae ‘Byuantinae by the Byzantine scholar emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913-959) orto even later West-European treatises such as De exequiis regalibus (England, 14th century), or The manner ofthe ordering of the setting forth of a corpse of what estate that he be and of how every shall goin order afier the estate ‘and degree that he be of (England, 16th century). These instructions were, of ‘course, founded on experience, and officals in charge of the burials drew heavily ‘upon the descriptions made of earlier ceremonies. This may very well have been the case with Hitite royal funerals, but we only have what we may then call the ‘end product: the instruction fora fixed ceremony. ‘The practical requirements of the composition are neatly reflected in the ‘organization of the material, Within the (otal of texts just mentioned the following seties can be discerned — the main (and often detailed) description of all ritual acts, and persons and objects involved therein — the liturgy (Rollenbuch): the lines which the various ‘actors’ have to say fon several occasions during the ritual — the outline: an excerpt ofthe ritual according to the order of days, in which ‘each day is characterized by a single sentence, maybe made for archival purposes =the ration list (Lieferungliste): a detailed listing of all ‘stage props” re- 4uired per day, probably made up forthe logistics ofthe ritual ‘The same practical set-up was used for the various festivals of the Hittite cult calendar, (On the basis of the main description series the ritual performed on days 1-2, 4, 7- ‘8: and 12-13 can be partly or completely reconstructed, that is more or less half 84 RA. Giesey. The Roval Funeral Ceremony in Remisance France Gentve 1960), 82-84, SPS. ri "Prom Public fo Private The Royal Funerals in gla, 150-1830" in Miro of Mortals. Ses in the Socal History of Death. 1. Whaley (Landon 198,16, M6 The ermiolgy used for designating he fur diferent seis x brrowed from | Sige in his ton ofthe KILAMestval ef. Singer, The ite KILAM Festival. Pot One (Wiesbaden TORR Siar 27.13 Death as a Privilege 59 of the total number of days. For days 5-6, 10-11 and 14, the description can be supplemented by only (fragments of) short indications in the ration, outline and/or liturgy series. Fragments of the third day seem to be completely lacking in ‘ur records or have not yet been recognized as such, THE HITTITE ROYAL FUNERAL: SUMMARY ‘The complete ritual lasted for 14 days. On the first day while the body lay in sate offerings were brought ‘When in Hattuia a great loss occur, (that is.) either the king or queen becomes god, al, big and small take away their reeds/sraws and start wal On the day, that he/she becomes god, they do as follows. They dedicate ‘one plow ox of the finest quality to his/her soul ‘They slaughter it at his head and speak thus: “As you have become, let this one become likewise, and let your soul descend inthis ox.” ‘Then they bring a jug of wine and libate it to his soul, then they break it ‘When it gets dark, they swing one billy goat over the deceased thereby speaking thus: (break) ‘Then [they give] him to drink... | When with/out of a silvler| cup {| ‘Another cup, however, of ellay .. | they put and [ .. they call the de- ceased”} by the name { ... | When to himMher [.. then in front of the Mable. J and on [the table”. | and to the deceased [they .. ]it As long as they dlink .. ], he rinks... ] as well, ‘On that [day'I they keep |. -}ing and [they} stay awake during the night (71 The first day [ends here)” ‘The expression “al (..) take away their reedsstraws' i sill without parallel The Akkadian word used here (iulpu “reed") can designate either reed(s) as a ‘musical instrument or a drinking straw. I this to be taken metaphorically for re- fraining from all expressions of joy? Note how the deceased is sill teated as if alive: he is called, and food and drinks are served to him, In probably the same night, the body of the deceased was then burned. At {dawn the next moming, the remains consisting of ashes and bones that had not been fully incinerated were gathered by women, This is the famous passage re- calling the Homeric description of both Patroclos’ and Hector's funeral in the Iliad and deserves o be quoted in extenso: ‘When on the second day it becomes light, women go to the pyle] for the ~athering of the bones and they extinguish the fire with ten jugs of beer, ten [jugs of wine} (and) ten jugs of walli- drink. 7 UM XXX 164KUB XOOKIN 1118-14 (CTI AS, On J 18.21 NR CEH. Ouen, 178 120-121a Theo van den Hout One silver huppar-vase of half a mina and twenty <..