Professional Documents
Culture Documents
BRUCE D. WEINSTEIN
The Center for Health Ethics and Law, West Virginia University, 1354
Health Sciences North, Morgantown, WV 26506, USA
ABSTRACT. Experts play an important role in society, but there has been little
investigation about the nature of expertise. I argue that there are two kinds of experts:
those whose expertise is a function of what they know (epistemic expertise), or what they
do (performative expertise). Epistemic expertise is the capacity to provide strong
justifications for a range of propositions in a domain, while performative expertise is the
capacity to perform a skill well according to the rules and virtues of a practice. Both
epistemic and performative experts may legitimately disagree with orte another, and the
two senses are conceptually and logically distinct.
1. INTRODUCTION
Experts have a profound impact on the world. We defer to experts every day to
inform us, give us advice, and help us to lead safer and healthier lives. Mechani-
cal experts repair our automobiles and household appliances, musical experts
entertain us, and the news media depend upon experts to provide credible
reports to the public about scientific discoveries, politicai developments, and the
like. (The word 'expert' is probably one of the most frequently used descriptors
in the news.) Adjudication of civil and criminal lawsuits often requires tes-
timony from expert witnesses, and scientific experts are developing a vaccine to
prevent infection from the human immunodeficiency virus which is believed to
cause AIDS. In short, the quality of our lives would be quite different without
experts.
An investigation of expertise has intrinsic intellectual value, but since the
work of experts often has important and far-reaching consequences in the world,
such a study has practical implications as well. For example, experts in science
decide "what methods should be accepted, which research directions appear
most promising, which scientists should be selected for prominent positions and
which should be consigned to oblivion" ([1], p. 120), and experts in policy
analysis may affect the distribution of political power in society ([2], p. 6). An
emerging literature in clinical ethics even refers to educators and consultants as
We speak of experts in family law, experts in AIDS, and experts about the
works of Mozart. Expertise in this sense refers to knowledge in or about a
particular field, and statements about it generally take the form, "S is an expert
in or about domain D." We also speak of expert violinists, expert mechanics,
and expert surgeons. This second sense of expertise refers to domains of
demonstrable skills, and statements about it generally take the form, "S is an
expert at skill Q,,2 There are thus at least two senses of expertise: an
'epistemological' sense 3 and a 'performative' sense.
Epistemic and performative expertise parallel the epistemological distinction
between knowing that and knowing how ([9], pp. 25-61), and like those two
forms of knowing, they are conceptually and logically distinct from one another.
That is, to be an expert at skill Q does not imply that one can explain how one
performs skill Q ([10], p. 62). We are acquainted with mathematical prodigies
who are unable to explain how they perform their astonishing calculations or
jugglers who cannot say precisely how they juggle. As Dustin Hoffman
characterizes in the film Rain Man, autistic savants can perform highly complex
intellectual feats like providing the correct number of toothpicks which fall on
the floor in a large quantity, yet they are incapable of explaining how they do it,
other than, "I see 246 toothpicks". 4 Likewise, epistemic experts need not be able
to perform the cognate skills well.
I wish to characterize three related concepts: 'experts,' 'expert opinions' (of
'judgments,' or 'claims'), and 'expertise' as such. In this article, I will defend
the following theses:
3. PERFORMATIVE EXPERTISE
A B C D E
= i H|I ==
Several points should be made about performative expertise. The first is that
more people are able to perform a skill poorly than are able to perform it
adequately, and more people are able to perform it weil than are able to perform
it exceptionally weil. Whether the skill is playing a musical instrument,
performing a magic trick, juggling oranges or engaging in a sport, a greater
portion of the population can perform the skill poorly than can perform it
adequately, and even fewer can perform it well. (This may be true only for
complex skills; as Arthur Caplan suggests, almost everyone can perform simple
skills well ([12], pp. 75-76).) We reserve the labels 'exceptional' or
'distinguished' for only a very few; otherwise, we would not be able to make
appropriate distinctions between levels of ability.
