Cotton CRisis

As the cotton crop enters a crucial phase of its life cycle, it raises assorted concerns for the
planners and the textile industry. Both are keeping their fingers crossed as the weather
turns anti-cotton — long spells of hot and humid weather, worsened by floods, causing an
increase in pest pressure. And September, normally considered a make or break month, is
about to start.

The situation in Punjab, which contributes over 70 per cent of the crop, is more worrisome.

The government has set a production target of 15 million bales this year with a goal of 25m bales by 2025.
Therefore, Punjab has been told to jack up its production to 10m bales from 6.8m bales last year — a 32pc
increase.

The current year represents the first year in achieving this colossal target. And the government is already
failing.

Punjab started on the wrong foot this year. It had planned to sow cotton over 5.3m acres — a herculean
task in itself given the competition from rice and sugarcane that have elbowed into cotton-growing areas.
Punjab claims to have planted 5m acres of cotton crop however the Space and Upper Atmosphere
Research Commission (Suparco), based on its satellite imagery, contends only 4.6m acres were sown.

‘The Indian ban on imports means cotton may have to be sourced from the
US, increasing freight costs by up to four times and causing lags of 10-12
weeks’
Punjab considers its figures more credible since they are based on surveys of individual villages and
farmers. Nonetheless, the controversy is there.

Punjab also lists a few other positive factors that may help hike up its production and compensate for the
acreage loss. On average, the plant population has increased by 1,000 plants per acre in the province.

Early Kharif water shortage, which was more than 50pc for Sindh and 40-45pc during the entire season
last year, has dropped to 10-15pc this year. The Indus River System Authority depleted Mangla Dam
thrice this year to help sow cotton and is now struggling to fill the lake. Furthermore, germination was
better and the crop, by and large, has escaped early pest attacks.

However, as the weather turns anti-crop, the Punjab authorities estimate that they would be able to
increase cotton crop cultivation to 7m bales at best, a 2pc increase over the 6.8m bales cultivated last year.

The calculations are based on two factors: weather and pesticides quality. River Sutlej runs through the
core cotton belt and if it overflows, it spells trouble for the crop. The Indian side has warned of 200,000
cusecs being released at the entry point (just South of Lahore), which could recede to 80,000 cusecs by
the time it reaches the southern part of the province where cotton is cultivated.

“Eighty thousand cusecs will be too much for the belt,” says Zafar Hayat, farmer and cotton crop in-charge
of the Farmers Associates Pakistan. The area could withstand an inflow of 40,000 cusecs but at 80,000
cusecs, massive areas along the banks will be inundated and humidified.

And River Sutlej is not the only river that poses this threat; others are also overflowing and turning the
water-weather cycle humid. With temperatures during the day hovering around 40 degrees Celsius, and
30°C at night, pest pressure will increase further, Mr Hayat fears.
Media reports suggest that jassid and whitefly have already attacked the crop in South Punjab and are
joined by thrips and pink bollworm. Though these pests have not crossed the economic threshold level
yet, they are lurking close to it.

“People have lost faith in pesticides and are reluctant to use them because of quality issues,” says Naeem
Hotiana, a farmer from South Punjab. The jurisdictional fights between federal and provincial agencies,
legal confusion and monitoring problems have together forced farmers to lose faith in pesticides.

Despite the cases against pesticides companies, there are over 70 stay orders by courts that allow them to
continue selling their products. Therefore, farmers are not ready to invest much on pesticides, Mr Hotiana
explains.

If Pakistan again ends up at 11m bales like last year, where would the textile industry get the required
cotton to fill the demand and supply gap? Last year, it imported around 1.2m bales (for $334m) from
India. This year, imports from India are banned and the industry is worried.

“Indian imports helped the industry on two accounts — the time lag and freight costs,” says Kamran
Arshad, owner of Ghazi Fabrics. Import from India was a two-week affair. Now, imports will most
probably be sourced from the United States which is a 10-12 weeks process.

This means maintaining stocks for 10 additional weeks at a massive mark-up cost and paying about three
to four times higher freight charges. With the textile industry already facing a significant liquidity crunch,
this additional cost will be hard to bear.

“Not everyone is in a position to import from the United States and that too under the current high duty
regime. The industry is waiting for a compensatory package to neutralise the impact, assuming such a
package is offered”.

FARMS, Factories go hand in hand

In Pakistan, the agriculture sector’s performance impacts the industrial output growth
quite significantly.

If agriculture suffers, it tends to decelerate growth in large-scale manufacturing (LSM), the only standard
of the industrial performance that is measured regularly.

During the last fiscal year, the agricultural output expanded just 0.8 per cent against the target of 3.8pc.
LSM declined 3.6pc instead of increasing at the targeted rate of 8.1pc.

Apart from other factors, what caused the LSM debacle was a fall in its food and textile sub-sectors that
together account for one-third of the entire sector. The output of the food sector declined 1.5pc and that of
textiles 0.05pc. A massive decrease of 6.6pc in the cumulative output of our key crops — cotton, rice,
sugar cane and wheat — also had a hand in it.

A less-than-targeted output of cotton always strains the textile sector’s production and a shortage of food
crops impacts food industries negatively. When agricultural growth was a negligible 0.2pc in 2015-16,
food and textile sub-sectors of LSM had also shown a nominal output increase of 0.12pc each.

So we see that a poor showing of agriculture either slows down growth rates for food and textile sub-
sectors of LSM as in 2015-16 or contribute (along with other factors) to a contraction in their output as in
2018-19.

The agriculture sector’s output could have risen faster in 2018-19 had the federal government developed a
good working relationship with Sindh and taken some measures to remove its grievances about the unfair
distribution of water resources. The water shortage across Pakistan and an increase in the cost of
agricultural inputs owing to the depreciation and high inflation affected agricultural growth.
Sustained growth in agriculture will accelerate growth in industrial and
services sectors over time
An improved working relationship between the federation and Sindh, the second largest agricultural
province, could not have averted the depreciation or decelerated inflation. But it could have helped in
formulating more inclusive policies to mitigate the devastating effects of the rising cost of agricultural
inputs.

Had the government been mindful of the fact that farms and industries go hand in hand, it would have
addressed the structural issues of agriculture, like water shortages, yield gaps, on-farm crop losses and
storage inadequacy. But the nation did not see any such thing happening in the first year of the PTI rule —
not at least across the country — and the federal government rolled out its much-promised agricultural
revival plan towards the end of its first year in power.

In the PTI’s economic planning, what remains amiss so far is the development of a growth model that
takes into account the impact of the underutilisation of the agriculture sector’s potential on industries.
Perhaps the most obvious reason for it is not the lack of expertise but the failure of the PTI’s top
leadership in taking the provinces on board. Agriculture, being a provincial subject, needs to be treated as
such with no resentment at the federal level. But given that agriculture still drives much of our industrial-
and services-sector activities and its role in export enhancement is pivotal, both federal and provincial
authorities should develop a trust-based relationship to handle issues related to agriculture. Working in
isolation at the provincial or federal level cannot serve the national interest.

This necessitates the devolution of decision-making on the one hand and respecting collective wisdom on
the other. Can this happen in the near future? Well, that depends on how quickly political leaders learn to
work together for the economy without making compromises in the areas where healthy differences serve
the cause of democracy and nationalism.

The provinces ought to cooperate in the development of reliable databases and the federal government
must spearhead a drive for it. If Sindh continues to delay the physical animal census, for example, how
can one even begin to examine the impact of livestock growth on the industry? Similarly, if the federal
authorities don’t ensure judicious distribution of water resources across all provinces, how can the
provinces make realistic projections about agricultural growth in their respective jurisdictions? In the
absence of such realistic projections, how can the federal authorities do realistic planning for industrial
growth?

Sustained growth in agriculture is sure to accelerate growth in industries and services sub-sectors over
time. There are no two opinions about it. All efforts currently being made to push agriculture growth are
just the need of the hour. But it is equally necessary to reassess the linkages between agriculture,
industries and services sub-sectors. It is common knowledge that the agricultural performance begins
impacting the industrial sector via small industries. But sadly, small and medium enterprises (SMEs) have
remained and still remain neglected. By March 2019, SME financing constituted just 7.7 per cent of the
total private-sector credit and the overall number of SME borrowers stood below 182,000.

Under the much-publicised National Financial Inclusion Strategy, SME finance as a percentage of total
private-sector credit has to be raised to 17pc and the number of SME borrowers to half a million by 2020.
Do you still believe we can meet the twin targets? Optimism knows no bounds.

Enabling our industrial sector to benefit more from the agriculture sector and allowing agriculture to grow
more steadily on the back of industrial demand will remain challenging if we continue to ignore SMEs. —
MA
THE BAD FIRST YEAR OF PTI 2018-19

The story of last fiscal year’s (2018-19) economic performance is almost complete now. There is some
good news but it is overshadowed by its negative aspects, giving an overall confusing direction of the
markets and the economy on a whole.

The fiscal side showed a grim picture in 2018-19 and appears to remain a challenge throughout the current year, if not
beyond. The market sentiment and investor confidence remain uncertain. The good thing is that the government
seems beginning to listen to these alarm bells that it used to ignored until the close of the fiscal year ending June
2019.

The authorities may reduce discount rates, disburse public sector funds to targeted areas in the development
programme and reduce approval processes to attract fresh investment to trigger growth factors affected by over-
emphasis on documentation and over-regulation. The tough conditions are, however, unlikely to ease out in less than
two years.

Read: In first year, govt sees record high fiscal deficit

As the PTI government also completed its first year in office, the fiscal year came to an end with a historic budget
deficit of 8.9 per cent of GDP — the highest at least since 1979-80 — an era when deficits were driven mostly by
investments in development. But last year’s deficit fell in the textbook definition of a “bad deficit” because it
overwhelmingly emerged due to massive revenue shortfalls. Development was just 3.1pc of GDP, down from 4.6pc in
2017-18 when deficit stood at 6.6pc of GDP.

The total debt and liabilities now stand at 104pc of GDP — meaning that the size of the
total economy is smaller than its debt and liabilities
All major fiscal indicators — both on expenditure and revenue side — showed deterioration during 2018-19. Not only
did the original budget targets remain elusive, but the revised targets set in the supplementary budget were also
missed by a wide margin. Even the revised estimates announced as part of the Federal Budget 2019-20 in June
remained a far cry.

This presents a frightening picture. One, the revised estimates given in June were so close to the end of the fiscal year
that there should have been nothing in doubt. What happened in the last 20 days of the year that pushed the budget
deficit from 7.2pc of GDP to 8.9pc — a massive Rs800 billion or 1.7pc of GDP — and was unknown to budget makers
and the International Monetary Fund that was part of the exercise? Two, how are next year’s budget targets reliable?

It was, nevertheless, clear that concrete steps were not at hand to reign in expenditures even though revenue shortfall
surfaced much earlier in the first three quarters of the year.

Increases in the discount rate and currency devaluation are reported to have played the key role — close to 5.8pc of
GDP — in increasing the deficit. Development fell by almost 45pc over the previous year.

One of the most damning outcomes of the last fiscal year was an unprecedented steep fall in the tax to GDP ratio,
perhaps justifying the need for a massive Rs1.550 trillion worth of additional taxation measures during the current
year. The overall revenue to GDP ratio flattened out to 12.7pc in 2018-19 compared to 15.2pc a year before.

But that was not all. Non-tax revenues last year amounted to Rs427bn, almost 44pc lower than Rs760bn in 2017-18.
As such, the non-tax revenue amounted to just 1.1pc of GDP, exactly half of the 2.2pc of GDP in 2017-18. Non-tax
revenue to GDP ratio was the lowest since 2001-02.

On the other hand, the large scale manufacturing (LSM) output plunged 3.64pc over the previous year, showing a
contraction in industrial activity. The contraction was almost across the board — petroleum sector went down by
8.35pc and general industry went down by 2.83pc. High-speed diesel output dropped 10pc — a clear indication of the
downturn in economic activity.

The performance of key industries like textiles, food & beverages, coke & petroleum, pharmaceutical & chemicals,
automobile, non-metallic mineral products, iron & steel and paper and board was in the negative while fertilisers,
engineering machinery and electronics performed better.
No wonder then that exports were down by 1pc during 2018-19. Imports on the other hand also dropped by almost
10pc, bringing down the overall trade deficit by more than 15pc to $31.8bn.

But here, the massive 52pc import contraction came about from power machinery as was long expected with the
majority of the CPEC-related energy projects either completed or in the final stages.

A major improvement was noted in the over 31pc reduction in the current account deficit to $13.6bn at the end of
2018-19 when compared to $19.6bn a year earlier. The foreign exchange reserves at $15.6bn now are enough for more
than three and half months of imports, even though the country’s net international reserves still remain in the
negative.

The total debt and liabilities, on the other hand, have jumped almost 35pc to Rs40.215tr at the end of June 2019 when
compared to Rs29.879tr on June 30, 2018. As such, the total debt and liabilities now stand at 104pc of GDP —
meaning that the size of the total economy is smaller than its debt and liabilities — for the first time in 18 years.

Total debt increased by about 33pc from Rs28.437tr to Rs37.748tr, accounting for about 98pc of GDP. The gross
public debt also now stands at 85pc of GDP or Rs32.705tr compared to Rs28.437tr in June 2018.

Based on some of these indicators, the New York based Standard & Poor’s (S&P) rating agency
has affirmed Pakistan’s sovereign rating at B-negative long term and ‘B’ short term, with a long-term stable outlook.
The rating, it said, was constrained by a narrow tax base and high domestic and external security risks.

The S&P forecasts the Pakistan economy to slow down to 2.4pc of GDP during the current fiscal year — a 12-year low.
Taken together with relatively fast population growth of approximately 2pc per year, real per capita economic growth
will fall to an anaemic 0.4pc.

That will contribute to a decline in Pakistan’s 10-year weighted average per capita growth to 1.8pc, below the global
average of 2.3pc for economies at a similar level of income. The agency forecasts GDP per capita to fall to just above
$1,200 by the end of this fiscal year, versus $1,565 in fiscal 2017-2018 owing to over 25pc exchange rate loss.

A Paneaca of Karachi

You should be suspicious if someone tries to sell you Clifton Bridge at a bargain price.

But what if they claim they can recycle Karachi’s sea- and wastewater at a mass and affordable
level to practically end the city-wide water shortages once and for all?

Your answer should depend on whether the guy offering a panacea for all water woes is a
telemarketer holed up in a dingy call centre or Pakistan’s highest-paid CEO running the largest
electricity-producing company in the private sector.

Hub Power Company (Hubco), a listed entity that contributes around 10 per cent electricity to
the national grid, has promised its shareholders that it will transform itself into the country’s first
independent ‘water’ and power producer by 2025. In simple words, the company with an asset
base of Rs132 billion is going to shift its focus to water provision in Karachi.

In a recent interview with Dawn, Hubco CEO Khalid Mansoor said the company is working on
multiple projects that aim to end the severe water crisis in Karachi — a city of over 20 million
people that receives hardly half the water it needs to meet its industrial and household
requirements.

His plan to bring affordable water to our taps can be divided in small-, medium- and large-scale
components. Let’s first look at the medium-scale project that involves turning sewage into
industrial-grade water.
Every drop matters

In ballpark terms, Karachi’s households and industry collectively need about 1,100m gallons of
water per day (MGD). This includes industrial demand of around 200MGD.

Besides groundwater, the city receives bulk suppliesfrom two sources of sweet water: Hub dam
in Balochistan and Keenjhar Lake in Thatta. But the total supplies amount to barely 550MGD.

Currently, the city’s sewage (470MGD) and industrial waste (90MGD) are being dumped into
the sea largely without treatment.

Hubco initially plans to set up a recycling plant that will make 50MGD of household wastewater
fit for industrial consumption. But the plan will work only if the Sindh government holds its end
of the bargain by ensuring that its wastewater treatment plants, operated by the Karachi Water
and Sewerage Board (KWSB), stay up and running.

The price of recycled water is expected to be 35-40 paisa per gallon

whereas the commercial rate of a sweet water tanker is Rs2 per
gallon
Treatment Plant 1 (TP1) is in the SITE industrial area, TP2 is in Mehmoodabad, TP3 is in
Mauripur and TP4 will be set up in Korangi. Until recently, none of the KWSB’s three water
treatment plants, each having the installed capacity of 50MGD, were operational.

The Sindh government sprung into action when the Supreme Court constituted a Judicial
Commission on Water and Sanitation in 2016.

Rehabilitation work on TP1 (SITE) is likely to end in the first half of 2020 as the government is
increasing its capacity to 150MGD. TP2 (Mehmoodabad) is permanently closed because of a
land-related dispute, so the government is setting up a 180MGD plant in Korangi instead (TP4).

TP3 (Mauripur) became functional last year. The Sindh government first increased its capacity to
73MGD and is now taking it to 180MGD.

These three plants will do primary and secondary treatment of wastewater, which will let the
KWSB discharge it into the sea in line with the National Environmental Quality Standards
(NEQS).

“We studied the whole process and wondered why throw that sweet water into the sea? Why not
recycle it because it is a lot less challenging to clean than seawater?” said Mr Mansoor.

The government is betting heavily on K-IV — a decade-old Rs75bn water project that federal
and provincial governments are funding to arrange additional 260MGD — to end Karachi’s
water shortage. But the Hubco management believes recycling 480MGD of wastewater at a
fraction of the K-IV cost makes a lot more economic sense.
Hubco has formally submitted an unsolicited proposal (USP) to the Sindh Public-Private
Partnership Unit (PPPU) to set up a recycling plant at TP1 (SITE). “There’s no point in throwing
sweet water into the sea. We can install a 50MGD plant for tertiary cleaning at the SITE unit to
make all the sewage fit for industrial use. We will give that water to factories in SITE after
installing our own pipe network. The government can then divert the sweet water, which the
industry is currently using, to households,” said Babar Mahmood Siddiqui, head of projects at
Hubco.

The USP promises to convert 47.5MGD for industrial reuse — a quantity that amounts to almost
10pc of the bulk supplies that the city currently receives every day. It can be increased to
150MGD as KWSB expands the primary and secondary treatment capacity of TP1.

But the submission of the USP doesn’t mean Hubco is getting the contract. Any private investor
can seek the provincial government’s support to build an infrastructure project through a USP
that lists technical, financial and commercial details of the proposed project. If the PPPU finds it
viable, it takes the proposal to its policy board for approval. Then it develops a request for
proposal (RFP) — or a tender — and publishes it to seek bids from potential investors.

The original party that came up with the USP takes part in the bidding process along with other
potential investors. The former reserves the right to match the bid and receive the contract in
case another bidder comes up with a better price.

According to the Hubco CEO, the selling price of this water is expected to be 35-40 paisa per
gallon. In contrast, the commercial rate of a sweet water tanker of 3,000 gallons is Rs6,000 or
Rs2 per gallon.

Speaking to Dawn, PPPU Director General Khalid Mehmood Shaikh said the policy board has
approved the proposal and the bidding phase will begin in three months. “The contract will be
awarded in about six to seven months to either Hubco or some other company.”

He added that the PPPU is considering projects to convert wastewater into potable water. “We
expect to make some headway in six to nine months,” he said, adding that a potable water plant
will likely be installed at TP3 (Mauripur). “I believe there is simply no solution other than that.
We should generate 70-80MGD clean water at TP3. This will take care of District West at least,
which is currently facing a heavy water shortage.”

Mr Siddiqui of Hubco said the company is looking into the possibility of setting up a sewage-to-
potable water plant, but refused to divulge the expected cost.

Talking to Dawn, urban planner Arif Hasan said recycling sewage in Karachi will be challenging
because a lot of wastewater goes directly into natural drains that end up at sea. “First they have
to ensure that sewage goes to treatment plants.”

He also expressed reservations about the increasing role of public-private partnerships in Sindh.
“I call it unequal partnership. The public is mostly missing from this equation. Everything is
loaded in favour of the private sector,” he said.

Water for DHA

Hubco is in advance stages of developing a small-scale water solution for the residents of Phases
VII and VIII of DHA Karachi, Mr Mansoor said.

The company has received a two-acre plot from DHA on a 10-year lease near the sea where it is
building a seawater reverse osmosis (RO) plant that will initially have a capacity of 5MGD. This
technology is more expensive than that of wastewater recycling. The cost is almost double. But
Hubco is betting on the fact that the consumer price will still be less than the rate that DHA
residents are currently paying for tanker water.

Its plant will take seawater, pass it through the cleaning process and pump it to the already
existing pipe network of DHA. This means that ready-to-drink water will be directly available in
taps for residents of the two phases of DHA at a considerably cheaper rate.

But DHA faces the same problem that the KWSB faces in the rest of the city: leakages, theft and
poor recovery in the absence of water meters.

One option on the table is for Hubco to take over water distribution and bill collection tasks as
well. If that option materialises, the company will install water meters in every residential and
commercial unit in the area. The Hubco board of directors has yet to take a final decision in this
regard.

Water for entire Karachi

The country’s largest independent power producer has four fully functional furnace oil-based
power plants with a total capacity of 1,200MW in Hub, Balochistan. These plants are now lying
idle because the federal electricity purchasing authority has shifted the power mix away from
expensive furnace oil. (It makes little difference to Hubco’s financial performance because the
company continues to receive ‘capacity payment’ from the government regardless of its plants’
operational status.)

Mr Mansoor has formally requested the power ministry to let it convert two of these four power
plants to coal. All that the company will need to invest in is a new boiler and coal-handling
equipment. Thanks to a brand-new coal jetty built especially for Hubco’s nearby 1,320MW coal-
based power plant inaugurated last month, the company has access to coal supplies.

The seawater RO process is highly energy intensive. The cost of pulling water from the sea
constitutes 20-25pc of the final price. Pumping water through the membrane also requires a lot of
electricity.

Mr Mansoor wants to use cheap electricity produced by the two coal-based power plants to suck
water from the sea, pass it through the membrane and pump it to the Hub dam for onwards
supply to Karachi. The whole infrastructure of water intake and outfall already exists at the site
because the furnace oil-based plants would use as much as 925MGD to cool machines off as part
of electricity generation.

The going rate for setting up a seawater RO plant is $5m per MGD. Even if the existing
infrastructure saves one-fifth of the cost, installing a 100MGD plant will still cost about $400m.
“It’ll be expensive water,” said Mr Siddiqui of Hubco. But it provides a “competitive alternate”
in case the government ever considers setting up a seawater RO plant in Karachi to rid the city of
water shortages, he said.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 9th, 2019

A PPP Success Story

It is interesting to watch the changing dynamics of the relationship between corporate

Pakistan and the Pakistan Peoples’ Party. The deep hatred towards Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s
party seems to be melting away in the business circles as the next generation of tycoons
rediscovers the party that is leading the way in Pakistan in the realm of public-private
collaboration for development.

It is indisputable that Sindh has succeeded in gaining the trust of the reluctant private sector on
the strength of its approach and performance in handling the technical, financial and legal
challenges associated with the complex option of inclusion of private sector in projects of public
interest.

The performance of Sindh, ruled by Pakistan Peoples’ Party, has been noted by the global
monitors. A recent report, ‘The 2018 Infrascope’, an index and study by The Economist
Intelligence Unit that evaluates the environment for public-private partnership in Asian countries
made an exception to include Sindh along with Gujrat in India, ‘as potential models of best
practice’. Sindh ranks 6th of 19 entities assessed. Its ranking was three places above Pakistan
that was graded at 9th position in the said index.

Commenting on Sindh the report states, “Sindh’s most positive performances are in its regulatory
environment (especially in partnership selection criteria and fairness and openness of bids and
contracts) and its institutional environment, including the stability of its public-private
partnership agency, the resourcing of project selection and implementation, and institutional
transparency and accountability.”

The Economist included Sindh as a ‘potential model of best practice’

in its study evaluating the environment for public-private partnership
in Asian countries
“There were a lot of apprehensions initially but it would be unfair if we fail to give the credit
where it is due. Our experience with the Government of Sindh was exemplary. They were open
and helpful all along and delivered on their part of the deal ahead of time”, Shamsuddin Sheikh,
former CEO of Sindh Engro Coal Mining Company (the biggest public-private joint venture thus
far), told Dawn during a conversation some time back.

“Several local and foreign companies are looking at sewerage, waste management, water and
other sectors with interest”, a business leader confided.

Discussing the stellar performance of Sindh, relevant officers in Punjab were not comfortable.
Initially, they doubted the veracity of the perception that Sindh is ahead of the rest but later tried
to explain reasons for the outcome. The top three reasons why Sindh outperformed Punjab
included: comparatively better financial status of Punjab (it could afford mega infrastructure
projects on its own without private sector help); concentration of forward-looking entrepreneurs
and companies in Karachi and the failure of the public-private partnership unit in Punjab to
highlight its performance.

“Under the new government that assumed power last year, Punjab is now focusing on the
inclusion of the private sector in development endeavours in the province with new zeal. To
streamline all relevant entities for fast pace movement, the province has decided to create a
Public-Private Partnership Authority. There are several proposals in the pipeline and you will
hear more on this front soon”, said Agha Waqar Javed, who heads Public Private Partnership
Cell in Punjab.

Taking to Dawn Khalid Mehmood Shaikh, a founding member of the public-private partnership
unit in Sindh, was convinced of the need and the potential of the arrangement in Sindh where
social divides are more pronounced and the culture of patronage rampant. He said to check waste
of public utilities, pricing is important.

“Competition is the best solution to improve the quality of service at a minimum cost. We need
to let the market forces of demand and supply determine the price of a service and then the
government can intervene if it so wishes to provide some risk cover to the producer or partial
subsidy to users”, he argued.

He was in favour of de-bundling city-wide organisations for cost-effective solutions. Sheikh was
all praise for his boss who he said valued merit and efficiency and has the vision to develop
Sindh sustainably.

“The credit of the success of partnership projects goes to Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah, who is
well aware of the problems and understands currents and counter-currents in the province. With
his unwavering support, we have been able to pool in a team of credible and efficient officers
and picked talent and companies on merit to pursue the cause. Yes, we have done well and hope
to do still better going forward”, he said.

Sindh, the province lagging in most socio-economic indicators of wellbeing, has updated its
public-private partnership ecosystem for greater engagement of the private sector to improve the
civic amenities and social service. From health and education to highways, water, sanitation,
mining and power generation almost all sectors have been explored for partnership projects.

“There is growing realisation in the provincial hierarchy that the top-heavy public structure
neither has the fiscal capacity nor the structural strength to steer development on its own. The
induction of the private sector in the development matrix of the province is necessary to avert the
danger of the collapse of weak, overstretched bodies already crumbling under their own weight”,
remarked another member of the PPP board.

Over the past two decades, Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa fared better than Sindh in
comparative human indicators of wellbeing, literacy, nutrition, accessibility of medical care,
provision of water and other basic utilities. The Pakistan Peoples’ Party that returned to power in
the last three elections is still struggling to deliver on the promise of a better life for constituents.
Even the higher fiscal autonomy, achieved under its rule, failed to translate into a more
prosperous province with a better spread of basic amenities.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 9th, 2019

TEXTILE

Stagnating textiles and clothing (T&C) exports have been a consistent

source of concern for the economy. The steep currency devaluation over the
last one year and the reduction in the energy (electricity and imported gas)
prices for exporters have significantly helped enhance the international
competitiveness of the industry. However, the T&C exports are unlikely to
make a major headway without fresh investments in capacity expansion
across the entire supply chain, particularly in the value-added downstream
industry.

The industry’s performance since 2000 shows that the growth in textiles and clothing
exports has been patchy and volatile. Pakistan’s overseas T&C shipments, for example,
rose by an average 9.9 per cent between 2000 and 2008. The growth rate dropped
heftily to 0.9pc from 2009 to 2013, and to 0.8pc during the next five years to 2018.

The last fiscal year saw the industry’s exports dip by 0.3pc in spite of a cheaper rupee,
better energy availability and affordability, and emerging opportunity in the global
market. Little wonder Pakistan’s share in the international T&C market has plunged to
1.7pc from 2pc in 2000.

The country’s dismal T&C exports in the last decade are characterised by marginal gains
in quantity, stagnant value (revenue) and reduced share in the global trade. Yet, in spite
of stagnation, the textile industry remains the most export-oriented sector of the
economy with its share in the nation’s export revenues fluctuating between 55pc and
60pc for the last several decades.

In Bangladesh, textile exporters have their office in the prime

minister’s office for quick resolution of issues and their export
cargo enjoys the same ‘right of way’ in congested Dhaka as
ambulances
That means Pakistan’s overall export performance will continue to depend largely on the
performance of the T&C sector in the near to medium term (even if the policymakers
focus on and somehow succeed in developing some other sectors for global
competition).

However, the chances of the textile and clothing exporters increasing their share in
international trade — both in terms of export value and quantity — despite emerging
global opportunities are minimal because of the shrinking size of the industry.

The industry’s capacity to produce exportable surplus has contracted substantially

because of factory closures on the back of crippling energy shortages that hit the
economy in the second half of 2000s, the previous government’s obsession for an
overvalued rupee, lack of investment in new more efficient technologies and capacity,
the controversial free trade agreement with China and so on.

Textile production capacity worth $1.5-2 billion is estimated to have closed down for
good in the last five years because of the anti-export bias of policymakers. While much
capacity is inoperative owing to a variety of factors, it can still be revived.

In comparison, countries like Bangladesh, Vietnam and India have dramatically

enhanced their exportable surplus. Bangladesh alone has added 3.75 million spindles
and 41,000 shuttleless looms in the last 10 years compared with Pakistan’s 2.45m
spindles and 7,600 shuttleless looms. India, on the other hand, added 20.4m spindles
and 89,000 shuttleless looms during the same period.

In 2018, according to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), Bangladesh ranked third
after China and the European Union (EU) on the list of 10 largest global exporters of
garments with shipments valuing at $32.5bn and Vietnam occupied fourth place with
$31.3bn. Pakistan with garment exports of $5.5 billion couldn’t find a place on the list.

Vietnam with sales of $8.3bn pushed down Pakistan with exports $8.0bn to the ninth
position on the list of the top 10 textiles exporting countries the same year.

If anything, the poor export performance of the textile industry over the last decade is
indicative of policy inconsistency and lack of institutional support to the industry. The
government has given two textile policies in 2009 and 2014 and one special incentives
package in 2017 to boost the country’s T&C exports.

But all three incentive packages were executed only fractionally. More recently, the
energy price package announced last October has not been implemented in letter and
spirit and exporters are still forced to take the matter to the courts every month to get
relief on their inflated bills.
Further, the measures taken for enhancement of T&C exports have lacked coherence.
The export enhancement measures, which never get implemented fully, have mostly
focused on rebates, subsidies and cash incentives. No policy action has ever been taken
to develop a skilled, more productive labour force, product development or market
diversification and so on.

For countries like Vietnam and Bangladesh, export promotion is a national strategy to
lift overall economic growth. In Pakistan, it is quite the reverse. In Bangladesh, the
textile exporters have their office in the prime minister’s office for quick resolution of
their issues and problems, and their export cargo enjoys the same ‘right of way’ in
congested Dhaka as ambulances.

In Pakistan, the textile ministry did not have a minister for years and is currently
clubbed together with four other ministries under Abdul Razzak Dawood. Even in its
heydays the ministry never had much power to influence government policies that
directly or indirectly affected new investments in textile capacity expansion or
development of value-added sectors.

Similarly, the research institutes, the textile commissioner office and the Trade
Development Authority Pakistan have miserably failed to perform their jobs and
become white elephants while similar institutions in other regional countries have
played a major role in T&C export enhancement.

The textile exports will continue to suffer and fresh investment will remain elusive
unless the government realizes the need for a powerful textile ministry to offer
institutional support to the industry, and liaise between exporters and other ministries
as well as agencies for export policy coherence and consistency.

Incentives to help the textile industry cut its cost of doing business are important. But
more important is institutional support to restore business confidence and ensure policy
consistency to woo fresh investments to enhance capacity and international
competitiveness of T&C exports for sustainable, faster growth.

The Future of Karachi Public Spaces

‘Public space’ has recently become a buzzword in the world of urban

planning. The term has also filtered into Pakistan although there have been
individuals and organisations who have worked, against great odds, on the
issue for decades without employing the term.

There are many types of urban space. One type is a part of a larger city or
neighbourhood’s official plan, such as parks and playgrounds. In Karachi as a whole,
much of this space has been illegally taken over for real estate development. Another
type is acquired by communities for the purposes for recreation, entertainment and
economic activity from ‘leftover’ spaces of official planning, such as wide pavements,
around bus stops and formal markets. If such spaces survive long enough, they become
an important part of community life. Yet another type evolves out of necessity and the
absence of options, such as streets in katchi abadis where children play, women socialise
and small neighbourhood businesses establish themselves. Very often, residents block
through traffic from the lane, turning it into a protected public space.

This article is not specifically about these spaces or their origins. It is about how, in elite
and middle-income areas, public space is being taken over from the public domain for
the exclusive use of elite or middle-class functions. It is also about how, in the designing
and redesigning of public space, government agencies ignore the functions for which the
space was originally being used in order to reflect politicians’, architects’, or planners’
points of view of how such a space should be used. In the process, they invest in designs
that are inappropriate for the public and which require huge maintenance costs, which
are partly recovered by charging a fee from visitors. If this process continues, then very
soon there will be no space for the poor in elite neighbourhoods, dividing the city further
between rich and poor areas.

THE LOST STREET MARKET

Pavement market for clothes in Saddar | Arif Hasan

For example, between Ghazi Abdullah Shah’s Mazaar and the Bahria Icon Tower, there
is a lane that goes from the shrine to the sea. After visiting the shrine, people used to
walk down this lane to the sea and, on the way, visit the aquarium and the Play Land,
both of which had been in existence for more than 50 years but not anymore. Millions of
Karachiites and visitors from other urban and rural areas of Pakistan have made this
journey, because of which a well-organised market for food, seashell trinkets, art work
and souvenirs developed along the lane. None of this now exists and you cannot get to
the sea from this lane either. The lane now leads to the Beach View Park where you have
to pay to get in. The exit from the mazaar to the lane has also been blocked.

As more and more spaces are lost to the public and are taken
over for the exclusive use of elite and middle-class functions,
what does it mean for the city? How can urban planners and
policymakers avoid further dividing the rich and the poor?
With developments such as the Dolmen Mall, and related offices and car parking
requirements, accessing the beach is becoming progressively difficult for low-income
visitors. The hawkers of this lane have been scattered to different locations and they
complain that their earnings have substantially reduced. Many of them have given up
their traditional work and taken to selling food or getting jobs with contractors and as
service staff to small businesses in the area. Apart from the economic loss, the death of
the street market is also a huge cultural loss.

The Beach View Park obstructs access to the sea and is hardly used because of the fee
that has to be paid for entering it and the fact that it does not open out on to the sea.

WHERE DO THE YOUTH GO?