> has been filled [wilth fine oil. With silver tongs they take the bones one by one, and lay them in the fine ol in the silver Auppar: Then they lift them out of the fine ‘il and lay them down on a kazzarnul-cloth while under the cloth lies a fine cloth ‘When they finish gathering the bones, they wrap them up with the cloth and the fine cloth and put them on a throne to sit on; if it is a woman, however, they put them on a hapsall-stol. ‘Around that pyre on which the deceased has been burnt, they lay down twelve thick breads. On top ofthe thick breads they put oil cakes. The fire has already been extinguished with beer (and) wine. They put a table down in front of that throne on which the bones are lying and they give ‘warm breads, Gtic-breads and sweet breads to break. Then the cooks (and) waiters place bowls at the head (of the table) and pick (them) up at the head (ofthe table). Each of all those who have come forthe gathering of the bones, they give to eat ‘Three times they give to drink and three times they drink his soul." Thick. ‘breads (and) an Itar-instrument are not involved. In front ofthe pyre (the action) has ended. [Aftjerwards they do as follows: In the milddlfe of the pyre they form something of an image of a man (or?) a woman’ witlh file), raisins) (and) olive(s) In its centre they lay fruit, parhuena (and) galakiar of the ‘gods, aright thigh bone (and) a flock of sheep's wool. In the middle of the image they pour beer, then in the middle they place thilek blread{s) of three sut’s (weight. ‘Then follows the scene with the scales, the precious stones and clay that was eracted by two women (see above page 47). After a break of uncertain length the text resumes with the passage already quoted above (see page 48-49), where they bring the bones into the “Stone-house” and lay them on a bed, ‘At this point a seated effigy of the deceased was made, which was from then on tbe driven around on a cart between the various locations where the rites ‘were performed. The purpose of the ensuing ritual seems to have been to secure {er the deceased an afterlife modelled on his former existence without, of course, 87 Anemendtion o “sete seems toe ruled out because 20 shekes equals sina: fH ‘ren ind 67 and 42. A snl weight than the heel (128 gr) des mo sem be atest, though: ct THPI. van den Hout, “Masse und Gewice Bel den Heth.” RUA 7525827 9 For foveal seals im general sce te interesting remarks by LV. Thomas, Encylopedia of Religion vol 5.455 91 This common but very problematic expression may indicate “rink w the honor of tos 1": sce ont recently the iblingrphi overview ia HW E30, where his inerpetation is discard ca. bowever 2 KUB XXX 15+ oby 1-26 (CTH 4506. H. One, HTR 66-59, Death as a Privilege 6 all human deficiencies. This was achieved through a selection of all sorts of objects representing the various aspects of life. From the seventh day on (and ‘maybe eatlier) each day was devoted to one of these aspects such as animal hus- bandry and its secondary products, agriculture, viticulture, and hunting, The objects were ultimately destroyed, that is, broken into pieces or consumed by fire, thus sharing the fate of the king’s body. Fire was apparently thought of asa suita- ble way of transition to the “other” world, where the king was to spend his further existence.” It is very unfortunate that we do not know how the ritual ended, because the description of the activities of the fourteenth day have not come down to us. Was the statue finally transferred to a temple asthe Further object of the ancestor cult or was it also burnt? In the latter ease we would, again, be reminded of the “double burning” practice of Roman imperial times: first the body, then the effigy. Ths effigy was made of wax so that nothing remsined after ‘burning it, which was interpreted as final proof thatthe emperor did not dwell, among the living anymore but had ascended to heaven.%* THE HITTITE ROYAL FUNERAL: LOGISTICS AND THE EFFIGY AS tothe locations of the ritual, the following can be remarked. First ofall, the title ofthe composition ("When a great loss occurs in HattuSa") seems to refer to the death ofthe king inthe capital. This, however, may be understood as “when a ‘vacancy on the throne in Hattuéa occurs” disregarding where the king may have died. Whatever its exact meaning, a fragment of the second day seems to reckon ‘withthe possibility that a king died in some other city than the capital (ee above page 50). It certainly mentions the possibility that some king's mawsoleum is localized outside the capital, and his remains have to be transported, Further localities mentioned inthe ritual are: the Stone-house or mausoleum. a “tent” the palace, a “house” with a portico, and finally the “place where the heads of horses and oxen have been burned”. reminding us of the animal skulls found at ‘Osmankayast (see above page 53). Among these the location commonly rendered as “tent” plays an important role. According to the text the seated statue ofthe {deceased is transported from the mausoleum(?) 