The second point is that the cutoff points represented on the conUnuum by B,
C, and D, are to be established for a particular skill according to the rules
governing the skill itself. For example, the rules for playing the drums are
different from the rules for performing a magic trick, and excellence is to be
evaluated according to the mies peculiar to each. Furthermore, a particular skill
may apply to several different contexts, so evaluation of the skill must take into
account the context. For instance, playing the violin weil in a symphony
orchestra makes use of different rules than playing the same instrument in a
bluegrass band. What constitutes exceUent playing in the latter may be inap-
propriate or wrong in the classical setüng. Thus one can be both an excellent
classical violinist but a poor fiddle player.
Finally, while rules distinguish an adequate performer from a poor one, it is
the realization of the virtues of the skill or art which distinguishes the expert
performance. I follow Aristotle in defining 'virtue' as:
WHAT IS AN EXPERT? 61
a characteristic involving choice ... [which] consists in observing the mean relative to us,
a mean which is defined by a rational principle, such as a [person] of practical wisdom
would use to determine it. It is the mean by reference to two vices: the one of excess and
the other of deficiency. It is, moreover, a mean because some vices exceed and others fall
short of what is required in emotion and in action, whereas virtue finds and chooses the
median ([13], pp. 43-44).
A performative expert is not merely a rule-follower, but orte who realizes the
virtues of a particular practice. 5 Because some virtues, like rules, do not apply to
all practices, or are applied differently, someone with performative expertise in
orte practice does not necessarily have performative expertise in another.
Segment C-E of the continuum corresponds to performative expertise. A
performative expert is capable of performing a skill weil, so the cutoff point is
C. Setting the cutoff point at D is too restrictive; very few people would be
considered experts. Still, this is an arbitrary decision, and some might wish to
reserve the term 'expert' only for those whose skill is truly exceptional.
The following is an example of how performative experts might be distin-
guished from nonexperts in the domain of medicine. Suppose that Sam has just
been discovered lying unconscious in a crowded urban area. Passerby Ariel has
never taken a course in cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) and knows nothing
about attempting to restore Sam's circulation and respiration. Her level of
performative expertise corresponds to point A on the continuum. Her friend
Bob, however, took a CPR course in college ten years ago, and remembers the
mnemonic 'ABC', which stands for 'Check airway, breathing, and circulation,
in that order'. Unfortunately, he has forgotten how to do these things, other than
by cursorily examining Sam's mouth for foreign objects and listening to his
respirations. Bob's capacity to perform CPR falls with the A-B range. Charlene
took the same course with Bob but remembers that after checking respiration it
is important to yell for help, which she does. Because this action may be
lifesaving, which is the purpose of CPR, she may be considered to have a higher
ability to perform this technique, and thus her capacity falls with the B-C fange.
David, a general physician, hears Charlene and runs to Sam's side. He calls to
Sam, "Are you all right?", shakes hirn and gets no response. He opens the
airway and checks for breathing by looking at the chest wall and listening for air
movement at the mouth. He quickly palpates for a carotid pulse, gives Sam two
quick breaths through the mouth and begins chest compressions with mouth-to-
mouth ventilations in a 5:1 ratio. Through his efforts he is able to restore Sam's
circulation and respiration. David's level of expertise is consonant with the C-D
range. Finally, an ambulance arrives on the scene and whisks Sam away to a
local hospital, where an attending physician and nurse determine that Sam has
become asystolic and administer advanced cardiac life support. This involves
intubating Sam, providing intratracheal epinephrine, and defibrillating the
patient. This level of ability is consonant with the range D-E.
