Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Biological
Control over India's BW program officially starts with the government of India,
which is responsible for ensuring the country's defense. Although the office of the
president is nominally in command of the armed forces, the executive
responsibility for national defense and for the chemical warfare program rests
with the Union Cabinet headed by the prime minister. The next subordinate level
is the defense minister. Within the Ministry of Defence, the BW program is
overseen by the Department of Defence Research & Development (DDR&D),
headed by a Secretary who also serves as Scientific Adviser to the Defense
Minister. The main function of the DDR&D is the formulation of research, design,
and development plans for equipment used by the three military services.
Reporting to the DDR&D is the Defense Research & Development Organization
(DRDO), which administers the government laboratories working in the BW arena.
Facilities Descriptions
Biological-Production
Bio-Instruments
Hitech Bio-Services
Chemical
A high level of secrecy surrounds India's chemical warfare (CW) program, making
it difficult to determine the exact number of chemical weapons facilities and
organizations involved. India publicly acknowledged that it had a CW program
after ratifying the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 1997, but information
on its chemical weapon stockpiles and production facilities remains strictly
confidential. Under the CWC, India has declared three chemical weapon
production facilities (CWPFs), two chemical weapon storage facilities (CWSFs),
and two chemical weapon destruction facilities (CWDFs). India has also declared
one Schedule 1 facility, four Schedule 2 facilities, 30 Schedule 3 facilities, and 19
discrete organic chemicals (DOC) facilities in its industry declaration.
Control over India's CW program officially starts with the government of India,
which is responsible for ensuring the country's defense. Although the office of the
president is nominally in command of the armed forces, the executive
responsibility for national defense and for the CW program rests with the Union
Cabinet headed by the prime minister. The next level down is the Raksha Mantri
(defense minister). Within the Ministry of Defense, the CW program is overseen
by the Department of Defence Research & Development (DDR&D), which is
headed by a secretary, who is also the scientific adviser to the Defense Minister.
The main function of the DDR&D is the formulation of research, design, and
development plans for equipment used by the three military services. Reporting
to the DDR&D is the Defense Research & Development Organization (DRDO),
which administers the government laboratories working in the CW area.
Sources:
[1] Defence Research and Development Organisation, "DRDO — An Organisation
of the Ministry of Defence," www.drdo.com;
[2] Defence Research and Development Organisation, "Site Map,"
www.drdo.com;
[3] Rezaul H. Laskar, "DRDO gears up to counter bio-terrorism," 15 October 2001,
www.rediff.com.
Facilities Descriptions
Chemical-Military Organizations
Chemical-Production
Chemical-Regulatory
Chemical-Storage
Missiles
Facilities Descriptions
Missile-Base
Missile-Design
Missile-Production
Bharat Dynamics Limited
Bharat Earth Movers Limited
Bharat Electronics Limited
Electronics Corporation of India Limited
Godrej and Boyce Manufacturing Co. Ltd.
Hindustan Aeronautics Limited
IBP Company Limited
Instrumentation Limited
Larsen and Toubro
Mishra Dhatu Nigam Limited (MIDHANI)
Pantex Gee Bee Fluid Power Ltd.
S.K. Machine Tools Private Ltd.