Women enter Burnes Garden | Photo by Tahir Jamal White Star
Next to the lane, the Bin Qasim Park has been developed within which is the listed
heritage site of the Jehangir Kothari Parade. When the park was inaugurated, my office
made a small investigation as to what the visitors thought about the park. The survey
results showed that the people who visited it and the people of the area in which it is
located simply adored it. However, males without an accompanied female could not
enter the park and this objection surfaced quite strongly. The other group that was
unhappy were children and young men who used this space for playing cricket and
football. As a result of the park, they were forced to play on the streets surrounding it
and were often censured by government agencies for doing so. The park consists of 150
acres; the young men argued that 10 to 15 acres of it could have been set aside for sports
activities and benefitted hundreds of children and young men.

The trees in both the Beach View Park and the Bin Qasim Park had matured and by last
year they were almost fully grown and they provided shade and a lush green
environment. However, earlier this year, their size was reduced to about 12 feet and
their stumps were pruned into a round shape. The shade they provided was eliminated.
The reason given for this was that because of the trees, the visitors, especially young
people engaging in ‘shameless acts’ could not be seen. There could not have been a more
ridiculous reason. If authorities wanted to keep an eye on people under the trees, an
appropriate lighting system could have been installed instead.

Not far from the Bin Qasim Park is Old Clifton. It got its name after the Jehangir
Kothari Parade was built in 1919 and which came to be known as New Clifton. So Old
Clifton is at least 100 years old. It was an open maidaan [ground] at a height and
overlooked the sea and a part of Defence Housing Society. This was a place where young
people played cricket and families and young couples came for an outing. Today, in the
centre of this space, there is a concrete paved park with a steel fence around it. Its gates
have been locked for the past many years. One reason is that someone in the
neighbourhood has filed a petition saying that ‘anti-social’ people would come into this
space in a ‘decent’ neighbourhood. According to another source, real estate development
has been planned for this area. Whatever the reason, this space too in an elite
neighbourhood, has been lost to the public. Fatima Jinnah’s house stands on the border
of this space and legend has it that the Quaid used to sit at the edge of this ridge and
watch the sunset.

With developments such as the Dolmen Mall, and related

offices and car parking requirements, accessing the beach is
becoming progressively difficult for low-income visitors.
DRIVING OUT THE POOR

Children locked out of the park in Old Clifton | Arif Hasan

Yet another case is Port Grand. It was developed on the first bridge that linked Keamari
to mainland Karachi in 1854. It is a very positive addition as a place of recreation and
food for the middle class. It is also beautifully designed. However, a very important
activity on the bridge, before Port Grand was developed, was the performance of water-
related traditional and religious rituals which consisted of feeding fish and birds, and
depositing talismans into the sea. All this was accompanied by prayers and recitations
from holy texts.

The activity also generated colourful economic activity apart from spiritual satisfaction
and it brought people and groups from different classes and religions together. This
activity — which according to Karachiites who are now 90 years old — has been going on
for more than a hundred years and could have been easily integrated into the design of
Port Grand in a way that did not adversely affect middle-class sensitivities. However,
this activity is now performed in environmentally degraded conditions. Because of the
unhygienic conditions under the bridge, the upper classes no longer visit the area. In
addition, the eating space developed under the bridge which served the public was also
demolished in the recent anti-encroachment drive. So, Port Grand has been developed
to cater to the middle class at the expense of lower-income groups and communities.

FORGETTING HISTORY

Jehangir Park would have been a far more open space if it had been dissolved into neighbouring
spaces | Arif Hasan
The city also contains a number of heritage parks, of which at least nine have heritage
buildings or built components in them. In many of them, children play cricket and
football against park rules, and hawkers sell food and sports-related items. Their case is
illustrated by the rehabilitation of Jehangir Park. Loved by everyone from hawkers to
transporters, the park has brought relief to the area and completely alleviated the
environmental suffocation that the people in the area felt earlier. From a few of them,
there are still some complaints. One is that food in the park restaurant is far too
expensive for them and the second, that a space in the park should have been left for
children and young men to play cricket and football.

But there are other objections from conservationists. They feel that Jehangir Park is not
only a historic park that has a close relationship with the political history of Karachi but
it is also the first and only designed gravel park in the city. In addition, it is also the
space where well-known pre-Partition cricketers played and, after Independence, many
well-known Pakistani cricketers also practiced in this park. For these reasons,
conservationists feel that the design of the park should have reflected its history and
that the aviary and the dinosaur park that it houses today are inappropriate. Similar
objections by conservationists have also been raised on the work carried out by the
Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC) in Burnes Garden which is listed as heritage
site under the Sindh Conservation Act 1994.

The World Bank Neighbourhood Improvement Project is developing the space between
D.J. College and S.M. Law College in Saddar. We do not know what the design of this
space is since it has not been shared with the residents of Karachi. However, it has to be
noted that, on Sundays and public holidays, this space was used by 10-15 cricket teams
at one given time. If this space is lost to the young cricketers, they will have no option
but to find other traffic-free streets to play on. Unfortunately, there are no traffic-free
streets in the immediate area. I wonder if the planners of the space have thought of and
catered to it by re-routing traffic on Sundays and holidays.

By re-routing traffic, such traffic-free streets can be created.

TOWARDS GENTRIFICATION?

Residents of Karachi beat the heat at Seaview | White Star

The worst example of a takeover of public space from the people of Karachi is Empress
Market, where over 1,000 shops of over 40 years old have been razed to the ground and
about 4,500 hawkers have been displaced without being provided any alternative space
for rehabilitating their businesses. Through a thorough reorganisation of space, these
shops and hawkers could have been rehabilitated, overcoming the objections of their
blocking vehicular and pedestrian traffic. In the process, Empress Market could have
retained a number of markets that were closely linked to it economically, socially and
culturally. The take-over of Empress Market and its adjoining areas has raised the cost
of properties around it and the rents of shops as well. It has also raised bhatta
(protection money) that hawkers pay to the authorities so that they can continue to
occupy a small space on the streets around the markets. Since no project for the
rehabilitation of the demolished shops and dislocated hawkers has so far been presented
to them, there is a feeling of considerable uncertainty for the future.

The situation in Saddar seems to point to a beginning of gentrification of certain parts of

Saddar which will drive the poor out of the area. Again, we do not know the future of
Empress Market and its surrounding areas because this information has not been
shared with the people of Karachi nor with the hawkers and the owners of the shops in
the demolished markets.

Another manner of driving out the poor and lower-middle classes is by creating
conditions which are inappropriate to their socio-economic conditions, such as the
absence of affordable food, as was attempted by the Defence Housing Society when it
removed all hawkers from Seaview and the only food available after this was in
expensive kiosks and container outlets.

More recently, the shamianas (marquees) which accommodated the book market in
Frere Hall were banned because their pegs damaged the tarmac on which they were
installed. As a result, booksellers had to set up their shops under the sun. and due to the
heat, booksellers and customers declined considerably. If this continues over time, it is
possible that the book market at Frere Hall will disappear altogether. The proper
solution would have been to create metal slots in the tarmac which could receive the
marquee pegs. Similarly, the Sunday book market at Regal Chowk, which has a history
of over 50 years, has periodically been disallowed instead of being promoted.
Parks and open spaces serve many other purposes which need to be understood. When
there are power cuts in the summer, entire families come and sleep under the open sky
in public spaces to keep cool. Also, after parks are closed as per regulations, homeless
people, in large numbers, come and sleep in them. People living in the neighbourhood of
such parks are not unsympathetic to the homeless; in fact, they feel that if the people are
disallowed from sleeping in the parks, they would be forced to sleep on the streets in the
neighbourhood and this would create greater social problems. How one deals with this
is important. New public spaces are also developing under the flyovers that have been
built. How does one make use of these spaces for public good, especially for the young,
who desperately need space for sports and recreation?

WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

Port Grand | White Star

A few recommendations emerge from the discussions above. One, where informal
development has created public space which has served socio-economic functions for a
long period of time, it should be regularised and, if necessary, reorganised. Second, for
the redesigning of existing public spaces, their existing functions need to be understood
and catered to. Meanwhile, in the designing of new spaces, what people want should be
understood through surveys and meetings of the stakeholders.

A very important aspect of design is related to the future administration and

maintenance of space. It is necessary that the design remain minimalist and that
maintenance costs are also reduced to the bare minimum. The designing or redesigning
of public space should also accommodate hawkers and performers who, at present,
usually hang around at the gates of parks and playgrounds by paying bhatta to the
relevant authorities. Heritage parks should be designed by conservationists or at least
their advice in the designing of such parks should be solicited.

But how can one do all this in the face of a strong anti-poor bias in planning and policy,
the cultural insensitivity of politicians and the megalomania and unethical practices of
architects and planners? That is the real question.

The writer is an architect and town planner

‘Fewer visitors at the Mazaar than there used to be’

Khurram, a seashell vendor at the gate of Beach View Park, says, “We sold seashells in
the street market, we had a fixed space. It was like home. My father also sold seashells
before me. I grew up here. Because of the street bazaar, business was good. It continued
till two or three at night. Now at eight o’ clock, we are asked to leave the area. If we do
not, then we are pressurised.” There is a marked change in business activity in the area.
Khurram recalls, “Business continued till late because from the mazaar all the visitors
used to go to the sea through the street. This is not possible anymore. Most of them
came because they wanted to go to the sea. Some went to the Play Land, some went to
the aquarium which is now a ruin. It has no fish and it has been crumbling for many
years. They say that there is a budget of two crores for its maintenance and there are 45
employees. I do not know what they spend it on or what the employees do. Now it is
difficult for us [to] walk from place to place looking for buyers. Before, [buyers] came to
us. The end of the market and the inaccessibility of the sea have also affected visitors of
the Urs. They are now much less [in number] than they used to be.”

‘All of the people who sleep in parks are not homeless’

Mohammad Ashraf, is a painter, about 35-40 year old, who lives in Aaram Bagh
(previously Ram Bagh). He says, “Yes, people do come and sleep in the park at night but
all of them are not homeless. Some of them work in this area but their home is far away
– say in Malir. So they save on time and transport cost. The park darogha [caretaker],
sometimes with the help of the police, throws them out of the park. In which case, they
sleep on the pavements in our neighbourhood.

The presence of unknown people outside our houses has sometimes created serious
social problems. This is a serious problem for we do not like the homeless people to be
around in our neighbourhood. But they are also helpless, and some of them are quite
mohazzab [civilised]. I feel bad but we cannot do anything about it, the government
should tackle this problem. Maybe they could arrange for some space which is reserved
for these people and which could be used for sports in the daytime. I must also tell you
about the renovation work currently going on. It is normal, it happens every two years
for no reason – maybe you understand the reason.”

Published in Dawn, EOS, September 8th, 2019

Weight of the stabilisation policies

Nasir JamalSeptember 02, 20190

The new fiscal year has indeed started on a ‘positive note’ as the prime minister’s economic team apprised him last
week of the gains made in the last couple of months.

But the fact remains that business sentiments are low and the economy continues to languish under the weight of harsh
stabilisation policies being implemented as part of the $6 billion deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The
severe pain being felt by everyone is unlikely to go away any time soon.

Taking notice of the reports about growing unemployment and dropping private investment caused by the government’s
fiscal and monetary policies targeting demand compression, the premier was reported to have directed his economic team
to draw up a plan to stimulate growth and restore business confidence.

His direction was followed by a meeting of the Monetary and Fiscal Policies Coordination Board (MFPCB) to discuss
options to “enhance economic activities in the potential areas of the economy with targeted policy interventions”. A press
note issued after the board meeting dropped a hint or two that (the central bank) might reduce interest rates, a demand that
is getting louder by the day as the economy comes to a near halt and private investment dries up.

“It was emphasised that (the) policy rate may be regulated in a way to confine (the) external sector vulnerability by
focusing and prioritizing the export oriented sectors to generate more exportable surplus and become more competitive. It
was agreed that (the) SME sector should be uplifted by providing it access to finance that will contribute to generate more
export surplus and to create jobs,” the handout said.
However, State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) Governor Dr Reza Baqir’s remarks during his interaction with businessmen in
Karachi last Friday put to rest speculations that the central bank could cut its current policy rate of 13.25 per cent any time
soon. He told them, “We have to sustain our policies in order to gain the confidence of local and foreign investors.”

He didn’t stop at that and went on to say that the “real and true (policy) interest rate was only 0.25pc” given the fact that
the average inflation rate for the entire fiscal year is estimated to hover around 13pc. This implies that the policy rate is
unlikely to come down during the current fiscal year as the central bank targets to contain inflation, compress imports and
attract foreign investment to shore up its reserves.

A member of the MFPCB, who requested anonymity because he believes he shouldn’t talk publicly on matters discussed
in the meeting, ruled out the possibility of an “across-the-board reduction in the benchmark interest rates”. “Interest rates
have nothing to do with the rise and fall of private investment. What matters the most for private investors is policy
predictability and clarity, which the present monetary policy is targeting to achieve.”

Nevertheless, he did not rule out “preferential rates” for spurring private investment in the agriculture and SME sectors.
“As far as exports are concerned, the currency devaluation has restored their competitiveness. Besides, the central bank
has schemes in place to provide cheaper credit to exporters,” he replied in response to a question.

Many agree that it would be impossible for the central bank to cut the policy rate with the IMF macroeconomic policy
framework already in place. Mian Muhammad Mansha, chairman of the Nishat Group, does not see the interest rate
dropping in the near term although he fears a spike in bank loan defaults (resulting from the high credit cost and slowing
business activities).

His message for the government: put the privatisation of low-hanging fruits, like National Bank of Pakistan and airports,
on a fast track and help revive the construction industry if it wants to stimulate economic growth without jeopardising its
deal with the IMF.

“The privatisation of the easier-to-sell state-owned enterprises (SOEs) will generate economic activity and help restore
business confidence besides generating revenues for the government,” he said. “Simultaneously, the construction industry
should be resuscitated to revive the 40 or so allied industries. Once the economic activity picks up and business confidence
is restored, we will see an immediate revival of investment.”

Asif Ali Qureishi, chairman of Optimus Capital Management, believes the economy is likely to perform better than
expected this year owing to the improved performance of the agriculture sector. He says the interest rate may be one of the
necessary factors for the revival of business confidence and private investment, but a reduction in the cost of credit alone
cannot lift sentiments.

“There are multiple factors that play a key role in wooing and driving away private capital. The interest rate is only one of
the factors affecting investment and business sentiments. It matters only when investors borrow money, which they are not
doing right now,” he said.

He was of the view that the government should engage investors, end the frictions hampering business and investment,
remove the fear factor without compromising on the accountability of the corrupt and create industrial infrastructure.
“Pakistan has ample opportunity, but the government will have to take the initiative and play the lead role. It will take time
and much effort to revive subdued business confidence,” he concluded.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 2nd, 2019

REnwing Bussinesmen confidence

Notwithstanding the overall macroeconomic conditions remaining in a

state of flux and official policies and business expectations converging less
and diverging more, a few initial positive indicators have the potential to
slightly rekindle the sagging business confidence in the economy.
First, the commercial banks have started investing in long-term Pakistan Investment
Bonds (PIB) as the central bank’s policy rate has peaked. For example, in one recent PIB
auction, banks showed interest in acquiring PIBs worth Rs1 trillion while the
government picked up offers of just Rs495 billion. Earlier, the banks were focused on
investing in government papers with short tenure because of the market expectation of a
further interest rate hike.

Another positive development is the steep fall in the current account deficit (CAD). In

July this year, the CAD fell sharply by 73 per cent to just $579 million from $2.1bn in the
same month last year. The figure is close to the International Monetary Fund’s
projection of $557m. The trade gap has declined by nearly half over comparative
months.

The country is in dire need of strategic domestic and foreign

investment in prioritised sectors to help pull the economy out
of crisis and on the path to robust economic recovery
Quoting the latest trade figures, advisor on commerce Abdul Razzak Dawood says “if a
similar trend continues in the months ahead, by the end of the current fiscal year the
pressure will ease on (forex) reserves and the rupee.”

Similar views are also held by some independent analysts. With massive devaluation
and a big improvement in the CAD, they point out that the current rupee-dollar parity is
now viewed by the IMF as being close to equilibrium. And a noted financial expert does
not consider the high inflation rate (at 10.3pc in July) a risk to rupee value. He argues
that inflation was not a runaway story.

The rupee is stated to be undervalued when compared to the current real effective
exchange rate (REER). However, REER is being updated as the country’s trade and
economic cooperation gradually acquires a regional bias, particularly with the
significant presence of China in the domestic market.

In Pakistan, there is yet another critical issue for the State Bank of Pakistan to ponder
upon while formulating monetary policy. The government’s struggle to avoid a serious
debt trap is being frustrated by the continuing rupee depreciation.

The country’s total debt and liabilities shot up by 35pc to Rs40.2tr or 104pc of GDP
during 2018-2019. Around Rs2.8tr was added to the total amount by currency
devaluation. High central bank policy rate also has serious implications for domestic
debt servicing. The fiscal deficit has hit a record of 9.1pc. It is not a sign of the
government’s finances moving towards stability.

A bank’s senior treasury official does not rule out the possibility of the rupee gaining
some value during this year. The demand for dollars will pick up significantly when the
economic recovery starts. The government sees recovery in calendar year 2020 and
some corporate executives say it may take one and a half to two years from now if
investment-friendly policies are put in place.
It is also time for the SBP to loosen its tight monetary policy, analysts say, keeping in
view the response of other central banks to the feared global economic
slowdown/recession.

Finally, business sentiments are likely to improve with the National Accountability
Bureau restrained from investigating suspected tax evasion cases or other unethical
practices by some errant businessmen.

On August 23, NAB chairman retired Justice Javed Iqbal Khan announced that the
watchdog would not pursue cases pertaining to income-tax and sales tax against the
business community. Such on-going cases will be transferred to the Federal Board of
Revenue. Notices issued to flour mills by the Bureau’s Multan Office were suspended
with immediate effect.

The watchdog’s decision follows the federal cabinet’s observation that “businessmen are

afraid of NAB. They are neither investing their money nor depositing it in the banks. In
fact, they are hiding their cash under their mattresses. Business activities have stopped
and the economy is crippled.”

While there is no doubt that NAB has contributed significantly to the loss of business
confidence, the stabilisation policies designed to ease the external sector crisis have also
played a major role in crippling production and destabilising the domestic market. The
steep decline in imports is having a major impact on domestic output and investment.

The net inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) plummeted to the paltry amount of
$73.4m in July, a 59pc drop from July last year - a trend witnessed over the whole of
2018-19. An analyst considers these declining FDI inflows as ‘fading pipeline
investments’. In the same month, the inflows from China have dropped by $94m and
the United Kingdomc by $42m.

To quote from a media report, a top executive of a foreign firm says the current foreign
exchange regime is discouraging FDI. He thinks that “foreign investors would wait for
the rupee’s exchange rate to bottom out investing as there is an erosion of value.” He
pointed out that foreign investors are not used to extensive procedural oversight in the
flow of funds as being exercised by the central bank. “They want assurance that they
have access to a dividend stream they can rely on flowing through unhindered.”

Incidentally, the FBR has also started analysing cases of transfer pricing where
companies are suspected to be directly involved in shifting their profits abroad without
payment of taxes.

The government is also pinning hopes on the forthcoming visit of a 64-member Chinese
business delegation due to visit Pakistan in October. The Chinese are stated to be
interested in relocating their industries in Pakistan. But the special economic zones
where the Chinese investments are to be located are yet to become operational.

In its latest move, the government plans to set up 12 special economic zones (SEZs)
including nine that received the go-ahead under China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
While work on SEZ at Rashakai is in progress, Prime Minister Imran Khan will now
himself monitor on a weekly basis the progress on other long-delayed zones. As
provinces are also involved in this major venture, he may not have smooth sailing.

Restoring business confidence is a challenging job in a complex situation marked by low

savings, paltry investment, falling production, rising unemployment, declining wages,
increasing poverty, low economic growth and high inflation. While suppressed domestic
demand is stifling growth, the export outlook is not so predictable in a global economy
that is slowing down.

The government’s actual development spending which could stimulate private

investment is constrained by rising fiscal deficit with tax revenue not expected to
increase fast enough. The prime minister has asked his economic team to prepare an
economic revival plan completely aligned with the IMF programme so that the currently
sluggish economic activity could receive a kick-start.

The country is in dire need of strategic domestic and foreign investment in prioritised
sectors to help pull the economy out of the multiple crises and to put it on the path to
robust economic recovery.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 2nd, 2019

Dividends of trade war

Fatima S AttarwalaSeptember 16, 2019

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At times, a kick in the back is a lot more effective than years of rational arguments. And the China-US trade war
might be just that.

Imagine a scenario in which instead of a tariff battle the United States and China have increased bilateral trade to new
heights. China increases imports from Pakistan and newspaper headlines blare the country’s improving export numbers.

But that is not to be. The trade war between economic giants has suppressed the import demand from Pakistan in China.
The trend was reflected in trade data.

Trade war impact on yarn

“Pakistan’s cotton yarn exports declined 15.4 per cent to $835.7 million in July-March 2018-19,” states the third quarterly
report of the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP). Citing Chinese customs data, the report explains that cotton and yarn imports
by China dropped by a sizeable 17.2pc last year as part of the trade war with the United States.
‘US importers have lost confidence in China, which benefited
Vietnam, Cambodia and Bangladesh in a big way,’ says a textile
industry leader
Since cotton yarn consists of about 44pc of Pakistan’s exports to China, the dip exacerbated the current account deficit and
contributed in a small measure to the need to approach the International Monetary Fund (IMF) with a begging bowl.
However, the trade war’s effect of losing out on exports of raw material and intermediate goods may also have created
new and more lucrative opportunities.

Silver lining

In the backdrop of the IMF programme and the trade balance pressure, the drop in textile raw material exports to China
came at a time when the country could ill-afford it.

However, it has turned into a blessing in disguise.

“In the last three weeks, we have received a lot of inquiries by US retailers,” said Pakistan Textile Exporters Association
Chairman Khurrum Mukhtar. “They have lost confidence in China because of which Vietnam, Cambodia and Bangladesh
are the biggest beneficiaries. We have not been able to benefit as much as the other countries have but home and garment
sectors within the industry are receiving a boost.”

Mr Mukhtar went on to explain that while the impact was not significant in dollar terms because of depreciation, the
textile sector’s quantum of exports had increased by 32-36pc.

Given the noise created by big businesses because of the hardships attributed to the budget, a question arises whether the
sector has the capacity to benefit from available opportunities. In Mr Mukhtar’s view, there is still 30pc idle capacity that
can be utilised to boost exports by $2.5-3 billion. However, a cash-flow crunch remains an issue, he added.

His sentiments were echoed by the adviser on commerce and textiles, Abdul Razak Dawood, in a recent interview with
Dawn. Mr Dawood said that the slowdown in textile raw material and intermediate exports to China has benefitted
Pakistan in a roundabout manner as they are available at a more competitive price for local manufacturers.

Value addition
Though the buzzword ‘value-addition’ has been in vogue for decades, Pakistan’s textile exports lean more towards cotton
yarn and woven fabric than apparel.

While teaching a course at the Institute of Business Administration, ex-SBP Governor Salim Raza once shared an
illustrative table of price appreciation when seed cotton is processed into a garment.

Though the data in the table is somewhat dated, his argument was that converting cotton into apparel yields the highest
factor of value addition. Manufacturing of yarn and grey cloth is highly mechanised and the processes depend on imported
machinery. Therefore, it under-contributes to employment and does not allow Pakistan to leverage its low-cost labour.

Thus, the total factor productivity payback of the industry — i.e. net value added — remains low whereas the reliance on
imported machinery remains high. Keeping micro-economic jargon aside, it means that Pakistan is using its inputs in the
least efficient manner to get the maximum monetary benefit.

Competing with big boys

The European Union and the United States are Pakistan two’s main destinations for textile exports. While the GSP Plus
covers exports to the European Union, the US preferential tariff regime GSP does not. Any increase in exports to the US
market means Pakistan is competing with the big boys on an equal footing.

In the past, industrialists opted the easy way out of supplying raw materials to competing countries rather than investing in
value-addition. One garment exporter and member of the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry that
Dawn talked to said he had wrapped up his business five years ago because he saw the writing on the wall — that the
economy was not headed in a direction for his enterprise to remain commercially viable.

However, the trade war may have created the space for the domestic textile sector to revive hope. The mollycoddled local
industries have been protected by import substitution policies for decades. Open competition in the global market while
facing a tough macro-economic environment at home may let the industry emerge stronger.

Overly optimistic? Possibly. However, the latest export numbers shared by the adviser on commerce indicate a 17pc
increase in readymade garments and 16pc increase in home textiles in July over June. Though a month’s numbers do not
represent a trend, being forced towards finished goods rather than raw materials may nudge the sector towards stronger
and more sustainable growth.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 16th, 2019

LOVe thy Farmers

Farmers buy their inputs retail and sell their produce wholesale. The retail
buying of inputs is inclusive of freight and raises their cost of production.
The bulk selling of their produce, minus the cost of transport and often on
forced conditions, reduces their margins.

Ideally, the IT revolution should have changed this situation: by now, farmers should
have been able to buy in bulk and sell directly to smaller groups of consumers. But to
make that happen, provincial governments should have taken the lead and federal
authorities should have facilitated them. That is nowhere in sight. Farmers continue to
suffer.

Support prices are fixed for major crops to ensure fair returns to growers. But those
support prices are never adhered to. Farmers have to grease the palms of corrupt
officials to get sale proceeds calculated at support prices that effectively reduces their
returns.
More often than not industries refuse to buy wheat and sugar cane at officially fixed
minimum prices. Growers have to sell their produce at so-called market prices while
governments watch their helplessness in criminal silence. When it comes to perishable
agricultural produce like fruits and vegetables, the situation gets worse the produce is in
abundance. Farmers have to sell them at throwaway prices.

Block-chain technology should be used to record and update

the status of crops. In China, the idea took off in late 2017 and
has been in use since
Sometimes, a few dejected farmers choose to burn their produce rather than sell them
for nothing. What can be done to ensure fair returns to our six million farmers in a
manner that does not result in abrupt or excessive price hikes for the consumer or
industrial buyers?

Block-chain technology might offer a solution. How about developing a block-chain

ledger to record and update the status of crops from planting to harvest, storage and
delivery? Block-chain-powered agricultural trade holds promise for millions of farmers
who can find niche markets for their produce. In China, it took off in late 2017 and has
since been growing gradually.

Technology-driven premium produce marketing is another area where opportunities

await innovative farmers. Sugar cane with higher sucrose content is sold at higher rates.
Premium quality basmati rice also sells at better prices. Cotton of better staple length
also fetches higher rates. And the same is the case with other crops. Online marketing
platforms offering better quality crops can help growers earn more and ensure timely
and hassle-free delivery to the buyers. After the launch of the 5G mobile internet facility,
such online marketing will become a lot easier. Zong has already conducted 5G tests and
once the 5G internet service is available to all mobile phone users (161m as of June),
farmers will have no problem in finding niche markets and targeted consumers for their
premium agricultural produce.

Even ordinary food grains’ marketing from farm to industries and trade centres can be
planned and executed with the cooperation of provincial governments. Why is it that
delays in the official procurement of wheat from farms damages large quantities in
traditional storage points whereas flour mills suffer shortages in supplies? Just a legal
nod from provincial authorities can allow wheat farmers to dispose of a certain
percentage of freshly harvested wheat to flour mills of their choice using online trading
platforms. That will save them the hassles of transporting wheat to faraway city centres
and flour mills can make trading agreements with wheat growers of their choice.

The Agriculture Marketing Information Service, an online service of the Punjab

government, keeps farmers posted about price trends in food commodity markets. Other
provinces can follow suit as price discovery is the first step towards revolutionising
farmer-friendly online marketing of crops and other agricultural produce.
Futures trading of wheat, sugar cane and Irri-6 rice at the Pakistan Mercantile Exchange
also provides farmers with a window to keep track of price trends. But for the online
trading of food crops using a complete supply chain — right from harvesting to delivery
— they need to partner with solution providers at each stage. And finally, they will have
to join hands with payment-solution providers like phone companies.

Many of our farmers need to be educated before they can enter online business on a
sustainable basis. That is also an area where provincial governments and experts of
marketing and payment solutions should help them. Farmers’ education and awareness
programmes by Engro and Karandaaz are impressive. They should think about
extending the scope of these programmes. In addition to helping farmers do better at
farms, they should also educate them on how to capture specialised segments within
commodity markets.

The federal government’s agricultural revolution package is wanting on many counts.

Officials of Sindh and Balochistan governments complain they don’t know exact details
of this programme. The revamping of commodity marketing and supply chain is part of
the programme. One hopes it will start sooner than later. But on the ground, nothing
has happened so far.— MA

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 16th, 2019

Sindhs languishing waterworks

The federal and Sindh governments have conceived identical water

projects over Kotri barrage, downstream the Indus. The Water and
Power Development Authority (Wapda) has devised the ‘Sindh
Barrage’ project, 45 kilometres upstream, at the confluence of the
Indus and the Arabian Sea in Thatta district.

As per Wapda’s conceptual study, the barrage would help check sea intrusion,
store water from the Indus and revive the ecology of the delta that is dying at a
fast pace.

Furthermore, it could supply drinking water to Badin, Tharparkar and Karachi

through off-taking canals. Interestingly, the Sindh government has formulated
a similar project, ‘Delta Barrage’, in its Annual Development Programme
2019-20. Both the governments have reached a rare understanding over this
Rs120 billion project last month.

The Delta Barrage project will help check sea intrusion,

store water from the Indus and revive the ecology of the
area
While this project has yet to commence, the fate of three other vital water
projects in Sindh — two of them storage-oriented — hangs in balance. Delays
have led to cost overruns.

This has prompted the apex court to take notice of two of them — Right Bank
Outfall Drain-II (RBOD-II) and Nai Gaj dam. The Supreme Court has set
November 2019 as the completion deadline for RBOD-II. The third project of
Darawat Dam stands completed, requiring the Sindh government’s attention
for operational control.

Nai Gaj dam, with 0.30 million acre feet (MAF) storage capacity and 4.2
megawatt power generation capacity, is a federally funded project. It is being
built on a hill torrent called ‘Nai Gaj’ in local parlance, in Dadu district.

While the dam was intended to irrigate 28,800 acres of land, it lies incomplete
since its inception in 2012. Its tentative completion date is in 2020. Its second
revised project cost (PC-I) of Rs47.73bn is awaiting the approval of the
Executive Committee of National Economic Council (Ecnec) since January
2019.

The row between the Sindh and the federal government pertains to the cost of
the dam against the background of the 18th amendment. The federal
government argues that since Sindh is the lone beneficiary, it should share the
cost while the Sindh government views strongly differ.

The rain-fed Darawat dam is a vital project that Wapda

completed in 2014. It has yet to be handed over. One
argument is that Sindh’s irrigation officials intend to
inspect its behaviour once it attains optimum storage
The cost of the project keeps fluctuating as well. Only Rs11bn out of 26bn —
around 40pc of its first revised cost — has been released so far. In 2009, the
cost of the project was Rs16.92bn but was revised upwards to Rs59bn in 2012.
After the Central Development Working Party slashed down its components,
the cost came down to Rs34bn. Ecnec eventually brought the cost further
down to Rs26.236bn in 2015.

Cost escalation led to another revision to Rs47bn in 2016. Ecnec, according to

Wapda’s website, deferred the revision due to the Sindh government’s
decision on cost sharing in January 2019.
Chief Minister Sindh’s special assistant on irrigation Ashfaq Memon is not
persuaded by the federal government’s ‘cost sharing argument’. He contends
that the federal government in the past has executed projects for the welfare of
a single province and Sindh should not be an exception.

“Sindh will honour its commitment as per the original PC-I regarding the cost
of land acquisition, security and resettlement that was first revised to Rs1.9bn.
We will bear the same if the revision is agreed at Rs47bn by Ecnec.” Work on
the dam remains suspended till it gets Ecnec’s nod. The dam will feed
Manchhar Lake through a 50 cusec underground water supply line to keep the
lake alive.

The rain-fed Darawat dam is a vital project for Sindh that Wapda completed in
2014. However, it has yet to be handed over. One argument is that Sindh’s
irrigation officials intend to inspect the dam’s behaviour once it attains
optimum storage of 112 meters. The current storage, after the recent monsoon
rains, is 106 meters against the dead level of 104 meters. Wapda insists it is
not bound by anything after the defect notification period (DNP) ends.

“We are pressing Sindh to take over its operational control. The project’s DNP
which holds the contractor responsible for a dam’s operation or anything that
happens to the project ended in 2016. It was extended for a year till 2017. Now
Sindh should come forward and take over its management”, says Hyderabad-
based Wapda’s GM (South) Naeem Arif.

The Sindh government has to develop the command area of Darawat dam on
25,000 acres which is to be distributed among landless peasantry, preferably
women as per the then PPP’s federal government. A committee, Mr Memon
says, has been formed by Chief Minister Murad Shah to expedite work for the
distribution of the land.

The 273km long RBOD-II project started in 2001 at a cost of Rs14bn. It was
supposed to be completed in 2006. The RBOD-II project was the worst hit
amongst these three projects in terms of delays and cost overruns. At Rs62bn,
its current cost is three times higher than its initial estimated cost.

A Rs4.5bn scam has surfaced in relation to this project, involving that Sindh
irrigation department officials. A formal inquiry is underway after a
departmental probe.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, September 16th, 2019

Police Reforms
RECENTLY at the first-ever SHO and moharrar conferences held in
Mansehra, the real stakeholders had an opportunity to offer their input for
improving public service delivery at police stations.

In the absence of structural reforms, most police chiefs opt for soft interventions
without legal backing or strong political ownership, which is why these interventions
prove to be short-lived, lasting only for the duration of their tenure. Structural
adjustment is hence inevitable. But to be sustainable, this requires political ownership,
third-party monitoring and evaluation, and additional resources.

Historically, police reform has been a closed-door issue with virtually no civil society
input. Further, except for KP Police Act 2017, police reforms and police laws cannot be
termed an exclusive outcome of public lobbying and parliamentary deliberations.

A few model police stations (PSs) were recently established but there is no independent
body to evaluate service delivery.

In developed countries, the police are a front-line public service. However, in the former
colonies, police chiefs have scarcely paid attention to growing police-public mistrust.
Most of them failed to realise that cosmetic changes may not transform the police’s
colonial makeup.

The Police Station Inquiry Committee (1976), the Cabinet Committee on the
Emoluments of SHOs (1982) and the Cabinet Committee on Determining the Status of
SHOs (1983) were three endeavours with a focus on police stations and SHOs. Their
recommendations were shelved.

Police stations function along outdated lines.