10a tent. During the magic Fite in 92 recent example ofthis ca, for instance be found in Sung Chan's bok Wild Sums Three Dongtes of China New York 1991) 82, where the describes the death in 1946 of tern Mt Li, shop owner in nor-easer China: *Monk were rovght in ea he Baxi sta of ping the head dow in the presence of he whole aly, Immediately after thi he amity smemters bent ov ering. Fr then on othe day ofthe io the fry-imh yaftr De ‘eae sound of weeping and walling was sppored to be est nonstop fem ey morning um midnight. accompanies bythe constant homing of ail mony or the deceased oe inthe otter world." For sucha oe of fie ae LV. Thoma, Enel of Rizo, 5457 “Acorting to many bell eis the promise of regeneration and rb) Trough superior evel of exience cn beatae” 94 CEE Bickermann, ARW 27 (1929), 131,e ‘Theo van den Hout the tent, the statue stays outside on the car until itis taken down and brought in fora “great meal.” Finally the statue is put back on the cart again and presumably transported back to the mausoleum, Whether this “tent” stayed at the same place during all the days ofthe rituals remains unknown. Only on one occasion is the pla of the ‘tent’ clear, to wit, in a house" or building, which at any rate is not the same as the mausoleum but may have been part of the/a palace. A courtyard within that palace complex could be thought of. Whatever its exact nature, it was ‘movable structure which could be “set up."* ‘The dramatis personae can be roughly divided into two groups. Firstly. the so-called “old/wise women”, the taprara-women and an anonymous relative of the deceased, who carry out the actual magic and ritual acts. Except for possibly the latter, all protagonists are thus female.”” The tapeara-vomen, who come close to being mourning women, are the only ones to be exclusively attested in funer- ‘ay content Secondly, there was a host ofcultic personnel, assisting the members ‘of the first group: cup bearers, cooks, "waiters" singers with or without an instru iment, the so-called ALAN.2U-men, who keep calling out ahd, and the kita-men, frequently attested in festivals as crying out or reciting as well, but here explicitly said not to do so. Furthermore, there are the anonymous women gathering the remains of the dead after burning. 95 Because of he occasional ation atannat (it. “to ston” to he sumeropram ac, the 356-357). Both stem from the early fifth century BC. According to J. Crouwel. Smee eee yeaa eens ace re Pere i borane hater 8 3 79186 ging Hetero Sybian Dr Sa lt ed bee ea ‘Sect Oncns sua of he Ht ocay cal tse ely que and be Se ee es oom teers ener aens eae Ces Sree neat ci gc Cara batman fume $8 Death as a Privilege 8 ‘Apart from these human actors quite a number of animals are mentioned. During the seven days that have fairly completely come down to us, minimum ‘of ten bovines and 67 sheep are explicitly mentioned as being slaughtered: further, a billy goat, some birds and an unspecified number of horses and mules are burned, Ingredients used are water, beer, wine, il (always of “fine” quality) the so-called uaifi-drink, olives, figs. raisins, cheese, meat and innumerable bakery Products. Finally, there are several objects, that seem to fulfil a symbolic function, 5 we will see Tater on, One of the most central pants, however, was played by the effigy. A recently recognized text" shows how in all likelihood an effigy of the deceased ‘was made on the second day of the ceremonies, that is, immediately after the body had been bumed. The fact that the body was not embalmed but practically bummed on the day it died may have had its practical and/or religious reasons. Even refined embalming techniques would not have prevented the unpleasant sight of a corpse during fourteen days after a severe illness or a violent death. But the ideotogy of an immortal king required his presence after the desth of his “body natural fora time long enough to carry out all rites as prescribed and to Secure a smooth transition. This function was fulfilled by the effigy that from now ‘on represented the king and was considered living since it received food and ‘rinks and partook in the ceremonies™ By transcending, as it were, death, the effigy was atthe same time the visual expression ofthe continuity of kingship and the immortality ofthe individual monarch, Is use must have posed no problem to the Hittite mind because it was the same principle of substitution that alo under lies the substitution ritual we noted earlier. Whether the effigy was in any way ‘made life-tike (e.g. by way of a death mask) is unknown, but we do know that it ‘was a seated" statue with the sex of the deceased symbolized in the objects it held: a bow and arrows for a man, distaff and spindle for a woman. These objects are well-known in Hittite texts as symbols for masculinity and femininity and ‘immediately recall such passages asin the Paskuwatti ritual against impotence: "I puta spindle and distaff in the patient's hand and be passes under the gue. When 9% KBo XXV IRWKUB XXXIX 2, TPL, van den Hou. ontbicoming 99 The procedure of fist creating the bay and hen replacing yan eg the jt ff ther ceremonies snikingly real the aleady memoned imperial Reman fonerry ca i (at leas in some cases is dsincton between a famus neve ada Jus hoi cE Biermann, ARW 27 (1929), 1-3, and RE. Giese, The Reval Funeral Ceremon 147-198 For the we andro of funeral effigies a medieval and enasance Eland and Faves PS zim Mirrors of Morai e3. Whaley, 74.78, RE Casey. The Revel Funeral Ceremony 179s. and EH. Kantromicr, The Kings PBs. A Stay Medieval