Srijan Control Drives
The KCP Limited
Missile-Testing
Uncategorized
Nuclear
Facilities Descriptions
Nuclear-Component Production
Nuclear-Enrichment
Nuclear-Fuel Fabrication
Nuclear-Power Reactor
Nuclear-Reprocessing
Nuclear-Research Reactors
Facility Types
Biological
Chemical
Missile
Nuclear
2008 Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) waiver permits nuclear trade even
though it is not an NPT member
Abandoned its offensive chemical weapons (CW) program by 1997 and
destroyed its entire CW stockpile by 2009
Developing a hypersonic cruise missile in collaboration with the Russian
Federation
Nuclear
Capabilities
According to the 2019 SIPRI Yearbook, the Indian arsenal includes 130 to 140
warheads. [1] The ranges of such estimates are generally dependent on analyses
of India's stockpile of weapons-grade plutonium, which is estimated at 0.58 ± 0.15
tons. [2] India has also stockpiled roughly 4.0 ± 1.4 tons of highly enriched
uranium (HEU), some of which is intended for use in nuclear submarines and
research reactors. [3]
The plutonium for India's nuclear arsenal is obtained from the 100 MWt research
reactor, Dhruva, which began operations in 1988. [4] Another 40 MWt CIRUS
reactor produced about 4 to 7 kg of weapons-grade plutonium annually until it
was decommissioned in 2010 under the separation plan of the U.S.-India nuclear
cooperation agreement. [5] Irradiated fuel from the reactors is reprocessed at the
Plutonium Reprocessing Plant in Trombay, which has a capacity of roughly 50 tons
of spent nuclear fuel per year. [6] A 500MW prototype fast breeder reactor
(PFBR) at Kalpakkam in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu was expected to
reach criticality by 2019 to increase India’s plutonium production capacity, but
has not yet reached this goal. Starting in 2021, India plans to construct six more
PFBR-type reactors. [7] [8]
History
In the years that followed, the internal debate over whether India should develop
a nuclear explosive device continued. On one hand, the scientific establishment
wanted to prove that it was technically capable of detonating a nuclear device,
whereas hawks within the security establishment pointed to security
developments in China and elsewhere as necessitating a nuclear deterrent. [21]
Many politicians opposed nuclear weapons both for economic and moral reasons,
arguing that nuclear weapons would not make India safer, and that the solution
to nuclear proliferation was comprehensive global nuclear disarmament. [22] As a
result, a consensus emerged on both sides that India should not sign the Treaty
on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) when it was opened for
signature in 1968 unless the nuclear weapon states agreed to a clear plan for
nuclear disarmament. [23]
Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri authorized theoretical work on the
Subterranean Nuclear Explosion for Peaceful Purposes (SNEPP) project in
November 1964. [24] In the late 1960s nuclear scientists continued to develop the
technical capacity for a nuclear explosion, although the political decision had not
yet been made to carry out the test. [25] Ultimately, on 18 May 1974, under
orders from Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, India tested a fission device which it
described as a “peaceful nuclear explosion” (PNE). [26]
India’s 1974 nuclear test was condemned by many countries as a violation of the
peaceful-use agreements underlying U.S. and Canadian-supplied nuclear
technology and material transfers, and was a major contributing factor to the
formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). [27] However, due to
international alarm about the military implications of its nuclear explosion, India
did not follow the 1974 test with subsequent tests, nor did it immediately
weaponize the device design that it had tested. [28] Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
authorized weaponization of India's nuclear capability in late 1980s as a response
to oblique nuclear threats issued by Pakistan in the wake of the 1986 to 1987
Brasstacks crisis. [29] [30] At the same time, India continued to support efforts for
nuclear disarmament. In 1988, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi submitted an Action
Plan for a Nuclear-Weapons-Free and Non-Violent World Order to the United
Nations General Assembly. [31]
As negotiations on the CTBT rapidly progressed in the early 1990s, India came to
regard the CTBT as an instrument of nonproliferation that sought to freeze
countries’ nuclear capabilities. This, along with the indefinite extension of the
NPT, reignited domestic political pressure to conduct further tests. [32] In 1995,
the Narasimha Rao government considered an accelerated program of nuclear
tests but test preparations were detected by U.S. intelligence agencies, and the
resultant U.S. diplomatic pressure convinced the Rao government to postpone
the tests. [33] When Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee came to power in 1998,
his government authorized two rounds of nuclear tests on 11 and 13 May 1998,
after which India formally declared itself to be a nuclear-weapon state. [34]
Almost no one outside of India foresaw the test; however, geospatial analysis by
Vipin Gupta and Frank Pabian had identified a likely site and timeframe for the
test. [35]
India as an Emerging Nuclear Power: 1998 to 2009
India’s nuclear tests were followed within a month by a similar set of tests by
Pakistan, resulting in fears in the international community of an arms race or an
escalation of conflict between the two openly declared nuclear powers in South
Asia. [36] The 1999 Kargil War and the 2001 to 2002 Twin Peaks Crisis heightened
tensions between the two countries, although these conventional conflicts did
not escalate to the nuclear level. [37] [38] The US government imposed sanctions
on both India and Pakistan in response to their 1998 nuclear tests [39].