Generally PSs present a shabby picture, surrounded by rusting case-property vehicles or
piles of sandbags. They hardly cater to the needs of complainants. Several have in the
past been targeted by terrorists, exposing their structural security weaknesses. The KP
police standardised the design for new PSs, though the old ones too must be revamped.

However, without transparent internal accountability, public safety and public

complaint mechanisms, PSs will continue to function along colonial lines. A separate
budgetary allocation for them — which does not exist — and empowering SHOs will
ensure transparency and discourage corruption.

Police-community programmes, such as those undertaken by the KP police, and

attitudinal change on part of the law-enforcement agencies, are vital if the police-public
trust deficit is to be reduced.

Though the original colonial policing model encouraged police-public interaction, the
gulf between the two widened over time. To address this, community policing needs to
be revived. Foot patrolling was an effective means to stay in touch with the public and
collect credible information.
Unearthing sleeper cells and ferreting out facilitators of terrorism requires a revival of
the defunct ‘beat’ system. Expansion of slums and migration from rural to urban areas
has drastically altered demographics and reduced PSs to mere reporting centres.
Touring villages and holding open houses were useful practices but have fallen out of
favour owing to largely to security threats and disinterest on the part of senior police
officials. This approach trickled down; soon even SHOs neglected to learn the dynamics
of their area.

The new Karachi police chief has rightly suggested reducing the number of PSs from 107
to 45. Instead, given the actual issue is non-reporting of crimes, reporting points will be
increased. More focus is to be paid to investigations.

Also, PSs are averse to technology, which is only being used for typing memos. Optimum
use of social media will reduce the gulf between the police and public. More investment
in policing and apolitical public safety apparatuses will add to people’s confidence in law
enforcement. Introduction of women police desks at PSs in KP is a step that needs to be
replicated.

Often the long chain of command in the police service (12 ranks) creates inconvenience
for victims of crime. To seek help, complainants often first approach the senior ranks. In
order to make PSs more efficient, junior officers must be able to the help victims with
less intervention of senior officers. However, that is not possible without winning trust,
dedication and capacity building.

As per the Police Rules, PSs’ inspection and crime review meetings are important
obligations, but they have been reduced to a mere formality. Inspections ensured crime
management, monitoring of quality of investigations and safe custody of case properties.
Inspections and touring helped officers recognise the capabilities of junior officers and
understand criminal trends. The sharing of such knowledge with other stakeholders was
very beneficial.

It is imperative for the government to be apprised of the correct picture of crime, so it

can plan and allocate resources accordingly. However, de-politicisation is essential to
transform PSs into public facilitation centres.

The writer is the author of Pakistan: In Between Extremism and Peace.

Twitter: @alibabakhel

Published in Dawn, September 16th, 2019

CLIMATE CHANGE

PRIME MINISTER Imran Khan is preparing to fly to New York to address

the UN General Assembly where many heads of government will present
their country’s plans to combat climate change during the Climate Action
Summit this month. Countries will showcase the progress they have made
since the 2016 Paris Agreement. It is an opportunity for the prime minister
to share with the world his vision of how Pakistan will align with the global
climate movement and address its own climate-induced vulnerabilities.
Already, much of the population is struggling with poverty and
malnutrition.

As the world falls behind on implementing the Paris Agreement and the Nationally
Determined Contributions, the IPCC’s 2018 special report on Global Warming of 1.5°C
has warned of huge consequences if global temperatures exceed this threshold by 2040.
The UN says we could have just 11 years left to limit a catastrophe. The report’s findings
have led to an unprecedented response both from national governments and citizens
around the world.

The Extinction Rebellion (XR), spearheaded by a group of middle-class professionals,

considers climate change an existential threat and uses nonviolent resistance to stage
worldwide protests against i) climate change, ii) loss of biodiversity, iii) ecological
collapse, and iv) the risk to human survival. XR demands that countries have in place,
and enforce, legally binding policy measures to reduce carbon emissions and
consumption. It wants national citizens’ assemblies to monitor the process.

An article in an international publication has described how, since April, climate

activists have attempted to draw attention to the unfolding crisis — how they have
emulated corpses in New York, blocked bridges in Germany, splashed fake blood near
government offices in The Hague, and disrupted traffic in London. In the UK, their main
aim was to put pressure on the government “to declare a climate emergency, reach net-
zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2025, and form a Citizen’s Assembly on Climate and
Ecological Justice”.

In fact, the British parliament was the first one in the world to declare a climate
emergency. Led by Argentina, Austria, Canada, France, Germany, Ireland, New Zealand,
Spain and Switzerland, today parliaments and governments everywhere are following
suit.

The demand to put resources in place to help reduce carbon emissions has also gained
traction. While in office, Prime Minister Theresa May “changed the legally binding net-
zero target from 80 per cent to 100pc by 2050”.

Here’s a chance for the PM to talk of our climate crisis.

Other cities and towns have come up with specific action plans and resources — 17 cities
and towns in Australia; 384 in Canada; 49 in Germany; and eight in the US. More cities
continue to declare a climate emergency, even if not all their statements include
verifiable measures.

In fact, such an emergency, issued by, say, a city government can be a powerful catalyst
for community-led actions. Cities and local governments are now being joined by higher
education institutions — more than 7,000 have declared a climate emergency and
agreed to undertake, through their work with students, a three-point plan to: i) become
carbon-neutral by 2030 or 2050, ii) mobilise more resources for climate change
research and skills creation, and iii) increase teaching and learning about environmental
and sustainability education.

Mission Innovation, an initiative of 24 countries and the EU, has partnered with an
alliance of over 10,000 cities to identify and pilot innovations and steer budgets towards
clean energy. The present global wave of local governments declaring a climate
emergency is providing an element of hope based on voluntary pathways.

While there is a growing trend to declare it as one, there is no single definition of climate
emergency — there needn’t be one. Many institutions have set ambitious targets of
becoming carbon-neutral by 2030. This would phase out subsidies on fossil fuels and
coal-powered power plants and drive down renewable energy prices — and propel
economic growth.

Pakistan is ranked as one of the most climate-vulnerable countries. Recent studies by

the Met department indicate our limited capacity to cope with the impact of 1.5°C
increase above pre-industrial levels. The cost of development will rise sharply and
Pakistan will be unable to meet its SDG targets. A 2°C increase would put unbearable
stress on our ecosystems and on food and water security. Few other countries have a
greater stake in arresting the global temperature increase at 1.5°C and align with the
global trend of declaring a climate emergency.

Mr Khan can encourage the provinces and cities to declare climate emergencies and
explore twinning agreements with other countries. His upcoming UN address presents a
historic opportunity to declare Pakistan’s resolve to align itself with climate emergencies
being called around the world.

The writer is a member of the Pakistan Climate Change Council.

atauqeersheikh@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, September 16th, 2019

China and Iran Relations

THE Petroleum Economist of Sept 3 reported that China has agreed

to invest up to $290 billion in the development of Iran’s oil, gas and
petroleum sectors, and another $120bn in its transport and
manufacturing infrastructure. This is a calculated kick aimed at
America’s strategic objectives.

According to the report, China will have the first right of refusal on all projects
in Iran and a 12 per cent guaranteed discount on energy imports from there.
China will provide the “technology, systems, process ingredients and
personnel required to complete such projects” including “up to 5,000 Chinese
security personnel on the ground to protect Chinese projects….”
China’s agreement to so massively finance Iran’s development is an extension
of its Belt and Road Initiative. It is also an ‘in your face’ response to America’s
aggressive trade, technology and military moves against China over the last
year. It will prick the balloon of the US strategy of ‘maximum pressure’ against
Iran designed to bring the latter to its knees economically and oblige it to
accept additional constraints on its nuclear and missile programs (beyond the
JCPOA) and curb its politico-military ambitions in the Middle East. In
entering this agreement, China has announced that it is not intimidated by the
“secondary sanctions” which the US has threatened to impose on companies
and countries which continue economic relations with Iran in defiance of
America’s unilateral sanctions against Iran.

China can import virtually all of Iran’s oil and gas production. This could
increase Iran’s oil exports manifold from 200,000 barrels per day at present
to its full capacity over 4-5 million bpd. China’s energy giants — CNPC, CNOC,
Sinopec — can rapidly expand Iran’s oil and gas production from existing and
new fields. Iran will not need other markets, such as India which has halted oil
imports from Iran in compliance with US sanctions.

China’s agreement to massively finance Iran’s

development is an extension of its Belt and Road
Initiative.
A considerable part of Iran’s gas could be exported via the existing
Turkmenistan-China gas pipeline and new oil pipelines can be constructed on
the same route. This will significantly diminish the threat of a US/Western
maritime energy blockade against China or Iran. Further, China’s reliance on
US-friendly energy suppliers in the Gulf (Saudi Arabia, UAE) and East Asia
(Indonesia, Brunei) will be dramatically reduced since it could meet all or
most of its requirements from Iran and Russia.

The transport infrastructure which China plans to build in Iran, including

high-speed rail on several routes, will provide Beijing with additional avenues
for its trade — overland trade through Iran and Turkey to and from Europe
and maritime trade through Iranian ports (including, ironically, the hitherto
Indian-sponsored port of Chahbahar) to the Middle East, Africa and beyond.

Iran’s economic partnership with China will supplement its current close
security ties with Russia and alter Middle East power equations. China will
acquire considerable influence over Tehran’s nuclear and security policies,
adding to its leverage with the West including the US. On the other hand,
Iran’s reinforced ‘strategic’ partnership with China will considerably enhance
its capacity to promote its policy objectives in Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon
and Afghanistan. Iran may also feel sufficiently emboldened to retaliate
robustly to Israel’s frequent strikes on its military assets and militia affiliates
in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq.

In Yemen, Iran is now playing a more open role to promote a political

settlement which accommodates the Houthis. The Arab coalition has been
weakened by an unsuccessful military campaign, internal differences and US
and Western criticism of the human cost of the conflict.

In Syria, President Bashar al-Assad has clearly won the civil war against the
Western Gulf coalition with the support of Russia and Iran. Once its economy
is stabilised, Iran could play an even more robust role not only in Syria but
also Iraq and Lebanon.

Iran and China may also enhance their influence in Afghanistan. Donald
Trump has declared that the agreement with the Taliban is ‘dead’ — at least for
now. The most significant provision of this agreement was not the withdrawal
of 5,000 American soldiers but the Taliban’s acceptance of the continued
presence of 8,600 US ‘counterterrorism’ forces. These troops would prolong
US capacity for force projection within and across Afghanistan’s borders. Now,
it is possible that the Afghan Taliban, perhaps at Iran’s instance, may no
longer accept the rump US presence in a revived deal.

China’s Iran partnership would supplement and reinforce its long-standing

strategic participation with Pakistan. Obviously, Beijing wants strategic
relationships with both. However, the Iranian partnership offers China
another strategic ‘window’ besides CPEC and insurance against possible US or
Indian disruption of the China-Pakistan corridor. Moreover, over time, the
Sino-Iran economic partnership could add a security and military
dimension.Western pundits often speak of a Chinese naval base in Gwadar. In
fact, it could well appear in Chahbahar.

Time is running out for India to make a strategic choice between an ‘Asian
Order’, combining China, Russia, Iran, Pakistan, Turkey and Central Asia
under the SCO and the BRI, or an alliance with the US and participation in its
‘Indo-Pacific’ strategy. So far, India has had the best of both worlds. It is
building an alliance with the US to emerge as China’s Asian ‘equal’ and
establish its domination over South Asia and the Indian ocean. Yet, India
pleads for US ‘strategic altruism’ to enable it to preserve its traditional arms
supply relationship with Russia and its growing trade and investment
cooperation with China. As the Sino-US global confrontation intensifies, the
strategic space for India, and others, to manoeuvre between the two global
powers will become progressively narrow. China’s forthright support to
Pakistan on occupied Kashmir is an early indication of the emerging
alignments.

So far, despite Trump’s hostile trade tariffs, technology restrictions and

military pugnacity, China has kept open the option of reverting to a ‘win-win’
cooperative relationship with the US. But, a firm consensus seems to have
emerged in Washington that China is America’s primary rival and threat to its
century of global dominance and that China’s further rise can and must be
stopped by a ‘whole-of-government’ strategy of comprehensive containment
and confrontation. China appears to have picked up the gauntlet. A titanic
clash is in the offing across the world.

The writer is a former Pakistan ambassador to the UN.

Published in Dawn, September 15th, 2019

Lessons from how women voted in 2018

Posted by: Web Desk in Political Rights, Women and Governance July 28, 2019 0 80 Views

In last year’s general elections the Election Commission of Pakistan collected gender disaggregated data
for the first time. The effort, mandated under the Elections Act, 2017, allows for an analysis of
differences in voting choices of men and women.
The Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) followed a multi-phased methodology that involved analysis
of ECP-furnished data from35,988 male-and female-specific polling stations across 246 NA constituencies
(88 percent) and generated some ground-breaking findings. These identify multifarious issues that
impede women’s participation in elections and politics and also provide evidence to guide future
strategies to improve women’s political autonomy in mainstream politics.
Some of these are presented here. The analysis is based on data from across 52,565 (32 percent) census
blocks for which the results from both the male and female polling stations were collated and analysed.
While some of the gender-related findings have been reported earlier, the trend of women’s choices
deviating from those of men’s in the same area is an important indicator of increased political agency and
exercise of autonomy.
Missing women
Women constitute 49 percent (101.314 million) of Pakistan’s population. Despite a high-paced citizen
registration process prior to the 2018 elections, the number of registered women voters last year was
46.731 million, which constituted 44 percent of the electoral rolls.
The gap between the number of men and women registered as voters has been growing. The primary
cause for this gender imbalance is believed to be that many eligible women do not possess CNICs which
is a legal requirement for voting. Despite concerted policy, campaigns and technological and pragmatic
efforts to close this gap, the gender electoral roll imbalance actually increased from 10.97 percent in the
2013 elections to 12.49 percent in 2018 elections. This gender gap is the largest in Balochistan (15.65
percent), followed by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) (13.65), Sindh (11.02) and Punjab (11.095).
The 10 percent women
FAFEN’s collation reveals that around 65 percent National Assembly constituencies (173 out of 272) had a
gender gap of more than 10 percent. Specific to provinces, 83 constituencies in the Punjab, 47 in the KP,
28 in Sindh and 15 in Balochistan have more than 10 percent women missing from their rolls. A similar
pattern is observed in the Provincial Assemblies where 381 out of 577 constituencies have a gender gap
of above 10 percent.
While the overall gender gap of enrolled voters remains under 20 percent, the troubling aspect is that
women’s absence from electoral rolls has steadily increased by 10 percent (or more) in 80 out of 127
districts across the country (63 percent). Very few districts (just 17) have managed to be shielded from a
large increase in the widening gap between registered men and women voters.
Contesting women
The Elections Act, 2017, introduced a requirement for allotting 5 percent of party tickets for general seats
to women, albeit without legal consequence for its non-compliance. The benefit of this provision remains
unclear since no significant improvement in the number of women candidates was seen. Just 463 women
ran for national and provincial assemblies in GE-2018 which is only 18 more candidates compared to
general elections 2013 (though a marked growth over 192 candidates in general elections 2008). Women
winning on general seats in 2018 remained at 16 as in 2013 and down from 26 in 2008.
The ‘deviancy’ patterns in KP and Sindh are more vibrant than for the Punjab where
women’s autonomous voting agency is flatter and less variable.

No zero turnout
Of the registered women, 21.746 million cast their votes in 2018 for the National Assembly. This made up
40 percent of the 54.657 million votes cast. In general elections 2013 there were 13 polling stations
where no woman had turned out to vote on polling day but none such in 2018. Credit for this is
attributed to the ECP’s Gender Affairs wing and collaborative efforts civil society drives to increase
women’s participation.
Women voter’s turnout was 47 percent of the registered voters, with Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan
showing an average voter turnout gap of about 8 percent between men and women while Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa had a turnout gap of almost 19 percent. Several metropolitan cities in each province
showed a larger gender gap in turn out compared to other parts of the provinces – Peshawar 25 percent;
Karachi West 14 percent; Lahore 13 percent; Quetta 13 percent.
According to the FAFEN analysed data, female polling stations generally showed a lower turnout with 73
percent of the polling stations hosting less than 20 percent turnout (mostly KP).This raises serious
questions of efficacy at the expense of making ‘cultural concessions’ or overestimating mobility issues for
women voters. A more extensive study of all polling stations will allow for more accurate policy on this
matter.
Over-and-underestimat-ing women’s agency
A gender analysis of electoral choices exercised at the 2018 polls challenges misconceptions about lack of
autonomy amongst women voters and the myth that they always vote for the same political party as
male family members. Men and women’s voting choices were found to be similar in 82 percent of the
electoral areas analysed by FAFEN(that is, 43,178 out of 52,565 in number) but the ‘deviancy’ of women’s
voting from men was found in 18 percent – up from 11 percent in 2013.
Clearly, women voters are ‘deviating’ considerably and parties stand to gain by directly engaging and
being responsive to the demands of women voters.
‘Deviant’ women
The voting choices of men and women were more homogenous in ICT than any other area (86 percent
voted for the same winning party but in 14 percent of electoral areas women deviated). Balochistan has
two districts where there is no difference between the electoral choices of men and women in any of
electoral areas studied, whereas five provincial districts had 31 to 40 percent electoral areas where men
and women voted differently.
The difference in voting choices was starker in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Sindh, where men and women
voted for the same winning party (77 percent and 79 percent respectively, of the electoral areas) but
women deviated in around a quarter (23 percent and 21 percent) of the electoral areas and voted for a
different winning candidate/party.
The ‘deviancy’ patterns in KP and Sindh are more vibrant than for the Punjab where women’s
autonomous voting agency is flatter and less variable (85 percent voted for the same winner and in 15
percent electoral areas women chose a different one). In Dadu and Badin in Sindh, the differential in
women’s choices from men’s for winning parties were recorded in 41 percent and 35 percent of electoral
areas respectively, whereas in the Punjab, higher women’s voting ‘deviancy’ was noted in Muzafargarh
(26 percent), Khushab (25 percent) and Nankana Sahib (22 percent).
Findings on gender-based comparative voting for specific parties may be summarised as follows with
some broadly derived observations;
ICT: The PTI and the PPPP won more men’s votes in the capital than from women in the analysed
electoral areas. However, for PML-N’s wins in the ICT, women’s votes were found have deviated three-
fold over that of men’s choice.
It was predominantly men who voted for the PTI and the PPPP and more women for the PML-N in the
ICT.
Punjab: More men voted for the PTI in the areas where the party won in the Punjab while women’s
‘deviant’ votes were found to be higher where the PML-N and PPPP won.
More men voted for the PTI while women preferred to vote for PML-N and PPPP in Punjab.
KP: More men voted for the PTI and the MMAP wins in the electoral areas while more women’s ‘deviant’
votes were found for PPPP and PML-N where these parties were successful.
The highest rate of deviancy of women’s voting overall was observed in KP (80 percent) in favour of the
PPPP wherever the party won in the electoral areas.
Sindh: An overwhelming 83 percent of the PPPP’s victory was from Sindh province. In almost every
district of Sindh, the choice of women voters for this party dominated that of male voters.
Without women voters the PPPP would struggle to win its majority in Sindh. Women’s deviancy votes
were three times higher in urban Sindh for the ANP wins.
Balochistan: Independence or deviancy in electoral choice by women for the PTI was highest in
Balochistan’s electoral areas.
Balochistan is the only province (other than some electoral areas in rural Sindh) where women’s voting
deviancy went in favour of the PTI, although the party that won most support from women’s ‘deviant’
voting overall in the province was the ANP followed by the PKMAP (although the figures for PPPP are still
being analysed).
(Another set of raw figures awaiting cross-checking is women’s (fairly substantial) deviancy vote in KP
(urban), Sindh (rural) that suggests these favoured the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Party). 
Inter-provincial deviation
Another interesting point of ‘deviation’ was that smaller parties won in electoral areas according to a
similar gender pattern as seen with the PTI, that is, with men’s votes and not from women deviating their
votes for them. However, for other bigger parties’ wins (PML-N, PPPP, and ANP) the trend was found to
be reverse (that is, more women ‘deviant’ votes).
This provincial level data is being further refined. A detailed analysis will be cross-checked and released
soon. However, the main point is that it’s erroneous to think women’s deviations would not impact the
electoral results; the overall share of victory for political parties was such that the PML-N, the PPPP and
the ANP were victorious at 54 percent, 57 percent and 61 percent of electoral areas respectively, where
women’s votes deviated from men’s. 
Cross-provincial deviation
There are other interesting cross-provincial variables; comparatively, more of women’s ‘deviant’ votes
were cast in those electoral areas that converted into a win for the success of the PPPP in KP (79.4
percent electoral areas) and the Punjab (61.3 percent electoral areas) than in the party’s own province of
Sindh (55.5 percent electoral areas) which enjoys base support.
A full 100 percent of women’s ‘deviant’ votes that led to a win for the ANP were those in Punjab, followed
by in Sindh (76.9 percent), Balochistan, and the party’s own province, KP, had the least amount of
women’s ‘deviant’ votes for winning parties (60 percent electoral areas) where it enjoy base support.
The PML-N received the most number of ‘deviant’ votes (by women in 172 electoral areas compared to
that of men in 52) to win in the ICT (76.8 percent) followed by in KP (54.1 percent) and in Punjab (54
percent) – enjoying base support in the latter. 
Rural-urban results
These results challenge traditional estimates about rural-urban voting behaviour. Cumulatively, the PTI’s
wins based on women’s deviant votes amounted to under 50 percent electoral areas in urban and rural
areas in the KP, the ICT, and the Punjab, and in 51 percent electoral areas from rural Sindh, and 53
percent urban and 50 percent rural in Balochistan.
With much more variation, the PML-N wins achieved the highest number of female deviant votes from
the ICT electoral areas (rural 82 percent and urban 66 percent), followed by those in the KP (65 percent
urban and 52 percent rural). In Punjab, the PML-N gained wins where women’s deviant votes amounted
to 54 percent in urban and 53 percent rural electoral areas and in under 50 percent of electoral areas in
Balochistan.
The most notable pattern of women’s ‘deviant’ voting was observed in the PPPP wins in the KP as found
in 79 percent of urban electoral areas and even higher at 80 percent of rural electoral areas. This is
followed by women’s votes for the party’s wins in Punjab (60 percent urban and 62 percent rural electoral
areas) and less in its wins in the home-base of Sindh where a more balanced division of women’s
‘deviant’ votes were cast in 58 percent of urban and 54 percent rural electoral areas. In Balochistan, the
PPPP’s wins showed women’s ‘deviant’ voting in 63 percent of urban electoral areas and 41 percent rural.
Deeper gender analysis is needed since there is rich empirical data available now but clearly, the
evidence shows that neglecting women’s electoral agency is a direct and consequential disadvantage for
political parties. It also suggests that undervaluing rather than expanding women’s electoral concerns is a
losing strategy. More qualitative studies will support and enable a better grasp of the evolving nature of
electoral behaviour in Pakistan.
*This does not mean these necessarily translated into overall wins – just the electoral areas based on the
polling stations analysed.
The News
Solid Waste Management

C itizens in Karachi continue to deal with heaps of waste. While no institutional response was received
from the local or provincial government, the antics of the mayor on August 26 and 27 added insult to
injury. After a verbal brawl with Syed Mustafa Kamal, former city nazim, the mayor first appointed him as
‘project director garbage’ and then suspended him in less than 24 hours. Many people were made to
believe that our public office holders have no sense of empathy towards the miseries of the people.

Federal Minister for Ports and Maritime Affairs, Ali Haider Zaidi, launched a cleanliness drive recently.
The provincial government criticised him for allegedly adding more filth to urban spaces than removing it.
As per several news reports, the performance of Sindh Solid Waste Management Board (SSWMB), district
municipal corporations (DMCs) and cantonment boards has not been satisfactory during the recently
celebrated Eid-ul-Azha. Swarms of flies and mosquitoes can be seen in the city. The waste management
system in Karachi faces new challenges which demand that appropriate attention is given from all
quarters in a scientific manner. This can happen when the powers that be look at the situation in an
objective manner.
Increase in consumerism and emerging complexities in lifestyles has increased waste. Apart from an
overall increase in the weight and volume of municipal solid waste, several other types of trash have been
added to the waste.
Many private hospitals and healthcare facilities generate hospital waste of hazardous nature. Use of
electronic gadgetries has given rise to electronic waste. Rubber, plastic, paper, industrial and biological
waste of different volumes, contents and characteristics is created. While municipal waste is hardly
removed, new forms of waste are not handled.
Epidemics of unforeseen magnitude have recently spread in different parts of the world.
Waste management is obviously one of the key factors. A few months ago, seven samples
from sewage tested positive for polio virus.
Epidemics of unforeseen magnitude have recently spread in different parts of the world. Waste
management is obviously one of the key factors. A few months ago, seven samples from sewage tested
positive for polio virus.
The fallout of poor hygiene and solid waste management on the economic performance can be grave.
Investments, enterprise and employment opportunities are adversely affected in such situations.
 The present day service delivery in respect to solid waste management is asymmetrical. District Municipal
Corporations of Karachi Central, West and Korangi dispose of waste in their respective jurisdictions.
SSWMB is responsible for Karachi South, East and Malir. Management of the dumping sites at Jam
Chakro and Govind Pass are the responsibility of Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC). Additionally,
the cantonment and other autonomous land management agencies are supposed to deliver these services
in their respective areas.
Several steps are taken to dispose of waste. Collection of household-level garbage, transfer of garbage to
secondary collection points, lifting waste from various secondary dumping points and transporting it to
the city dumping sites, maintenance of vehicles, roads and streets are some core functions in waste
management.
Many parts of the city show this arrangement is not working. Spot checks at some neighbourhoods reveal
basic shortcomings. At the union council level, it was found that sweepers were mostly doing private
work. Lack of basic equipment, such as wheel-barrows and spades, absence of proper supervisory staff
and lack of designated points for transporting waste were the key issues.
SSWMB that has a budget of about Rs1.7 billion has outsourced this task to private contractors. Its
performance was criticised by the Supreme Court-mandated Water Commission, led by Justice (retd)
Amir Hani Muslim. Other tiers of municipality depend upon transfers from the provincial government.
Non-designated sites for lane and street-level garbage collection points, ad-hoc location of sites that serve
as garbage transfer stations, high fuel costs and unchecked dumping of solid waste in water bodies have
resulted in the present mess.
Research says recycling is an established enterprise. It is organised and managed at an informal scale.
Street scavengers, collectors/contractors, re-cycling plant operators and buyers of recycled products are
the key actors in this process. Paper, glass, metal, rubber, clothing, dried bread, used cans are the main
articles collected from various sources for feeding into the recycling stream.
It is estimated that this activity generates livelihood for over 65000 households. It also helps in reducing
the volume of waste from the neighbourhoods. However, this enterprise is operating below its potential
due to its informal nature, threat from state institutions and limited possibility of expansion.
Waste management is a restricted occupation as far as the primary collection, cleaning streets
and nullah maintenance is considered. Many local people are associated with this work for generations.
With the passage of time, they have progressed socially. This community acts as a strong lobby to
safeguard its livelihood and income. However, this community can be motivated to be more productive
and useful. Their potential has been analysed in-depth by several consultants and researchers who
prepared the solid waste management strategy in the 1990s for Karachi Metropolitan Corporation.
Occupational safety and security of sanitary workers is an essential aspect. Provision of proper tools and
protective gears must be a compulsory feature of the work.
Solid waste management needs immediate attention. A few steps must be taken. The KMC must
undertake a broad-based stocktaking of the existing situation to set its priorities right. A comprehensive
survey needs to be done to establish the quantity (during different time zones of the year and locations)
and types of solid waste. A plan must be prepared to reuse and recycle maximum quantities of waste, if
not all. This must be done in consultation with the DMCs and Sindh government.
The staff needs training. From coolies to engineers, a rigorous exercise must be undertaken. Options of
public-private partnerships may be explored in specialised domains of services, such as hospital or
electronic waste management. KMC must devise a monitoring mechanism for SWM in consultation with
DMCs.
 
The writer is Professor and Dean, Faculty of Architecture and Management Sciences, NED University,
Karachi
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A  report by Action Aid, titled Tax, Privatization and the Right to Education highlights the difficulties
which the developing countries are facing in fulfilling their obligations to provide free and compulsory
education. Several such countries, despite being a signatory to UN Convention on the Rights of the Child
and the UN International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights and also having national level
legislation to provide free primary level schooling, struggle to meet the commitment.
The assessment is based on participatory research carried out in Ghana, Kenya, Pakistan, and Uganda.
The report emphasises how even the poorest families in Pakistan end up paying direct and indirect fees
which could be eliminated through a progressive fiscal policy. It can, in turn, help the poor access
education. Furthermore, due to a lack of satisfaction with public school, often times parents are making
hard choices and sending children to relatively expensive private schools.
While schools in public sector suffer because of less than desired quality of schooling, private sector
expands to fill in this gap. Private schools lack proper regulation with discretion to increase fee at will,
ultimately contributing to rising inequalities and stigmatisation of children coming from public school
stream.
In some regions of Pakistan, under-funding of public schools may partially explain the above-mentioned
challenges. However, for most part of the country a lack of proper monitoring and evaluation system and
inability of public sector to learn from its own past assessments would explain the large number of out-of-
school children. This view was also expressed by public sector education officials in a recent meeting
organised by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) to see how monitoring, evaluation,
accountability and learning methods could be innovated and embedded at the local level education offices.
The report by Action Aid further argues that a violation of the right to education becomes difficult to
explain in Pakistan when past and current governments continue to give away tax incentives to the rich,
ultimately losing revenues which could improve public education systems and ensure provision of free
and quality education. The authors present a framework whereby it is necessary to improve the financing
of education services by public sector through an increase in the size, the share, the sensitivity and the
scrutiny of the education budget to reach the goal of inclusive education for all.
Given the constrained resources available with the developing countries, it is expected that
the donor community will increase its funding and technical support to help reform
education.

To put such a framework in practice is easier said than done due to the entrenched vested interests seen in
both public and private sector education spaces. For example, evidence from some developing countries
suggests a trade-off between access and quality improvements in education, which the authors argue
could also result in high student-teacher ratios, and in turn communities are expected to support the
schooling facilities on self-help basis. On various occasions, civil society organisations (CSOs) are seen
filling this gap which again is not a sustainable model given its reliance on charity and donor
contributions. Any decline in such contributions results in disruption in provision of education services in
the medium to longer run.
Another area highlighted by the report explains the existence of various types of indirect fee seen even in
public schools. These could fall under classifications such as examination fees, development levy, text
book packages, school reports, parent-teacher association fees, sports fee, meal charges, excursion
expense, teacher motivation fee, and uniform fees. Most of these fee types are cited as compulsory and
there are cases where children unable to pay these are sent back home, even in public schools. This clear
violation of their right to education is often not reported by parents.
A comparison with Ghana, Kenya and Uganda reveals that Pakistan spends less than all three countries
on education as a percentage of its national income. This lack of sensitivity is accentuated by vast
differences in budget allocations seen across various tiers of education with pre-primary and primary
education receiving much less resources than tertiary sector. The lack of gender-responsive budgeting is
also evident. This can also be validated through recent statistics which reveals gender disparity in out-of-
school children at primary level. Almost 47 per cent boys and 58 per cent girls in Sindh, and 39 per cent
boys and 41 per cent girls in Punjab are out-of-school.
Going forward, the authors of Action Aid report highlight 6 major recommendations for Pakistan. First,
there should be an effective regulation to keep a check on direct and indirect fee charged by public or
private schools in the country. Second, systems which monitor and ensure improvements in quality of
public schools need to be strengthened so that overtime parents don’t opt for a private schooling option
and make hard financial choices. Third, dedicate and protect public budget allocations for recruiting,
training and retaining qualified teachers; providing innovative learning materials and improving school
infrastructure including classrooms, toilets, playgrounds and boundary walls. Evidence proves that
investing more in local female teachers bears quick gains. Fourth, while the country has made progress in
publishing decent data on public schools, a lot more efforts are required to ensure transparency by
reporting accurate data on private schools including information regarding school owners, profits, fee
structure, and areas of operation.
Fifth, the report identifies an important role for CSOs and think tanks. It is suggested that this sector
should increase efforts to raise citizen awareness to hold governments accountable. Among other things,
this also implies that citizens should demand that there should be sufficient budget for public sector
education and particularly for girls’ schools. The policy research think tanks could use social
accountability methods to promote participatory monitoring of public schools and strengthening
regulation for private schools.
Finally, given the constrained resources available with the developing countries, it is expected that the
donor community will increase its funding and technical support to help reform education. It can also
help promote social accountability in education, promoting innovative ways that bring down the cost of
delivery of education in both public and private space, and build capacity of education sector regulators.
 
The writer is an economist and author of ‘Pakistan’s Agenda for Economic Reforms’ published by the
Oxford University Press. Twitter: @vaqarahmed
Criminal defamation
BY S A R A M A L K A N I | 9/21/2019 12:00:00 AM

A MOVEMENT for gender justice in Pakistan is under attack because of laws that enable perpetrators to silence women
who have faced harassment and abuse. A wave of defamation proceedings has recently been initiated against women
and their supporters, seeking to muzzle a belated discussion on a matter of grave public concern.

A handy legal tool available to those seeking to suppress voices is in the form of criminal defamation laws. Defamation is
a criminal offence in Pakistan subject to harsh penalties. Under the Pakistan Penal Code, any person who makes a
statement knowing or having reason to believe that it would `harm the reputation` of a person is guilty of an offence
subject to imprisonment of up to five years. The law provides for few exceptions, including true statements about a
person that are also for the public good.

Online defamation is subject to a specific law that deals with cybercrimes. Under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act
of 2016, an individual who makes an online statement that she knows is false and is likely to harm the reputation of a
person is guilty of an offence that is subject to up to three years`imprisonment.

So, what`s wrong with criminal laws that are meant to prevent vindictive or irresponsible people from tarnishing one`s
reputation? Quite a lot actually, and more and more countries around the world are decriminalising defamation in
recognition of the chilling effect of these laws on the right to freedom of speech, a right guaranteed under Pakistan`s
Constitution.

Such laws are likely to be used in retaliation for raising issues of public concern, and the threat of prosecution under
these laws deters open debate and expression. In spite of the fact that the laws make an exception for true statements
that are in the public interest, the fact that they enable criminalproceedings to be initiated against a person is sufficient
to stifie free expression.

Today, we are witnessing criminal defamation laws being used to this effect against voices thatbroke the silence on
widespread sexual harassment, encouraged by the global #MeToo movement. Women and their supporters who took
men to task for abusing their positions of power are facing the prospect of being dragged to court and prison. In
response to this emerging trend, a leading organisation defending the rights of women, the Women`s Action Forum, has
called for a repeal of criminal defamation laws.