Pole! Theclogt (Princeton 1962) 419437; for more general remarks and non-Wesern examples see LV, “Tooas. Encepei of Relig 5481, 88, Ne aly the Hench cost inthe sera al ‘the 100 ceaory andthe early 17 cemry ts serve the Kings aly ane efi Be Gly Imeab: see Giesey The Real Funeral Ceremeny 148178, For posible seated states of French Renabance kings cf, RE. Giese, The Rose Funeral Ceremon 17-118, ut they noally secs have been preyed ying,64 ‘Theo van den Hout he steps out of the gate, I take from him spindle and distaff and give him bow and) arrows). Then 1 speak as follows: ‘Behold, I have taken away from you femininity and 1 have given you back masculinity"! We are likewise reminded ‘of some of the first millennium neo-Hittte funerary stelae on which we see ‘depicted not only eating and drinking scenes but occasionally men and women with said attributes as well. Although caution is called for in comparing second and first millennium material, W. Ortkmann in his study on neo-Hittite seulpture already discussed the possibilty of a fink with funeral rites in an attempt to explain some of its iconographical features." Now that the symbolism of ‘mascilinity and femininity has turned up fr the frst time in a funerary context in ‘ur cuneiform Hittite sources, his suggestion deserves further study.!™ Interesting in connection with the effigy and the supposed presence of the ‘deceased king is the role of his successor. Among the participants in the ritual listed above, a king (or queen) does not seem to play any role of significance in ‘our preserved material. A king, who according to H. Otten might be the successor to the deceased, is only mentioned in KUB XXXIX 9, possibly describing the events of the fourth day." Unfortunately, however. the highly fragmentary tablet does not allow us to understand what this king is doing and who exactly he is The only person otherwise coming close to the successor is the antuhad SA MAS- SU "the person of his family/clan” occurring once in the “ital of cutting the vine” ‘on the twelfth day. This almost complete absence of the new ruler is striking, but ‘may find an explanation in combination with the prolonged fife of the former king by way of the effigy. Depending on royal ideology, in some cultures like Renaissance France the simultaneous presence of two kings, one dead but present inthe effigy, and the other his successor, was deemed impossible, that is, contr dictory to the idea that there can only be a single king embodying perennial kingship. Sometimes, too, it was felt that a king should not be seen mourning or showing any emotions in general."* In such cultures iti often customary forthe successor (0 stay almost completely out of sight during the Iying-in-state of the dead king and the funeral service. In Hite practice, too, the deceased king was sil present in the seated image, while under ‘normal’ circumstances the successor would have been known to everybody involved, either named as such VOL MUB IX 27+ 2027 (CTH 406, ed HLA, Hoar, "Pshuwat Rival Against Sexual Impsene” Aula Oriental (1987), 272 and 243 with err) 102 WOnhann. Unerachergen ar satetischen Kune Bown 1971) 37380. 103 For more on his wee Th PI. van den Hout onticoming 104 CHL Oven, 178 52.55, 10S CF. Nata, La mae del ey El ceremonial fnerara dea manga expla 100-1885) (Madrid 1990, 128-132, RE: Giesey. The Royal Funeral Ceremony 86-48 At et he souk! rot be sen mouming hs redcesor who was not consisted o have ded. Hie kings did cecasionally show pri athe dea of ei next of in: e.g. Suppl red when the ews of his son's death was broken to Mm. and Mort 1 lls how he hel wept the emise of is brother Saitoh the king of Kari. 108 Compare R. Giesey, The Royel Funeral Ceremony 41-49, R, Huntington - P. Metal (eebravion of Death, 167 Death as a Privilege 65 by the old king before dying or even having reigned already for some time next to the later as rex desigmatus. Maybe here, t00, the successor was supposed to keep 2 low profile as long as the ritual for his predecessor was still being carried out ‘nil his final apotheosis, THE MITTITE ROYAL FUNERAL: THE Finally, the description ofthe ritual on the eighth day may serve as an example illustrative ofthe way the several rites were performed and also of how the diffe {ent text series supplement each other, First of all, the outline series states the ‘theme’ of the day: “{The eighth day: The pilg diverts] water [and) they {cut out a piece of meadow].""” The restoration inthe second part ofthe ‘theme’ about the meadow is taken from the ‘ation list where the ‘theme’ is repeated and the true identity of the “pig” is re- vealed: On the eighth day the pig diverts water and [they] cut out (@ piece of ‘meadow. A pig's mouth (of) silver, (weighing) ten shekels, a wel (of) silver", (weighing) twenty shekels, a pickaxe, a shovel at three places inlaid with s[ilver}, three conduits inlaid with silver, five cups (of) silver, [--L.one of which (with a") gotld..}, fourteen pebbles, seven of which... seven of which}... Figs or bronze axes found nthe saci pt i the Suda (Photos courtesy eng Neve. 107 KUB XXX 6417-8 ed. H Onen 7 48-49). 