WOMENS’ PARTICIPATION

IN
SOCIAL MOVEMENT:
A STUDY ON
POST – 1991 ODISHA
Sudhira Chandra Jena*
Monaliza Pradhan**

Women in India came out of the family being inspired by efforts made by Raja Rammohan, Swami
Dayananda, Annie Besant and Gandhi to join the social / radical / reform movements during colonial days.
In post colonial days women enjoyed equal status through constitutional provisions with male members of
society. Universal adult franchise made them competent to think of their own interests along with the
interests of the women as a whole in the society. But with the advent of globalization being influenced by
west, the status of women gradually declined (of all categories of women)to be considered as a commodity /
show-doll.

But India women, except a few came out of the western impact and have shown their strength
/presence in various fields of life of the nation. In this paper an attempt has been made to analyze the role of
women (educated-activists, rural tribal and affected-women) in social movement in a post -1991 period in
Odisha.

The post-1991 Scenario in Odisha shows the role of ordinary women- who have tried to protect their
livelihood, children, land, water and nature from the rapaciousness of the state who has signed MOU with
the capital (MNCs / TNCs). They are seen in the betel vines of Baliapal from the coastal belt to the hills of
Gandhamardhan in west. We also see them in Chilika, in Gopalpur, in Kashipur, in Niyamgiri, in Dhinkia, in
NarayanPatan, in Kalinga Nagar and in deep forest in uniform with a gun as a Maoist. In these places, they
were / are always ready to face and fight and deny to that what they do not think fit for them, for the
community and to their habitat.1

The movement they have taken part can be categorized as peaceful struggle and the armed one
(maoist / movement / LalVahini). In the first category they have tried to protect their existing sources of
livelihood from the clutches of state and MNCs. But in the second they have made an attempt to over throw
the system which is detrimental to their survival. The striking feature of the movement is the participation of
the less privileged caste / class of women of the society 2 (ordinary women of Odisha), where as in colonial
days, we sow the participation of elite class women having education and contact with leadership of the
society. Further, we can say the movement of post-1991 era clearly indicates the rejection of patriarchy but
protection to family. And here we see more independence, freedom, liberty and autonomy among women to
fight for the cause (justice).

It is very clear to state that we are in an agricultural society dominated by small and
marginal farmers, who depend on agriculture and allied activities. Almost 40% of the populations are STs
and SCs. And 80% of STs live in forest areas of Western, Southern and Northern part of Odisha. 3 In the
name of SEZ (Special Economic Zone), Government of Odisha is signing MOUs with foreign companies
and the result is the displacement. So the development induced displacement, the land acquisition, the
compensation and resettlement are responsible for many resistance movements in Odisha after the
implementation of liberalization and privatization. At the same time the UNDP says “there cannot be any
development without the development of the people”. So we talk of HDI (Human Development Index). The
place of India is from 135 to 139 since 2000. When individual is the unit of analysis in the center of

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development paradigm, the state as well as MNCs / Big Business House have to think over the Human
Development, which is lacking in the present LPG model of Development.

Hence, people are opposing this type of development being pursued aggressively by the duo (State
and Capital). In the process, we see violence and use of arms / armed forces by state as the state has assured
them (to MNCs) to provide land, water, power and security as per the documents signed at the cost of the
survival of the citizens. In places like Dhinkia, the nexus of administration with corporate sector and hired
‘goons’ / police / paramilitary forces has made the situation worse. When people go for movements, they are
lablled as ‘Maoist’. So we can say the suppression of the struggle is advancing Maoist activities in the state.
Again in Odisha, it has grown in the tribal dominated forest areas due to deprivation and dispossession. Of
late we see the rise of the participation of women in the struggle and in Maoism also. Leader of Prakrutika
Sampada Surakhya Parisada of Kasipursays ……“Nobody is listening and no other way in credible. We tried
peaceful means but the govt., administration, police have been successful in breaking them … people have
found reason inMaoism. In January, 2011, we saw the death in police firing -25 males and 11 females
protestors. This indicates that women and children constitute a major part of the active resistance.

II

So in the following an attempt has been made for a freminist understanding of various events in
Odisha. During a visit by a Team of Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS) in
November 2011 to POSCO site - area in Jagatsingpur District (Kujanga, Gobindpur, Patana, Dhinkia) a
woman-Jemma Kotokia of Patana village narrated her standing and role of women in the Anti-POSCO
movements as follows:

“We remained standing in a long line (rally) at Balitutha Bridge from 7 A.M. onwards to prevent the
entry to police to Gobindpur, Patana and Dhinkia; Police warned to enter forcibly and we were prepared for
that Police fired teargas from the end of the rally and then in the middle. Somany women left the rally but we
in the front of the rally remained standing and police fired cycle pellets at us. Many of us have those pellets
in the body till today also. We also slept earlier in the hot Sea Shore sand to challenge the entry of police /
military to the village because the land and livelihood is more important to us (for our children and for
future) than our lives. It we fail once then we cannot ensure any future for our children and next generation.
With this background, we women of Kujanga and adjacent areas come to forefront to fight against POSCO
and the might of the State Govt. as they never lighten to us. They also have no respect for our rights. When
we here that POSCO will operate here at any cost, I fail to eat and sleep for days together. I have no vines on
my private patta land. Vines are on forest land since my grandfather-in-laws times. So how govt. declares to
hand over those land to POSCO ?4
Similarly,in Anti-BALCO movement in Gandhamardan region most of these women joined in the
struggle were Adivasis and Dalits. These women always put their babies in the front at the time of agitation /
road block. While asking, Jambubati Bijira of Dunguripalli village replied, “we put our children to stop
vehicles and entry of police to save our lives and to protect our Mountains. We depend upon it . . . we do not
care about our own lives, we are doing it for our children. We live on this land. It is our’s . We cannot let it
to others.” 5