While the mere existence of criminal defamation laws stifies free speech and expression, their harshness is heightened
by the arbitrariness of the law enforcement authorities that investigate and prosecute these laws.
In response to complaints filed against them, some people report receiving summons to appear at the authority`s office
in a different city altogether within a day`s notice. A typical summons contains no information regarding the nature of
the complaint filed and in some cases demands that a person appear before the authority with relevant documents
without specifying the nature of the information required.

A person on the receiving end of such summons is denied the opportunity to defend herself adequately and also faces
the burden of participating in an obscure and non-transparent investigation.

This kind of backlash backed by the coercive power of the state is likely to deter anyone from speaking out for fear of
facing retaliation.

Recognising their suffocating effect on free speech, leading international authorities have called for the repeal of criminal
defamation laws.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Free Speech has declared that
criminal defamation laws are an unjustifiable restriction on the freedom of expression and must be abolished and penal
sanctions for defamation must never be applied.

The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the world`s largest regional security organisation, has also
condemned criminal defamation laws. The OSCE representative on the free-dom of media has noted that the mere
existence of these laws poses a threat to press freedom and therefore violates the right to free expression even where
they are rarely used. The European Court of Human Rights has asserted on numerous occasions that states may not
impose prison sentences for defamation on matters of public or political concern.

Since 2000, more than 30 states have either decriminalised defamation or taken significant steps in that direction. In the
South Asia region, Sri Lanka and Maldives decriminalised defamation in 2002 and 2009 respectively in recognition of the
fact that these laws are inconsistent with the state`s responsibility to respect and promote the rights to free expression
and speech.

Repeal of Pakistan`s criminal defamation laws will not eliminate protection against false and malicious attacks on
people`s reputations. The Defamation Ordinance 2002, a civil statute that holds a person liable to pay damages for
defamatory statements may still be invoked by those seeking redress against slander or libel directed towards them.
Being a civil law, the defamation ordinance does not expose persons to the harsh sanctions of criminal penalties such as
imprisonment or the arbitrariness of criminal law enforcement authorities. A civil defamation law that includes adequate
exceptions for good faith statements involving matters of public concern and is applied reasonably constitutes a more
proportional protection against damage to a person`s reputation.

Not only do criminal defamation laws violate fundamental rights, they also stand in the way of open discussion and
debate about matters that are of public and political concern. In recent months, brave women and their supporters have
made sexual harassment, violence and abuse a topic of much-needed public discussion. Necessary dialogue and activism
must not be stifled by unconstitutional and repressive laws. • The writer is a lawyer based in Karachi.

The NEED for Family planning

P akistan may not be on top of any list on the development indicators like health,
education gender equality and food security. It is, however, steadily climbing the ranks in
the list of the world’s most populous countries. From the 6th most populous country in the
world, Pakistan surpassed Brazil and became the 5th most populous country on the planet
as its population surged above 220 million people, according to official numbers released in
2017 as a result of the nation’s first population census in two decades. If things keep going at
this pace, we will climb up another rung by 2030 with a predicted 245 million strong
population, and become the 4th most populous nation in the world.
While we are at it, let us talk more numbers. According to the latest Pakistan Demographic
and Health Survey (PDHS) 2017-18, 52 percent of currently married women age 15-49 in
Pakistan have a demand for family planning (FP), 19 percent for spacing births, and 33
percent for limiting births. Only 34 percent of currently married women are using a
contraceptive method either to space or to limit births, and therefore have fulfilled their
need. However, 17 percent of currently married women have an unmet need for family
planning — 10 percent want to space and 8 percent desire to limit births but are currently
not using any contraception. If all married women who want to space or limit their children
were to use a family planning method, the contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR) would
increase from 34 percent to 52 percent.
Humans require developed ecosystems to survive and thrive, something that we are unable
to provide to more than 220 million people. Of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs), Pakistan is lagging behind at most. According to UNICEF, 23 million children
between the ages of 5 and 16 are out of school in Pakistan, a whopping 44 percent of the
total population in this age group. There are some five million children between the ages of
5 to 9 who are not in school, making it the world’s second-highest number of out-of-school
children (OOSC) at the primary level. Not just this but also that gender-wise, boys
outnumber girls at every stage of education. In Balochistan alone, 78 percent of girls are out
of school. For every 10.7 million boys that are enrolled at the primary level, 8.6 million girls
are enrolled, and dropouts of female students remain high. Health experts say that over 44
percent of Pakistani children under five years are stunted due to chronic malnutrition.
It is not that Pakistan is not working on these issues. Yes, clearly, the work is not enough,
but there is something more to the failing state of our social indicators. That is, perhaps, the
missing link we do not see enough work being done on — family planning. The strapping
Pakistani youth in such high numbers could be Pakistan’s asset; they are, instead, Pakistan’s
Achilles heel. The nation has to not just feed the 220 million plus people. It also has to
provide opportunities for growth and development so that Pakistani people can tap into
their potential for economic prosperity of themselves and of the country.
The dots have been joined. Why, then, are we failing at it?
Lack of political will, and perhaps realisation among the upper echelons of power regarding
the importance of mitigating this increase in population has been a consistent issue. Earlier
this year, the Ministry of Health formulated an action plan for population control. The draft
shows that the government is aiming at obtaining universal productive health services by
2025. The buck stops at the National Task Force on Population Control, headed by Prime
Minister Imran Khan. But the real test is not just the approval of such action plans, but
actually the implementation. The plans have been multiple but the implementation has
clearly not been enough. When a country’s biggest issue has been its national security,
followed if not preceded by layered and debilitating economic crises, family planning seems
to be a lesser important challenge. In reality, it is one of the biggest ones.
What the proposed law is doing is updating an old piece of legislation with
some new principles of human and women’s rights and ensuring that
processes are made easier and more streamlined and that the suffering of a
significant number of people in their country is reduced.

Healthcare persons and experts working at the grass root level cite many potential issues.
While antenatal care and visits from a skilled healthcare provider may have improved, there
is still much to be done. Midwives and lady health visitors can play an imperative role in
this, and it is these programmes that need to be strengthened through their training and
capacity-building. Perhaps this is why modern contraceptive use by married women has
stagnated over the last 5 years, with 26 percent of women using a modern method in 2012-
13 and 25 percent in 2017-18, according to the PDHS. Lady health workers play a major role
in dispensing injectables, oral pills, and condoms to women, 18 percent, 26 percent, and 15
percent respectively.
Modern methods include injectables, intrauterine devices (IUDs), contraceptive pills,
implants, male condoms, the standard days method, lactational amenorrhoea method, and
emergency contraception.
69 percent of unplanned pregnancies end in induced abortion in Pakistan, states a recent
study by Guttmacher Institute titled “Adding It Up: Costs and Benefits of Meeting the
Contraceptive and Maternal and Newborn Health Needs of Women in Pakistan”. The study
further informs that fully meeting married women’s need for contraception would lead to an
estimated reduction of nearly 1,000 maternal deaths annually.
Contraceptive discontinuation, myths surrounding use of modern contraceptives, fear of
side effects, lack of awareness, an absence of decisions made mutually by the couple without
interference of mothers-in-law and societal dictates — the reasons are multiple.
World Contraception Day falls on the 26th of September. It is a reminder that for Pakistan’s
wellbeing, much needed impetus for the issue of family planning is the solution. It is only
then that Pakistan can hope to climb the rungs on the ladder of development indicators

Being a Muslim and Feminist

B eing a communication scholar, a feminist, and an expert on Middle Eastern affairs is a
rare combination. Dr Sahar Khamis, who teaches at the University of Maryland in the
United States, happens to be one such scholar. She can speak authoritatively on all these
issues. As a feminist who cares about the role of women not only in the Middle East but also
in other societies, she keeps a keen eye on women’s rights and their status in the modern
Muslim world. The most recent book that she has co-edited, Arab Women’s Activism and
Socio-Political Transformation: Unfinished Gendered Revolutions offers a daring narrative
on the status of women in the Arab region. She is also a known media scholar who is
concerned about the growing intolerance and the increasing restrictions on journalistic
freedoms in the Arab World. Dr Khamis has served as the head of the Mass Communication
and Information Science Department at Qatar University. She was a Mellon Islamic Studies
Initiative Visiting Professor at the University of Chicago. Her two co-authored books discuss
the multiple roles of digital media in the Muslim world and their effects on the political,
social, and religious spheres in the region. From democracy to freedom of expression to
feminism, she offers a candid and scholarly opinion in this interview on critical and
sensitive issues affecting Muslim societies at large. Excerpts:
The News on Sunday: Educated and professional women are struggling to find a place in
Muslim societies which fail to accept them as equal partners in the community. Women
journalists in several Muslim countries, for example, are target of humiliation, verbal abuse,
and sexist comments on social media. How do you view this situation?
Dr Sahar Khamis: When women try to enter the public sphere in many of these countries,
they become targets of intimidation and humiliation. These attitudes result from misogyny
and stagnant social traditions which try to limit women’s role to the traditional, private
sphere.
Shaming, insulting, as well as using sexual harassment and verbal abuse are all techniques
used to keep women out of the public sphere. Women must fight back and prove themselves
despite these challenges in our societies.
I think we need to understand our religion in a better way. It is not Islam which suppresses
women. What suppresses them is the wrong interpretation of religious texts. These
interpretations usually result from narrow-minded and patriarchal attitudes in society.
Women must educate themselves religiously. We also need more women scholars in the
field of Islamic studies who can offer insightful and informed interpretations of religious
texts, in a way which upholds women’s rights and protects their dignity.
TNS: You talk about plurality and diversity in feminism. How do you differentiate between
Western feminism and Arab feminism?
SK: Feminism is usually narrowly defined as Western feminism, which is generally viewed
as the only form of feminist thoughts. However, there is no one-size-fits-all feminism or
activism.
There are several types of feminist waves around the world, including Western feminism,
Islamic feminism and Arab feminism, which are each contextualised within the specific
political, social, economic, and cultural conditions of a society or nation.
The basic idea behind feminism is supporting gender equity, protecting women’s rights and
preserving their dignity. It is crucial to accept women’s right to be at the table. If women are
not at the table, they will be on the menu. I think that women have been on the menu for a
very long time, and it is certainly time for them to be fully present at the table.
TNS: Several experts predicted that the so-called Arab Spring will be a catalyst in bringing
political change in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region, but that did not
happen, except in Tunisia. What is your analysis? Also, do you see a political transition from
monarchy/dictatorship to democracy in the MENA region soon?
SK: Every country has its own political and economic structures and conditions which led to
different outcomes of their mass movements. For example, Tunisia has different
consequences because of its smaller population and a higher literacy rate (90 percent).
Additionally, there was no foreign intervention in Tunisia’s case. Ultimately, these factors
resulted in better outcomes in the Tunisian case.
In Syria, on the other hand, many different countries were involved with different agendas.
It also has many sects having conflicting objectives and clashing interests, pulling them
apart from one another. Likewise, Libya also had sectarian strife, and of course, Yemen is
affected by war. Egypt relapsed to a more repressive military dictatorship mode, compared
to Hosni Mubarak’s era, while Bahrain had a suppressed and highly invisible revolution.
There are several obstacles on the way to democracy in this region. I think the fact that 70
percent of the Arab population is under the age of 30, and many of them are technologically
savvy and good at using new media is very promising. These young people are our agents of
change and our hope for democratisation in this region. How soon will this happen depends
on the various challenges and conditions facing each country.
TNS: There is an overall trend in the world to curb the freedom of expression. Journalists
have come under extreme pressure and in several cases they have been subjected to violent
attacks, even assassinations. How do you analyse these trends, especially as they relate to
the Arab world? Do you see any hope for improvement soon?
SK: The Arab world does not have a good record when it comes to the freedom of
expression. Again, the conditions that determine the intensity of freedom, in general, and
freedom of the press vary from one country to another. Organisations, such as Freedom
House and the Committee to Protect Journalists have recorded some of the worst kinds of
intellectual suppressions and curbs on journalistic freedom in this region. The brutal
murder of Saudi journalist, Jamal Khashoggi, is just one example. There are also several
women’s rights activists who are jailed in Saudi Arabia. Egypt has 60,000 political
prisoners, many of whom are activists, journalists and bloggers. As we can see, the picture
in the Arab world is not promising when it comes to the freedom of expression and press
freedom, unfortunately.
TNS: Compared to the western media, the mass media in the Middle East and other
Muslim countries have not developed. What are the reasons?
SK: There are so many challenges facing the Arab media and one of the most critical
problems is dictatorship and autocracy. Greater government control of the media leads to
less credibility for journalists and media organisations. Media outlets face several economic
challenges in many parts of the Arab world. Additionally, infrastructural constraints and
lack of appropriate education and training for journalists in Arab nations also pose
significant challenges. This situation leads to diminished professionalism. The media
industry suffers on account of these factors.
Alternative Energy Source

P akistan’s Alternative Energy Development Board (AEDB) has published a draft of the long-awaited
Alternative and Renewable Energy Policy. As has been discussed by the power minister on numerous
occasions since the beginning of the year, the draft policy includes strong targets of reaching at least 20
percent renewable energy capacity by 2025 and at least 30 percent by 2030, up from around 4 percent
currently.
Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA) recognises that this ambition represents a
significant step in renewable energy ambition for a nation currently focused on expanding hydro, coal-
and LNG-fired power yet blessed with excellent wind and solar resources.
Recognising the sharply declining cost of renewable energy technology, the draft policy sets out a plan to
expand wind and solar capacity via transparent, competitive bidding processes in order to enhance
investor confidence and discover further cost reductions for least-cost electricity supply in Pakistan.
However, Pakistan should be even more ambitious in embracing the technology-driven, global energy
system disruption and the investment opportunities in renewable energy.
In December 2018, IEEFA published a report which found that the nation could approach 30 percent of
power generation from renewables by 2030. According to our model, renewable energy would make up 36
percent of total power capacity by that date.
This higher level of renewables capacity could be reached by installing an average of 1 gigawatt (GW) each
of wind and solar every year out to 2030, an installation rate below that achieved in other countries where
incentivising policy settings are in place. In the 12 months to June 2019, Vietnam installed more than 4
GW of solar, incentivised by feed-in-tariffs, with an average construction time of just 275 days.
Given it is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) programme that is driving Pakistan’s power
capacity build out, the successful implementation of the new policy will depend, to a great extent, on
China’s commitment to renewables in Pakistan. Domestically, China’s renewable energy investment is
world leading. It increasingly dominates in new energy technology globally.
China has certainly made some positive statements. In January 2019, during a meeting between Power
Minister Omar Ayub Khan and the Chinese ambassador to Pakistan, the ambassador stated, “Chinese
investors are closely following Pakistan’s power-sector policies and are keen to invest in renewable
energy.” Despite these words, China is still pushing its coal technology on Pakistan.
The Pakistan government had understandably attempted to scale back the recently-commissioned Hub
coal power plant, a 1,320MW CPEC project, and reduce it to 660MW on concerns about over-capacity and
too much reliance on imported coal.
The Pakistan rupee has depreciated significantly over the last 18 months, making coal imports even more
expensive and highlighting how inflationary coal imports will potentially be for the country. However, the
project proceeded at full scale after the Chinese proponent of the joint venture raised the issue “at the
highest level”.
Meanwhile, the CPEC imported-coal-fired power projects already operational are suffering financial
stress. The Port Qasim coal plant near Karachi is reportedly having financial difficulties partly caused by
the expense of foreign currency denominated coal imports. The Sahiwal coal plant in the Punjab is also
apparently having severe financial issues.
This plant is using imported coal, leading to major coal logistics issues.
In addition to the economic burden of importing fossil fuels, over-reliance on power plants fuelled by
imported coal and LNG would be an energy-security concern for any nation.
Amongst the many benefits of wind and solar power technology is the fact that they do not require any
fuel to be imported. This avoids the expense, logistics issues and the energy security issues that
accompany reliance on seaborne fossil fuel imports.
In addition, renewables do not pose the water security threat that Pakistan’s planned fleet of domestic
coal-fired plants do. Such plants will need to consume significant amounts of water every year for the
project’s 40-year life and are often planned to be built in areas that are already water stressed. Coal plants
to be fuelled by low-quality lignite from the Thar desert will be located in Sindh — a province that has
gone through a disruptive water crisis.
Pakistan also plans to build a chain of major dams with the aim of resolving water issues as well as
provide more power. However, a recent report from the World Bank has called this plan into question,
with the report’s author explaining that “new dams can help improve water security but will not address
the most pressing water problems that Pakistan faces”.
Plans for hydro power are also held back by the difficulty in financing some projects and the very long
construction time required — an issue not faced by wind and solar power.
China is under pressure to “green” its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), of which the CPEC is a leading
element. So far, Chinese power investment in Pakistan has been fairly typical of its investment in other
BRI countries in that it is focused to a great extent on coal-fired power.
With Pakistan’s government now keen to benefit from the advantages of ever-cheaper renewable energy,
the country is now becoming a key case study on China’s “greening the BRI” progress.
China has made some positive statements regarding renewables investment in Pakistan. Now it needs to
back those words up with an ambitious action on the ground
Ignoring the seeds of extremism
BY M U H A M M A D A M I R R A N A | 9/22/2019 12:00:00 AM

THE way Hindu temples were vandalised and private properties destroyed recently in Sindh`s Ghotki district is yet
another reminder that the challenge of religiously inspired violent extremism is bigger than we thought. Moving beyond a
shallow condemnation, the government will certainly have to act to increase the cost of committing such violence, that too
on spurious grounds.

Apart from the specific measure related to the Ghotki incident, two things must be done to protect all religious minorities
in the country from violence.

First, the groups and individuals using faith to gain political and religious influence should be strictly dealt with under the
law. Secondly, the state should demonstrate zero tolerance towards hate narratives being disseminated online and in other
ways by extremist religious groups, individuals and their supporters.

A clear, unequivocal message should be sent that the state alone is the custodian of the constitutional rights of all citizens,
irrespective of their faith. The fear expressed by the majoritarian mindset that religious minorities could harm the
sovereignty of Pakistan is simply baseless. For one, patriotism cannot be reduced to religion alone without declaring non-
Muslims in Pakistan as non-citizens.
A general argument can be made that Pakistan`s power elites have been patronising religious, ethnic, cultural and racial
disagreements to further their regime, instead of looking at the diversity of religious, cultural and societal opinion in
Pakistan as a sign of inclusiveness and plurality. That has significantly damaged the country`s social fabric, mainly its
humanistic values such as empathy and compassion, which safeguard individuals and societies from hate and aggression.
Empathy is defined as one`s ability to feel other people`s emotions, mainly those stimulated by suffering, and to have a
genuine desire to relieve that suf fering.

Irrespective of its geographical location and its religious or secular tendencies,if a society possesses a sense of majoritarian
supremacy or is hyper nationalistic or harbours a collective sense of hatred and aggression, then it lacks empathy and
compas-sion. The absence of these two attributes could push society towards chaos and anarchy. Sympathy is not the
alternative to these two values. Sympathy is a stream of emotions which provides relief from stress through `recognising`
the suf ferings of others, but it does not incorporate `understanding Unfortunately, often power elites are neither
empathetic towards the people nor do they promote such a narrative. A dearth of narratives of empathy and compassion in
the formal and informal systems of education can inflict even greater damage. In this regard, the work of an American
scholar, Gregory H.

Stanton, on the Srebrenica Genocide of 1995 is insightful. It describes 10 stages of genocide. He theorised that genocide is
not committed by a small group of individuals, rather a large number of people and the state contribute to mass killings in
one way or another. The first stage is classification, where society is divided on ethnic or religious lines. The next three
stages nurture the conception of `otherness` with symbolisation, discrimination and dehumanisation. At the fif th stage,
plans for the extermination of the `other`, seen as the enemy, are drawn up.

The next stage is of polarisation through propaganda via the media and other forums to further dehumanise the `other`.
The persecution of intellectuals and influential opponents follows. After that, extermination becomes easy and denialis
used as a strategy to cover up criminal violence. Stanton includes triumphalism as the lith stage where criminals involved
in violence are respected as heroes.

Thismaynotappearinthesamechronologicalorder but the processes are similar.

There are symptoms of this in many places and South Asia is not immune. India might have reached an alarming stage but
Pakistan too has the seeds as witnessed in the hate narratives being spouted, while the role of the state in denying criminal
violence is often worrisome. The prime minister`s statement about the Ghotki incident, in which he smelled a conspiracy
against his visit to the US and his forthcoming speech at the UN General Assembly reflects a state of denial. Vandalism
against the Hindu community in Pakistan may not be as common as violent incidentsin which other religious minorities
are targeted, but such statements still provide refuge to the culprits.

The phenomenon of religious intolerance has its own dynamics but in recent years it has increased through its connectivity
with larger extremist discourses fanned in cyberspaces. Social media platforms have increased the exposure and
vulnerability of the youth to divisive and extremist ideologies.

This exposure is making people sensitive about their identities. Such an identity crisis is beneficial to the
radicalgroups.Anindividualneedsemotional healing and anxiety caused by such exposure and tries to connect with the
nearest group of likeminded people.

The small groups look towards bigger and better organised groups not only for ideological and political inspiration but
also to learn organisational skills.

Mian Mithu, a radical cleric from Ghotki, could be an example. He may act independently but is said to have been inspired
by the Tehreek-i-Labbaik and encouraged by banned militant groups like Al Rehmat Trust, Jamaatud Dawa and charities
associated with hard-line madressahs in Karachi.

These groups succeeded in building pressure on non-Muslim communities but the cleric has better cultural, religious and
ethnic credentials to influence local communities. With his influence, he is regarded as capable of triggering vandalism.
The problem is that our state institutions do not consider the tendencies of non-violent extremism as a potent threat.

There is a need to adopt a framework or narrative, that treats all citizens, irrespective of their ethnicity, creed and
geography, with equality. Introducing courses on citizenship in education curricula, extracted from the Constitution, are
greatly needed.
To be precise, non-Muslims in Pakistan should be owned as an integral part of the country. Bracketing non-Muslims with
India or Western countries is to contradict history; they are indigenous to the soil and their valuable contribution to this
region is a chapter of Pakistan`s history. • The writer is a security analyst.

SINDH is facing a domestic violence epidemic, and yet hardly any woman in the province has benefited from the passage
of the Domestic Violence Prevention and Protection Act.

Sindhi media does little to publicise domestic violence cases or highlight the law`s provisions, for lack of resources or
interest. And without a standard operating procedure or consistent mechanism for delivering results, Sindhi women af
flicted by domestic violence are falling through the cracks of bureaucracy, police andlegalprocedure-if they go to the
police in the first place.

In rural Sindh, women who suffer domestic violence believing that going to the police bring a bad name to the f amily.
Instead, they return to their parents` houses, and their fathers and brothers set the terms for her return to her husband,
including a demand for no more violence. The collective pressure of the biradari, or kin system, ensures those terms are
obeyed when she returns. The police are not seen as a safe, protective entity; they only extort money from victims or
dismiss the crimes as `family matters`.

In February of this year, a man was convicted, fined and imprisoned for the first time under the law for subjecting his
former wife for physical, sexual and mental abuse six years after the anti domestic violence law was passed. The trial
lasted almost two years despite the law promising conclusion within 90 days. As Sara Malkani, the survivor`s lawyer,
wrote in Dawn, the police did not register the FIR against the perpetrator; the survivor had to bring her petition directly
to the magistrate.

The Sindh Domestic Violence Act calls for protection officers to be appointed to a domestic violence victim, but this
never happens. The victim obtained a protection order but the police ignored it. The survivor was lucky that crucial
medical evidence was collected and allowed as evidence against the perpetrator, as there were no witnesses. Luckier still
the judge did not consider her case a `family matter`, but heard it and sentenced the perpetrator to a jail term and
imposed a fine.

This month Justice Salahuddin Panhwar of the Sindh High Court took formal notice of the law`s ineffectiveness. He
observed that multiple departments for women`s protection including the Sindh Commission for the Status of Women,
the Sindh Social Welfare Department, and the Women`s Development department are all working separately instead of
in tandem. The solution, says Justice Panhwar, is to publicise the domestic violence law, to train the police, judiciary and
other relevant actors, and to create one autonomous department to deal with the issue.Punjab built a model Violence
Against Women Centre in Multan to support women through this traumatic process. The VAWC, inaugurated in 2017,
was a one-stop centre which brought under one roof all the services women must access when seeking redress for
domestic violence. But after the change in government in 2018, the VAWC was defunded. This is the problem with this
sort of special project model, so heavily dependent on funds and political patronage: as soon as the government changes
hands, the funds dry up, the project slows, then sputters to a stop.

For Sindh, the answer lies not in a onestop centre, but in diffusing services across the province and linking them to a
central coordination effort to streamline and regularise the handling of domestic violence cases across many districts.
This is reform at the level which needs it the most: building institutional capacity to handle the procedural and legal
aspects of domestic violence cases across Sindh, no matter who is in power at the provincial level.There is some progress
on this front: the Sindh Police have been constantly interacting with the Women`s Action Forum for their
recommendations; a WhatsApp channel has been set up linking the three commissions and key civil society organ-
isations in order to better handle reported cases; and the IG Sindh is also in the process of setting up a human rights cell
to deal with domestic violence cases. The Sindh government should also appoint a domestic violence commissioner, an
independent watchperson to monitor the ef fectiveness of the police and other institutions dealing with these crimes.

Sindhi women do not see themselves as victims but as strong women who stand up against domestic violence by
themselves without the authorities` help. But as citizens of this nation they have the right to all the assistance of the
state, and the state must do its part by helping, not hindering domestic violence survivors who choose to file a formal
complaint against their assailants.

The fight against domestic violence must not be a political project, but a provincial responsibility, and a national
imperative.

We need to take it seriously to help women cross the bridge from victimhood to survivorhood not just in their own
minds, but cultur ally, socially and legally, and stay there.• The writeris the author of Before She Sleeps.-

IN 1998, the world witnessed a great upsurge in tensions between Pakistan and India as both tested nuclear devices. The
UN Security Council was obliged to take immediate notice. On June 6, 1998, it adopted resolution 1172, calling upon
both to resort to dialogue on all outstanding issues, in order to remove tensions. A couple of days earlier, in view of the
urgency of the situation, ministers from the five permanent UNSC members had met in Geneva to consider ways to
reduce tensions between the two. In a joint communiqué issued after the meeting, they af firmed their `readiness to
assist India and Pakistan, in a manner acceptable to both sides, in promoting reconciliation and cooperation. The
Ministers pledged that they will actively encourage India and Pakistan to find rnutually acceptable solutions, through
direct dialogue, that address the root causes of the tension, including Kashrnir, and to try to build confidence rather than
seek confrontation` [italics added]. They also `undertook to do all they could to facilitate a reduction of tensions between
those States [italics added], and to provide assistance, at the request of both parties, in the development and
implementation of confidence and security-building measures`.

The UN`s efforts in 1998 towards reducing tensions by encouraging and facihtating Pakistan and India to adopt pacinc
modes of conflict resolution were fastpaced. In his letter of July 8, 1998, the UN secretary general intimated the UNSC
president that the Indian prime minister at that time, Atal Behari Vajpayee, had written to the secretary general on June
30, 1998, expressing his willingness to enter into a dialogue with Pakistan. Similarly, he had also stated in his letter that
the Pakistani government was desirous of initiating a dialogue with India to address and resolve all issues between them
including the core issue of Kashmir.

Today, after India`s unlawful attempt at annexation of occupied Kashmir, New Delhi is facing an unprecedented backlash.
It is widely believed that India`s unjust action willlead to prolonged armed resistance and movement on the style of the
Palestinian intifada, which may draw foreign forces to the maelstrom. There is also the view that worldwide terrorism
and jihadi efforts will increase exponentially as the sole effective remedy for the oppressive treatment of the Kashmiris
that is perhaps a permanent feature of BJP`s government policy.

South Asia is again witnessing the same tensions as in May 1998 and the situation calls for similar treatment.

Itis therefore usefulto assess the continued validity of the June 4, 1998, of fer made by the P-5 in which it was
categoricallyundertaken by the P-5 to do all they could to reduce tensions and provide assistance for developing and
implementing confidencebuilding measures. Given the similar intensity of both situations and the resulting danger to
international peace and security, that no hesitation should be entertained by the P-5 to initiate sincere efforts so as to
honour their pledge of 1998 to take all steps for the maintenance of international peace and security as are in their
power.
The 1998 pledge is an old one yet it was made solemnly and without any indication of a time limit. The manner in which
it was made, ie by issuing a joint communiqué, speaks of P-5`s concern over the security situation in South Asia. It was
the seriousness of the situation, which obliged the P-5 to undertake and reiterate their willingness and responsibility
under the UN Charter (and independently of it as responsible stakeholders), to make their good offices available.

Pursuant to this request by the UNSC,the secretary general wrote a letter dated July 8, 1998, to the president of the
UNSC in which the latter was apprised of the former`s labours to achieve a peaceful, conciliatory environment for the
parties so that they could sort out their differences.Special mention was made of a letter dated June 30, 1998, addressed
by the Indian prime minister to the secretary general in which the former acknowledged India`s willingness to start a
dialogue with Pakistan; this amounts to an undertaking by the state of India to resolve all disputes through negotiation.

Mention was also made of the willingness ofthe Pakistanistate toenterintobilateral talks; considered formally, the joint
willingness of both states to enter into negotiations constitutes a binding agreement on the part of both parties to
resolve all issues through bilateral talks.

Time is running out and the situation is fast deteriorating to a state where the stakeholders will lose their confidence in
international powers and take matters into their own hands, for better or for worse. It is time for the P-5 to honour their
undertaking and f acilitate both parties in reaching a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue. • The writer is former
federal, caretaker minister for law & justice, parliamentary affairs & human rights.

AFTER THE FALL OF THE BERLIN WALL

By Dr Moonis Ahmar | 9/22/2019 12:00:00 AM

Speaking at the Brandenburg Gate in the western part of Berlin on June 12, 1987, US President Ronald Reagan made a
historic statement: `Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that
divides the entire continent of Europe ... Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from
his fellow men. ... As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German
question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind ...

`General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you
seek liberalisation, come here to this gate. Mr Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall! Two years
after President Reagan`s passionate speech, the Berlin Wall collapsed.

On November 9, 1989, thousands of people from East Berlin forced the East German security forces to let them cross the
wall, leading to the ultimate collapse of the Warsaw Pact.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE WALL At the end of World War II, the defeated Germany was split into four `Allied
Occupation Zones` through the Allied peace conferences at Yalta and Potsdam. The castern part of the country came under
the control of the Soviet Union, while the western part went to the US, Great Britain and France. Even though Berlin was
located entirely within the Soviet part of the country (about 100 miles from the border between the eastern and western
occupation zones), the Yalta and Potsdam agreements split the city into similar sectors.

The Berlin Wall was erected in August 1961 by the German Democratic Republic (GDR) the pro-Soviet East German
government to prevent the escape of East Berliners to West Berlin, though the official purpose of the wall was to keep
Western `fascists` from entering East Germany and undermining the socialist state. Earlier, the wall only covered the
divided city of Berlin, but later it was extended to a dividing line between East and West Germany.

It covered a length of 155 kilometres in the form of a concrete wall and fence.

However, this symbol of tyranny, oppression and division of East and West Germany by force, failed to deter those who
wanted to cross it and escape to the western part of Berlin.

Between 1961 and 1989, around 150 people who tried to cross the wall were killed by the East German security forces.
Tunnels were also dug from East Berlin to help people attempting to escape communist rule.
Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we can analyse how the world changed as a result of this singular event that
resulted in the reunification of Germany, the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, the Soviet disintegration and an end to the Cold
War. A process of change was setin motion in Europe and throughout the world.

However, the fall of the Berlin Wall failed to have any meaningful impact on some countries where walls have been built,
or are being built, to prevent cross-border movement in the name of national security. India constructed a wall/ fence along
its border with Pakistan all the way from the Rann of Kutch to the Line of Control (LoC) in Kashmir, while Pakistan built
a wall on its border with Afghanistan. US President Donald Trump is determined to construct a wall along the US borders
with Mexico in order to prevent illegal migrants. Israel has built a wall in the occupied West Bank in order to separate
Jewish settlements from the Palestinian population. The need for protecting borders from terrorists, smugglers, the illegal
influx of people and national security have led to policies which focus on dividing instead of uniting people across
borders.

It would not be wrong to say that walls reflect an insecure mindset, based on mistrust, suspicion and paranoia. From 1961
till 1989, as the Berlin Wall became a symbol of suppression and denial of freedom to the people of East Germany, West
Berlin became a symbol of defiance and resistance against the communist order during the Cold War.

WHAT LED TO THE FALL OF THE WALL? In the late 1980s, Gorbachev`s policy of reforms to liberalise communism
such as Perestroika and Glasnost gave an impetus to popular sentiments in the GDR for tearing down the wall. At the same
time, Erich Honecker, secretary general of the German Socialist Unity Party (1971-1989), was forced to quit when he
failed to suppress the rising tide of democracy in East Germany. On August 23, 1989, two million people of Latvia,
Estonia and Lithuania formed a 675.5 kilometres long `human chain` demanding freedom from the Soviet Union. Moscow
did not prevent the massive popular defiance because, by that time, Moscow had given up the Brezhnev Doctrine of
November 1968, which warned of Soviet intervention in case of reformist movement in any communist country.

By 1989, the crumbling economy of the then USSR and the strengthening of a proreform lobby, led by Secretary General
Mikhail Gorbachev in the ruling Soviet Communist Party, gave a clear message to the forces of democracy and change in
the Warsaw Pact countries, including the GDR, that state retaliation in the wake of popular uprising was not possible,
unlike the crushing of popular revolts of 1956 in Hungary and 1968 in Czechoslovakia.

A worker`s movement in Poland called Solidarity launched under Lech Walesa had been crushed by the military, and
martial law had been imposed by General Jaruzelski on December 13, 1981. But under popular pressure, Solidarity was
also later legalised by the Polish regime and it won multi-party elections in June 1989.

IMPLICATIONS OF THE FALL OF THE WALL The fall of the Berlin Wall and its implications in today`s world need
to be analysed from three angles. First, the defeatof undemocratic and authoritarian regimes, that sustained brutal systems
of oppression, received an impetus with the dismantling of the Berlin Wall But, even after the passage of three decades, it
seems that democracy, tolerance and multiculturalism have not been able to take root in former communist societies.

In former GDR, the surge of right-wing ultranationalism and neo-Nazism is a dangerous sign and a major threat to
German democracy.

In 20l3, the far-right political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) emerged as a cogent political force with an agenda
focusing on anti-migration rhetoric, and a sizeable electoral strength in the former GDR.

Former Warsaw Pact members, such as Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland, despite being members of the
European Union, refused to accept migrants according to the standards set by the European Union (EU). In all the four
countries one can observe a surge of right-wing and xenophobic groups who are intolerant to non-white immigrants,
particularly Muslims. This means that despite the collapse of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe, the mindset of
those in the opposition and in the government has not changed because transformation from authoritarian to a democratic
political culture takes time. On the positive side, on August 24 this year, thousands of people marched in the East German
city of Dresden to express their opposition to the AfD.