108 A siver wel is alo atsted in KBo XXXIV 66 abv. 3° 4.MA FU KORABBAR me olan, ‘ecaling KUB XXXIX 38+KUB XXX 24a 13" (se immedi elo), 108 KUB XXXIX 45 ob, 59 (6H. Oven, WO 2.1954. 1989) 477-478),6 Theo van den Hout Figs ol” .*,* Miniature onze nes found in the sania pat in he Sudha Photos couresy DI. P. Neve) Without this description we would at least have visualized the rites being per- formed ata real well, but it now turns out that the ritual was completely carried cat by way of symbolic objects. The “pig's mouth” may have been some tool, called by that name,!® ora rhyton, i. a Tibation vase, inthe form of a pig's head, ‘One such pig (or beter: boar) rhyton was found at Kultepe, ancient KaneWNesa, and roughly dates from the 18th century BC. It is made of clay and measures 6.6, ‘em in height." Two! pig rhytons of bronze are further mentioned in KUB XLIV ‘obv. 3 and 4°."? According to the weight indicated — a pig rhyton often shekels, ‘equaling ca. 130 gr, and a well of 20 shekels equalling ca. 260 gr these objects rmust have been comparatively small; the famous silver stag thyton in the ‘Schimmel collection weighs ca, 320 gr and is 17 em long and 18 cm high." So the pig thyton might have matched in height the one from KUltepe fairly wel ‘The pickaxe, shovel and conduits probably were miniature objects, to0, like the ‘wo bronze miniature axes (see Figs. 5-6) from Hattusa weighing 53 and 50 gr ‘respectively and found in what may have been a sacrificial pit in dhe “Sidbau. ‘The so-called anda-birds, figuring in the main ritual description below, may not have been ral birds either but, for instance, made of richly inlaid wood as the text seems to indicate. For this we may compare the 35 oF 36 lakthanzana-birds used cn the thirteenth day ofthe ritual." Ten ofthese were made of wood plated with silver, five of which had extra inlays of gold on their heads, ten were made of ‘wool and another ten of dough: these thirty birds were supplemented by “five oF MO CEH. Owen, 012 57 (1962), 21: “ida Gr) de Sehweinsehaauze’~ IML See. Org, Kalen Kani. New Retearhes athe Center of the Assrian Trade Colonies {nkars 1959), 63.68, 47 Abb. 34 12 Ina fngmentry comet fH, Elo, "Z Amana Kradion N29, 1 wd A, 30°24 450999) 117280 490". HS. .W Musca, Ancient Ar. The Noches Schimmel Cetin (Maine 1974), 0 123, 14 See P Neve. AA 1992. 17-319 the imerretation of the ta saci was pt forward by ‘Bayburiopls pu Neve, loci Cerny amit ate was the sive ane mentioned oa he ‘weit dy ofthe rival (XN 1941 88.6. Oten HT 34-38) and weighing twenty shel. 15, KUB XXXIX 7147-14 (6 Oven TR 3637). Death as a Privilege a ve oes The “(pice a) meadow” proely was 3 rel pice of ea besa intron iiss 10 Re "pared out real The hoes ood males ial ae ony menoned win the ies spr scone oy Har: "When th pie ver water essen hones ea 1 When hey et ata pce) meadow [eye nthe es imal Res nd ls We can cme he phn al wat dev o animal usar ad sea sc te deve eternal meadows to let his cattle graze on. ame Now ht he thee, the nese an he wad Be . J 1 be spoken ae st Sheri ef eanbegin "Afr omental very fagmenary es agg among te hing he picked te shovel ep yen pn ane 15-10" (Thin. one pig an five adi they” In their p's mou they Aon ead ve ive cape 9 melee Se kkels (they’] place. ...”| and the anda-birds |are placed” around the well. ___Then the pg vers water and ts eayay = WAY “Behold, the pig has diverted water and may i) be {«-J10yoll {May'] oxen, sheep, (ho|rses, (and) mules satis|fy their thirst”™?"]" One ox {and seven seep oI laugltet] don nt the wel finds no support inthe tex, satis ‘ation list. For the possible position of the fragment within the tbh the s Kash Koons der Rechte Dae Tv dev bung 9H (Wistaee 1098. ‘SiBoT 34),70, ; and G. del Monte in Archeoloia dell Inferno (ed, P. Xelln). 9-100, the 1H Tis ‘ransiated also by E, Masson, Les Douze Diews 34-35, Pe paces Ts seems 10 plead against hs 1 terete prose to Tee af sem ead Ieee propane "ar alread i ay theyTheo van den Hout 68 1019. Men he Own ie war ei ike hve and onaplarl caster ows le (i mois Tu towards te Sungod [nd peak hs.‘ fr saree ane ese etme] dpe im er nde Teh cones hemi i 220 thenofntpottne car svat gy (ey wie sin otf te Sango wf Heaven long compa) by 3 The eo Peerage rhe r sa ead te tv adie ob) nthe saci tL 2 2T eey rmove tom the a) eos he and he Ol rman remove the sive (nd) gl an fom te conduits they remove [the ... ]; they break them into little pieces" and [to’ ... | thely] tae tem sotession ark da “they remove, wed at est tree tmes in he pe ne apap once tre inane aries tnt conte fan th er wo?) of ter resus mays fore ey ae Scapd rar dn sch coment compare he espn of he eth Sy RUB XA Toe 154750 (HTB 343) whe yh gl nd Ser mye stamped ten ken nd nly sown te Rar, The hectare bes ped fe gl eran fretor onen Like th gold and iver rom he ay, may be hat hey We Mrovent tthe “Stonehouse” 2-31" 1g of wine they break and the pick ant the shovel hey 2 rm on ta op The ashen, however dey pickup ad pou thm ou thre ee es (ad oe ete BU sags en they tke 8 pace (ed = se of wend and call