62 BRUCE D. WEINSTEIN
Clearly neither Ariel nor Bob are experts in CPR, and there are good reasons
to avoid referring to Charlene as an expert as well, even if she knew enough to
call for help and thus increase the likelihood of Sam surviving. Only David and
the hospital team may be considered experts in CPR, because only they are able
to apply the rules of this practice to a situation. (While Charlene did remember
an important rule, this is the only one she remembered, and expertise requires
having a capacity to apply a range of rules.) The rules themselves were not
developed arbitrarily; through both clinical investigations and trial and error,
these rules are the ones which have produced the most effective results, viz.
increasing the likelihood that persons who have suffered cardiac or respiratory
arrest can survive the trauma. Since this is the purpose of CPR, it makes sense to
use it as a way of distinguishing persons like Charlene, who were able to apply
only one relevant rule of CPR, from those like David, who were able to apply a
range of rules.
It is important to note that the only skill being considered is the ability to
perform CPR. It is still an open question whether Sam would have wanted to
have CPR performed, and thus neither David nor the emergency room team are
necessarily experts in knowing Sam's wishes or in performing an action that
Sam would consider beneficial (in other words, a morally good action). Thus the
conception of expertise here is value-laden only in the sense that the cutoff point
for distinguishing experts from nonexperts is determined according to the rules
and virtues of a practice, which are themselves set according to the values
shared by members of the practice. It is value-free, however, in the sense that
being considered an expert in skill Q does not entail moral blame- or praisewor-
thiness.
I turn hext to an analysis of epistemic expertise and will again use an example
involving cardiopathology.
4. EPISTEMIC EXPERTISE
Imagine that Sam is recuperating from his cardiac arrest in the hospital. His wife
Abigail and new friend Baruch are by his side as he regains consciousness.
Suddenly Sam complains of chest pains. "I think I ' m having an attack of angina
again", he exclaims worriedly. Abigail, worried that her husband is having
another heart attack, rushes to get a physician. Baruch agrees with Sam's
diagnosis, because he had just seen a television drama in which a patient had
similar chest pains, and that is what the problem turned out to be, What is the
WHAT IS AN EXPERT? 63
very thing that we are trying to establish, viz. that physicians may righfly be
considered the experts in the field. However, there is a rational basis for
deferring to physicians for guidance in diagnostic medical problems. If the
objectives of medicine as an epistemic domain are to understand the functioning
of the human body and to discover principles which will lead to therapeutic
advances, then the medical experts are those whose claims are more likely to
inerease this understanding and lead to such knowledge. The claims of layper-
sons in this domain are less likely to achieve this objective. The strength of
justifications given for medical claims, then, is linked to the degree to which
such claims are likely to promote the epistemic ends of medicine. It is not
because of considerations external to the practice of medicine (e.g., income or
power) that physicians are accorded the title of 'expert' in this domain, but
because physicians are the ones who have proven to be most successful in
accomplishing the objectives of the discipline.
In some domains nonexperts may hold justified beliefs, while in others only
experts may do so. For example, in highly technical or scholarly fields such as
nuclear physics, mechanical engineering, or French Renaissance history, few
persons not professionally committed will know enough about them, or
(particularly in the sciences) understand the language to the degree needed to
make justifiable claims in the field. However, the commitment of Ralph Nader
to consumer affairs or of the late Eric Hoffer to political philosophy illustrates
that individuals may be lacking professional credentials, yet know enough to be
able to make justifiable claims about their fields. In fact, Jeremy Rifkin's
knowledge of biotechnology prompted a reporter to cornment that "[S]cientists
tend to underplay how easily a dedicated amateur can toaster at least the basic
complexities of any scientific discipline" ([15], p. 47). 7 Still, persons like Hoffer
and Rifldn are exceptional in having a sufficient understanding to be able to
make justifiable claims about political philosophy or recombinant DNA. In
fields such as current events or popular music, however, a greater number of
persons are able to make strongly justified claims, and to that extent such fields
admit to a greater number of experts.
Epistemic expertise is transferable, in that others can acquire it provided they
are capable of understanding it or are in a position to acquire it. For example,
persons blind at birth cannot make expert claims about that part of the world
which is accessible only through vision, such as color. 8 The transferable nature
of expertise applies to both the epistemic ([8], p. 42) and performative senses.