After the 1998 tests the Indian government established a National Security
Advisory Board, which issued a Draft Report on Indian Nuclear Doctrine in 1999
that broadly outlined India’s nuclear no-first-use policy and defensive posture of
“credible minimum nuclear deterrence.” [40] In January 2003, a Ministry of
External Affairs press release maintained adherence to no-first-use, although with
the condition that nuclear weapons could also be used in retaliation for a
biological or chemical attack, or to protect Indian forces operating in Pakistan.
[41] In line with this posture, India does not keep its nuclear force at a heightened
state of alert. The country’s nuclear weapons remain under the control of the
civilian Nuclear Command Authority (NCA), comprising of a Political Council,
chaired by the Prime Minister, and an Executive Council, led by the National
Security Advisor. [42]
A turning point in U.S.-India relations occurred when plans for negotiating a U.S.-
India nuclear cooperation agreement were unveiled in July 2005 under the
George W. Bush administration. This agreement, and the subsequent
endorsement of India's case by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), enabled India
to engage in international nuclear trade. In return, India agreed to allow
safeguards on a select number of its nuclear facilities that are classified as
"civilian" in purpose. The remaining "military" facilities remained off-limits to
international inspectors. The U.S. Congress passed the Hyde Act in January 2006
to exempt nuclear cooperation with India from provisions of the U.S. Atomic
Energy Act, allowing for the adoption of a bilateral 123 nuclear cooperation
agreement in August 2007. [43] In September 2008, the NSG approved an
exemption allowing the members of this export control regime to conduct nuclear
trade with India. [44] Finally, a safeguards agreement for select civilian nuclear
facilities was concluded between India and the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) in February 2009, after approval by the IAEA Board of Governors
the previous year. [45]
In October 2009, India submitted a separation plan to put its civilian nuclear
facilities under IAEA safeguards by 2014. [46] In late July 2010, India and the
United States signed a bilateral agreement allowing India to reprocess U.S.-
obligated nuclear material at two new reprocessing facilities, to be constructed
and placed under IAEA safeguards. [47] However, the nuclear power industry did
not grow as expected because India's liability laws regulating civilian nuclear
power plants far exceeded the international standards for nuclear liability and
held suppliers legally liable for any damages resulting from accidents. To address
these concerns and give impetus to nuclear power industry, India ratified the IAEA
Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage in 2016. [48]
By 2019, India had put total of 26 reactors under IAEA safeguards. [49] Enabled by
the NSG waiver granted to it in 2008, India has signed nuclear cooperation
agreements with Russia, United States, France, United Kingdom, South Korea,
Canada, Argentina, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Australia, Sri Lanka, Japan, Vietnam,
Bangladesh, Czech Republic and Namibia. [50] Additionally, India continues to
participate in international nuclear trade and has signed agreements with Canada,
Kazakhstan and Australia to supply uranium to fuel its civilian nuclear reactors.
Negotiations are currently underway for concluding negotiations to construct six
reactors in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh by Westinghouse. [51]
India was recently accepted as a member of three of the four major export
control regimes. It was admitted as a member into the Missile Technology Control
Regime (MTCR) in 2016, Wassenaar Arrangement in 2017 and Australia Group in
2018. [52] [53] [54]
India has been actively pursuing membership into the NSG and has received
explicit support for its membership from many current NSG members including
the United States, Russia, Switzerland and Japan. [55] [56] [57] [58] In arguing for
NSG membership, India has portrayed itself as a responsible nuclear power,
pointing to its positive record on nonproliferation and consistent support for
complete nuclear disarmament. [59] However, China does not support an explicit
membership in the NSG for India but instead proposes a two-step approach: first
would be to reach consensus on a non-discriminatory resolution that would apply
to all non-NPT countries alike and then discuss individual membership
applications by non-NPT countries. [60] India argues that its membership should
be considered under current rules because NSG is an export-control mechanism
and not a nonproliferation one so question of linking NSG membership to the NPT
membership does not arise. [61] Furthermore, India argues that there is a
precedent for non-signatories of NPT joining the NSG when France became a
founding member of the NSG in 1974 but did not accede to the NPT until 1992.