outs (piece ot) meadow The OF! womanly] the (ise meaty on tick bread (andthe | old hem) up tovards the {Bate and} the slots hey hoi up toad (i ad os sspeak(s)h: enon ine to theo phe a shovel ate on en Far sbve bt star ahh phe a ht he rs pi sbur is a9 wet ley maybe ton spel ae ety Te ee nt han sens a ee ra ue ta acy aa el som of Oana (Stores) 12 or the mea of ewe ar Nig, i Smt dein Vernon (mr 97), 1 erent meng rember si) ad ere ‘catego s ftwed by Mason Ls Dae Dru 29, an 35 spect, Death as a Privilege 0 111-7 “This (piece of) meadow, O Sungod, have it made rightly his! Let nobody deprive him of it, let nobody contest it, and may oxen and sheep, horses (and) mules graze on this meadow for him." They bring the (piece of) ‘meadow there, where the horses’ heads (and) the oxen’s heads were burnt, {and they pour it thereon. The Old woman, inthe meantime, tskes a thick bread of one sutu (weight! ‘Then they give the effigy on the cart-t-sit-on to drink, and he’ drinks (to) the Sungod. The singer sings accompanied by the hunzinar instrument the ALAN.ZUy-men call out afd in a whisper, the kita-man does not shout. One wonders whether the subject in the third person singular elu “he/she rinks” is the effigy portrayed as if alive (for this see also the next paragraph) oF ‘an impersonal subject ("they”, German man/Prench on) for which one normally ‘would expect a third person plural. A similar singular with a supposedly imper. sonal meaning occurs below in lines 22, 25, 26, 30 and 31; there, however it seems less likely thatthe effigy could be the subject, so that “they” i preferred in the translation, 12-16 They take the effigy down from the cart-to-st-on. A tent has already been Set up on that same spot. They bring it into the tent and seat him on a gold en throne, if it (is) a woman, however, they seat her on a golden sto) ‘The word for “effigy” is written here ~ as almost everywhere within this ritual — with the Sumerogram ALAM = Hit. efri. The latter is known as a word of the neuter gender, which matches the Hitite anaphoric pronoun -at inline 14 (“They bring it into the tent”). Immediately afterwards, however, iti referred 10 with the ‘common gender pronoun -am in the lines 14 and 16 (“and seat him oa golden throne, if it (is) a woman, however, they seat her”) once again showing how the effigy was considered to be an animate being. The distinction between male and female here regarding the seat occurs at other places in this ritual a wel; the stool fora dead queen, ie. a seat with a very low back or with no back at all is best illustrated by the small pendant of the seated goddess in the Schimmel col. lection," 17-22 The main meal of the day is announced and they give the assembled tap ‘ara-women Saramma-bread and a dressed cup bearer gives them each to drink. He drinks (to) the Sungod, the Stormgod, the Tutelary-dety, the ‘Sungoddess of the Earth, each separately, once. The silngler sings (accom. panied) by the Itar-instrument, the ALAN.7U,-men call out aka in a whis- Per (and) they break thick breads 23-29 Afterwards they drink (to) the grandfathers (and) grandmothers, the sing. 124 The suis an Abkain quid and dy meas fc. 125 OW. Masala, Ancien Aron 123D Theo van den Hout cers sing (accompanied) by the Istar-instrument, the ALAN.71U,-men call out ‘aha in a whisper Cand) they break thick bread. Afterwards they drink {his} Soul thre times, the singers [sing] (accompanied) by the Istar-instrument, the ALAN.2U,-men call out ahd in a whisper, the kita-man does not shout. ‘Two sweet thick breads they break. 30.34 When they drink his soul forthe third time, he says {thick bread is not broken. The cup bearer smashes the ilgaruh-vase on the ground, the[n he silings” and the assembly [stats wailling}- 435-38 They bring the effigy out ofthe tent, and seat it onthe cart-to-slit-on}, The taptlara}-women follow] and [they bring} it [. and seat it on “The last paragraph can be partly restored after a similar passage in the description of the twelfth day (KUB XXX 19+ 161-63, cf also ibid. i 6-8; ed. H, Otten, HTR $2.35), That same passage marks the end of the twelfth day, so that we may assume the same for the eighth day here. This implies that col. iii already de- teribes the events of the ninth day, which cannot be proved because of its very fragmentary state. The only extant fragment of the fourth column of the tablet KUB XXXIX 35 iv, does at any rate match some of the elements mentioned in the ration list for the ninth day and can therefore with certainty be ascribed to that day. CONCLUDING REMARKS Inthis article we have tried to show that except for some well known but in their variety not very numerous references to royal death implying the apotheosis of the members of the ruling dynasty, quite afew texts suggest that before his ascen sion the king may have entered the realm of the Netherworld. There i also reason. tobelieve that a certain dichotomy was upheld between the king's bodily remains ‘and his “soul” the body natural and the body politic as reflected in two architec- tural structures, a mausoleum and a memorial temple. The same distinction may bbe found in the royal funerary ritual where the King’s body was burt onthe frst day to be replaced forthe remaining thirteen days by an effigy representing the ‘deceased as still dvelling among the living. Altiough mainly in the footnotes, we took the liberty of pointing several times at similar phenomena in other cultures such as imperial Rome and Renaissance France. Such typological comparisons fre useful in the sense that they make us aware of certain problems or hint at a possible significance of otherwise unexplained elements in the Hitite ritual. 