Demonstrators raised slogans against the neoNazis and right-wing extremists.

Second, the collapse of the Berlin Wall and German reunification gave a thrust to the process of European integration.

Without united Germany, it would have been difficult to transform the European Economic Community (EEC) into EU.
The elimination of restrictions on the free movement of people,goods, services and capital in the EU only became possible
when Germany emerged as an economic powerhouse of Europe.

Germany was officially united as a single state on October 3, 1990, a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall. During this
time, the West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl held crucial negotiations with Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet president
and secretary general of the Soviet Communist Party, the French President Francois Mitterrand and the Polish President
Mazowiecki for their support for the reunification of Germany. Without the endorsement of Moscow, Warsaw and Paris, it
would have been impossible for the West German leadership to give a final shape to the reunification of East and West
Germany. The US President George H. Bush also rendered his country`s support to reunify Germany.

In the post-rcunification period, France and Germany have emerged as pivotal states of European Union, as their unity has
so far worked to keep EU together against all odds. The transformation of EEC to EU on November 1, 1993, according to
the historical Maastricht Treaty, was only possible because of the collapse of Berlin Wall. The expansion of the EU, from
12 members in November 1993 to 27 in 2019, has much to do with the reunification of Germany, the collapse of the
Warsaw Pact and Franco-German unity.

Third, the euphoria which existed in Germany after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and reunification disappeared with the
passage of time. Despite the German government`s investment of around 100 billion euros to end economic and
infrastructure asymmetry between the castern and western parts of the country, feelings of uneven economic development
and wages still prevail over the former GDR.

On June 30, 2019, Herbert Knosowski from the Reuters news agency reported that Frauke Hildebrandt, a member of the
centre-left Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and professor of early childhood education at the University of
Applied Sciences in Potsdam, suggested that an employment quota should be introduced for the residents of East
Germany. A study by the German Centre for Integration and Migration Research in April shows that more than 50 percent
of East Germans polled said they backed the proposal. In March this year, the SPD introduced a motion in the Bundestag
(German parliament) calling for an East German quota, arguing that the German constitution mandates proportionate
representation of civil servants from all states.

It is often argued by the supporters of the reunification that a sense of deprivation in the former GDR is exaggerated,
because German Chancellor Angela Merkel is from the former East Germany and the level of development in that part of
the country in the last 30 years is unprecedented. Even then, the AfD has been able to take advantage of the frustration and
anger, particularly among the youth of the eastern part of Germany, to emerge as a major political force taking 25.5
percent and 19.9 percent of votes in Saxony and Brandenburg in the European parliament elections held in Maythis year.

According to a 2016 study, `Who Rules the East?` compiled by the Dusseldorfbased Hans Bocker Foundation, while East
Germans constitute about 17 percent of the population nationwide, they hold only 1.7 percent of the top jobs. In the areas
of the former GDR, 87 percent of people are East German but they only fill 23 percent of high-level positions such as
judges, generals, presidents of universities, CEOs and editorsin-chief among others. Of some 200 generals and admirals in
the military, for example, only two are East German while there are no East German university presidents anywhere in the
country.

Reint E. Gropp, president of the Halle Institute for Economic Research, in Halle, an East German town states: `A lot of us
thought, admittedly somewhat naively, that people between 30 and 50 the generation that was already working during
reunification would be affected. But that was a mistake. The effects are transferred through generations and we still see it
today.

Although the quality of life in the GDR was quite low compared to their counterparts in the Federal Republic of Germany,
the state was responsible for providing jobs, housing, health facilities and public transport to citizens of East Germany.
After the reunification, they lost all such facilities as state enterprises were replaced by a capitalistic economy.

If the world has not significantly changed after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, at least Europe has been transformed with
free connectivity, and minimum travel and trade restrictions. The Franco-German and GermanPolish borders, hard to cross
freely during the Cold War, are now a thing of the past as every year millions of people cross these borders without
passing through security checkposts and stringent visa controls. Even the sneaking in of more than one million migrants in
Europe in the autumn and winter of 2015 has not led to the transformation of soft borders to hard ones. Populists and right-
wing political parties and groups in Germany and other EU countries demanded the imposition of strict border controls in
order to prevent further influx of migrants but, despite their demand, the EU borders are generally open.
The fall of the Berlin Wall emerges as a source of inspiration for those who are living under severe restrictions that
deprive them of basic freedom. The unification of Jammu and Kashmir has been a long-standing demand of the
beleaguered people of that unfortunate territory partitioned since August 1947. But the disappearance of the LoC that
separates the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the connectivity of people from both sides is yet to be seen. Like the
Germans, Kashmiris living on both sides of the LoC must decide their future and tear down the wall.

After decades of suffering, they deserve a better future.

The writer is former Meritorious Professor of International Relations and Dean Faculty of Social Sciences, University of
Karachi Email: 

How do families deal with children who show an inclination towards the arts? Drawing and painting, singing, playing
music or dancing are considered adorable when kids are young, but troubling when they don`t grow out of it.

One of our final-year fine arts students had his drawings regularly torn up by his father, who wanted him to concentrate
on a career in engineering. Many famous artists developed their passion while being at odds with their families. Edgar
Degas` father wanted him to join law school, Paul Gauguin gave up his life as astockbrokerand PaulCezanne attempted to
become a banker as desired by his father. Joan Miro attended commercial college but after two years as a clerk, had a
mental breakdown before his parents let him attend art school. While Toulouse-Lautrec`s aristocratic parents did not
prevent him from studying art, his physical deformity (having fractured both femurs in childhood) made him feel more at
home in Bohemian Montmartre, amongst the outcasts of the music halls and brothels of Paris.

Nurturing a child`s creative spirit is a combined effort of schools and family.

The US-based National Foundation for Gifted and Creative Children lists 10 characteristics of gifted children that often
get ignored or misinterpreted.

These include extreme sensitivity, high energy levels, getting bored readily, easily frustrated, compassionate and loving,
needing lots of encouragement and poor at rote learning.

Average school systems are usually unable to cater to the needs of gifted children. Thomas Edison, Isaac Newton, Albert
Einstein and Ludwig van Beethoven are some of the gifted students who failed or were expeIIed from their schools.
When parents or teachers fail to understand highly creative children, they tend to withdraw and refuse to learn.

Renowned Malaysian expert on creative children Dr Yew Kam Keong, in his book Nurturing Creative Children, has written
a detailed guideline for parents and teachers.

Lucy Jo Palladino`s `Edison Children` are gifted dreamers who could become designers architects and artists, discoverers
who make good inventors, pioneering industrialists, dynamos who become great athletes, fighter pilots and emergency
health workers later in life.

Most school curricula nurture the left side of the brain responsible for logicalmathematical and verbal skills, while the
right brain which is intuitive, visual and imaginative is often ignored. If the right brain abilities are developed between
ages zero to six years, they stay for life. Developing both sides of the brain develops the full abilities of a child. The
architect and inventor Buckminster Fuller said, `AII children are born geniuses and we spend the first six years of their
lives degeniusing them.
Overly structured lives with no time for fun, play and exploration wither the imagination. Play and fantasy are essential
activities for a child according to Carl Jung. Better than expensive toysis turning empty cartons into cars or spaceships or
draping sheets on chairs to make castles. Parents should read or make up bedtime stories, cut orange peels into
interesting shapes, teach pahelis or riddles, help children find shapes in clouds and praise their efforts.

Both parents need to be equally involved as each brings different energies.

We grew up trying out invisible writing made with lemon juice, made our own ghulay/s or catapults, bows and arrows,
skipped rope, made cats` cradles or tana bana, climbed trees and found tadpoles in rain puddles. Our elders made
shadows on the walls with their hands and took us on picnics. Plato said, `Young children learn by games; compulsory
education cannot remain in the soul.` Playing develops self-discipline which is far more effective than imposing
discipline. A creative child is a happy child and grows into a productive adult.

`Parents should realise that it is better to bring children up as excited innovators and thinkers instead of unhappy and
obedient followers ` says Chong Sheau Chin, Director of Asean Work-Life Balance Project.

Durriya Kazi is a Karachi-based artist and heads the department of visual studies at the University of Karachi Email

With democracy being increasingly accepted in political science as a desired form of governance and the state`s three
organs -parliament, executive and judiciary forming its essential pillars, Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay, in the early
19th century, added free media as the fourth pillar.

The media was to act as a bridge between the voice of the people and the three pillars, to monitor their working within
the framework of the mandate given by the majority during general elections and to ensure their working within the
constitution, law and rules.

Nizamuddin Siddiqui, a distinguished journalist and author of Election 2018: The Diary of a Sceptic, came to the
conclusion that the media was not acting freely to report the events of Pakistan`s general elections of 2018 and so, was
forced to record the events in his diary. The contents of his diary have now been published in a book for readers to form
their own views, not only about the validity and transparency of the elections, but about the façade of democracy in
Pakistan. It will surely be very useful for journalists, students of history and academic researchers as a reference text.

Siddiqui`s book establishes a stark reality that the media as an institution is not free in Pakistan and journalists working in
media houses are seriously constrained to state any events truthfully. What are these constraints? Not all of them are
necessarily state-imposed; some are the product of our commercial, social and political systems. Among these, the first
and foremost what George Bernard Shaw pointed out in 1928 is the ownership of media houses by the rich. Shaw states:
`As people get their opinions so largely from the newspapers they read, the corruption of the schools would not matter
so much if the Press were free. But the Press is not free. As it costs at least a quarter of a million of money to establish a
daily newspaper in London, the newspapers are owned by rich men.

And they depend on the advertisements of other rich men. Editors and journalists who express opinions in print that are
opposed to the interests of the rich are dismissed and replaced by subservient ones.

Secondly, journalists are exposed to killings, attacks and threats not only from law enforcement agencies, but also from
non-state actors and vested interests. Consequently, journalists impose what can be called selfcensorship by choosing to
report safer stories.

Thirdly, general elections in Pakistan as in any country in the world today are contested with the power of money. This
trend has penetrated into our media as well, be it print or digital. Huge amounts of money flow into media houses from
candidates or political parties towards advertisements of all sorts sordid and scurrilous and for the engagement of spin
doctors to write columns and editorials in print and for the hiring of pseudo-analysts for talk shows aired on television.
This trend has polluted democracy`s fourth pillar. Perhaps Thomas Jefferson, the father of the first amendment in the
United States constitution and an upholder of fundamental rights, foresaw it when he stated in 1807: `Nothing can now
be believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle.

Trammelled by these general constraints, Siddiqui recounts the events of the general elections of 2018, from the period
of May to August 2018, and offers his comments on these events to enable readers to form theirown views on the
fairness of the electoral process. The events enumerated in the book can be broadly divided into three major categories:
a general prejudice against the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) leader Nawaz Sharif, pre-polls rigging and post-
polls doctoring.

The book cites several events that are suggestive of a general prejudice against Sharif. These cover the joint sit-in by the
Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and the Pakistan Awami Tehreck (PAT) in 2014, suggestions made to Sharif by an official
intelligence agency to either resign or go on leave while the sit-in was in full swing, and the Supreme Court`s
disqualification of Sharif to contest elections apropos the Avenfield case, well before the announcement of election
dates ensuring that the reins of the PML-N passed on to his younger brother, Shahbaz. And when the PML-N chose to
select the elder Sharif as `rahbar` [leaderl, the courts ruled that he could not hold any position in the party and barred
him from presiding over its meetings. At the same time, his periodic legal petitions to grant him relief in one form or the
other were turned down by the courts.

The author highlights pre-polls rigging to put the PML-N at a disadvantage against the PTI by citing several events. These
include the delayed announcement of the elections` date that, too, from the Supreme Court rather than the Election
Commission of Pakistan (ECP); the substitution of nomination papers under the Elections Act 2017 with an affidavit
formulated by the Supreme Court; the mysterious changing of loyalties by a substantial number of the PML-N and the
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) members to join the PTI, which left the two parties unable to field enough candidates
against the PTI candidates; the posting of army personnel outside and inside polling stations and vesting them with
magisterial powers; the appointment of the interim chief minister in Punjab by the ECP following disagreement on the
candidates between the PML-N and the PTI; the arbitrary scrutiny and rejection of nomination papers; the registration of
cases against and the arrest of many PML-N candidates; and the large scale posting and transfers of bureaucrats.

The post-polls doctoring events incorporated in the book comprise the delay in announcing the unofficial results until the
afternoon of July 26 because of an alleged technical glitch in an app to help the election staff transmit the results to the
ECP headquarters; the rejection of the election results by seven political parties including the PML-N and the PPP as a
consequence of the delayed announcement and other irregularities; Imran Khan`s hurried victory speech on television
despite the PTI failing to attain a simple majority in the national assembly to form the government at the federal level
without the support of other political parties; the framing of criminal cases against, and arrest of, MNAs-elect; the
sealing of the offices of some media houses and the boycott of Dawn newspaper at the official level and the use of force
to disrupt its distribution channels. All these events gave a fillip to the PTl to win independent MNAs-elect over to its fold
and facilitate a coalition with the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan, the
Balochistan National Party-Mengal and the Grand Democratic Alliance in Sindh, in order to elect Khan as prime minister,
Asad Qaiser as speaker and Qasim Suri as deputy speaker.

However, the book is silent on the subject of corruption and the corrupt practices of the top leadership of the PML-N and
the PPP, their failure to provide any evidence in the courts in their defence, the casting of accountability as a politically
vengeful process, and governance for the benefit of few rather than for the people who elected them. The inclusion of
the events touching on these issues would have made the analysis on the elections of 2018 more transparent and
comprehensive. At the same time, a comparison of the events and results of the elections of 2013 would have helped
readers draw a more conclusive judgement on the fairness of the elections of 2018.

The reviewer is a fòrmer government servant and author of several books, including Pakistan Under Siege

GIVEN the recent resurgence of polio in Pakistan, there is a danger that polio may bounce back in the world, as measles
did recently in the US.

Pakistan and Afghanistan are the only countries, where the virus is still endemic. Afghanistan had 13 cases reported in
2019, down from 21 cases reported in 2018, whereas Pakistan has documented 62 cases so far this year, mostly from
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Nigeria, one of the last three countries with endemic polio, has not had a pollo case for the past three years.

Pakistan`s pollo eradication programme not an easy challenge has remained unchanged for almost three decades. For
the same number of years, the country has been in the middle of continuous change .The turmoil of terrorist attacks,
natural calamities, and displaced populations has created a moving reservoir of infection. The programme has witnessed
turmoil of its own. Parents are misleading vaccinators by putting completed vaccination marks on their children thus
indicating widespread vaccine refusals and vaccine hesitancy.

Angry parents have beaten, even killed vaccinators.

There has been misinformation about vaccines, rumours and conspiracy theories, particularly following the Abbottabad
raid of 2011. News of alleged CIA involvement in the vaccination programme continues to ricochet in local communities.
These issues are on top of underlying systemic problems low rates of education, malnourished children and poor
sanitation; besides, almost one-third of the population practises open defecation. Karachi`s filth and flies are now
international news. What chance do polio drops have in such circumstances? The programme`s activities, unfortunately,
are less than satisfactory, with less than optimal management not counting the current blame game between
representatives of past and present governments. As way back as 2011, the Independent Monitoring Board for polio
highlighted this issue: `Pakistan`s progress now lags far behind every other country in the world. Without urgent and
fundamental change, it is a safe het that it will be the last country on earth to host polio.` The Technical Advisory Group
on pollo has called the communication strategies being used by the KPpolio programme `not fit for the purpose`.

However, in spite of these challenges the polio eradication programme continues due to the government`s commitment
and the extraordinary dedication and resilience of the programme staff, as well as with funding from generous donors. In
2017 when polio cases had come down to eight we felt hopeful. Now there have been 62 cases in these eight months.
This resurgence has polio watchers worried about a potential spillover to the rest of the world, undoing the 30 years and
$13 billion worth of work done by the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI). Given the serious potential for such a
possibility, maybe it is time to admit that something may be missing in Pakistan`s polio eradication programme.

Analysis of national-level research over the past decade and recent researchfunded by the Shahid Hussain Foundation
have demonstrated that what`s missing in Pakistan`s polio eradication programme is, one, an understanding of the big
picture. This means, in part, acknowledging that money and technology do not work in a vacuum, but are applied in
particular ways to particular contexts. And two, an overreliance on standard donor-funded vaccination drives, while
neglecting routine vaccination services.

An examination of the Pakistani context shows us that there are systemic problems on the demand and supply side of
the programme. On the supply side, for example, health services that include routine vaccinations are extremely poor,
while polio vaccinations are proactively pushed. People are suspicious of a system that otherwise unresponsive to their
routine needs chases their children aggressively every three months to administer the polio vaccine. The reporting
requirement of the GPEI, that provides policy direction for polio eradication, distracts managers from formulating local
implementation activities. Field monitoring systems are nonexistent, the cold chain is maintained erratically, and
managers do not have the flexibility or the funding to implement solutions to problems in the field.

There are multilayered complexities in the nature of demand for polio vaccination services that the vaccination
programme ignores whichhas implications for parental compliance. An example is the communities` prevalent
framework of health-seeking behaviour, which is to seek medicine vaccines are considered medicine, when children are
sick, and not for prevention from the disease Vaccine hesitancy has genuine reasons. Parents do not have knowledge of
disease prevention principles, of side effects of vaccines and the vaccine schedule on one hand. On the other, there is
lack of serious engagement on the part of programme staff that resorts to aggressive bullying to increase coverage rates,
to `deliver results`.

`When someone can answer my questions and not just bully me then I`ll consider giving polio drops to my child,` said a
mother who refused polio drops for her year-old son.

In his maiden speech a year ago, the prime minister promised to make decreasing childhood mortality a top priority of
his government. Yet a year later, there is not much change in strategies for child health services delivery or
improvements in routine vaccination or in the polio eradication strategy of past decades. In such a situation, hoping for
different results is irresponsible, and Pakistan and the world cannot afford to take that risk.

To improve vaccinations in children including polio vaccination, the government`s technical team needs to translate the
prime minister`s promise into an effective country strategy a U-turn from the previous one. It should be based on
community-specific needs and local implementation challenges; activities should respond to local constraints of supply
and demand for services in specific localities. Pakistan`s polio eradication efforts need to be coordinated with those of
Afghanistan`s.

Poliovirus transmission in the two countries will not be interrupted unless all reservoirs are stopped simultaneously,
including the reservoir corridors.

Proceeding as usual will not deliver promised results. It will undermine the prime minister`s credibility. We face the
terrible possibility of worldwide resurgence of polio, spearheaded by Pakistan.• The writer, a public health consultant,
and author, is a research fellow at Lums, Lahore.

THE power-sector regulator, Nepra, has included some extraordinary language in its latest flagship State of the Industry
Report pointing to the damage that NAB has done to its operations, as well as the failure of long-term power-sector
reforms. It laments that NAB is straying into the regulator`s jurisdiction, a complaint that is perhaps inspired by the
detention of some Nepra officials by the anti-corruption watchdog. `Almost all the projects on which Nepra had made
determinations in the past have been questioned by NAB, and the way the investigations are being conducted, it has
completely stifled the morale of Nepra professionals,` the report says. This is the first time that the State of the Industry
Report has been used as a vehicle to advance such grievances, and it shows the extent to which the damage wrought by the
so-called accountability drive is being felt. NAB officials do not have the capacity to understand complex topics such as
tariff determinations, yet they have the power to detain first and ask questions later. Even in cases where they seek to
understand complex agreements or calculations, those who have engaged with them find that it can be an extremely vexing
experience to try and explain these matters to them.

What is troubling about Nepra`s warning is that the damage being done could end up carrying a steep price tag, and it is
the citizens who will eventually have to pay. If NAB inquiries result in officialdom being afraid to take decisions, simply
out of fear that they will be made to explain their decisions later to people who do not possess the capacity to understand
them, then it will result in severe demoralisation, perhaps enough to jam the wheels of government. That is precisely what
Nepra seems to be warning about. To top it off, the regulator also warns that the status quo is in dire need of reform, and
some near-momentous changes are needed in the immediate term. The cost of this failure is evident in the circular debt,
which the report says had crossed Rsitr by the end of last year. The minister for power seems to be pleased with his efforts
to enhance recovery and contain the flow of circular debt.

But the fact is that without deep-rooted reform, the problem will keep recurring. And this reform is not going to come
about so long as government officials have to work with a gun held to their heads.
BLACK day. Witch-hunt. Silencing dissent. The outrage against the government`s plan to introduce media tribunals
special courts to expeditiously handle media-related complaints generated the usual tropes deployed by media
associations, rights groups and broader civil society to denounce censorship. But while the backlash against the
government`s plans rang familiar, the suggestion to introduce media courts indicates a new level of egregiousness in the
ongoing state clampdown on the media.
Following widespread critique of the suggestion, the government last week somewhat backed down, and promised to
engage with industry stakeholders before pushing through the idea of media courts. But it has also defended the
concept, arguing that prompt judicial handling of complaints against the media will protect and empower the media and
its democratic function by holding the sector accountable. This lip service like the idea of media tribunals itself betrays
the government`s lack of understanding of the role and importance of a free press in a democracy.

The government has proposed that the special courts would handle media-related complaints that are currently
addressed at various independent forums such as the media regulator Pemra`s Council of Complaints, the Press Council
of Pakistan, and the Wage Board Implementation Tribunal (ie, they would be redundant at inception). The courts would
be able to take suo motu action, and appeals processes would be handled at the high court or Supreme Court level.

As such, the idea of the media tribunals (and the Pakistan Media Regulatory Authority, or PMRA, that preceded it) is
antithetical to a basic understanding of a free press. Such a construct would insert the legislative and judicial branches of
the state into regulation and oversight of the media, which presents an obvious conflict.

In the Pakistani context, too, the existence of media courts would have a doubly chilling ef fect than already exerted by
the state`s use of the law to silence journalists. (A Pakistan Press Foundation report counted that seven journalists and
one owner of a media organisation f aced legal action in 2018, while there were more than 31 instances in which media
personnel were issued show-cause notices or suspended, or websites were blocked.) The state`s argument that media
courts are needed to hold the industry more accountable perpetuates an inaccurate `us vs them` narrative. While a
romantic concept, the role of the press cannot be reduced to `establishment vs anti-establishment` `authoritarianism vs
freedom`. Itis a key component of a democracy and should be regu-lated as such (and nothing more).

The fundamentals of democracy are participation (through polls) and transparency (whereby elected representatives
remain beholden to the public). The media is intrinsic to both these concepts: it informs citizens so that their votes can
be meaningfully cast; and it holds those in power to account by scrutinising their activities. The media`s key role in the
latter function highlights why media courts are an inane idea.

The Council to Protect Journalists previously pointed out that the government`s lack of interest in the media`s value to
democracy became apparent in an early draft bill proposing the PMRA, which envisioned Pakistan as a `hub for
multimedia information and content services` but made no mention of the media`s watchdog role.

This government is particularly prone to mistaking the media`s role as PR. Even while backtracking on the tribunals,
Firdous Ashig Awan, the media spokesperson, said that some corrective mechanism would need tobe introduced b e c a
u s e P a ki s t an`s media organisations routinely harmed the national interest and p ubli c i s e d news that deterred for-
eign investors. (Clearly, she has not learned to stop conflating press and PR despite a backlash against a series of anti-
media tweets from the PTI`s of ficial Twitter handle in July).

Attempts to denigrate the media are also dangerously discrediting the value of free expression. The concepts of free
speech and free press are deployed in a jumble, and primarily used to imply that journalists take cover under free speech
allowances to irresponsibly say whatever they want. This is nonsense. Journalism is a responsible selfregulated activity in
the public service, and answerable under defamation, slander and libel laws. Free speech is also not limitless.

Finally, it is audacious to raise the idea of media courts in the context of expediting rulings on complaints against the
press. We live in a country where journalists are killed with impunity three reporters have been killed this year alone.

If there are to be media courts, let them have the sole purpose of prosecuting journalists` killers. • The writer is a
freelance journalist.

huma.yusuf@gmail.com Twitter: @humayusuf

The government, led by the Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI), seems all set to spring into action to hit the development
targets, but in the absence of any tangible public pressure to walk the talk, the fate of the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) in Pakistan appears no different from the outcome of earlier pledges made by earlier governments regarding the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that aimed at reducing poverty by half in the first 15 years of the current
millennium.

The ruling party has launched ‘Ehsaas’ (empathy and compassion) programme with the stated objective of defeating the
elitist stranglehold and replacing it with a welfare state, using technology for precision social safety nets, promoting
financial inclusion and easy access to digital services, supporting economic empowerment of women, focusing on human
capital, growth and sustainable development and overcoming financial barriers to accessing health and post-secondary
education. The blue print of the Ehsaas strategy contains 115 policy actions and can be expanded during the consultative
process.

It is, indeed, a comprehensive strategy … on paper, at least. Any claim regarding people and their wellbeing rings hollow
anytime anywhere as long the economic policies are suppressing the growth potential in a country where the economic
base is already too narrow to absorb the employable population or afford resources to match the development needs. The
rising cost of living and falling household income has increased economic stress to unbearable levels. There has to be
some stability before anyone can talk about sustainability. As things stand today, reviving the trust of business and the
public looks essential for the very survival of the system.

The hierarchy in Islamabad seems content, and submitted its first Voluntary National Review of the SDGs to the UN
preliminary meeting last July, making a case of preparedness to tread confidently towards peaceful, inclusive, sustainable
future for the country and its people.

If plans on the drawing board could guarantee diligent implementation, Pakistan, rich in human and natural resources,
wouldn’t have been sliding on the various human indices and, surely, our current struggle to survive would have been a
struggle to sustain which, in fact, is what the SDGs are all about. We were among the first few countries back in 2000 to
develop a stellar framework for MDGs with proper indicators duly benchmarked to track progress and deliver on the
global pledge. And yet we missed all targets by a wide margin when the term ended in 2015.

Pakistanis aspired and struggled for a democratic dispensation. They enjoy and value the sense of political freedom, but
have realized the hard way that the movement towards economic emancipation is not automatic. The path is both long and
arduous to force the democratic order to deliver in real terms. The weakness of the current elected government and its
predecessor in this regard is highlighted in Pakistan’s performance on the UN SDGs Index chart which is an annual
exercise tracking and ranking all the signatory nations based on their aggregate scores drawn from the marks they secure
on each of the 17 goals.

In the past three years, Pakistan has been slipping at an accelerated rate; 15 ranks in the last four years. It was ranked
115th in 2016, slid to 117th in 2017, slipped to 122nd in 2018, and rolled down to 130th in 2019.

Overall, Pakistan scored 55.6 on the aggregate 100-point scale, the highest being a near perfect 98.7 in Goal 13 related to
Climate Change, and the worst being in Goal 9 that assesses Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure; precious 15. Together
with Gender Equality Goal 5 — a depressing 28.9 — the two factors dragged Pakistan down and placed it behind its
equals. The details of methodology and country profiles are available on the dashboard online.

As is the norm, the government’s top-tier team is in denial. A senior member blamed “anti-Pakistan bias in the West” for
its low placement on the score card. Ditching comment on the said index, most key members of the dream team were
found to be perfectly content with the paperwork and the formation of cells and committees at multiple tiers. “The federal
SDG Unit is actively involved in preparing the ground for collaborative efforts to deal with development challenges,” said
one.

“… (T)he country has made considerable progress by mainstreaming these goals in national policies and strategies,
including the Five Year Plan, provincial growth strategies and Pakistan’s long-term development perspective. In 2018, the
newly elected government designed and approved a National SDGs framework that envisages a national vision to
prioritise and localise SDGs,” says Federal Minister for Planning, Development and Reform Makhdoom Khusro Bakhtiar
in the opening statement of the Voluntary National Review (VNR).

Discussing the direction of the government efforts, he stated: “… (S)everal challenges remain — the task of planning and
implementing the 2030 Agenda for Pakistan’s rapidly growing population must necessarily incorporates diverse local
contexts, build local capacities and strengthen institutions”.

Talking about the challenges, the VNR commented, “Financing the SDGs in a slow growth environment will be a trying
task, compounded by knowledge and technology gaps in developing local solutions and improving efficiency through
governance”.

The representatives of development partners talked highly of the women-dominated current social sector team. A
Westerner heading the Pakistan office of a development agency said that under the current government the focus is shifted
from physical to social infrastructure. “I find it much easier to communicate with the new team as its understanding of
challenges is clearer and view on possible solutions is almost similar to ours,” he shared his assessment in a conversation.
The ADB officials confirmed better inflows from the Asian lender for numerous social sector projects during the current
year.

Many economists and political leaders approached did not want to offer comments on the subject. Either they were not
aware or did not wish to offend anyone in the current tense environment.

“The parasitic vested interests in the country are too deeply entrenched and it would be delusional to expect these powerful
elements to voluntarily step aside, vacate the space and free resources for independent decision-making and diverting
funds towards inclusive development. The fight for rights will have to be fought innovatively, leveraging technology to
secure better future on our own strengths,” commented a left-leaning political scientist.

“Please stop fanning discontent and negativity. In PTI charge, I trust, the situation will certainly improve as it has already
completed the groundwork covered by the legal framework and specialised institutional network in place. The team will
work wonders collaborating with the private sector and local governments. You just need to be little patient,” advised a
pro-PTI analyst in Lahore.

The possibility of greater voluntary participation of the private sector has opened up avenues that were not available
earlier. Taking cue from multinationals committing to join forces with the public sector to share the responsibility for a
better world, several companies in Pakistan have incorporated development goals in their CSR strategy. The efforts of
private companies toward public welfare should be recognised but their preference for exclusivity and inclination to reveal
nothing more than what is mandated under the law create doubts about their intentions. There are examples where
companies spend more on the projection of their initiatives in mass media than the cost of their welfare project.

It has never been easy or fair for the majority in Pakistan, but the rising economic stress and the growing sense of betrayal
amongst the working masses is disturbing. The promised change for which people voted the PTI to power is not turning
out to be what they hoped for … not in the short term at least.

The democratic transformation to give a new orientation to the framework of governance to serve the interest of the
masses is still in the works. Democracy did give people some sense of self-governance, but weak institutions and fudged
priorities have retarded the capacity of the system to serve the majority efficiently.

The citizenry in a country as resourceful in men and material as Pakistan deserves a better deal. The uneven progress
achieved in the current millennium is despite the government rather than because of apt public policies and interventions.
What the future has in store is something that 
By Mohammad Hussain Khan | 9/23/2019 12:00:00 AM

THE Sindh government is struggling to meet the challenges of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as far as the
agriculture sector is concerned.

The provincial government had set up an SDGs Support Unit in its Planning & Development Board (P&DB) two years
back to meet 169 targets of these 17 goals.

Of the 17 SDGs, three pertain to agriculture directly or indirectly. These are poverty (SDG-1), zero hunger (SDG-2) and
climate action (SDG-13).
The last one is very important as far as sustainable growth in the farm sector is concerned.

Vibrant farmers` bodies like the Sindh Abadgar Board (SAB), however, regret that no substantive progress is seen. The
government tends to link donor-funded programmes with SDGs and there are no success stories in terms of agriculture
which continues to face extreme weather events like rainfall and drought that affect the growth process.

`Climate change one of the main SDGs has emerged as a major threat for the farm sector and this leads to serious losses in
productivity while we sit idle,` argues SAB vice president Mahmood Nawaz Shah. He is worried about the lack of
investment in research and development-oriented works that can otherwise play a pivotal role.

`Research enables governments to achieve SDGs relating to `zero hunger` and `poverty` because it helps increase yield per
acre with given available resources. Surpluses don`t resolve matters because it is availability and accessibility of food
around the year that is required [to end hunger]`.

Sindh has come up with a policy that also talks about climate-smart agriculture but to borrow SAB vice president`s words,
a paradigm shift is needed to link the agriculture sector with this policy in all spheres. `If we are unable to find the solution
to perennial problems we are doomed and huge losses in the agrarian economy will be a foregone conclusion. Perhaps
research alone helps protect the farm sector and achieves SDGs`, he asserts.

The SAB leader is not wrong. In the last few years, Sindh has been at the receiving end of torrential rains that played
havoc with the cotton crop. Even keeping aside the damage wrought by the monsoons, the province has not been able to
meet its cotton balesproduction target for the last several years.

A P&DB`s SDG Support Unit official Mumtaz Halepoto says that `Sindh remains a hot spot within Pakistan in terms of
climate change scenario.

`We conducted a study relating to SDG-13.

According to it, if we don`t act to address the climate change issues then Sindh will lose 20 per cent of its GDP. An
investment of 2pc will allow the SDG-13 to be achieved and thus save 18pc of GDP,` he remarked.

But the agricultural department doesn`t have a clear understanding or knowledge of the issues either. `This is an
institutional puzzle people within different departments don`t know how to develop linkages for addressing the climate
change phenomenon,` said an SDGs Support Unit official.

This is the challenge that the Sindh government is trying to overcome by connecting different new and on-going schemes
of the agriculture department to address SDGs related to poverty and climate change. For example, the Sindh Chief
Minister has committed plantation of 200,000 trees for 2019-20under the Sarsa6z Sindh programme.

According to Rafiq Mustafa Shaikh of the Support Unit, the government has also reflected on an allocation of Rs6.5
billion in its annual development plan (ADP) 2019-20 for a `social protection programme strategy to reduce poverty` and
Harris Gazdar, an expert, is working on it. `Administrative departments have to work in tandem to avoid lack of
understanding and that is what the government is precisely aiming for`, he says.

But given the overall size of the development portfolio, which is around Rs283.5bn for 2019-20, he is also concerned
about the gap in resource availability and federal fiscal transfers. And it is not the agriculture sector alone that faces these
resource constraints but other departments do as well.

For instance, Mr Shaikh says, to address safe management of water and sanitation as expressed in SDG-6: clean water and
sanitation Sindh requires Rs80bn every year for 10 years. But realising its importance, the Sindh chief minister gradually
increased the Public Health Engineering allocation from Rs4bn two years back to Rs19bn in 2019-20
RSS

WHEN a major political party or organisation rejects the constitution of its country, there are grave
implications for the country`s governance and its democratic system.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, whose political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party, is in power at
the centre and in many states, never made any secret of its rejection of the constitution of India.
Beneath this rejection lies its more openly avowed rejection of India`s democratic governance and
its national ethos.

The RSS has now chosen to speak through its outfit, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. A few days ago, the
VHP`s `national working president` Alok Kumar inaugurated a conference that demanded
amendments to the constitution of India to prevent `organised conversions` because, in its opinion,
they marke d a `subversion` of the religious character of Indian society and civilisation.