[62]
India
In this Section:
Overview
Analysis
Treaties
Official Documents
Facilities
Nuclear
Biological
Missile
Chemical
Missile
India views its nuclear weapons and long-range power projection programs as the
key to maintaining strategic stability in the Asia-Pacific region and attaining great-
power status. India's strategic missile programs have matured such that it
currently has the capacity to deploy short-, medium-, and long-range ballistic
missiles. Four decades of investment in indigenous missile-related design,
development, and manufacturing infrastructure, necessary due to India’s non-
membership in the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) until 2016, have
made the Indian missile sector nearly invulnerable to long-term disruption by
export controls.
Capabilities
Ballistic Missiles
The Prithvi-II, Agni-I, Agni-II, Agni-III, and Agni-IV are India's fully operational land-
based ballistic missiles and form the foundation of the country's ballistic missile
arsenal. [2] In 2018 India conducted three tests of its first indigenous ICBM, the
Agni-V. [3]
The Prithvi-II and Agni-I are short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs) with ranges of
300 and 700 km respectively. Agni-II, deployed in 2011, has a range of 2000 km
and can strike anywhere in Pakistan and most parts of south and southeastern
China. Agni-III, with a range of between 3,500 and 5,000 km was deployed in
2014. [4] India has also developed but not yet deployed Agni-IV and Agni-V
missiles with range of 3500km and 5200 km respectively. [5]
Cruise Missiles
Space Program
India has one of the world's most advanced space programs. The Indian Space
Research Organization (ISRO) launched the first Indian space launch vehicle (SLV)
in 1980, and has since become a leader in scientific and commercial spaceflight.
ISRO has developed newer and improved SLVs such as Polar Satellite Launch
Vehicle (PSLV), Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV) and
Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle Mark-III (GSLV III). ISRO also frequently
contracts with other countries to launch their satellites into orbit. As of November
2019, India had successfully launched 243 domestic and foreign satellites into
orbit aboard its PSLV rocket. [13]
Indian missile defense is a double-tiered system. The first tier uses the Prithvi Air
Defence (PAD/Pradyumna) and Prithvi Defense Vehicle (PDV) for exo-atmospheric
intercepts. The PAD is slated to be replaced by the PDV system because the latter
is equipped with an indigenous Imaging Infrared (IIR) seeker that can distinguish
between incoming warheads and decoys. [14] The second tier uses the
Advanced/Ashvin Air Defense (AAD) for endo-atmospheric intercepts. [15] The
AAD system can reach top speeds of up to Mach 4.5. [16] Assistance from Russia,
Israel and France has increased the development and capabilities of the AAD. [17]
India’s indigenous BMD system can reportedly intercept medium-range ballistic
missiles traveling at speeds of Mach 3 to 8. [18] In March 2019 India completed
an anti-satellite (ASAT) test using a modified PDV Mark-II, which may become a
more integrated part of its missile defense. [19]
Between 2012-2016, India was consistently the largest importer of major arms in
the world with arms imports from USA, Russia, France, Israel, South Korea and
other countries. [26] In 2016, the DoD notified the sale of 22 Harpoon anti-ship
missiles to India to be fitted on their submarines. [27]
India has historically been wary of exporting defense equipment, which it believes
indirectly fuels conflicts. [28] However, India’s position seems to be evolving on
this issue. In 2017, it signed a deal to supply indigenously developed lightweight
torpedoes to Myanmar (Burma). [29] Vietnam is also in talks with India to buy
BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile system and surface-to-air Akash missiles. [30]
History
India's first missile program began in 1958 - the same year Prime Minister Nehru
approved the construction of a plutonium reprocessing plant at Trombay. [31]
The project was a modest attempt to construct anti-tank guided missiles. [32] In
addition, the missile group examined the development of a liquid fueled sustainer
engine - most likely based on the SA-2 from the Soviet Union. [33] Both projects
were undertaken by the DRDO and its principal missile laboratory, the Defence
Research and Development Laboratory (DRDL). The program emphasized gaining
scientific expertise and creating a technological base for eventually building
modern missiles indigenously. [34] No plans were made in the short-term for the
mass production of missile systems. However, the DRDO's technical and
organizational shortcomings, opposition from the armed services, and weak
support from politicians and civilian bureaucrats in the federal government
resulted in the failure and ultimate termination of both projects. [35]
India received the French Centaure research rocket in May 1964 and began
reproducing it with modifications. [36] Indian engineers therefore had 20 years of
rocket experience, including satellite launches and recovery, before the country
commenced a dedicated missile program in 1985.