Anyone who has the potential to possess the body of knowledge required to be
an expert in biophysics is capable of becoming an expert in the field; similarly
anyone who is capable of developing the motor skills with which one becomes
an expert percussionist may become such an expert. Of course, the capacity to
possess the relevant body of knowledge or to develop the relevant skills in a
WHATIS AN EXPERT? 65
Domain D
[ Domain D
(Medicine)
Iogy
I, Neuro-ophthalmotogy
AreaDlb&AreaD2a~!
(Subspecialities)
do not say that Ingrid is an expert in the dessert while Reuven is not, because we
cannot say that the Reuven is mistaken. We do refer to persons who are able to
make distinctions among a variety of chocolate ice creams as 'connoisseurs',
and such persons are even able to appeal to criteria in making their distinctions
(e.g., smoothness, freshness, etc.). Still, someone like Reuven migbt recognize
that chocolate ice cream A is much smoother and fresher than ice cream B but
still say, "I just don't like A", and we do not conclude that he is wrong. There
are no experts in domains whose propositions are merely expressions of
personal preference, like judging whether a particular food is good.
While truth is a necessary condition of the possibility of expertise in a
domain, an expert opinion need not be true. For example, in 1958 most inves-
tigators of mental illness believed that schizophrenia was linked to stressful
family relationships. Most have now rejected this theory in favor of one which
suggests an organic etiology [16]. The evidence available thirty years ago
supported the dynamic theoD', while advances in genetics give credibility to a
biological model of the disease. While we might not say that psychologists
'knew' that schizophrenia was dynamic in origin, since this belief turned out to
be false, we can claim nevertheless that their opinions were ~expert'. However,
if all or even most of the judgments made by a putative expert turned out to be
false, then we would have a 'prima facie' reason to a question that person's
purported expertise.
The mere fact that a judgment turns out to be true does not distinguish it as an
expert judgment, as the following example suggests. In the first half of this
century, ulcer patients were treated with bismuth salts [17]. The physician who
began this practice, Bertram W. Sippy, did so in an attempt to neutra•ize
stomach acid. Bismuth salts were eventually replaced by antacids which were
better at neutralizing acid. Recently gastroenterologists have discovered that the
bacterium 'Campylobacter pylori' may play a role in stomach ulcers and can be
treated with bismuth. Sippy's judgment that bismuth may help to heal stomach
ulcers was thus correct but for the wrong reasons, and it cannot be considered an
expert opinion.
judgments are not necessarily a form of knowledge, if by 'knowledge' it is
meant (at least) t r u e justified beliefs. 10 Expert opinions are justified beliefs
rather than knowledge in a domain. This feature of expert claims is captured by
the term 'opinion', which refers to a different kind of apprehension than
knowledge, as Plato recognized [18]. Indeed, expert claims may be tme and yet
turn out to be unjustified and thus not instances of knowledge, because dis-
coveries, improved methodologies, and paradigm shifts often produce new
standards for evaluating and justifying propositions in a domaim If the criteria
by which the justification of expert claims are evaluated change, then claims
judged as expert at time t 1 may not be considered expert at t2ù However, the
68 BRUCE D. WEINSTEIN
A B C D E
A N o Justlflcatlonat all
A--B Weakest
B C Weak to Strong
C--D Strong to Very Strong
E Strongest Posslble
gives about her claim concerning Sam's heart might be strong enough to locate
it at point C, while Dasheeda, a cardiologist, might give an even stronger
justification corresponding to point D, and accordingly her judgment would be
more expert than Chu's. (She might be to perform and interpret more specific
tests which would support the diagnosis of atypical angina pectoris.) Thus, since
epistemic justification is a continuum concept, and the concept of expertise turns
on justification, it follows that episternic expertise itself is a continuum concept,
and we may speak of persons who are more expert than some but less expert
than others. As was the case with performative expertise, the greater the level of
expertise, the fewer persons there are with that degree of expertise.