This is a swipe at India`s constitution, which recognises India as a secular state and guarantees the
fundamental right to propagate religion (Article 25). The RSS` agenda is far wider. It rejects the
national flag, the tricolour, and flouts its saffron flag called the Bhagwa Dhwaj, which is styled as the
Guru (mentor).

Donations are made to this `guru` with beneficial results before the tax authorities.

It is regarded as the symbol of `nationalism` le Hindu, not Indian, nationalism.

Rejection of India`s constitution is implicit in the RSS position on the national flag.

On Jan 1, 1993, the RSS publishe d a white paper denouncing the constitution as `antiHindu` and
outlining the kind of polity it wishes to establish in the country. In its foreword, Swami Hiranand
wrote: `The constitution is contrary to the country`s culture, character, circumstances, situation,
etc. It is foreign-oriented.

He added: `We will have to think afresh about our economic policy, judicial and administrative
structure and other national institutions only after nullifying the present constitution.` It had to be
discarded completely.

`The damage done by 200 years long rule of the British is negligible as compared to the harm done
by our constitution. The conspiracy to convert Bharat into India continues.` He lamented that `we
are known as Indians the world over` and reminded the reader that `the freedom struggle was
fought in the name of Hinduism. Vande Mataram was our national song ... in postIndependence
India, Hindustan and Vande Mataram have been exterminated`.
It was a calculated move. On Dec 25, 1992, soon after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, its author
Swami Muktanand held apress conference in New Delhi to give a call to the nation to reject the
`anti-Hindu constitution`. He said: `We have no faith in the country`s laws` and `the sadhus are
above the law of the land`. Also, India`s citizenship law, which deems all born in India as natural
citizens, was called `humbug`.

In January 1993, the then de facto RSS supremo, Rajendra Singh, said: `Certain specialties of this
country should be reflected in the constitution. In place of India that is Bharat`, we should have said
Bharat that is Hindustan`. Official documents refer to the `composite culture`, but ours is certainly
not a composite culture. .

All this shows that changes are needed in the constitution. A constitution more suited to the ethos
and genius of this country should be adopted in the future.

On Jan 24, 1993, M.M. Joshi, then BJP president, reiterated the demand for a fresh look at the
constitution. The pamphlet complained: `Westernised people unfamiliar with the culture and
history of India are thecreators of our constitution.

It condemned reservations for the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and backward classes. The
minorities fared worse. The con-stitution was denounced in intemperate language. `This
constitution can be called a pile of garbage ... the constitution of India is an enemy of the nation`s
unity and integrity.

Amazingly, the VHP staked a claim to a `general` consultative status to the United Nations`
Economic and Social Council. The South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre of New Delhi,
which enjoys that status, filed a devastating briefing note refuting the VHP`s claim.

The real nature of the BJP and its creator the RSS is missed by many including some who ought to
know better. They regard them as India`s conservative parties. The RSS` affiliate publication
Organiser, in its Sept 22 issue, had an article on German ambassador to India Walter J. Lindner`s
visit to the RSS` headquarters at Nagpur with colour photos of him paying obeisance at the feet of
the statue of its founder, K.B.

Hedgewar, and register his respectful attendance on its chief, Mohan Bhagwat. He could not be
ignorant of the RSS` record on spreading hate and recourse to violence. He simply wants to succeed
in his job. • The writer is an author and a lawyer based in Mumbai
Pak Role IN YAMEN WAR
THOSE who have been watching the Saudi massacre of Yemenis over the last five years with horror
and rage can be excused our moment of schadenfreude.

This German expression is used to describe the feeling of joy over the pain of another. I experienced
this as I watched the Saudi oil facility and wells in Auqab and Khurais go up in flames recently.

While the world condemned this attack, nobody seemed to have a word of sympathy for the tens of
thousands of victims who have been killed and maimed as a result of inept Saudi and Emirati aerial
bombardment. Our government, too, was swift to condemn the attack, although it has remained silent
in the face of wanton Saudi brutality. Apart from all those civilian casualties, the Saudis have also
pushed some 20 million Yemenis close to death by disease and starvation through its naval blockade
of ports.

Nesrene Malik, the Guardian columnist, wrote recently: `There is a long-standing joke told in the
Middle East about Saudi Arabia`s reluctance to fight its own wars.

`Saudi Arabia will fight until the last Pakistani`, the punchline goes, in reference to the fact that
Pakistanis have long supported Saudi`s military endeavours ... Saudi Arabia is accustomed to buying
labour that it deems too menial for its citizens, and extends that philosophy to its army. .

` .When asked what fighting in Yemen was like under the command of the Saudis, some returning
Sudanese troops said the Saudi military leaders, feeling themselves tooprecioustoadvance tooclose
tothefront line, had given clumsy instructions by satellite phones to their hired troops, nudging them
in the general direction of hostilities.

When things were too treacherous, Saudi and coalition air forces dropped bombs from high-flying
planes, inflating civilian casualties. This is how Saudis fight: as remotely as possible, and paying
others to die.

There has been an international chorus accusing Iran of being behind these attacks on Saudi oil
facilities. Reluctant to do its own fighting, Riyadh has called on its allies to respond to the Iranians in
order to protect global oil supplies. Few have made the connection between the Saudi onslaught on
Yemen, and the massive damage inflicted on its oil-processing facilities.

Iran has denied any involvement in the attack, but it is hardly likely to accept responsibility. Despite
the Houthi claim to have acted on their own, it is doubtful if the rebels have the technical capability
to launch such a sophisticated operation. In either case, the pinpoint accuracy and range of the drones
and missiles used would have given the Saudis and the Americans reason to pause.Another
connection is the direct link between America`s exit from the nuclear deal signed by Obama and the
recent attacks. Not satisfied with the existing economic sanctions on Iran, Trump has turned the
screw tighter, making it virtually impossible for Iran to export its oil. While Saudi Arabia and Israel
have exulted in Iran`s pain, President Rouhani has proclaimed that if his country could not export oil
through the Strait of Hormuz, nobody else would be allowed to either.

Meanwhile, America`s highly successful exploitation of its shale oil reserves has subst antially re
duce d it s dependence on Mid die East oil. This has changed the nature of the relationship between
the US and Saudi Arabia. And with Israel in post-election turmoil, Netanyahu is unable to exert the
kind of pressure he could a few months ago.

Many have questioned the utility of Saudi Arabia`s multibillion-dollar arms purchases, especially
from the US. When the drones and the missiles hit their targetsrecently, there was no response from
the Patriot defence system. It turns out that this was designed to intercept missiles approaching from
a steep angle, and not low-flying drones.

The fact is that over the years, the Saudis have been buying high-techweaponry at exorbitant prices,
with princelings allegedly raking in massive commissions. These weapons are parked in the desert,
and are then replaced by the next generation of modern weapons.

I am embarrassed that Pakistanis could be fighting for the Saudis against Yemen.

When Gen Raheel Sharif was recruited by Riyadh, there was come confusion about his role. It
appears to have become clearer.

However, the performance of the coalition forces in Yemen does not inspire much confidence in his
capability, if indeed he`s involved in the Saudi misadventure.

In chess, if you push an unsupported piece into your opponent`s territory, it is likely to have a short
life. The Americans have scores of bases in the region that can be hit by Iranian missiles in case of
hostilities. Similarly, the Saudis have a large number of soft targets. Once seen as assets, they are all
now hostage to swift retaliation should Iran come under attack.

It`s time to talk about lifting sanctions on Iran, not escalating the situation.• irfan.husain@gmail.com

Karachi is an ecologically damaged city`

KARACHI: `Fatehyab`s City: Causes and Repercussions of Turmoil in Karachi` was the topic of the
fourth lecture in memory of late president of the Pakistan Mazdoor Kissan Party Fatehyab Ali Khan,
on the occasion of his ninth death anniversary, delivered by architect and town planner Arif Hasan at
the Pakistan Institute of International Affairs (PIIA) here on Thursday.

Beginning his lecture by paying tribute to Fatehyab Ali Khan, Arif Hasan said that they met as often
as twice a week to discuss the issues faced by Pakistan. `Fatehyab was passionate in his arguments.
He had leanings towards the Left but was not a Communist. And he was a product of Karachi`s city
life, he said.
He said that Fatehyab`s political activism started from student days. In university, he and his
colleagues were often sent to prison where they also received beatings. They were a popular group of
students who had been barred from entering the city, but they carried on with their activism and
opposing Ayub Khan`s government.

`In the 1990s, Fatehyab took a stand on talks of separation of Karachi from Sindh as he strongly
believed that Karachi was very much a part of Sindh, he said.

He said that Fatehyab came to Karachi in 1949 as a 13 or 14-year-old from Bombay.

`Political opportunism was changing the demography of Karachi,` he said. At first, there was a huge
population of Sindhi, Baloch and Brahvi people in Karachi with a few Urdu-speaking people, and
even fewer Punjabi-speaking folks with hardly any Pashto-speakers around as Hindus outnumbered
Muslims.`But by 1951 the population of the Sindhi, Balochi and Brahvi people dropped as Urdu-
speaking people increased in numbers. The Hindus decreased from making up 51 per cent of the
population to two per cent and Muslims who were 42pc made up 90pc of the city.

`Those who came to settle here are powerful. Their politics are subtle. They control a lot of
resources,` he said, adding that Karachi is different from the other populated cities of the country.

Central planning authority `Around 78pc of Sindh`s formal jobs are in Karachi. The federal
government also has strong links with Karachi, with the Karachi Port Trust, Customs, Civil Aviation
Authority, Port Qasim all having their headquarters here.

Twenty-five per cent of GDP comes from here along with the best education institutions, the best
health facilities all here as well,` he said, adding that the jobs, revenue, etc, can be controlled by the
PPP government through a centralised system while the MQM controls the city through a highly
decentralised system.

`The PPP has majority in the Sindh Assembly but it needs to build capacity in DMCs. For this it
needs training institutions for development there in order to do away with the KMC,` he said. `But
still, it will not solve the problems of the city. For that you need a central planning authority and
research. Such things existed earlier but in a fragmented way. In 1989, we had proposed a central
planning authority but were told that there were too many agencies and it would not be possible. But
if it can work in places such as Mumbai and Bangkok, why not here?` The problem here, according
to the town planner, is that when it comes to creating working relationships at the middle and bottom
levels, no one is willing to do that.

`A ticking time bomb, not to be solved even by the agenciesin placeis theland and housing issue in
Karachi,` he said, adding that the demand for housing wasfalling short of the supply. `There is a
demand for 120,000 units per year and the supply is 42,000 units per year.

`Earlier, katchi abadis used to make up the deficit but then they were also located within the city and
had schools, hospitals, recreation areas, transport, etc, within reach. But now most katchi abadis are
on the outskirts of the city where all kinds of facilities are out of reach and where the people don`t
want to live. When they have no other choice, they sleep on roadsides and under flyovers on
weekdays when they are working in the city and they only go home on Saturdays or Sundays to save
on transportfare.

`The commercial sector has catered to this demand by building high-rises of six to seven noors on 50
to 80 squareyard plots and creating dense and congested neighbourhoods with not enough toilets. The
husbands and older boys sleep in parks to make room in their small homes, which is how the boys
also join gangs,` he said.

`The government even passed a law, the Sindh High Density Development Board Act, where this
board which has only nine people may label any place as `high-density`. They have also been known
to call plots high-density and the law supports them. There is a need for reform or this city is going to
get even worse as more and more housing schemes are launched to make money but no construction
is happening there, he said.

`Now even when the nullahs, which keep flooding, are cleaned there willstill be no improvement as
after plotting being done on the Mehmoodabad nullah by the DHA, the KPT Officers` Society being
created over the Soldier Bazaar nullah and due to reclamation over the other nullahs the outflow of
sewage has been blocked. Garbage trucks dump garbage to fill land and create more plots in natural
depressions. Hence, Karachi is an ecologically damaged city,` he announced.

`There is a need for urban land reform and urbanisation fee. No one should be allowed to own land
more than 500 square yards in size,` he said.

Earlier, PHA chairperson Dr Masuma Hasan spoke about Fatehyab Ali Khan, Rasheed Razvi,
Mazhar Jamil and Arif Hasan`s struggle to retake control of PHA from the government.

KARACHI: The World Bank has agreed to work together with the Sindh government for making the
Sindh Solid Waste Management Board (SSWMB) more effective and introduce changes in cropping
patterns to improve rural economy.

This agreement was reached here on Friday during a meeting between Chief Minister Syed Murad
Ali Shah and World Bank country director Patchamuthu Illangovan here at CM House which was
also attended by chairperson of planning and development (P&D) Naheed Shah.

The chief minister said that SSWMB needed capacity building so that it could work scientifically.

The WB country chief said that he would send solid waste management experts to the Sindh
government and through P&D a detailed plan would be worked out to improve capacity of the body
so that not only its efficiency in solid waste disposal and management could be improved, but it must
become a self-sufficient organisation.

It was agreed that SSWMB`s capacity building would be increased in such a way that it could work
all over Sindh in different phases.

In the first phase it would start work in divisional head-quarters and then in district headquarters.

Cropping patterns `Our growers are engaged in traditional crops of high deltaic and low yield. I want
to introduce major changes in cropping patterns in which low deltaic crops can be grown with high
yield,` he said and added this would improve rural economy.

`A separate cropping system should also be developed for small growers. We have to improve their
income by switching them over to orchards-cumcash crops,` Mr Shah added.

Mr Illangovan said that he would bring global agricultural experts here with him and would have
their meeting with the agriculture department and P&D experts.

The chief minister also said that the provincial government was working in mother and child health
and nutrition programmes in different districts, including Thar. This programme has produced some
good results.

Funds for NICVD The chief minister while presiding over a meeting of the National Institute of
Cardiovascular Diseases board here at CM House said that his government would meet financial
requirements of NICVD and its eight satellites because it was delivering `bestservice` in the region.

They meeting participants were informed that during 2019, up to August 31, the NICVD Karachi by
Aug 2019 performed 6,385 angiographies and 2,399 heart surgeries while it provided treatment to
779,311 patients.

The NICVD has established eight satellite centres all over Sindh which are located in Larkana,
Tando Mohammad Khan, Hyderabad, Sehwan, Sukkur, Nawabshah, Mithi and Khairpur.

Earlier the NICVD director told the chief minister that they needed funds of around Rs5 billion
immediately so that the expenditures of free of cost patients could be met.

The chief minister directed secretary of finance Hassan Naqvi to sit with the NICVD executive
director to meet the financial requirement as the facility was delivering `best service` in the province
and it must be strengthened in all aspects.

State land for graveyards The Sindh government on Friday decided to allocate state land for
graveyards in Karachi as existing graveyards of the metropolis had already been filled. This decision
was taken here in a meeting which was chaired by Chief Secretary Syed Mumtaz Ali Shah.

The meeting was informed by the commissioner that no more space was left for burials ingraveyards
of Karachi and there was an immediate need of new graveyards in all six districts of the city.

The metropolitan commissioner informed the meeting that there were 203 graveyards under the
administration of the KMC in the city.

Out of 203 there are 184 graveyards of Muslims, 12 Christian graveyards, Eve graveyards of Hindus
and one each for Jews and Parsis.

The KMC is also developing three new graveyards in the city at Surjani Sector 16, Link Road N5 on
the Superhighway and at Tehsar, Gadap Town.

`Graveyards in Karachi are out of space and there is an immediate need of new graveyards in all six
districts of the city,` said the commissioner and added that there was a dire need of allocating more
land for graveyards not only for Muslims but also for minorities in the city.

He directed the member Board of Revenue to reserve from the available state land 300 acres in
Gadap, 200 acres in Bin Qasim and five acres in Korangi for graveyards and a summary in this
regard will also be moved in Sindh cabinet for approval.

The chief secretary also directed commissioner of Karachi and all deputy commissioners to indentify
more available state land for graveyards in districts West and East of Karachi.
The behaviour change industry
IN 2017, behavioural economist Richard Thaler won the Nobel Prize in Economics for his
groundbrealcing work on how people make irrational choices and how their behaviour can be
modified to help them make better decisions. Cass Sunstein and Thaler`s book, Nudge, opens with an
illustrative example of a woman who experiments with the layout of food in cafeterias to help kids
make healthy food choices for example, placing carrots rather than French fries at eye level.

Thaler`s work was instrumental in exploring how public policy can be leveraged to manipulate
human behaviour for better outcomes. Governments around the world formed `nudge units` to prod
their citizens towards making better decisions from quitting cigarettes to reducing energy
consumption.

However, detractors, fearing the encroachment of the state into their personal lives, criticised the idea
of nudges as a policy instrument for promoting government paternalism, infantilising people and
diminishing autonomy.

Thaler`s applications of nudging seem well-intentioned notwithstanding the psychological

manipulation aspect when compared to the greater threat we now confront: the nefarious and covert
behaviour modification we are constantly subject to as we interact with digital technology.

At some point, most of us have wondered whether the microphones on our devices are spying on us.
For example, shortly after discussing a particular clothing store with a friend, an advertisement for
that very store has popped up on your Facebook newsfeed.

This is not so much proof that our devices are recording our conversations, but rather that Big Tech
has collected such vast and comprehensive data on us the websites we visit, what we like and
comment on, our physical locations, how long we spent inside a particular store or restaurant, what
we search for on Google, the apps we use, the list is endless that they are now able to predict our
thoughts and behaviour with terrifying accuracy.

In the last few years, Facebook and Google have become notorious for this practice. As their
business model centres on advertising revenue, they collect user data and use it to target personalised
advertise-ments. There have been countless protests, investigations, lawsuits, and US Senate hearings
highlighting these issues, but little real progress has been made on protecting user privacy and
autonomy.

So what is the endgame for the technology sector, and why is the data it has collected so precious?
Harvard Business School`s Shoshana Zuboff quotes a senior software engineer as saying, `The real
power is that now you can modify real-time actions in the real world.` The goal is not just to use data
to find patterns and predict behaviour, but ultimately to modify behaviour. This behaviour
modification can be to increase advertising revenue by gettingmore clicks, drive more sales with
targeted advertisements, sway public opinion on policy issues or manipulate electoral outcomes.

Facebook demonstrated its ability to control users for the first time back in 2014. In a secret
experiment, Facebook altered newsfeeds to observe users` responses to various stimuli a process it
referred to as `emotional contagion`. The results showed that the social media giant was effectively
able to manipulate the thoughts and behaviours of its users. This underscored the immense power
technology platforms hold, and their ability to conduct psychological and social experiments at any
time without their users knowing.

Fast forward to 2018. Cambridge Analytica, selfdescribed as a `behaviour change company` secretly
collected data on millions of American Facebook users to build in-depth personality profiles and
understand what triggers them. This allowed them to modify behaviour, manipulate votes and sway
the 2016 presidential election. As whistleblower Christopher Wiley put it, CambridgeAnalytica was
`playing with the psychology of an entire country without their consent` As this scandal was
exposed, there was public outrage. People were shocl(ed when they discovered how their data could
be misused. In truth, this has been standard practice in the technology sector for years; business
models are built around it.

All of us who interact with digital technologies have virtual identities or psychographic profiles that
shadow us online. These are created from the vast amounts of data collected on us. This includes
what we click on, what we search on Google, our GPS coordinates, what we eat, buy, read and share,
our demographic data, and so on. Based on these profiles, personalised information, advertisements
and behavioural nudges are targeted towards us. Hence, we of ten see an advertisement that is so on
the mark we feel our devices must be watching and listening.

Many lay users assume these issues do not affect them `I have nothing to hide` or `I am not important
enough for data to be collected on me`. The excitement around new technology, the research that
goes into making digital interfaces more and more addictive, and the secrecy of the technology sector
have lulled users into complacency.

While the idea of nudges as a public policy tool created fears of the nanny state, the power of the
technology sector to modify user behaviour is far more frightening in its scale and efficacy.
Technology platforms have greater reach than any national government and their singular motive is
profit maximisation.

What companies like the Big Tech are doing manipulating thoughts and actions ranging from
consumer behaviour to voting patterns has proven successful not just in the digitally advanced
Western world, but also across the developing world.

As the Pakistani state expands its use of technology, social media and digital surveillance tools,
citizens must be aware of the risks they face online. For anyone who believes in the basic human
rights of privacy, autonomy and self-determination, this should be a wake-up call. • The writer is a
development practitioner.

anummalkani@gmail.com
Polio: What’s behind the refusals?
              
   
By Aurangzaib Khan | 9/29/2019 12:00:00 AM

North Waziristan may be described in two Pashto words: `spore` and `spaira` Spore means dry.
Spaira is more difficult to translate in a single word, but `misfortune` comes close. To others, it may
mean other things. A dry hot place under a cruel sun, devoid of vegetation except thorny bushes that
grow out of a thirsty land; a place where heat and dust never sleep, and snakes and scorpions spill out
of the bowels of a parched earth. All of which seems like a fitting description for the natural state of
most of North Waziristan. But Waziristan is not hell, nor are its inhabitants heathens deserving God`s
wrath. If misfortune has visited this most hospitable people, and if the place itself is in a state of
unsightly disrepair, it has been brought upon by man and the curse of geopolitics. Nature,
inhospitable though it is, has only toughened them to withstand this misfortune.

For some, this spaira has come in the form of displacement to places equally as harsh and
inhospitable as North Waziristan like the Internally Displaced People (IDP) camp in Bakakhel. To
others, who have returned, it comes in the form of ever-present militancy and threats to life and
property in spite of the state`s promised security and hollow claims that the region has been cleared
of militants.

Amidst all this is polio and a militant commander Hafiz Gul Bahadur, who issued pamphlets this
August asking women polio workers to stay away from the vaccination campaign.

Or else. Within hours of the pamphlet being circulated, 47 polio workers quit their jobs. By the end
of the campaign, a desperate Hameedullah, the district health officer in North Waziristan, had to rope
in staff from the WHO`s Expanded Programme on Immunisation to fill the gaps.

This is not the first time that the security situation has hampered the polio drive in a tribal district.
Militancy, insurgencies, military operations, restrictions on mobility and suspicions in the wake of a
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)-funded vaccine operation that led to the detection and death of
Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, have contributed to the failure to eradicate polio in the region.

In 20l4, the year of the Zarb-i-Azb military operation, polio in North Waziristan took on epidemic
proportions, with 44 cases detected there. As the virus spiralled out of control, causing a public
health emergency, the WHO imposed travel restrictions on those leaving Pakistan without a polio
vaccine certificate. Soon the army was pressed into polio service and soldiers joined levies to protect
polio workers in remote villages. People travelling in and out of the region were administered drops
at entry and exit points.

North Waziristan`s location puts the region especially at risk, says Hameedullah. The region borders
Afghanistan (where, like Pakistan, polio remains endemic), South Waziristan and Bannu where the
highest number of polio cases were reported this year. If the public health adage, that one child with
a virus can infect a thousand, is something to go by, then the risk in North Waziristan has just
multiplied manifold, with the tribes refusing vaccines for reasons of their own.

BARGAINING CHIPS In Chota Datakhel, a village close to the district headquarters of Miranshah,
abandoned or occupied houses with cracked, mortar-blown and bullet-riddled walls stand
precariously. Polio is the furthest thing from the villagers minds here. Antidote for snake venom and
rabies is a more immediate concern. As is diarrhoea, malaria and pneumonia, as their children live
through harsh summers and winters in makeshift settlements.

Villagers say there is no security here; that thecompensation promised to the displaced has not been
paid, or not paid in full; that there are no doctors or functional basic health units in villages; that the
Ghulam Khan border is closed for trade and local commerce is dead.

`We are doomed anyways, so what if polio gets to us?` asks a village elder. `The [nearly 20,0001
people from the Madakhel clan who sought refuge across the border during the operation remain
there, exposed to polio in Afghanistan,` he says. `Why is the government not doing anything to bring
them back home?` Chota Datakhel is a stone`s throw from the heavilyguarded civil lines in the high
security zone. Close by is the Miranshah Market Complex that the authorities raised over the debris
of the sprawling old bazaar. It is late afternoon and the complex lies deserted, with shutters pulled
down on unoccupied shops. Goats with hennaed heads sit leaning against them.

`There is no money left in Waziristan,` says Rehman, a local business owner. `People put shelves in
shops but there is no merchandise to display. The people here were a bad [prosperous] even in the
absence of industry and agriculture, due to border trade across Ghulam Khan before it was taken
away from us.

Reopening the border is one of the demands put forward by traders who have refused polio vaccine
in the neighbouring district of Bannu.

Polio refusals in North Waziristan are not new, but tying them to the complex tangle of `gaumi`
demands from a clan or a tribe is.

In Chota Datakhel, villagers feel that an absent state conveniently turns up at their door come the
polio campaign cycle. They have observed how the Taliban threatened and killed polio workers, and
halted vaccination campaigns. And they have watched officials go out of their way to portray the
vaccination drive as a success, despite refusals.

It seems their takeaway is that, with polio drop refusals, they can make authorities take notice of their
call for what they term `basic rights` NO PLACE TO CALL HOME `At the beginning of every
campaign they promise to help, only to send a low-level official later who says he is helpless,` says
Sakhi Rehman, one of the several tribal elders gathered in a house at Chota Datakhel. The 17 people
in the room nod in agreement. Among them is Allahdin, whose survey form shows he has to be paid
400,000 rupees for a `fully damaged house`. He has only received 160,000, rupees the amount for a
partially damaged house.

Others here say their cheques are turned down when they go to claim compensation because they
have refused polio vaccination.

This despite the fact that Babar bin Atta, adviser to the prime minister on polio, has said that force
and coercion will not be used against those refusing polio inoculation. `Legal action is only allowed
when someone threatens the campaign, such as targeting staff or preventing them from carrying out
vaccination,` Atta tells Eos.

`We were given tents for six months,` says Abid Rehman, a villager here. `But we have lived in the
open for two and a half years now.

Our tents have turned to tatters.

Officials contest these claims,saying households in Datakhel have `several brothers claiming
compensation when it is allowed only to the family head.` They say villagers in Datakhel push one
demand after another. `First it was clearance of cheques, then it was more compensation,` says a
health official in North Waziristan.

Officials say that giving into the demands is a slippery slope. Just how many demands can be fulfiled
when, like the poliovirus itself, yielding to even one has the potential to snowball into many? Locals,
on the other hand, insist that they have no choice but to resort to refusing polio vaccinations.

The village chief Naikzalli Khan, an old greybeard with a spiritual glow to him, puts in the last word
on behalf of his community, `Our resistance is not against polio. It is against zulm [tyranny].

Down the road that leads to the border-crossing at Ghulam Khan is the village of Danday Darpakhel,
home to the Darpakhel, a sub-clan of the Dawar tribe that has refused polio drops. Among the jagged
ruins of structures destroyed in operations here is the site of the house of Hakimullah Mehsud, the
Taliban commander who died in a drone attack.

The debris from the house still lies around. Amidst it stands the large concrete frame of a door that
has somehow survived a humbling reminder that all tyrants must fall in the end.

The Darpakhel are among the better educated people in North Waziristan. They have made their
mark in the fields of bureaucracy, medicine and education. It comes as a surprise then that they have
refused polio vaccination. Behind this is the Darpakhel`s decades-old land dispute with the Tabikhel
Wazirs. After much bloodshed, the Darpakhel now want the authorities to enforce a 1977 agreement
between the two tribes going back to the original position when a line was drawn between their
territories, delineating their respective ownership, before it was ignored and encroached upon.

That night over dinner in the house of a tribal elder, the television is on and the channels have a
single item on the news agenda: Kashmir. A 24/7 media blitz with Kashmir at its heart has continued
for days now, alongside reports about polio cases and refusals, and the government`s efforts to
inoculate every child. There is little coverage of the community demands here.

UPPER KURRAM`S CHILDREN AND A SUFI SAINT in Sragala, Upper Kurram, little children
accompany their elders into the village imambargah. They are here to make a statement against polio
vaccines. This is unusual because the scenic Upper Kurram, its villages and valleys, do not have a
history of refusals or resistance to the annual polio campaign like much of North Waziristan.

Between 2007 and 2011, through the worst of its troubles as one of Fata`s seven tribal agencies
bordering Afghanistan, Upper Kurram managed to take care of its children.

Polio drops were ferried in by air and through neighbouring Afghanistan, as inland routes to
Parachinar the agency headquarters that takes its name from tall maples were closed by militants,
with no food, medicine or movement allowed. During those years of militancy, Central Kurram
reported four cases of polio. Upper Kurram reported none.
Long before that and after, the valleys of Upper Kurram, encircled by the Safid Koh the white
mountain that stays covered in snow through half the year have sent polio missions on donkeys to
remote, snowed-in villages.

But a day before the launch of the nationwide polio campaign, community elders from villages
gathered at the press club in Parachinar to announce their boycott of the vaccination drive.

Their children would not get vaccinated unless the authorities open the shrine of Badshah Mir Anwar
Shah Syed Mian, they declared.

A 17th-century Sufi saint whose Pashto verse spurned sectarianism and celebrated tolerance and
unity, Syed Mian`s disciples or `Mian Mureeds` are spread all over Kurram, the districts of Orakzai,
Hangu, Kohat, Peshawar and among diasporas in the West and the Gulf. When Mian passed away, he
was buried at Kalaya in the Orakzai district, where he had lived and preached. For centuries now, his
shrine that Mian Mureeds claim was built by the Mughal Prince Shah Shuja has drawn pilgrims from
all faiths. There lies the saint whose devotees hold him in eminence and esteem as naib-/mam a
deputy to Imam Ali Reza, the Eighth Imam to the Shia sect.

When militancy came to the region in the wake of 9/11 and Kurram witnessed some of the bloodiest
sectarian clashes in its violent history, the authorities asked Mian`s devotees to close down the shrine
to save it from Taliban militants who deemed pilgrimage and prayers at shrines as idolatry. `We
handed over the keys to the security forces to keep the mazaar safe until the hostilities are over,` says
Mahir Hussain, spokesperson for the Anwar Shah Ghag Committee (Voice of Anwar Shah) that
seeks to reopen the shrine. `We want to return to the shrine for pilgrimage and repairs but the
administrations in Orakzai district, both civil and military, have been saying that we need to take the
local Sunni population into confidence.

The shrine, both a religious and heritage site from the Mughal era, has been damaged by militants. It
needs immediate preservation efforts, says Hussain. Among others, the committee has sought
intervention from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Mahmood Khan.

It met Khan and threatened a sit-in if the shrine was not reopened. Khan urged the committee not to,
in view of the imminent KP-Fata provincial assembly elections in July the first-ever in the history of
the tribal districts. He promised to renovate the shrine after the elections.

But the provincial government has not kept its word and the frustrated Mian Mureeds have been
holding huge protests locally that the mainstream media has failed to cover.

Until now, that is, when the committee and the saint`s devotees refused to support the polio
campaign unless the shrine is reopened.

The boycott resulted in nearly 11,000 children going without the polio vaccine. For its part, the
committee says it has not refùsed vaccinations but boycotted them. `Once they deliver the shrine of
Shah Anwar, we will have our children inoculated against polio,` says Hussain.

Not everyone here agrees with using polio as a pressure tactic but everyone seems to be united over
the demand to reopen the shrine. Divided as they are over the boycott, certain families have allowed
vaccination while others have not.

When Hameed Ali, Kurram`s district health officer, went with his team to administer the drops, a
father told him that he could sacrifice his children [by refusing polio] in the name of the saint. Ali
says it is up to the authorities to resolve the issue but Kurram remains a high-risk theatre for polio.
`Once the matter of the mazaar is resolved, we can double up efforts to reach the children who have
missed vaccinations.

Among such children is a little boy at the gathering in Sragala. When a slight drizzle suddenly turns
into pelting rain, forcing everyone in the imambargah`s garden to seek refuge indoors, his father
stops the conversation in the prayer hall by raising a finger. `My son wants to say something.` All
heads turn towards the little one expectantly but he shies away, hiding his face behind his father`s
arm. `He says he is willing to lay his life and health for the saint,` says the father, supposedly
verbalising for his son. And then adds, `We are aware of the importance of polio vaccination. We
haven`t rejected it...

LIVING ON THE PERIPHERY On the face of it, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa`s Bannu, Balochistan`s
Jaffarabad, Punjab`s Attock and Sindh`s Larkana may appear like they do not have much in common,
considering their diverse settings, people, cultures and ethnicities. A similarity they share, however,
is that their residents have refused polio vaccinations.These are also all places where people have lost
faith in the state, it appears and with good reason. Even though they fall in mainland, `settled`
Pakistan, their socioeconomic indicators are only marginally better than the tribal districts bordering
Afghanistan that have just been initiated into the body-politic of the country after over 70 years of
neglect.

Unconscionable as vaccine refusals are, people living on the periphery of Pakistan believe that polio
is not what plagues them; they consider the absence of rights, freedoms and opportunity to be more
rampant diseases. To them, refusal of vaccination is only a desperate measure to help wrench these
from a distant and seemingly indifferent state.

`There is a certain naivety at work when people in a neglected region see vaccination more as a
reflection of the state`s interest than their own,` says Khalid Hussain, a development communications
professional. But the people, he adds, cannot be blamed. They see money and massive mobilisation,
and are met with force and coercion instead of efforts to answer their questions. They become even
more suspicious when they see that the campaigns are run by NGOs funded by foreign donors.

Atta agrees. `When polio vaccination that runs on foreign funding comes in, it creates room for
questions from the community,` he says.

Conspiracy theories are abundant. As has been widely reported, people also suspect that polio
vaccinations will sterilise their children.

The people in Bannu invoke the nightmare of sterility in one breath and attribute a quick onset of
puberty to polio drops in another. They are known to give polio drops to chickens because the drops`
`hot nature` makes them lay more eggs. But the roots of this irrational behaviour go deeper than
where pro-vaccine communications, aimed at short-term campaigns and emergencies, dare to
venture.
BUSINESS UNUSUAL In Bannu division, where 32 polio cases were reported this year, parents and
vaccinators have colluded to mark their children`s fingers black without administering polio drops.
Atta is aware of this practice, and says that the on-ground situation is likely worse than has been
reported. `From the field, we have the figure of 200,000 refusals, which is not even close to the
actual situation on the ground,` he says, estimating that the true number must be closer to 700,000.
The difference in numbers can largely be attributed to force and coercion, Atta says.

`Parents hide refusals or put fake marks on their children`s fingers.

Bannu division drew much attention when traders in the region threatened to resist vaccination. Shah
Wazir, president of the Bannu Chamber of Commerce who announced the boycott, says the act was
meant to get the government`s attention to withdraw the unprecedented increase in taxes. Once the
objective was achieved, the boycott was withdrawn, says Wazir, who is ironically a founding
member of the Traders Polio Eradication Committee.

Wazir certainly managed to catch the government`s attention. He drew criticism from the prime
minister, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa`s chief minister and the provincial minister for information.

But Wazir does not think he was in the wrong.