Two major programs occupied Indian missile efforts in the 1970s - Project Devil
and Project Valiant. Project Valiant explored the development of a long-range
ballistic missile with a range approaching 8,000 km but for technological and
bureaucratic reasons, leading officials in the DRDO were unenthusiastic about the
project and cited a crippling shortage of the scientific and engineering expertise
needed to complete such an ambitious project. [37] [38] After technical problems
with the missile's engine proved too great to overcome, the project was shelved
in 1974. [39] In 1972, work began on Project Devil, an attempt to "acquire
detailed knowledge" of an operational missile by reverse-engineering the Soviet-
designed SA-2 surface-to-air missile (SAM). [40] The SA-2 was powered by a liquid
fueled sustainer engine and a solid fueled booster; Project Devil engineers hoped
to be able to produce it indigenously by the end of the decade. [41] The project
suffered monumental technological and capacity setbacks but fulfilled the core
components of its mission: "two solid-fuel boosters and a three-ton liquid
sustainer engine" emerged from the effort, which would later serve as the
platform for the Prithvi missile series. [42] Nevertheless, the project failed to
replicate the SA-2, and funding for the project ended in 1980. [43]
Unlike the Indian missile projects in the 1970s, the IGMDP enjoyed consistent
political and financial support throughout the 1980s and 1990s. [48] Amidst
technology-denial sanctions imposed by the international community after India's
1974 nuclear test, political leaders and civilian bureaucrats pushed for increased
research in dual-use civilian technologies such as the SLV. [49] New Delhi
sponsored, for example, the development of the SLV-3, the motor of which was
considered by some to be the first Agni "technology demonstrator." [50]
The simultaneous development of the Prithvi and Agni missile series emerged
from a debate amongst DRDO officials in the early 1980s about whether to pursue
liquid- or solid-fueled missiles. [51] Solid-fuel proponents argued that the simple
design features and easy maintenance of solid-fuel engines outweighed the
limited technological flexibility of liquid-fueled designs. [52] Prior experience with
liquid-fueled motors in the 1970s under Project Devil and Project Valiant
eventually led officials to pursue the liquid-fuel option for the Prithvi series, but
they chose to use solid-fuel engines for the Agni series. [53]
Prithvi-I provided India with a rudimentary short-range (150 km) option for
deploying a limited nuclear strike capability against Pakistan. [54] By 1994, two
successful flight-tests of the 1,400 km-range Agni-1 missile confirmed India's re-
entry vehicle technology and demonstrated mastery of staging. [55] The Agni
program thus served as the foundation for the design and development of longer-
range ballistic missile systems, while the Prithvi remained the country's lone
operational strategic missile. [56]
The latter half of the 1990s and early 2000s were characterized by continued
technological development of the Prithvi and Agni ballistic missiles, and pursuit of
more sophisticated missile delivery options. [57] The DRDO embarked on
programs to develop longer-range versions of the Agni: Agni-II (3000 km) and
Agni-III (5000 km), and Prithvi: Prithvi-II (350 km) and Prithvi-III (600 km). In 2001,
India successfully tested its first supersonic cruise missile, called BrahMos which
was developed with Russian collaboration.
India’s ballistic missile defense got a boost in 2006 when the first tier in India’s
ballistic missile defense system, PAD/Pradyumna was tested. PAD was tested with
a maximum interception altitude of 80 km and is designed to neutralize missiles
within a range of 300-2000 km up to a speed of Mach 5.0. In 2007, the second tier
called the Advanced Air Defense (AAD) was tested. In 2008, DRDO also began
developing a sea-launched ballistic missile, the Sagarika, which was tested from
submersible pontoons. [58]
India and Israel also signed an agreement to jointly develop the Barak-8 surface to
air missile (previously known as LR-SAM and MR-SAM) that is designed to defend
against airborne threats such as aircraft, helicopters, anti-ship missiles, and UAVs.