126 One might point at he (legal) Formal “Let aobady deprive hi of et aobndy comes it” (Scaring i "which found eafivey erty the description of the eighth aya ( 1 Tor taraao 2.3) when the eects symbolizing the theme of the day are traced and held pio Sungod. Inthe ase ofthe ih day oe is emped to ead the GA ini 3° imeie 1 preceding this formula as the serra for “ll whch seems to have been the main Meine heme of a ey sccording 4 the ation Hist (eH, Oren, WO 2 (19541959) 478- m Death as a Privilege ies n At the outset of this contribu i that for th as omit was said that for the beliefs of the average’ Hittite we scem to lack almost completely written information, Fortunately, however, archaeology is able to fill that gap in our knowledge to a cerain extent Thee ray be one tt alhough of although of possible Mesepanin ign, that draws a sad picture of a stay in the Netherworld: . One doesn’t recognize the other. Sisters by the Sisters by the same mother do [nol relcognize cach te Boers by he ne ahr do nt rekogie ach te, A mote Joes ool recogrize (er own chil [A child does Intl recogrie [it own] imate. roma fie] bl they do 0x From 2 ive sol hey do ot cat. From a [fine cup they do not drink. They do not eat [goo]d food. They do not rink mgood dink, They eat is of mu. They lank md wae) Sen inh teh easy he ig iin We yond den it sing But fr him he sty may Rave fen ony avery sr duran. He the privilege of royal death. Y avery ston draion, He had 127 Ko XXI 786)KUB XLVI 109 4°47 ansaton HA. Hota A Scien ud in Honor of Abraham Sac Licht Md ong Es Pla 96, 192.- Theo van den Hout BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS ” Archtoontche Aeier ‘Aber ‘Ankara Arkeloi Mseinde bluvan Rosy Taller (santa 1948) 0 ‘ach fir Orienorscng ‘ton ‘Anal del lian Universaro Orel dt Napoli AA ‘American Journal of Archacoley ‘ot ‘Atoriemalche Forschung ‘Arieloia defer Arche del Infera Alia nel mond amico vicio-orientle € ‘lain, 8. Xella (Verona 1987), Ari. “Dvins Seniiges et Divine Subura Le Cas share tard Ra MARI? (1989.71.78 aRw Archi flr Religionowiznnscaft Aor ‘Auta Orealis G:eckman, Stor 29 Hinke Binh Ros (Wiesbaden 1983) : “From Cradle to Grave: Women’s Roe in Hiie Medicine and Magic.” JAC 8 (193), 28.39 a Beit |. Bckerman “Die msche Keserapahense”,ARW 27 (1929), 1-34 ior ibheca Orienatie Kiel tal, Die hehtuchen Grabfinde vor Osmantaya Bein 1958) = Die Heber chen 19) 1 orto pchorche, gtk pesech een te Rei Kiki” Join. 18. (4968), 161211 4. casas, Rechercher sre Vocabulaire dela Fate. Appar du Hite ade de laphratoogie indo rarpéeme (Cae dt NABU.2. Pats 1981) cro HG. Giternck HA Hotter, The Hai Dictonay ofthe Oriental Insti ofthe Univer of Ohcago 1 Cheng 1989) Lcowimann-Franck, “Le Rite! des Fanérails Royeles His” RHA 29(1971). 61-11 Jerome Cans ime Age Cypin” Report ofthe Deparment of Agus Coprar 1985 (Nicosia, Cyprs} 208221 with Plates XXXLXXXIV, cm E Larche, Catalogue det Testes Hits (aris 1971) CoM, Eds, oe" in Enel of lion, ol 5 O46 H Phett “7s Amara Koon Ne 29,184 ed 41, 386", ZA 4S (1939), 0-7 M Blade, see Eneyeopeda of Religion Preyloedia of Religion Encyclopedia of Religion. inchef M, Eliade (New York-London 1987) J. Predneh SV ‘Staatoerde de Hatt Resherinhethitacher Sprache (Leip 1928) “From Publ’ "Pvt The Royal Funerals in England 1500130" in Mirrors of Moral Satis nthe Soil History of Drath. ‘Whaley (London 198). 61-80 Pbsaic nwt and the Ancient Near East Statism Honor ofThsn Oct. Ene —B Hrowa~ MMelink -N, Ogg (Ankara 198) Fetolomé Perspecives on Indo-Eurpean Language. Clure and Religion. Sues, I Honor of Edgar € Polome (MeLean. Virginia 1989) Love and Death tthe Ancient Neor Eat. Essays Honor of Marin Pope,ed. 1H. Marks RM. Good (Gilford, Cometic 1987) The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaivaance France (Geneve 19) eat Der Berth ther seine Thombesteigangnebt den Paral teuten Leipzig 1925) —AM Die Anmolen dex Mar Sl (Lipig 1933) A Goetze, review of M.Oten, HR in AJA 64 (1960) 377378 HG. Gierbock, “The Song of Ulikum. Revised Tex of he Hite Versio of Huan Myth JESS (198 138-161, id. 61982), 82 Death as a Privilege n : “Levon No RHA XV 95), : “The ithe Cony Reeser NES 26 (96.7881 OR Games Schwrh Se Apes jn Shah Se feof Hate lon (The Schwch estes 16, On 197 ar sates The hie anise 39%) Haas, V.