`For 35 years now, this region has been affected by the Afghan War, the influx of refugees, War on
Terror, Talibanisation, Zarb-i-Azb and IDPs, he says. `Under the circumstances, one would expect
the state to support us,` he says, adding that instead the increase in taxes has forced many traders to
close shop.

Wazir says Pakistan continues to do business with India but has closed down trade routes with
Afghanistan, pushing the province and its people further into an economic crisis. `CPEC was taken
away from us. From Swat to Waziristan, our homes, businesses and assets were destroyed.

GAPS IN THE SYSTEM Even the monitoring and administration of polio campaign seems to be
marred by politics. Currently, the administration and monitoring is undertaken by bureaucratic
district administrations, with minimal involvement of qualified staff and monitors from the health
department (even though this is done under the WHO`s supervision).

`There are two types of polio workers those who belong to the health sector and those brought in
from other departments,` says Dr Amir Taj of the Provincial Doctors Association.

`The field staff from the health department are assigned areas as volunteers. They are, however, not
committed to carrying out a vaccination campaign because of poor incentives,` he says.

A worker gets 300 rupees to 500 rupees per day, he estimates. And they are sent to areas that are
highly insecure, where distances are great and mobility limited.

But Atta clarifies that, `At the district level, the Deputy Commissioner has to ensure vaccination as a
state obligation.` Adding that, `Even as he faces refusals, he has to carry out the campaign reaching
the target population. If he refuses when faced with community resistance, he can be booked under
3MPO a law providing for preventive detention and control of persons and publications for reasons
connected with public safety, public interest and the maintenance of public order.
`This has msulted in such flaws in the polio campaign as force and coercion. The community
understands this and uses vaccination as a bargaining chip,` says Atta.

In the past, Atta has also questioned the commitment of the previous government, saying their polio-
eradication programme was the most neglected. `He forgets that previously, like now, it was the PTl
government in power in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where the most cases of polio have been reported this
year,` says a public health practitioner. `Government transitions shouldn`t affect our commitment
because the funding is international and the district coordinators remain even if governments move
on.

Every government over the past two decades has shown its political will and commitment to
vaccinations in general and to polio eradication in particular, says Dr Samia Altaf, a public health
professional with 40 years of field experience.

`What`s missing is the translation of the objectives into actual plans an overall strategy and
implementation plan with committed funding from the government that demonstrates an ownership
of the programme,` she says.

`All governments have relied on the donors to fund vaccination drives which, though generous, is
always ear-marked for specific activities agreed in advance. They have to be spent on a particular
activity, even if later the field situation advises against this use,` she adds.

Atta agrees that Pakistan has to `own the programme as its own.

`The programme has failed to create demand, while insisting on `forced supply`, he says. He claims
that this is going to change.

`In our communication strategies in the runup to the next campaign in December, we are focusing on
creating demand [wherein] people can see polio as a health concern.

ROOM FOR CHANGE Since 1994, Pakistan`s Expanded Program on Immunization has changed
very little in terms of design and implementation. But while the programme has remained largely
unchanged, the country, of course, has not. The population has increased, resources have undergone
change and skill sets have altered, as have institutions and government systems and the reality of
people`s lives. `But when it comes to health, assumptions remain simplistic,` says Dr Altaf. `Taking
service delivery programmes to a large scale needs different and context-specific skills that are sorely
lacking in the Pakistani health system [that is] trained to treat diseases,` she says.

`Given the recent setbacks in the polio programme, experts advocate the organisation of a well-
functioning system of routine vaccinations,` she adds.

This recommendation has been ignored in the past and the polio programme remains vertical in
nature monitored and administered through a highly centralised system at the federal level, when
health is a provincial subject. This way of organisation causes confusion, inefficiency and lack of
ownership. Like the family planning programme before it, vertical programmes are not well
integrated into the primary health system at the district level.
`The financial coverage for primary healthcare is hardly 10 percent of the budget whereas the polio-
eradication programme, which remains independent, has 100 percent coverage,` points out
anthropologist and development professional Zaigham Khan. `With this neglect, space for all kinds
of narratives naturally crops up,` he says. `In the former Fata or parts of Balochistan, where infant
mortality is high due to diarrhoea, people fail to see where polio fits in their scheme of concerns.

Still Atta insists that there is a need to see the bigger picture. `To understand refusals, one has to look
at their cause and context,` he says.

`The polio programme was designed to ensure herd or group immunity against a virus. It is not aimed
at individual needs. Which is why children have to be covered across the length and breadth of the
country through simultaneous vaccination, he says, adding that, `Pakistan has suffered due to
militancy, insurgency and conflict in recent years that has negatively impacted the healthcare
environment_.

`People don`t know polio vaccination is not a `disease control programme` but one aimed at virus
eradication`. It has to focus on a specific area, which is seen as neglect of the general healthcare
system that has collapsed for the reasons cited,` he says.

SECURING THE FUTURE OF QUALITY

JOURNALISM
             
   
By Warren Fernandez | 9/29/2019 12:00:00 AM

The poster boy for robust health in the media industry used to have decidedly Indian features.

Even as their counterparts elsewhere languished, Indian media houses were once busy launching new
titles, snapping up journalists and boosting oniers for newsprint, bucking global trends several years
ago.

Today, sadly, a pall appears to have settled over many of these newsrooms.

`We need to change ... we are playing catch-up now,` one top Indian editor told me at a dinner on the
sidelines of the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers` (Wan-Ifra) India
Conference last week.

Lacklustre advertising during recent festive seasons has taken a toll on print advertising revenues, as
circulations slide, he says.

Like many others, he laments how copies of most papers are sold for a few rupees at news-stands,
with prices held down by the industry`s market leaders` strategy to maintain their dominance.

Worse, hantly anyone charges for content online, while digital advertising is small and mostly soaked
up by the technology giants, so there is scarcely any revenue coming in from online operations
despite growing audiences.
The result: Newsrooms feeling starved of editorial resources and facing mounting commercial
pressures from advertisers, sponsors as well as governments not averse to withholding advertising to
focus editorial minds. Media credibility ends up being hit, even amid a growing proliferation of fake
news all round.

`Sooner or later, we are going to have to find a new revenue model,` added another editor, pointing to
tentative talk of experimenting with paywalls at some publications, just as media organisations
around the world have been doing in recent years.

These Indian anxieties are symptomatic of a global phenomenon, with the impact of disruption
inthemediaindustry coming lately to this country.

Elsewhere, media leaders at similar events have long lamented the triple challenges facing the
industry: growing threats to media freedom, the existential question of media viability and the
pressing need for innovation in newsrooms.

All three issues are now inextricably linked, equal sides of a trilemma that have to be tackled
together Without a viable plan to sustain their newsrooms into the future, fervent debates on media
freedoms will be academic discussions.

And clearly, any plan to ensure the survival and continued growth of the media entails a need for
innovation and transformation, both on the editorial and business fronts.

These challenges were summed up starkly by Juan Senor, president of Innovation Media Consulting,
at a Wan-Ifra conference held in Singapore in May.

He pointed to the phenomenon of newsrooms repenting for the folly of their `original sin` of giving
away costly-to-produce content for free, in the vainhope that doing so would draw audiences and
advertisers would follow. New digital revenues might then make up for the decline in print
readerships and revenues.

It did not happen or rather, did not happen fast and far enough. While some news groups have seen
significant growth in both digital readership and revenues, these increases have come off a low base
and so are not quite enough to make up for the print shortfall.

Besides, the bulk of digital advertising has been hoovered up by the likes of Facebook and Google,
riding on the backs on media groups which produce the content they amalgamate to draw audiences,
while insisting they bear no responsibility for the content on their platforms.

Today, just about every media group is dabbling with paywalls and digital subscriptions, moving
from `advertising revenue to readerrevenue`, notes Senor.

`If you are not producing content you can charge for, you should get out of this business,`he declares,
adding `if you have no digital business, you have no future` and `money is made where content is
viewed.

Despite the stark warnings, he insists he is optimistic about the future of journalism. Fake news, he
contends, `will save journalism`.
Declines in trust amid the welter of fake content will drive audiences to seek out credible voices for
reliable content and they will pay for quality content they can count on.

`Newsrooms will have to move from the idea of being print or digital first, to journalism first, he
concludes, arguing that paying audiences will gravitate to those news organisations that are able to
offer engaging, quality and insightful content, as well as value-added services, from events, business
intelligence or investment tips, memberships, customised newsletters, books and even customer
references and retail services.

A study on media viability published in May by the D.W. Akademie, a German media-related think-
tank, draws a similar conclusion: `Media outlets are confronted with a sobering truth: They can no
longer sustain themselves on advertising revenue alone.

Instead, they will have to have a range of revenues, spread across a variety of sources, to prevent
over-reliance on any particular source of funds.

`The financial constraints are affecting the overall quality of journalism and the independence of
journalists,` the report says.

`In short, independent, high-quality journalism depends on a viable media sector.

It requires a variety of sources from moneyand infrastructuæ, to community support and strategic
alliances.

`Those who wish to impose restrictions on fæe media and manipulate the public debate often pæy on
imbalances or weaknesses in the media system. They often use economic means to set their agendas
or limit access to information.

Therefoæ, viable media aæ crucial players in the protection of fæedom of expæssion as a whole.

Perhaps the most comprehensive study done to date on how best to secure the future of quality
journalism was that undertaken recently by an independent commission in the UK, led by the former
journalistturned-academic, Dame Frances Cairncross.

It published a 160-page report titled The Cairncross Review: A Sustainable Future For Journalism in
February.

Ina recent interview over the phone, she toldme that her commission began by asking themselves
some fundamental questions: Why should anyone care if media organisations survive? What would
happen if they did not? Why should public funds be used to support them? They figured that there
was no compelling reason taxpayers` money should be used to fund gossip and lifestyle columns,
concert reviews or sports reports. `If people want these, they will have to pay for them,` she says.

But, she is quick to add: `It is very important that a healthy democracy has ways in which individuals
can follow what their elected representativesare doing ontheirbehalf Andhave trained intermediaries,
which we call journalists, who can question those representatives and the institutions that they stand
for, so that we have questions being aired and their replies made available for people to read.
She sums thisup as `public interest journalism`, namely, the reporting on the `machinery of
government and how well it is working`, from the courts and legislature, to local and state councils,
to school and statutory boanis.

The public submissions and research her commission compiled make clear that `a dearth of public
interest news and information, especially reporting of public authorities, can have dire democratic
consequences`.

There was a `clear link between thedisappearance of local journalists and a local newspaper, and a
decline in civic and democratic activities, such as voter turnout and wellmanaged public finances.

Indeed, the presence of a printed newspaper widely available to the community, backed by a
professional newsroom, often helps to focus minds on the need to be open and above boani in public
affairs, she notes, calling for further studies into this.

Without societal support, public interest news risks being crowded out by reports that draw wider
audiences for their ability to shock and awe. Fake news also tends to spread faster and further for
similar reasons, studies show.

How best to support public interest journalism? The commission made nine proposals in its report,
submitted to the British government then led by Prime Minister Theresa May. Whether the new
government under PM Boris Johnson, a former journalist himself, will pursue them remains to be
seen, she says.

Yet, the ideas are of wider interest, since they might apply to other countries as well. The
commission proposed: • Rebalancing the relationship between publishers and online platforms, with
codes of conduct drawn up and overseen by media regulators to govern the commercial relationships
between media publishers and technology platforms.

• Investigating the online advertising market to study if it is working competitively and, if not, what
should be done about it.

• Setting up a news quality obligation that would require and regulate online platforms` commitment
to delivering quality news.

• Boosting media literacy, with government agencies working with media players to help audiences
navigate the increasingly complex information landscape, especially amid the proliferation of fake
news.

• Helping local publishers which are most vulnerable, for example, through the statefunded BBC
sharing some of its local content as well as technical expertise.

• Setting up an innovation fund withgovernment support to boost innovation within media

organisations.

• Offering new forms of tax relief to media organisations, such as by extending zero-rating for value-
added taxes to digital newspapers and magazines, or tax reliefs similar to those given to charities or
film and other creative industries.

• Funding public interest news with grants and sponsorship for local reporting and quality journalism
projects.

• Setting up an independent Institute for Public InterestNewswithamissionandmandatetoensure the

sustainability of public interest news, including the implementation of the above proposals.

The report concluded: `Ultimately, the biggest challenge facing the sustainability of highquality
journalism, and the press, may be the same as that facing the sustainability of many areas of life: The
digital revolution means that people have more claims on their attention than ever before.

`Moreover, the stories that they want to read may not always be the ones that they ought to read in
order to ensure that a democracy can hold its public servants to account.

`This review has therefore dwelt on what it considers to be the most significant functions of
journalismensuring public accountability and investigating possible wrongdoing. And whereas new
business models may continue to support good journalism in many forms, they may not always
support public interest news ... so, this review proposes that most energy be given to the provision of
public interest news.

`This will require new sources of funding, removed from government control. It will need
institutional and financial structures that combine a guarantee of independence with adequate
support.

`That will be a difficult combination to secure, but the future of a healthy democracy depends onit.

The writer is Chief Editor of The Straits Times and is also president of the World Editors Forum By

arrangement with The Straits Times 

The Politics of Climate Strife

             
   
By Nadeem F. Paracha | 9/29/2019 12:00:00 AM

On September 20 this year, • environmental activists and sympathisers in over a hundred countries
participated in an international `climate strike.` Protesters including in Pakistan demanded urgent
action to stem the tide of climate change which, according to environmentalists, is being caused by
human negligence and by various economic and developmental policies being implemented by
governments and business enterprises across the globe.

There is now sufficient scientific data to prove that, indeed, the average temperatures of the planet
have been rising, causing drastic climatic changes (`global warming`). This has aided
environmentalism as an idea to enter international political and economic discourses.

As a concept (and a global movement) environmentalism puts the blame of global warming on the
reckless exploitation of the Earth`s natural resources by governments and business ventures. This
claim often draws a sharp reaction from those who believe that climate change is a natural
occurrence.

However, due to the noticeable impact of the current bout of climate change, more people are now
responding to the concerns raised by environmentalists than ever before.

To me perhaps the most alarming aspect of climate change is the one that many environmentalists
have not yet delved deeper into, i.e. how it might actually be causing civil strife within countries. The
June 2019 edition of the academic journal Nature published a study that demonstrated how droughts,
floods, natural disasters and other climatic shifts have influenced approximately 20 percent of armed
conflicts over the last century.

The study concluded that, in thecoming years, one in four armed conflicts around the world will be
caused by global warming. It gave the examples of civil wars in Syria and in various African
countries, thus reinforcing the findings of a March 2015 study conducted by America`s National
Academy of Sciences.

Both the studies noted that increasing temperatures trigger unpredictable climatic shifts which result
in failed crops. This forces farmers to migrate to urban centres. Cities that have already been
experiencing rising populations and a resource crunch, do not react kindly to such migrations. This
causes political/religious/ethnic/tribal tensions, whereas catastrophes such as droughts and flooding
in the rural areas are exploited by warlords to assume power. Such a situation can explode, and has
exploded, into full blown civil wars.

But there is still more to this phenomenon than just rural-to-urban migration. And the impacts in this
context are not always immediate. Take for example, the case of the Kajakai Dam in the Helmand
province of Afghanistan.

Its construction and the devastation that it caused is discussed in some detail in BBC`s 2015
documentary Bitter Lake,made by the brilliant British documentary filmmaker Adam Curtis; and in
the 2010 book Environmental Histories of the Cold War.

In the 1950s, King Zahir Shah of Afghanistan, initiated a developmental programme in his country to
modernise its agriculture and economy. This also included the construction of dams. On the advice of
American experts, one such dam was to be built in the country`s Helmand province.

American engineers and geologists arrived and began to construct the dam the Kajakai Dam.
Constructionwork displaced hundreds of peasants and herdsmen. In 1953, as the dam neared
completion, some observers warned that it may cause waterlogging and salinity in the surrounding
areas, sullying the fertile soil of the area. But the warnings were not heeded and the problem not
addressed. According to Curtis, the then prime minister, Daoud Khan, encouraged the expansion of
the dam because, being a staunch Pashtun nationalist, he wanted more Pashtun families to settle in
Helmand that borders a Pashtun majority area of Pakistan`s Balochistan province.

By the time Daoud toppled King Zahir in 1973, the salinisation problem caused by the dam had
compounded. Despite the availability of irrigated water, the soil became problematic to harvest cash
crops such as cotton. Instead, it became perfect to grow another `cash crop` poppy. The economy of
the area thus began to revolve around poppy which is used to prepare the highly addictive narcotic
heroin. For this very purpose, Helmand became extremely important to warlords fighting Soviet
forces in the 1980s and then against the fanatical Taliban regime.

5 Curtis describes Helmand as one of Afghanistan`s most violent and corrupt regions, mainly due to
the poppy that is grown there in abundance. Ironically, despite the fact that the Taliban regime
attempted to eradicate poppy farms in the country, after the regime was removed in 2002, Taliban
insurgents regularly interact with Helmand`s poppy growers and corrupt Afghan officials to sustain
the area`s poppy farms (irrigated by the dam). The poppy crop sustains the growers, enriches the
officials and helps finance the Taliban`s insurgency against US forces. The dam thusbecameaman-
madeenvironmental disaster that, instead of enhancing a country`s agricultural fortunes, became the
harbinger of corruption,

Peer and Roy`s Kashmirs

             
   
By Claire Chambers and Nukhbah Taj Langah | 9/29/2019 12:00:00 AM

This August, the Hindu right-wing leader Narendra Modi provocatively revoked India-held Jammu
and Kashmir`s (IHK) semi-autonomous status. Not for the first time, the Indian prime minister also
shut down internet and mobile phone access, blocking Kashmiri communications with the rest of the
world. Local politicians were put under house arrest, a draconian curfew was imposed and at least
five young lives have already been lost in protests.

Such clampdowns and violence are nothing new. For three decades, Kashmiris` disillusionment with
Indian rule has been pushed to crisis point. Despite India`s claim to be the world`s largest
democracy, and notwithstanding United Nations resolutions, no plebiscite has ever been held in the
disputed region as to whether or not Kashmiris want to belong to India. Furthermore, the government
in IHK in the late1980s was extremely corrupt, price rises caused extreme hardship for locals already
struggling to make ends meet and election results were disputed.

As a result, the 1990s onwards have been a dark time of insurgency. Various guerrilla groups
continue in their jihad either for the territory to join Pakistan or for Kashmir to gain full
independence. There have been terrible Indian government reprisals, including rapes, curfews,
torture, imprisonment and murder.

These human rights` violations and resistance to them have been dramatised by numerous writers, of
whom we discuss two. I n Curfewed Night: A Frontline Memoir of Life, Love and War in Kashmir,
Basharat Peer narrates the transformation of his much loved `fairyland`(Kashmir) into a space of
chaos through the active emergence of Islamic militants trained in Pakistan and countered by India`s
military operations in IHK. Religious symbolism particularly the image of a shrine as a sacred and
political space looms large in this memoir.Shrines and sacred spaces reflect the ways in which Peer
responds to Kashmiri Muslim identity. He grows up witnessing the movement for azaadi [freedom]
in Srinagar running alongside the Sufi Islam practised in the valley. The shrines are a reminder of
peace and love, neutralising the regional and political tensions emerging in the valley since the `90s.
Yet, negating this tradition of love and peace, shrines become a space where people come and pray
for azaadi. Independence marches start and terminate at various famous shrines, thus complicating
the discourse of Kashmiriyat, or shared Kashmiri culture beyond religion.

At various moments in the book, Peer deploys religious symbolism in defining the political self. The
Muslims in Srinagar associate their religious identities with Kashmir`s political context. This
becomes apparent during their interactions in mosques, shrines and religious festivals.

These concerns exist in parallel to the ongoing process of militarisation and Kashmiris` struggle to
redefine their political self.

Peer explores how people in Srinagar have altered the traditional concept of Sufism and shrines. His
memoir shows that traditionally, Kashmiris visit these shrines as the Sufi saints they commemorate
are viewed as being particularly close to God and can intercede with the deity.

Worshippers believe their prayers have a greater chance of being answered. These supplicants also
give up their worldly desires by taking this opportunity to spiritually unite with God at the shrines.
Thus, pilgrimage to a shrine, for Kashmiris, can confer spiritual value almost as strongly as Haj does.

Yet, Peer shows that some puritanical groups emerging in Kashmir are condemning activities within
or around shrines as being `un-Islamic.` In doing so, hardliners neglect the importance of saints`
shrines as social and cultural spaces, according to Peer. Significantly, over the last three decades,
such spaces have turned political, with devotees praying there for azaadi and the strength to
overcome Indian occupation.

Arundhati Roy similarly explores Kashmir and shrines in her long-anticipated second novel The
Ministry of Utmost Happiness. Writing about an unnamed satirical version of Modi (known as
Gujarat ka Lalla) and his atrocities in Kashmir, the Indian author and activist has one of her
characters speak of the world`s `stupidification` amid the rise of an intolerant populism. She writes of
the despair of the Mothers of the Disappeared in Kashmir as the world`s media point their lenses
elsewhere. Like Peer, she shows that extremists are chipping away at the culture of shrines and
Sufism: `... the syncretism of Kashmir ... would not be tolerated. There was to be no more of that
folksy, old-world stuff. No more worshipping of home-grown saints and seers at local shrines, the
new militants declared, no more addle-headedness. There were to be no more sideshow saints and
local god-men.

The god-men`s suppression of shrine worship a source of strength for many Kashmiris is surpassed
by the Indian army`s abuse and torture of the province`s inhabitants.

Ultimately, Roy suggests, the two implacably opposed sides square off in what has become `a perfect
war a war that can never be won or lost, a war without end.` It is hard not to think here of [Kashmiri
poet] Agha Shahid Ali`s poem `Farewell`: `You needed me. You needed to perfect me/ In your
absence you polished me into the Enemy.

The never-ending war in Kashmir is refracted sharply through such literary contributions by South
Asian writers.

These authors resist political pressures while also conveying historical realities that are silenced by
the state.
Claire Chambers teaches global literature at the University of York and is the author of three books,
including Rivers of Ink: Selected Essays Nukhbah Taj Langah is associate professor of English at
Forman Christian College and works on postcolonial studies, translation studies and regional
resistance literature from the South Asia

The United States threatened Monday to arrest and sanction judges and other
officials of the International Criminal Court if it moves to charge any American
who served in Afghanistan with war crimes.

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White House National Security Advisor John Bolton called the Hague-based rights body
"unaccountable" and "outright dangerous" to the United States, Israel and other allies, and
said any probe of US service members would be "an utterly unfounded, unjustifiable
investigation."

"If the court comes after us, Israel or other US allies, we will not sit quietly," Bolton said.

He said the US was prepared to slap financial sanctions and criminal charges on officials of
the court if they proceed against any Americans.

"We will ban its judges and prosecutors from entering the United States. We will sanction
their funds in the US financial system, and we will prosecute them in the US criminal
system," he said.

"We will do the same for any company or state that assists an ICC investigation of
Americans," he said.

Bolton made the comments in a speech in Washington to the Federalist Society, a powerful
association of legal conservatives.

Investigation into detainee abuse

Bolton pointed to an ICC prosecutor's request in November 2017 to open an investigation

into alleged war crimes committed by the US military and intelligence officials in
Afghanistan, especially over the abuse of detainees.

Neither Afghanistan nor any other government party to the ICC's Rome Statute has
requested an investigation, Bolton said.
He said the ICC could formally open the investigation "any day now."

He also cited a recent move by Palestinian leaders to have Israeli officials prosecuted at the
ICC for human rights violations.

"The United States will use any means necessary to protect our citizens and those of our
allies from unjust prosecution by this illegitimate court," Bolton said.

"We will not cooperate with the ICC. We will provide no assistance to the ICC. We certainly
will not join the ICC. We will let the ICC die on its own."

'Threat' to US sovereignty

The condemnation of the ICC added to the White House's rejection of many supranational
institutions and treaties the president does not believe benefit the United States.

Bolton also condemned the record of the court since it formally started up in 2002, and
argued that most major nations had not joined.

He said it had attained just eight convictions despite spending more than $1.5 billion, and
said that had not stemmed atrocities around the world.

"In fact, despite ongoing ICC investigations, atrocities continue to occur in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Libya, Syria, and many other nations." he added.

But Bolton said the main objection of the administration of President Donald Trump is to the
idea that the ICC could have higher authority than the US Constitution and US sovereignty.

"In secular terms we don't recognize any higher authority than the US constitution," he said.

"This president will not allow American citizens to be prosecuted by foreign bureaucrats,
and he will not allow other nations to dictate our means of self defense."

(AFP)

Ex-IGPs assail police reforms `aimed at

strengthening PAS`
LA HORE: The Association of Former Inspectors General of Police (AFIGP) passed a resolution
against the recent reforms for the police department and voiced concern over what they called were
the retrograde moves by the bureaucracy to promote their hegemonic agenda.

`We, the Executive Committee of AFIGP -Mr If tikhar Rashid, president; Mr Shahid Nadim Baloch,
vice president; and executive members Mr Afzal Ali Shigri, Mr Masud Shah, Dr Shoaib Suddle and
Mr Saud Gohar, met on Sept 28 and unanimously made the resolution,` reads the document
pertaining to the AFIGP meeting.

It stated that the prime minister had set up a five-member committee in January comprising the
interior secretary, and chief secretaries and inspectors general of police (IGP) of Punjab and Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa to make specific recommendations on replicating the KP Police Act 2017 in Punjab.
The committee only held a couple of routine meetings in January and February and the Punjab IGP
made a presentation to the prime minister on Sept 2.

The PM approved the recommendations concerning setting up of independent police complaint

authorities (as provided under Police Order 2002) to pro-vide a fair, credible and effective complaint
redressal mechanism to the aggrieved citizens; and the dispute resolution councils, as provided under
the KP Police Act 2017.

The AFIGP noted with grave concern that the interior secretary recently made a presentation to the
PM on police reforms and empowering, particularly, the office of the deputy commissioner, without
seeking any input whatsoever f rom the police members of the committee the two IGPs.

It declared that the presentation was tantamount to serious misconduct as it was neither in
consonance with the mandate of the committee nor had it been discussed with the relevant committee
members.

`These self-propelled recommendations were aimed principally at further entrenching and glorifying
a particular set of bureaucrats under the guise of improving service delivery and accountability of
public officials through the coloniallegacy of commissioners/deputy commissioners, and were, more
alarmingly, in derogation of well-researched report of Police Reforms Committee set up in 2018 by
the chief justice of Pakistan (CJP),` it declared.

Even the progress of implementation of this report is regularly being reviewed and monitored by the
CJP himself. The committee consists of several retired IGPs and all serving IGPsin Pakistan, it said.

A furore has been created across the civil society and the Police Service of Pakistan since the
`motivated and selfcentric` recommendations made by the interior secretary surfaced in the media.

`Now, therefore, the AFIGP, through this unanimous resolution, while strongly condemning such
outrageous and crude attempts to sabotage the agenda and vision of the PM on reforming the police,
has resolved to request the PM, who is strongly and passionately committed to genuine police
reforms in Pakistan, that heads need to roll both for acting in furtherance of personal and service
interests and deliberately overstepping the mandate given by the prime minister,` the AFIGP noted.

What they have come up with is nothing but a recipe for disaster.
`Didn`t the PTI win thumbs up in the KP for the second time without the support of self-professed
so-called one-window troubleshooters?` the AFIGP questioned.

The AFIGP urged the prime minister that no police reforms proposed by individuals with vested
interests be approved without obtaining the views of relevant stakeholders, particularly the former
IGPs, who not only knew what the international good practice is but also have a lifetime policing
experience, the resolution stated.

Doubling Ehsaas?
PRIME MINISTER Imran Khan`s heartfelt statements about eliminating poverty in Pakistan are loud
and clear. However, his analysis of how China managed to bring 700 million out of poverty is blind
to one of the most obvious levers of change reduction in population growth rates. The Chinese
model is not appropriate for Pakistan; however, the experience of other countries in promoting a
locally responsive narrative about the balance between population size and resources for families
and for the country is surely relevant. And it is missing in Mr Khan`s and economic policymakers`
possible top list of how to change this country`s destiny.

Last year, Bangladesh`s GDP per capita income caught up with and surpassed that of Pakistan.

Reaching around $1700 per capita, this is impressive growth, considering that when the split
occurred in 1971, Bangladesh was considered the poorer part. Many economists have written that a
major contributor in Bangladesh`s economic growth is its strong and well-implemented population
policy that has kept its population growth rate low. Bangladesh was able to achieve many of its
MDGs by 2015, whereas Pakistan fell seriously behind in meeting almost all of them MDGs.

Pakistan can claim some progress in lowering poverty, despite low economic development. It has
experienced some spurts of growth in per capita income and an associated decline in poverty.

Income distribution has remained fairly stable and the influence of income disparities on poverty
has at least not worsened. We have had some fortunate breaks, such as the rapid growth in
workers` remittances which contributed greatly to poverty reduction. But the truth is that we would
have seen a much more pronounced reduction in poverty and much better progress in many of our
development outcomes if our population growth had been slower.

In f act, if our population growth rates had declined on the same lines as Bangladesh since 1980, we
would have had 40 million fewer persons in the poverty head count in 2017.

But is our population growing so f ast because we are poor or, are we poor because of our high
birth rates? A recently released study by the Population Council and Guttmacher Institute, Adding it
Up,shows that the poorest women have almost one more child than they want during their lifetime.
This shatters the myth that the poor do not want to reduce family size; they certainly do. There is
unwanted fertility among all classes of Pakistani women, the study shows, but it is highest among
the poorest women.

It is easy to see that women from the poorest f amilies experience a three-fold disadvantage
compared to richer women when it comes to managing the size of their families: they are more
likely to be uneducated; they are less empowered within the f amily, especially in monetary terms;
and they definitely face more issues of access to information and services for family planning. True,
they want relatively more children four children as compared to half that number (2.2) among the
wealthiest but the gap between desired and actual fertility is also greatest among them. Another
distressing reality, evident from other studies, is that the poorest women experience more
unwanted pregnancies and abortions on average, with associated financial and health costs.

Against this backdrop, it is encouraging to note a recent innovation being implemented by four
partner organisations the Benazir Income Support Programme, Punjab Population Innovations
Fund, Population Council, and UNFPA that specifically aims to reduce poor women`s barriers to
accessing family planning services. This intervention is among the recommendations of the Council
of Common Interests 2018 meeting to address alarming population growth in Pakistan. The large
majority of the 5m women BISP seeks to support are currently married, and at risk of repeated,
including unwanted, pregnancies. The intervention will help provide the resources they lack for
paying transport costs and fees to access family planning services.

Much more is needed. But among many of Pakistan`s higher echelons of decision-making, it
appears that promoting lower population growth is considered a high-risk venture. A common
explanation given for high population growth rates and continued high fertility rates is that larger f
amilies may be inevitable, that poor parents `need` to orexpect to benefit from having many
children that in fact is their only means of maximising income. This may have held some truth if
parents could expect children to pull the f amily out of poverty. However, this strategy is flawed in
an economy that is generating inadequate opportunities for employment, even for those young
people who do have education and skills, and where real wages are dwindling. Poorer families, even
if they maximise income, barely have enough resources available for necessities like food, and little
if any investment in the education and skills of children, especially girls. In the current economic
environment, poor households with higher fertility are more likely to experience an inter-
generational spiralling of the poverty cycle.

On the other hand lower fertility, apart from alleviating huge health and mental stress issues for the
poorest women, is a major mechanism by which their families can lift themselves out of poverty.
Fewer children and greater numbers of productive adult members generate higher levels of per
capita income and savings. Lower dependency ratios are kicking in for the richest and the middle-
class families in Pakistan that are having fewer children. But such savings remain beyond the realm
of possibility for the poorest families who teeter precariously on the slippery slope of poverty and
tend to spend all their income on meeting the most basic of needs.

No doubt much of poverty alleviation must be addressed through economic reforms, planning, and
generation of growth-led development. But at the same time, a great deal of distress can be
alleviated and the unequal risks of transferring poverty to the next generation reduced, by enabling
poorer couples to have the numbers of children that they truly want and can afford to raise well.
Not doing so will only continue to add to the pool of the destitute and poor, who desperately
require social safety nets. If Imran Khan and his advisers do not take this simple reality seriously,
they would soon be planning to double the outlay for and ef forts towards the already ambitious
Ehsaas programme. • The writer is country director, Population Council, Islamabad.

Sindh`s water woes

BY MEER MUHAMMAD PARIHAR | 9/30/2019 12:00:00 AM

PERHAPS for the first time in the country`s history, a plan for the construction of a multibillion-
dollar barrage on the Indus River was conceived and approved in less than a month.

A brainchild of the Water and Power Development Authority (Wapda), the Sindh Barrage is an
attempt to resolve chronic water shortage in the coastal districts of Sindh. However, the haste and
secrecy with which the project has been approved by the federal and provincial governments is
baffling.

A short promotional video of the proposed Sindh Barrage to be built at a cost of Rs125 billion,
around 45 kilometres away from the outfall where Indus River f alls into the Arabian Sea is available
on the Wapda website. In the video, the Wapda chairman is seen standing on the construction site,
with the Indus River behind him.

Inthevideo,he citescontrolling aggressive sea intrusion; irrigation of 75,000 acres of land in Thatta,
Sujawal and Badin; and reviving the rich mangrove wetlands as reasons for the construction of Sindh
Barrage. He also alludes to a potential plan of converting the 167 km-long river belt between Kotri
Barrage and the proposed Sindh Barrage into a water reservoir, which could become `one of the
longest lakesin Asia`.

To achieve these objectives, Wapda intends to construct a 12-metre-high barrage, raise the bank of
Indus River to 9m, while also widening the river belt up to six kilometres. It also plans to dig two
canals on the left and right side of the proposed barrage. Construction is set to begin in December
2022 and is expected to end by December 2024.

The plan may sound well in theory but it has many flaws. One of the primary factors that decides the
feasibility of Sindh Barrage is the availability of water downstream Kotri. Wapda believes that this
can be managed by regulating the outflow from Kotri Barrage to be slightly more than 10 MAF
(million acre feet) to `control` sea intrusion.

However, there are two caveats to this solution: first, experts have been arguing for years that an
inflow of only 10 MAF from Kotri to the Indus delta is insufficient to push back the inflow of the
Arabian Sea, and prevent destruction of riverbeds and agricultural land. Second, according to
Wapda`s own figures, around 9,000 km of the coastal belt has already been affected by sea intrusion,
proving that the flow of water downstream Kotri has remained inadequate over the years.

The Sindh government has conveniently foregone any risk analysis before approving this project. But
once construction begins, itwill have to rehabilitate hundreds of families who are displaced from
areas close to the construction site. The number of displaced families will be far greater if the plan
for converting the river belt downstream Kotri into a lake goes ahead, as the proposed lake will span
over at least four districts between Kotri and the Indus Delta Thatta, Sujawal, Tando Mohammad
Khan and parts of Jamshoro.