In Kashipur, the women sings –“Maatira poko, Maati bina aame banchi bakahun ?- Which
means “we are Earth worms and without Earth we cannot survive.” 6

So from the above illustrations of the situations, we can say that, it may be Kujanga,
Gandhmardana, Kashipur, Niyamagiri, Dhinkia or any other places, Odia women have shown their strength
to resist injustice. They are becoming futuristic in their approach. So we can thank to 73 rd Amendment Act
1993, PESA (Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas), SAG (Self-Help-Group), Judiciary Civil Society
Groups and activist there in. The concept of women empowerment became more wider and mass-based
(joining more and more Dalit-Tribal-Rural women in its fold) than the earlier (elitist concept). If we will
search the class and caste structure of women in struggle, then we will certainly find mostly from very

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common background –peasantry, tribal, dalit, fishing-community, agricultural-labourers, land-less and
weaversections of the society, Even if they have a very low voice in the decision –making process either in
the PRIs or in any other institutions at local level, but they are very active in economic activities (at
production level as well as marketing level). So they are very active and cautiousto protect their land, water,
forest and natural resources at their hand, as these are crucial for the survival of their children and future
generation. So they are coming out to resist when they feel, their rights, entitlements and ownership are in
danger. So when state with corporation aretrying to crash the movement – resistance, we see women in the
forefront. In the incident of 2nd January, 2006, at Kalinga Nagar two women were with 12 dead in police
firing. 25 women were arrested by police while clashed with ADM, Jajpur. Further, many women left to
forest to escape police arrest. The Anti-POSCO movement showed the large number of women lying on the
ground facing the armed force. Women are also facing many challenges when they are arrested or when their
husbands die in Jail. In some places like Kashipur and Niyamagiri women are becoming victim of rape and
molestation by police.7

III

In short we examined above the involvement of women in non-armed peaceful people’s resistance /
movement. In the following case of Maoist struggle and women there in may be examined. From the media
we are knowing about the joining of women it Maoist groups and surrounding also.They are raped by Maoist
cadre in the camp and also tortured by police. But there is no specific answer about their joining in Maoists
activities. The report by media says about the young (adult) women have a high demand in Maoists cadre.
Some mediators on solving Maoist issues are accused of supplying women cadet to Maoist groups for
malafied intention. And this is proved from the fact that most of the women or young girls
surrenderingjoining the main stream life being raped – tortured by the senior cadres in the groups base camp.

Here comes the big question, “whether women are attracted to join the Maoist group to bring change
in the system on their own or by force / allured by others?” The study shows that to suppressMaoist
activities, government is always deploying more forces (Police, Military, Para-Military or Forces from
Centre), recruiting local youth as SOG(Special Operation Group) SPO (Special Police Officer) or inspiring
Salwa Judum to act for the govt. with regular combing operation. In the name of Maoist activities police is
arresting common man and entering the houses, raping the girls / women. Here, also survival is a big
question. In Maoist areas women and children are neither in peace nor secured. So police excess and
ideology with survival factor may encourage women to join in the Maoist group. This is to be examined
further.

IV

Similarly, when women are in forefront either in armed struggle or non-armed but they have no
voice in decision –making activities, they are not force from patriarchy and also they are not free from the
responsibility of a mother, wife, sister or daughter. So here, a question arises in the mind of any activist
researchers - has the involvement of women in social movement brought any change in
(a) The wage structure in agricultural work?
(b) Entitling in common property resources (CPR)?
(c) Giving support from the community?
(d) Their suffering particularly sexual violence at conflict times / after surrendering as a
MaoistVolunteer / routine domestic violence?
(e) Their status to take part in decision-making activities?

So in the concluding part of the study, in one line, we can say that resistance movement has brought
social-political change in the status of women but in a very small measure and at the same time the resistance
movement by women indicates lots of challenges from the State and Capital in the era of globalization.

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 NOTES
AND
REFERENCES

1. See, “Women in resistance struggle in Odisha” by Ranjana Padhi and Promodini Pradhan in
Mainstream. Vol. L1 No. 33, 3rd August 2013.
2. Ibid.
3. Economic Survey 2015, Govt. of Odisha.
4. Mainstream, Op. Cit.
5. The NDTV, 9th January, 2011.
6. The New Indian Express (The English Daily) 18th March, 2011.
7. The Telegraph( The English Daily) 30th May, 2011.
8. The Times of India (The English Daily) 7th July, 2011.

* Sudhira Chandra Jena,

P.G. Department of Political Science
M.P.C. Autonomous College, Takhatpur, Baripada – 757003

** MonalizaPradhan
Research Scholar,
North Orissa University,
Takhatpur, Baripada - 757003