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Johan J. Mattelaer, MD, FEBU,* and Wolfgang Jilek, MD, MSc, MA, FRCP(C)†
*History Office of the European Association of Urology, Kortrijk, Belgium; †Clinical Professor Emeritus of Psychiatry,
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada
DOI: 10.1111/j.1743-6109.2007.00586.x
ABSTRACT
The aim of this article is to present a summarizing overview on ethnomedical aspects of koro (in Chinese called
suo-yang), the panic anxiety state in which affected males believe that the penis is shrinking and/or retracting, and
perhaps disappearing.
While reduction of penile volume occurs physiologically due to vasoconstriction in cold temperature and intense
anxiety, it is believed in certain cultures that genital shrinking leads to impotence and sterility, and eventually to
death.
Traditional Chinese medicine treats suo-yang, the reduction of the male principle yang, as a dangerous disturbance
of the life-sustaining yin-yang equilibrium of the organism.
Koro has therefore been held to be a Chinese “culture-bound” condition. However , the koro phenomenon is also
known among diverse ethnic and religious groups in Asia and Africa, typically in cultures in which reproductive
ability is a major determinant of a young person’s worth.
Koro epidemics of panic anxiety due to widespread fears of losing one’s genitals, procreative ability, and even one’s
life, are triggered by rumors of genital disappearance supposedly caused in China by female fox spirits, in Singapore
and Thailand by mass poisoning, and in Africa by sorcery, usually in the context of socioeconomic or political
tension.
Today, in contemporary Western societies, ideas of genital disappearance are not culturally endorsed. But histori-
cally, it should be remembered that in the late Middle Ages in Europe, a man could lose his membrum virile through
magical attacks by witches.
The conclusion is that the psychological disappearance of the penis is a universal syndrome that was described
recently in Asia and Africa and already in Medieval Europe. Mattelaer JJ, and Jilek W. Koro—The psychological
disappearance of the penis. J Sex Med 2007;4:1509–1515.
Key Words. Koro; History of Medicine; Penis
Why, who has fear, contracts his genitals? The term “koro,” although of uncertain origins,
Aristoteles in Problemata
is believed to come from a Malaysian word that
it is assumed that penile shrinking leads not only to symptoms seen by urologists, for example, after
erectile dysfunction and/or sterility but also to prostatectomy [31] or in association with infertility
death, should the genitals be completely retracted [32], or even without prior urogenital pathology
and “disappear.” This explains the emergency [33–36].
treatment practiced in panic-like koro attacks, It is important to distinguish between primary
which consists of holding on to the penis either koro and secondary koro [37]. In western societies,
manually or with special instruments. most koro symptoms are secondary to underlying
Western medicine became aware of the koro mental or somatic disorders or to drug-induced
syndrome at the turn of the 20th century through conditions, and treatment has to focus on these
the scientific reports of Dutch physicians in what is disorders. In this secondary koro, the western
now Indonesia [1,3,4]. Ethnomedical analyses in patients’ anxiety-arousing idea of a potentially
the 1930s [5–9] led psychoanalytical authors to lethal genital disappearance is autistic and not
assume that koro is the concrete example of oedi- shared by their cultural group, as in socioculturally
pal castration anxiety [10,11]. The most ancient determined primary koro.
Chinese medical textbook Huangdi Neiching
(Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal medicine),
believed to have been written around 200–300
Recent Greater Epidemics of Koro in Asia
B.C., states that: “As yang (the male genitals)
retracted into the abdomen, death is inevitable.” Primary koro is an expression of individual or col-
Suo-yang (retraction of the genitals into the lective fears, provoked by an assumed threat to
abdomen) is described as a sign of terminal condi- reproductive ability, in cultures in which repro-
tion. Later, some traditional Chinese medical ductive ability is a major determinant of a young
books adopted this statement to describe suo-yang person’s worth. In Asia, koro is therefore closely
as a fatal disease caused by shrinking of the penis, related to, and may occur in combination with, the
nipples, or other protruded (yang) organs, includ- “semen loss” syndrome known as shen-k’uei, “vital
ing the nose or tongue. This disturbs the life- weakness” in traditional Chinese medicine [38,39],
sustaining yin-yang equilibrium of the organism in Ayurvedic medicine as jiryan or dhat in India,
and calls for the vitalizing remedies of traditional and as sukra prameha in Sri Lanka [40]. Primary
Chinese medicine and for yang-strengthening koro has occurred in epidemic form at several times
acupuncture. and places. The first European report of a suo-yang
Individual cases studied by Chinese psychia- (koro) epidemic in a Chinese population was by a
trists in Taiwan [12], Singapore [13], and Hong French physician who observed it among young
Kong [14] were mostly concerned younger males students in Szechuan in 1907 [41].
whose suo-yang anxiety attacks arose in connection In 1967, the male Chinese population of
with sexual problems or in the context of a para- Singapore was stricken by a koro epidemic affect-
noid or depressive disorder. Yap [15] introduced ing approximately 500 people [42,43]. The epi-
the concept of “culture-bound” syndromes. He demic was provoked by rumors of the poisoning of
assumed that koro was bound to Chinese culture pork and unfolded during a historical period of
and exported to Indonesia by Chinese immigrants. intense political and ethnic conflict between the
This argument overlooks the fact that the koro Moslem Malays who do not eat pork, and the
phenomenon has long been endemic not only in pork-eating Chinese who, after the end of British
Moslem, Christian, and animist ethnic groups of rule, felt threatened by the Malays [44].
the Indonesian archipelago, but also among In 1976, we were in Thailand during a koro
aboriginal tribes of Flores [16] and in the interior epidemic [45–47]. This epidemic of typical koro
of Mindanao, Philippines [17], not to mention its attacks began in provinces bordering on Vietnam,
occurrence in Thailand, India, and Africa. Krae- moved inland and ultimately affected more than
pelin [18] had already observed koro-like delusions 2,000 persons, about one-third of them were
in manic-depressive patients in Germany. With women and children; all were Thai, without a
the growing interest of European and American single Chinese. In a time of widespread fear of
clinicians in transcultural psychiatry, reports of communist Vietnam, suspicions of a malevolent
koro symptoms in Western psychiatric, neurologic, Vietnamese attack on the reproductive capability
urologic, and substance-using patients have been of the Thai nation through mass poisoning of
increasing steadily since 1970 [19–30]. Increas- food, drink, and tobacco were fanned by sensa-
ingly also journals of urology report on koro tional media reports.
Koro in Africa
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