- Walter M A. Hagenuchne, Tet, 6 Bemerkunge 7 peta”. UF 8 (1976), 68:9, UE 9(1979 87-122 Die Korneponden: der Hther 2 Tei Die Briefe mt Transkeson, ‘erste und Komentar eee 1989) {Mei ett tM sn, 38 “Pasa ial Asn Seal pce (CTH Sh ar § (1987), 271-287 _ anor te yh "Witte Tes othe Lite Span” FiPope $3.55 "A Scene inthe Real he Det” MemSacs 191-199 i Ms ranted HA Hor fen en TAPH.vanden How. Tushalijo Kosmolraior Gedacten ever ikmonrai en idole van en teil ‘hase 9) De imi evn Be ppocryhicke Unerachng (es ‘baden 1994), os “re “he fe Ds cg et Canine ‘Mont ttlpaPivimcd © Canae hee PH Hoek en Case re aaa VS ee ce Ren 2a) ns Huo Somerton FT vminon- ec rb ee ny ism wane Bestar, Pande. Des Ral er Dan in Kini axrethr ar hooey eka ea 6) (Freiburg-Giatingen 198%) " “Bemerkungen at Verwendung magischer Ri Zeit oF 18(19), 3-48 sinor 38 ~forthoming apology of moray Rita (Canbeige in meiner aw 1 Ftc A Kamen Heche Werth Ay \(Heidetherg 1975 1.) ead pa "etre Cua et" HPoee Cen i WEA 197), 19-64 : oa at tnt tinge me Insc ene is ‘eat Coen She so ‘ater Orne a ines Joural of Near Eastern Sates “Die atichen Vrs orselngen von Seele pd Leib, Bere und etext, Kop Feo (Te 24 96(198). 130.22 The King Te dies A Say in Meera Poti Thos (Princeton, NI 1966?) " etcftetenxBghrhoy Recherche sr les Riel de Fondation Mites (Pai 980) 1 Kanmenhuber EH. Kamoromicz, 6 etierman, S Kot SoT36 Rene ae heh P (Wiesbaden 1992) ie ee tn ested a Boghry NM Kunmel 83 rr dv ekten in (Wide 1987) Léekops, Lenin Hens Suet he a re. 98 Kuhns Zech elwchif fir verletchende SpracMorichung" Laroche, G MeMabon, Sate Clr M Maran ed), St de Mario, mooa Machen. HC. Ablative ‘nd Irae! M Metink, P Merial. H.Metrger—P Coupe G del Mont, 0 Muscat, N Otis, Sombie Or, Berane braeache Keantaye Ailey Kany ow Wont, Untersuchungen Oe H, Theo van den Hout review of HOt, HR in BiOr 181961). 2-84 *Nigamay’ Anatole 3 (1968-1970), 9-98 ‘The Hit State Cal of he Telary Dees Chicago 1991) nara Hata Repertrtachenlogc ed eigafic Roma 1986) Mari Anales de Recherches Inedicninaires, “Hate Hatiayr: on Problema Agen, O4 28(198, 1-24 Les Dense Deut de FIle Pas 198), Minitngen der Dewichen Orengeelichaf ‘Abia and Isirumentl Hitt (Se Harvard Universi. Cambridge, Masschusets 1077), ‘Death and the Hie King” FPolomé 182-188 A Mave Cemetery of Gordon Piladetpia 1986) "Excavations at Karty Semayok, Leia 1972" A/A77 (197%), 203.07 xcavatons at KaraaySemayuk and Ela, Lyla 1973" AIA 78 (1974), 451-399 Lech —M. de Jong Eli ed) Scientific Hanis. Shai in Honor o Abraha Sach Pildephia 98H) “Spigolando mei Test tric let, Oren Amtiqu Clleto 13 (197), on Fouls de Xanthos. Tome I Acrpoe lacenne (Pais 1963) “a eoe del oi.” Anna del fat Universarn Oriente i Napoli S107, 3.85 "La fame det mon.” AION 38 (1995), 319-346 Tnfemo e Paredso net Mondo. Hits” in Arceolola del nfero Aldi nel mondo vino orient clase, Xela Verona 1987) oss ‘Ancien AM. The Norbert Schinme! Colton Maina 1974) Einge Bemerkungen u der Kame Bin Yaka" Fag 45.388, “Die Augrabungen in Boga Hatta 191" Aa 1992. 307397 omy Stair der Gitter und Tempe Neue Ausgratungen in der Haupsad der Heiter (Ani Wel, Sonderaries 1992) Ones Aguas Die Sammlung der hthitachen Verbums (NUmberg 1979) “Die _mSitmme des Hehitichen und ave indogermanischen Ausgangspunte” KZ94 (1980) 4483 esatungshrauche im vorgeschiclichen Antolin (Askar 1948) scavains a Mayet Has andIvestiatons ins Veiiy (Anka 197%) KutepeKanis. New Researches tthe Center of the Asyion Trade ‘Colonies (Ankara 1959) Onienaliische Lteratrctang Ovienatia. as Graberfeldi thea Wesaen 1967) Untersuchengen ur spite om Kans (Bon 1971) “Die hethschen“Konigsisten’ ond de ahoienlische Chomsoge” Mp0G #3(1951,.4771 Weshsche Tver Deskin 1958) “Eine Lieeragsline rum Tema der hehitschen Kénige”, WO 2 (09841956) 477-479, “Eine Beschsrong der Uterinachen us Bogtzky” 74 S4(1961, 14 Death as a Privilege 15 “Quelle Site BH H.Oten,—),Siegelovd Hs Ria set 1 Singer Sor 27 SueA Sito D.Stretagen LN. Thomae A Gnal THe 6 uF 1 rea, woata R Wemer —sibors 41. Whaley (ed, P Xela ted, “2a den bethtiehenToenilen”,OLZ (1952, 29-233 Die hehtschen istorschenQurilen und de aovemalncheChromoogie (Main Wieshaden 1968) Die Bronetfel nx Bogazkoy. Fie tatverag Tahal (Wiesbaden “Die hetidschen Gul Gatlin und he Fschafang der Menschen AYO 281970), 32.38 “Hitt anata” KZ (1960), 9-69 Hate ExvmooicelDivomar (Been New Yor 1984.) Shat-sbeating Anemic and mind voiding Ae: Hite deteminans of Greek ey HS 1051890) 48, Reva Mitte Asianigue Reason der Asyilole und Vodersiatischen Arh 6. D.. rand at (BerinNew York Soul Epigrai Linguists The Hite KLLAM Fesival. Part One (Wiesbaden 198) Siu Micen’ ed Ege Ante? Stun 24 den Boeck Teen “Die Unerwelsbeschworung des Odysseus im Lice ether Tete VEY (1968), 265289 “Lowes Gobet Hats nd der Paes” 81981) 83.168 Funeal Ries in M Bade (ed), Enyopadia of Religion, WS, in Oakes ber de tigen am ehttchen Hef (RUB X70 = Bo 2011 eielery 1978) gar Forshangen a Mure del Re. ceremonial fuerario de a marques (500-1885) Madrid 1990, LW. Haus (e). Morerbach der Mle Stata 1965) ‘review of H-Oten, HTR i Or 4 (1965) 19.381 Heshusche Gerchspowelen (Wiesbaten 1967) Weir des Oriente Mirrors of Morty. Sis inthe Soca History of Death (Landon 1981) Archrlona del nero 1A nel mondo icin aint elie (Gerona 1987), Biel etal, Das heptickeFetheligton Yasha Beta 195) Zetuchit fr assvritoge