Experts may legitimately disagree with one another. This is correlative to the
claim that expert opinions need not be true. Suppose that Eva, another car-
diologist at the hospital, examines Sam and concludes that the problem is not
atypical AP but rather ä disease of the pericardium. This dispute is a legitimate
one, because both Dasheeda and Eva have good reasons to believe each holds
the correct explanation, and the diagnosis of atypica| AP is difficult to make
accurately ([19], p. 258). Both cardiologists cannot be correct; either Dasheeda
or Eva is mistaken, or they both are. Still, their level of understanding of
cardiology confers expertise, even though one or both may be mistaken in their
opinions) 1 Disputes among experts in medicine are common; ophthalmologists
may legitimately disagree about whether the symptom of red eye signifies the
presence of bacterial conjunctivitis, sarcoidosis, or rheumatoJd arthritis ([20],
pp. 226-227).
While an expert opinion need not be true, the judgment of an expert is more
likely to be true than a nonexpert's. Since experts in empirical domains are
deferred to largely for their ability to make accurate predictions, some have even
defined such ::xperts as those whose predictions are successful in the long run as
compared with nonexperts' ([21], p. 36). For example, Chu's expertise in
diagnosing heart problems is a function of her ability to make more accurate
predictions about diagnosis than Sam can. Her expertise is due in part to her
knowledge of the domain, and in part to her ability to apply that knowledge to
particular circumstances ([21], p. 43). Also unlike Sam, Chu is able to identify
the relevant features of a problem and to know the degree to which they are
important ([2t], po 43). For all propositions which admit to being true (i.e., all
objective propositions), experts are more likely to discover their truth than can
nonexperts. Nevertheless, experts can be mistaken, so although an expert
opinion is more likely to be true than a nonexpert's, occasiõnally a nonexpert
opinion about a particular matter will turn out to be correct and expert claim to
the contrary will turn out false. 12 One of the reasons why this it so is that
nonexperts sometimes have better access to the relevant justificatory informa-
tion than do experts. An example of this occurs when a family member makes a
70 BRUCED. WEINSTE1N
skill of sowing, for example, the test used for a students in a needlepoint class
will be different than for residents in ophthalmology. Thus expertise is also
relative to the p o p u l a t i o n being considered. 13
5. CONCLUDING REMARKS
The main points of this article are as follows: (1) There are two discrete senses
of expertise, an 'epistemic' sense and a 'performative' sense, (2) an epistemic
expert is a person who is capable of providing strong justifications for a range of
claims in a domain, (3) a performative expertise is a person who is able to
perform a skill well according to the rules and virtues of a practice, and (4)
experts may legitimately disagree with orte another.
Additional work on the rich topic of expertise might consider the role that
race, gender and class play in deciding what counts as sufficiently strong
justifications, and thus who may legitimately be considered the experts in a
domain. Feminist critiques of science have uncovered a tendency to ascribe
expertise in technical domains to white, middle-class men [23-26] and have
suggested that w h o the recognized experts are is directly related to w h a t
problems are considered worth investigating [27-28]. Some work has already
suggested that this blas exists in philosophy [29] as weil as science. It has also
been suggested that expertise is an ideological extension of capitalism and
oppresses those relegated to nonexpert status [30].
Of particular interest would be an attempt to apply the preceding analysis of
expertise to the domain of ethics and to consider whether we might speak of
'ethical' expertise. Are there ethics experts, and if so, what social rotes might
they play?
NOTES
I See for example [3-5]. While not using the term "ethics expert," Larry ChurcNll and
Alan Cross ascribe similar functions to clinical ethicists as do those using the label. See
[6]. For a critical assessment of this literature, see [7].
2 We do speak of both expertise in a domain and expertise in a skill, however.
3 Epistemic expertise is what Richard DeGeorge refers to as "epistemic anthority". See
([8], pp. 28-61).
4 For more on autistic savants and the metaphor of seeing, see [11].
5 I am using the terms 'practice' and 'skill' synonymously.
72 BRUCE D. WEINSTEIN
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