Sea- and land-based versions of the system exist. The first successful test of the
sea-based version was conducted in 2010. [59]
In 2012, India for the first time successfully tested the Dhanush missile. It is a
variant of the surface-to-surface or ship-to-ship Prithvi-3 missile and has been
developed for the Indian Navy. It has a range of 350 km and is capable of carrying
both conventional as well as nuclear warheads. [60]
In July 2013, India announced it would begin withdrawing the 17-year-old Prithvi-I
and replacing it with the 150 km solid-fueled, road-mobile Prahar missile, which
was first tested in 2011. The Prahar is smaller, more maneuverable, and faster to
launch than the Prithvi-I. It has a maximum payload of 200 kg and is capable of
carrying only conventional or tactical nuclear weapons. The timeline for the
switchover from the Prithvi-I to the Prahar has not been announced. [61]
The Agni ballistic missile family has also undergone significant recent
improvements in range and sophistication. Agni-III, with a range of over 3,200 km
was inducted into the armed forces in 2011 after a series of successful tests and
user trials. [62] India also successfully fight tested the Agni-IV, with declared range
of 4000 km multiple times since 2011 before inducting it into the armed forces in
2014. [63]
The long-anticipated Agni-V has also been successfully tested multiple times since
2012. [64] While its tested range of 5000 km falls short of ICBM status, the
missile's range can be increased with relatively minor technological adjustments;
experts therefore consider the Agni-5 to be an ICBM. [65] Even with a range of
only 5,000 km, the Agni-V could hit any target in China, including Beijing. The
Agni-V is also rumored to be equipped with MIRV technology. [66] However, Agni-
V will need to be tested multiple times before it can be operationally deployed
with the Indian armed forces. [67]
The development of the indigenous Nirbhay long-range cruise missile has been
hailed as a hallmark moment in India's missile development. [68] Nirbhay is a long
range, all-weather, subsonic cruise missile designed and developed by DRDO and
is capable of carrying conventional and nuclear warheads. It is currently under
development and undergoing flight trials.
As a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), Russia could not
jointly develop any missile beyond the 300 km range with a non-MTCR member.
However, with India’s acceptance into the MTCR in 2016, those restrictions are no
longer valid. Consequently, India and Russia announced that they will develop an
extended range version of BrahMos cruise missile. [69] [70] In 2017, a longer-
range version of BrahMos, called the BrahMos-ER, with reported range of about
800 km was successfully tested. [71] [72]
Sources:
[1] "Missile Program Concluded, DRDO Says It's Up to Users Now," Indian Express,
8 January 2008, www.indianexpress.com; "India Scraps Integrated Guided Missile
Program," The Hindu, 9 January 2008.
[2] Hans M. Kristensen & Matt Korda, "Indian Nuclear Forces, 2018," Bulletin of
the Atomic Scientists, 74:6, 361-366.
[3] “Agni-5 test fired successfully: 6 things about India's nuclear capable missile,”
India Today, 11 December 2018, www.indiatoday.in.
[4] Hans M. Kristensen & Matt Korda "Indian nuclear forces, 2018," Bulletin of the
Atomic Scientists, 74:6, 361-366.
[5] Hans M. Kristensen & Matt Korda "Indian nuclear forces, 2018," Bulletin of the
Atomic Scientists, 74:6, 361-366.
[6] Hemant Kuma Rout, “Nuke-capable submarine-launched missile
operationalized, India in select triad club,” The New Indian Express, 19 August
2018, www.newindianexpress.com.
[7] Manu Pubby, “Setback for Indian missile programme: Two failures in a week,
submarine version stuck,” The Print, 24 December 2017, www.theprint.in.
[8] Manu Pubby, “Setback for Indian missile programme: Two failures in a week,
submarine version stuck,” The Print, 24 December 2017, www.theprint.in.
[9] "India: Chronology," Encyclopedia Astronautica, www.astronautix.com; Y.
Mallikarjun, "Nuclear-capable Dhanush successfully test-fired," The Hindu, 5
October 2012.
[10] Gabriel Dominguez and Rahul Udoshi, “Air-launched BrahMos NG missile
likely to be ready by 2019, says report,” IHS Jane's Defence Weekly, 27 November
2017, www.janes.com.
[11] "Mission Nirbhay Successful: India Demonstrates Capabilities of Developing
Long Range Cruise Missiles," New Indian Express (Chennai, India), 17 October
2014.
[12] Hardy James, "India Successfully Tests Nirbhay Cruise Missile," Jane's
Defence Weekly, 21 October 2014, www.ihajanes.com.