Once the barrage is built, constant seepage of water from the reservoir will destroy agricultural land
in adjoining areas. On the other hand, permanent blockage of the flowing river will give rise to other
grave problems. For starters, it will put a number of areas around and downstream Kotri Barrage,
including Hyderabad, at the persistentrisk ofnooding.

Second, formation of silt dunes and the presence of heavy sediment in the large body of water will
hamper the flow of the river that, if stopped, will find alternate paths to spill. This might not only
result in the Indus changing its course, but also altering the geography and topography ofareas
downstream Kotri Barrage.

As for Wapda`s plans to construct two canals on either side of the Indus River to irrigate 75,000
acres of agricultural land, if the authority had done proper re search, itwould have realised that n‡>t a
single acre of cultivable land in the coastal belt of Sindh is out of the command of the existing canal
network.

The death of the Indus delta and loss of agricultural land due to sea intrusion, and the workability of
a solution to this problem come down to the availability of river water.

Over the years, irregular allotment of agricultural land downstream Kotri, and theft and pilferage
from the existing canal network, have compounded the chronic water shortage in Badin, Sujawal and
Thatta, causing lasting damage to these districts.

Water resources in Pakistan require effective management, rather than ambitious projects that ignore
ground realities.

Constructing a barrage on a river with insufficient water will hardly serve any
purpose,otherthanexacerbadngtheprocessof sea intrusion and accelerating the death of Indus delta.•
The writer has served as irrigation and power secretary in Sindh.

meer.parihar@gmail.com
Maritime province
SINCE the World Maritime Day is celebrated in the last week of September, it is a good occasion to
ask: which is Pakistan`s largest province? Punjba population-wise or Balochistan area-wise.
However, the exclusive economic zone (sea of up to 200 nautical miles from the coast) and its
extended area, 290,000-sq km is Pakistan`s largest province. We can call it Pakistan`s Maritime
province.

Commensurate with its size it needs more focus and a broad vision encompassing a time-frame of
100 years to be available to our future generation as an asset.

This province should have two regions; one comprising shallow waters (up to 200 metres deep) and
the other deep waters (beyond this depth).

The world population has almost doubled in 50 years, hence the need for more food. Apart from fish
and seafood, there are coral reefs which generate food for fish which get nourishment during their
early days, whereas some of them come to the coast and their primary source of nourishment is the
mangrove.

Pakistan is gifted with coral reefs and the world`s seventh largest mangrove forests. These blessings
if well managed will ensure marine food for the country for the next 100 years.

Another life-sustaining item is the availability of balanced atmospheric oxygen and carbon dioxide.
The sea absorbs one-fourth of CO2 and 93 per cent of excessive heat to keep the environment
habitable. In future, many of our landbased fish farms would need to shif t to the sea to promote
aquaculture and increase food production and fish exports.

Industrialised nations are extracting microbes from the deep sea that are being used to generate
oxygen for industry.

Many antibiotics are prepared using sea bed elements. Similarly, the world is utilising sea bed
resources in green technologies like manuf acturing solar power panels and hybrid car batteries.One
interesting application is the making of artificial blood. Similarly, coral skeleton is used to make
bones for replacement in human beings.

The export of polymetallic nodules found on the sea bed would fetch valuable foreign exchange. The
developed countries are planning to utilise these nodules in future industries.

Pakistan is self-sufficient in producing fertiliser which needs natural gas for production. Another
source of fertilisers is phosphorus found on the sea bed. We can run future fertiliser plants using
phosphorus from our sea-based reservoirs.

To achieve all this we need trained Pakistani scientists and human resource to better exploit the
country`s sea resources. A sea bed exploitation authority should be set-up to better manage our deep
sea resources.

Commodore (retd) M. Sohail Ahmed Islamabad

Tourist traffic witnesses sharp increase in five

years
ISLAMABAD: Tourist traffic at cultural sites in Pakistan has seen a massive increase of 317 per cent
over the past five years with Punjab`s contribution being nearly 95pc, according to a report.

The report Cultural Heritage and Museum Visits in Pakistan by Gallup Pakistan, a research
organisation af filiated with Gallup International Association, indicates that tourism could be a
potential game changer that could revitalise the struggling economy of the country.According to data
presented in the report, available with Dawn, tourism at cultural sites has experienced a massive
increase since 2014. From approximately 1.6 million visits in 2014, the tourist traffic at cultural sites
rose to 6.6m visits in 2018, a 317 per cent increase in a span of hve years. Punjab, as the largest and
most populated province, contributed approximately 95pc whereas tourist traffic in Sindh and
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa fluctuated over the years.

The tourist traffic at museum sites increased by approximately 50pc with the number of visits
increasing from 1.7m in 2014 to around 2.7m in 2018. The tourist traffic in KP and Balochistan has
also experienced a similar trend at its museum sites, whereas in Punjab and Sindh, the number of
visits at museum sites fluctuated over the years. But overall, the provinces recorded maximum
number of visits in 2018.Total visits by foreigners increased by more than two folds for both cultural
and museum sites in Pakistan.

Over the past five years the percentage of foreign visitors to museums rose by approximately 130pc
whereasforeign visitors to cultural sites rose by 100pc. Museums remained more popular among
foreign visitors by receiving on average 50pc more visits than cultural sites. The trend among all four
provinces for total for-eign visits saw a gradual increase, with the highest increase in KP where the
number of museum visits in 2018rose by 250pc.

The Pakistan Monument Museum in Islamabad, Khewra Mines Museum in Chakwal and Lok Virsa
Heritage Museum in Islamabad were the top three most popular museums from 2016 to 2018, with
Taxila and Lahore museums in fourth and fifth positions.

Speaking to Dawn, Bilal Ghani of Gallup Pakistan said, `We have observed 15 to 20pc increase in
local and foreign visitors. Interest in museums is continuously increasing,` adding that the report was
based on number of visits by local and foreign visitors to cultural and museum sites maintained by
federal and provincial governments.

The report states that the Shahi Qila in Lahore was the most popular cultural site. The Shalimar
Garden, Lahore, was the second most popularsite in 2016 and 2018, and the Hiran Minar in
Sheikhupura was the second most visited site in 2017. The third most popular site in 2016 was
Jehangir`s tomb, Lahore. In 2017 it was the ancient Buddhist monastic complex Takht-i-Bahi in
Mardan that was the most visited and in 2018 it was the Hiran Minar.

Among foreigners the Lahore Museum was the most popular in 2016 and 2017. But, in 2018 Taxila
Museum was most visited. From 2016 to 2018, Taxila was the most liked cultural site for foreign
tourists. The Shahi Qila was the second most wellliked site. The third most visited site by foreigners
in 2016 was Moenjodaro, Larkana, Jehangir`s Tomb in 2017 and the Shalimar Garden in 2018.

`There is room for further improvements. With some more efforts both local and foreigner visitors
can be increased substantially,` said Mr Ghani of Gallup Pakistan.
Elusive critical reforms
WITH its greater emphasis on managing the external and financial accounts, and rightly so, the
government appears to be losing time on longstanding critical structural reforms.

Further delays could lead to yet another missed opportunity and be devastating, not only to the
national economy and the people but also to the credibility of yet another political set-up.

Public-sector enterprises (PSEs) including those in the energy sector, particularly the power sector,
remain the biggest drain on national finances and consumers purse. Successive governments
struggled to address them. That is where the incumbents must focus the most to move past where the
previous government faltered.

As they say, the best timing for tough reforms is at the start of the tenure of a new government when
it can afford spending maximum political capital and recoup some of it along the way as fruits of
painful decisions materialise.

The PML-N did well at the start of its tenure to stabilise the economy even though challenges were
greater at the time than now while the PTl appeared confused in its early days. By the time it moved
out of the puzzle of the International Monetary Fund or no IMF, the `cancer` had already gone much
deeper.

The previous government could not move on to the next reform phase as maximum focus remained
on addressing energy shortages. It secured the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor trigger and got an
economic growth boost, resulting in significantly higher revenue numbers sans reform.

On the energy front, the party overwhelming succeeded in controlling shortages while contracting
additional capacity despite internal opposition. The extra capacity could hardly be utilised in the near
future and had an additional cost. Given the sluggish economic conditions that followed, utilising the
spare capacity has become more challenging.

But the N-League fumbled when it cameto reforming the public sector entities and withdrew from
privatisation on first resistance amid adverse relationship with the political parties, particularly the
PTl and the establishment.

It stepped back from the divestment of Pakistan International Airlines after significant progress on
corporatisation and fleet expansion and gave up divestment of power companies despite strong
commitments under the then IMF programme and its manifesto.

The PTl had a bad opening on the revenue side with the first year shortfall at a historic Rs600 billion
and total collection in absolute numbers less than the previous year. This had a devastating
contribution to the record 8.9 per cent fiscal deficit. But more critically, it could not roll-out revenue
reforms in the first year of missed oppohunity.

To its credit, the party staged a big comeback at the start of the new fiscal year, aided by IMF
compulsions. The jury is still out on how it settles the documentation drive on the taxation front in
negotiations with the large business and trading community. Failure is not an option.
To its favour, the parties now in opposition have not become a hurdle to tax reforms and utility tariff
increases, unlike the incumbents who opposed tax drives and called for civil disobedience over
energy tariffs when in opposition. It is, therefore, under greater compulsion to not only deliver on the
Rs5,550bn tax target but also make it fairer through direct taxation that is propodionate to its
potential and capacity.

But more impodantly, the current government has not been able to make a mark on the PSE front.
After many decades, here came a party that said privatisation of the `family silver` was not a
solution, rather making it profitable through restructuring was.

It announced big plans like the creation of Sarmaya Pakistan (holding company) to restructure PSEs.
The plan still exists only on paper more than a year down the road.

Most of the subject entities remain under ad hoc managements as we enter the sec-ond year of a new
government.

The classic case of corruption, mismanagement and negligence, Pakistan Steel Mills (PSM) the
country`s largest industrial complex continues to bleed without an iota of difference across the
Musharraf, PPP, PML-N and PTl regimes.

If the Musharraf and PPP governments were assisted by an intrusive judicial arm of the state to put
`the mother of industries` on a downhill road, the PML-N put the final nail in its coffin and the PTl
has remained in a state of confusion where this national coffin should go. The government keeps
changing over its mind over whether PSM should be restructured, privatised or revived through
public-private partnerships. While no way forward can be seen for the near future, we spend billions
of dollars on steel imports.

Meanwhile, the leading reform candidate and the biggest burden on the state and people`s purse the
power sector remains unchanged. The monthly build-up to the circular debt was put to a halt in 2015-
16 through improved recoveries and fuel-mix changes under the IMF compulsion to publish quarterly
progress reports.

In the absence of deep-rooted governance reforms and upon the completion of the IMF programme,
the focus shifted elsewhere and the quarterly progress reports came to an end.

The PTl is following those footsteps. The monthly build-up of circular debt is again coming down
but governance reforms have yet to materialise to put the sector on a sustainable footing. For the
current fiscal year, the capacity payments alone are estimated to be at about Rs900bn and only
Rs650bn of that are covered in the existing consumer tariff. The remaining Rs250bn is open to
further tariff increases.

The circular debt, meanwhile, has gone beyond Rs1.66 trillion from about Rs1.2tr at the end of
December 2018. The PTl needs to learn lessons from past failures if it wants to be seen as more
effective than other ruling parties when the IMF programme comes to an end in September

Their loss, our (potential) gain

INDIA`S falling red meat exports are creating a space for Pakistan in the Middle Eastern market. A
Human Rights Watch report reveals that the Indian cow protection movement is hurting its beef
exports and related businesses.

During the last year or so, India`s meat exports have dropped by about 30 per cent, especially to the
Gulf countries. The vacuum created, coupled with local factors, is attracting Pakistani exporters and
investors towards this sector.

The country exported at least 125,505 tonnes of beef and veal meat to the Gulf States during the first
10 months of 201819, according to data made available by the Trade Development Authority of
Pakistan (TDAP).

The United Arab Emirates was the largest buyer with a tally of 67,275 tonnes.

Cow vigilantism, foot & mouth disease and other factors are decreasing India`s share in the global
beef trade, brightening Pakistan`s chances to fill the space and attract new investments in the cattle
trade, says Dr Muhammad Hayat Jaspal, chairman of the Department of MeatScience and
Technology of the University of Veterinary and Animal Sciences, Lahore.

`There are daily queries from potential financiers seeking investment opportunities in cattle and dairy
farming, promising a boost for the rural economy,` he says, insisting that Pakistan is capturing
India`s share.

The rising cost of production in the poultry farming sector, whose feed mostly comprises of imported
ingredients, is also helping divert investment towards cattle farming which is a comparatively more
secure business, he adds.

Cattle farming has been increasing for the last couple of years, says director of Komal Food Arif
Mustafa. Komal food is a firm that deals in the meat export business.

Dairy and cattle farming has doubled since the introduction of potatoes as a low-cost cattle food, he
says.

Nonetheless, individual efforts require official support to enhance foreign exchange earnings and
improve the lot of the rural population, the traditional cattle farmers. Mr Mustafa urges the
government to convince the State Bank authori-ties to reduce the red meat export benchmark from $4
to $3, at par with the export price set by India, to make local exports more competitive in the
international markets.

While there has always been space in the Gulf region for Pakistan`s meat exports, the lack of certain
facilities, poor policies and our own inabilities have prevented the country from realising its full
potential, he said.

Mr Mustafa called for the removal of hurdles in obtaining a quarantine certificate, particularly when
meeting some urgent foreign orders. `The quarantine department officials are unavailable on off-days
and after office hours, delaying the export consignments by at least 24 hours.

Naseeb Ahmad Saifi, another meat exporter, points out that the overhead charges in the form of
higher tax rates, enhanced transportation costs and the manifold increase in the requirements of
attested documents by local chambers are other hurdles blocking the development of the sector and
making it uncompetitive in the world markets.

He claims that it is possible toincrease national halal food exports to several billion rupees within a
couple of years, provided that the government makes it a zero-rated sector. This would allow cattle
farms to be established at a minimal cost in the shortest possible time.

`The government must not focus just on one sector. Rather, it should encourage whosoever and
whatever products the country can export through legal means instead of promoting a sector at the
cost of others.

Dr Jaspal suggests that till the authorities provide support to the sector, the stakeholders may reduce
costs while increasing profit margins within six months by adopting techniques to fatten calves.

`Presently, 14-16-month-old calves weigh an average of 125 kilograms and are being slaughtered for
export purposes.

`By adopting fattening food, their average weight can be increased to 240kgs within six months and
thus exports can be doubled (while the number of cattle remains the same) at a marginal extra cost.
The high cost of inexperience
             
   
By Afshan Subohi | 9/30/2019 12:00:00 AM

THE development of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) over the last one year could have partially
cover the growth loss and provided some element of relief in the tragic story of the economy made
insufferable by galloping inflation, falling investment and rising joblessness under the current
government.

Privately, officers of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) establishment in the centre and
the provinces accept that things have been too quiet for too long on this front. They claim that now
the ball is set in motion on the directives of the prime minister.

`It is not clear if the government`s stance on CPEC changed because the noise of economic
discontent is growing louder with tycoons chiming in or diplomatic quaders exeded pressure. But
now the PTl seems to be getting serious about CPEC. How well the Team PTl is able to match up to
the task is tooearly to say, but I have doubts,` a top bureaucrat told this scribe in Islamabad early this
month.

`The post-election talk of mutual collaboration with Chinawas more of gesturing without concrete
follow-up actions. It is not an accident that there is a10-month gap between 57th and 58th CPEC
project review meetings, but barely a two-week gap between the 58th and the 59th. The 57th review
was held in November 2018 whereas the 58th review took place on Sept 14 and the 59th on Sept 27.
If Sindh was excluded from the last meeting, it exposes the political immaturity of the team,` said
another CPEC expert in Islamabad.
Planning and Development Minister Khusro Bakhtiar was busy and Planning Secretary Zafar Hasan
forwarded the queries about the lack of progress on SEZs towards Board of InvestmentUnairman
Luoair unani. `iney nave exact timelines, grant charts etc and are in sync with all federal and
provincial stakeholders,` Mr Hasan said in a written response.

Efforts to reach Mr Gilani did not succeed, but his media wing emailed a long note contesting the
impression of inaction on SEZs and pinning the blame on the last two elected governments for
deindustrialisation and import dependence that led to a huge current account deficit. The PML-N was
also targeted for not holding meetings of the SEZ Board of Approvals after 2015 although Section
5(3) of the SEZ Act 2012 obligates that `The (board) shall meet as frequently as required but not less
than twice a year`. Four meetings of the board were held before 2015.

Some extracts are reproduced here: `... as soon as the PTl government ascended to power, it started
focusing on export-led, labour intensive, industrialisation in the country, and immediatelyresumed
the approval process of SEZ applications after a gap of four years`.

It failed to mention what took the party in power a year to hold the first board meeting in August
2019.

The board contested the charge of laggard progress: `... the (board) not only kick-started the existing
CPEC SEZs by expediting the process of industrialisation and ensuring provision of utilities through
the PSDP (Public Sector Development Programme), but also administered firm approval of six new
SEZs while six applications are also in the pipeline.

`The SEZ Act is being revisited to provide the SEZs with concrete legal backing, enhanced
incentives and to rectify any existing anomalies to make it more investor friendly. Also, the (board)
is in the process of formulating a lucrative incentive package to relocate the industries from China...

A top business leader found the PTI`s claims ofpromoting industrialisation a cruel joke.

`Automakers are shutting plants, cement, pharmaceuticals, electronics even the fast-moving
consumer goods multinationals are in stress. Please tell PTl leaders and their cronies to just stop
meddling in the field they know nothing about,` said a tycoon who actively supported Mr Khan`s
party in the 2018 election.

People closely watching the economic manoeuvres in Islamabad lament the avoidable costly delay in
the execution of the second phase of CPEC. They expressed fear that the current team could
mishandle the politically sensitive issue of the provincial autonomy when this phase of CPEC
demands more pronounced role of the provinces.

After the 18th Amendment, the subject of industrial and social development is vested primarily with
the provincial governments.

Higher-ups in Sindh, when reached for their input on the subject, were bitter. Their resentmentcan`t
be dismissed as parochial when they shared the image of the meeting notice of the 59th CPEC project
review meeting. None out of the 31 invitees belonged to Sindh.

`There is this autocratic, centrist attitude that can`t be condoned. We will not let them trample on our
hard-earned rights,` said a defiant leader from Sindh.

Commenting on the status of the Dhabeji Special Industrial Zone, Board of Investment Sindh
Chairman Azeem Uqaili said: `The Sindh government is on it. The procurement package, including
the request for proposals (RFP), is at an advanced stage of finalisation. The Sindh government plans
to roll it out through international competitive bidding in October to solicit a developer under the
public-private partnership mode. The project needs better support from the federal government for
the quick provision of gas and electricity.Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Planning and Development Secretary
Atif Rehman was optimistic about the future of Rashakai Special Industrial Zone. `We are targeting
to hold the groundbreaking ceremony in October, but if all goes well, it will take at least a year and a
half for the zone to be ready for investors,` he told Dawn by phone from Peshawar.

Dr Amanullah, a leader of the Punjab team, said that his province is proactive on SEZs and allocated
resources in the annual development plan for the Allama Iqbal Special Industrial Zone in Faisalabad.
He expected it to be ready for investors by June 2020.

The second phase of CPEC, which is centred on the collaboration in industrial, agricultural and social
development, coincided with the installation of the new government in Pakistan after the 2018
election. Prime Minister Imran Khan`s govern-ment was handed a ready-made set of opportunities on
a silver platter.

Sadly, the maiden federal government of the new party took longer than expected to settle down and
did not instantly grasp the value of the CPEC`s second phase.

In the first phase of CPEC that overlapped the five-year PML-N rule, the focus was on bridging the
gaps of physical infrastructure and electricity through multi-billion-dollar, big-ticket projects. With
the completion of most energy and road projects and the rest nearing their completion, Pakistan
managed to tide over the retarding energy and transportation infrastructure deficits in record time.

The election and installation of the new government did disrupt the rhythm of mutual collaboration,
but the country can make up for the lost time if the federal government stays focused, empowers the
provinces and extends requisite support to move towards an industrial revival under CPEC. • 

Tony Blair is damned. We have seen establishment whitewashes in the

past: from Bloody Sunday to Hillsborough, officialdom has repeatedly
conspired to smother truth in the interests of the powerful. But not this
time. The Chilcot inquiry was becoming a satirical byword for
taking farcically long to execute a task; but Sir John will surely go down
in history for delivering the most comprehensively devastating verdict on
any modern prime minister.

Those of us who marched against the Iraq calamity can feel no

vindication, only misery that we failed to prevent a disaster that
robbed hundreds of thousands of lives – those of 179 British
soldiers among them – and which injured, traumatised and displaced
millions of people: a disaster that bred extremism on a catastrophic
scale.

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One legacy of Chilcot should be to encourage us to be bolder in

challenging authority, in being sceptical of official claims, in standing
firm against an aggressive agenda spun by the media. Lessons must be
learned, the war’s supporters will now declare. Don’t let them get away
with it. The lessons were obvious to many of us before the bombs started
falling.

For what Chilcot has done is illustrate that assertions from the anti-war
movement were not conspiracy theories, or far-fetched, wild-eyed
claims. “Increasingly, we appear to have a government who are looking
for a pretext for war rather than its avoidance,” declared the anti-war
Labour MP Alan Simpson weeks before the invasion. And indeed, as
Chilcot revealed, Blair had told George W Bush in July 2002: “I will be
with you, whatever.”

Guardian Today: the headlines, the analysis, the

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Read more

This, as Chilcot puts it, was no war of “last resort”: this was a war of
choice, unleashed “before the peaceful options for disarmament had
been exhausted”. Simpson said: “We appear to produce dossiers of mass
deception, whose claims are dismissed as risible almost as soon as they
are released.” And now Chilcot agrees that the war was indeed based on
“flawed intelligence and assessments” that were not “challenged, and
they should have been”. Nelson Mandela was among those who, in the
runup to war, accused Blair and Bush of undermining the United
Nations. Mandela lies vindicated. As Chilcot says: “We consider that the
UK was … undermining the security council’s authority.”

So many warnings. A month before the invasion the US senator Gary

Hart said that war would increase the risk of terrorism. “We’re going to
kick open a hornet’s nest, and we are not prepared in this country,” he
warned.

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Consider this, from the anti-war Dissident Voice website a month before

the conflict: “A US attack and subsequent occupation of Iraq will provide
new inspiration – and new recruitment fodder – for al-Qaida or other
terrorist groups, and will stimulate a long-term increased risk of
terrorism, either on US soil or against US citizens overseas.” It is not to
belittle the authors to point out this was a statement of the obvious,
except to those responsible for the war and their cheerleaders. Then read
Chilcot: “Blair was warned that an invasion would increase the terror
threat by al-Qaida and other groups.”

The former prime minister claimed that the terrible aftermath was only
obvious in hindsight, yet Christian Aid warned of “significant chaos and
suffering in Iraq long after military strikes have ended”. An aid agency
had far better foresight than the senior general who – at an off-the-
record chat I attended at university – claimed that 99% of Iraq would be
throwing flowers at the invading soldiers. As Chilcot put it, the
government “failed to take account of the magnitude of the task of
stabilising, administering and reconstructing Iraq”.

Blair’s risible claim is wrong: as Chilcot puts it, “the conclusions reached
by Blair after the invasion did not require the benefit of hindsight”. The
threats of everything from Iranian meddling to al-Qaida activity “were
each explicitly identified before the invasion”.When Robin Cook
resigned from the cabinet before the invasion, he declared that “Iraq
probably has no weapons of mass destruction in the commonly
understood sense of the term”. Chilcot has now damned the intelligence
services for believing otherwise.

The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament threatened a legal challenge

against the government in 2002 if it went to war without a second
security council resolution. Several lawyers and Kofi Annan, the then UN
secretary general, are among those who have since described the
invasion as illegal.

The original advice by the UK attorney general, Lord Goldsmith, was

indeed that a war without a second resolution would be illegal, but
Chilcot highlights the fact that by the time Goldsmith gave a subsequent
oral statement he appears, mysteriously, to have changed his mind.

The legality of the war may not have been within Chilcot’s remit. But
even then he finds that the process through which the government
arrived at its legal basis “was not satisfactory”. Surely the legality of this
calamitous war must now be challenged in a court of law.

 If Blairites want a future they must divorce

themselves from Blair
Owen Jones

Read more
We always claimed that the Iraq war was based on lies. Reading prewar
articles, such as “The lies we are told about Iraq” in the Los Angeles
Times, is instructive indeed. The Chilcot report did not accuse Blair of
lying. But too much emphasis is put on this question. Blair was clearly
determined to go to war long in advance. He relied on dubious evidence
to make his case, evidence that others at the time knew to be dubious.
Did he deceive himself, or the public, or was he just driven by the
righteousness of a messiah complex? He pursued a war with a dodgy
prospectus that many at the time – including 139 Labour MPs – knew
would result in disaster. And that is damning enough.

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Let’s laud the Chilcot inquiry for giving the official seal to the truths we
have always known, but be aware that this is all it has done. The truths it
has exposed were there already, long before the gates of hell had been
opened – as the secretary general of the Arab League warned would
happen, before the invasion.

It was the obviousness of what was going to happen that created

the biggest anti-war movement in history. It was a movement belittled,
not least by media that largely backed the rush to war. How perverse it
was that those who opposed or criticised the war – from politicians to
the BBC’s bosses – were the ones to lose their jobs, while Blair has since
pursued his lucrative career working for dictators.

Many cheerleaders of this great catastrophe still show scant remorse or

penitence. Some even heckled the Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn – who
campaigned against both Britain’s backing for Saddam Hussein when he
gassed the Kurds in the 1980s, and the 2003 invasion – as he
delivered his parliamentary response to Chilcot today.

And the horror continues, the 250 Iraqis killed by car bombings this

weekend a devastating reminder of the chaos for which Blair must take
responsibility. This was not a blunder, not an error, not a mistake:
whatever the law decides, this was – from any moral standpoint – one of
the gravest crimes of our time. Those responsible will be for ever
damned. After today, we can single them out – and call them by name.
🧠mind the gap: gender equality and mobility in Pakistan

https://tribune.com.pk/story/2067614/6-mind-gap-gender-equality-mobility-pakistan/

Pakistan could boost its GDP by 30% by closing the gender gap and bringing more women into the
economy, according to an IMF study “Pursuing Women’s Economic Empowerment”. It is believed
that many women residing in Pakistan’s cities are unable to participate in the economy freely due to
cultural and religious values. In my view, however, poor and inefficient urban planning hinders
people’s mobility and women are the primary victims.

Pakistani cities are designed for men who own and drive cars. Saskia Sassen, an urban theorist,
observes that modern urban planning is “genderless” as most cities in the developing world don’t
acknowledge the fact that men and women have different needs for public transportation and roads.
Dr Naveed Iftikhar, an urban policy adviser, reiterates that public spaces should be designed
according to mobility needs of women and women with children, and we can make our cities more
livable by catering to young mothers’ and elderly women’s needs.

Today, females look for the most reliable, inexpensive and safest way to travel. In Lahore, many
want to walk while some do so out of necessity. A number of women who use buses daily have to
walk through broken and unsafe pedestrian paths to the bus stop within their neighbourhoods. They
feel unsafe walking on the streets because they are constantly harassed, besides suffering verbal
abuse, groping, catcalls and molestation. The problem of sexual harassment faced by women on the
streets could be addressed by making some amendments in the infrastructure. Street lighting should
be improved especially in secluded areas of Lahore.
When travelling beyond the walking distance, Pakistani women heavily rely on public transport i.e.
buses and wagons. This is attributed to little acceptance of single women and women with children
riding motorbikes or bicycles and the unaffordability of owning a car. Women without a private
vehicle also prefer rickshaws or taxis. However, due to exorbitant fares, buses are the most
frequently used especially for multiple trips.

A study by the Women Development Department reflects the alarming rates at which women
experience harassment in public transportation. Ninety per cent of the women claim that male
conductors and ticket-checkers try to make unnecessary physical contact while issuing tickets.

What role can the Punjab Transport Department and Lahore Transport Company play to effectively
prevent and respond to sexual harassment at bus stops and inside buses? They should ensure that bus
routes and the neighbourhoods they service have reliable street lighting without power outages.
Women also face harassment at bus stops due to prolonged waiting for buses. This could be resolved
by running buses on an announced schedule allowing people, especially women, to plan their
journeys.

Moreover, despite allocating separate compartments for women inside buses, women still complain
about inappropriate staff behaviour, especially of male bus conductors. Transportation companies
should hire female bus conductors or ticket checkers to cater to women. Another effective solution to
make women more secure inside public vehicles is to install panic buttons.

The idea of having a separate compartment for females in buses and female-only transport like the
Pink Bus initiative, among others, is a positive step towards safeguarding women’s security.
Nonetheless, it is important to acknowledge that segregation in public transportation also reinforces
inequality. Even transport experts at the Work Bank Group believe that female-only vehicles play a
role in overcoming gaps in transportation merely in the short run; such vehicles are not a panacea.

It is imperative to create awareness towards respect for women and a factor in gender consideration
in all aspects of urban planning and design. Besides, more women need to be taken on board on all
transport projects and their participation must be ensured in the design, implementation, monitoring
and evaluation of public transportation initiatives.

Published in The Express Tribune, September 29th, 2019

HE chairman of the National Accountability Bureau, retired Justice Javed Iqbal, has moved with
unseemly speed after it emerged that top industry leaders had complained to the army chief about
the bureau`s high-handedness. Within days, he took to the airwaves to announce that NAB would
not be taking up certain cases involving businesses, particularly if they were linked to tax evasion or
loan default, and that he would let the bodies responsible for dealing with these issues proceed on
the matter instead. Mr Iqbal also expressed alarm upon learning that industry leaders had
complained about his bureau to the army chief; he sought to create an impression that only one
individual did so.

However, reports from those who were at the meeting are clear that almost all those who attended
strongly criticised NAB for operating far beyond its mandate, and certainly its capabilities.

The chairman`s response betrays a certain panic. This is not for the first time that the accountability
bureau has been publicly assailed for its lack of capacity and overweening ambition to be the arbiter
in all matters, including those that it has no business with.

But now that the army chief has been brought into the picture, the NAB chairman has moved
suddenly and offered certain carve-outs in his field of operation, saying those under him would not
deal with those cases. Recently, two separate regulatory bodies Nepra and the SECP openly said
that their operations were being adversely impacted by NAB whose officials are often accused of
having a very limited understanding of the complex nature of the deals they want to investigate. Mr
Iqbal seems to have been impervious to this observation that is indicative of his bureau`s overreach.

The NAB chairman`s announcement that the bureau would refrain from pursuing cases involving
businessmen has cast doubt on his own mandate. He is supposed to, and has repeatedly said that
he does, operate only as per the law. So, how does the law allow him to revise his responsibilities
which is effectively what he intends to do? In the aftermath of his remarks, all other actions taken
by the bureau will look even more like a witch-hunt, because the only people lef t to go after now
which NAB has already been doing quite assiduously are bureaucrats and the opposition politicians,
while the chairman appears to be calling the shots himself. With so many of NAB`s actions including
arrests on charges that have yet to be substantiated already controversial, it would have been much
better had Mr Iqbal decided to work towards establishing NAB`s credentials as an independent and
fair accountability body that is capable of investigating suspected corruption across the board in a
professional manner. Instead, NAB`s reputation stands thoroughly compromised, and its claims of
conducting a robust accountability drive sound hollow.

•PRIME MINIST ER Imran Khan has been widely praised for delivering a powerful and impressive
speech at the UN General Assembly on Sept 27.

Ironically, soon after his stellar performance at the UNGA and a grand reception in Islamabad upon
his return, he faced some dif ficult and annoying questions about the quality of governance at the
PTI parliamentary party meeting. It was an illustration of how powerful communication can`t go
very far if there are questions about performance.

Communication through speeches, pressers, TV talks and lately, social media including Twitter,
forms almost three-fourths of all politics when one is not in government. The dynamics, however,
drastically change once a politician and his or her party are in government; although
communication still remains an important aspect of politics, it is not longer as dominant as it once
was in their case.

This is the change which the PTI and Imran Khan have tolivewithnowwheneffective communication
does not seem to be enough. This phenomenon is not peculiar to the PTI; it applies to almost all
political parties.

The key obsession of politicians around the world is to win public approval in order to come to
power.

Courting the public for this purpose is important, and politicians and political parties spend almost
all their time and energy doing just that. Coining and disseminating popular messages, gauging
public opinion and adjusting public positions accordingly are all part of electioneering.

Sometimes enemies are identified and even conjured up by politicians to whip up public fear and
hatred and to present themselves as potential saviours. The public is told in oversimplified terms of
the nature of national ailments such as corruption and is promised that these will be eliminated as
soon as the aspiring politicians come to power.

Populism is a handy instrument of politics which is put to effective use if all else f ails. But one can`t
only blame politicians; in recent times, we have seen the judiciary as well as the civil-military
bureaucracy also getting sucked into the vortex of populism.

While politicians and political parties are almosttotally consumed by electioneering, they hardly
devote any time, at least in Pakistan, to prepare for the challenges of governance. The resultis that
a political party aspiring to power often has no idea about the real challenges of governance and
how and where to find solutions once it is in a position to rule. Parties seldom make conscious
efforts to attract and retain the talent needed to run the government.

Consequently, there is a scramble to search for experts outside the party, who are then pressed
into service so that they can solve cridcal governance issues. Political parties hardly have any
functional policy think tanks or even policy wings. If some policy wings do exist, they lack even the
prerequisites such as researchers, working space and funding.

Public policies are seldom discussed at party forums. The only policy document which a political
party produces once in about five years is the election manifesto with very few and diminishing
exceptions like the founding documents of the PPP produced back in 1967. The manifestoes are
generally wish lists rather than serious policy documents.

While many flashy promises are made, the `how` part is conspicuously missing. There is no
discussion on how the party will finance its promises. Our parties should learn from the British
Labour Party, which came up with a separate document called Funding Britain`s Future, explaining
how it plans to finance the pledges made in its manifesto in the last parliamentary election.

Although the PTI prepared a detailed election manifesto and a 100 days` agenda for last year`s
national general polls, subsequent events indicated that the party had not fully comprehended the
challenges of governance. In fact, the PTI`s first 100 days in government, and an extended period
thereafter, were consumed by the formation of more than 30 taskforces and committees which
worked to understand the issues, and produce policy documents and action plans for the federal
and two provincial governments. It was a `learning on the job` exercise which was not only
detrimental to the party imagebut also unhelpful for a country which could hardly wait for solutions
to its pressing problems.

Currently, we have at least three national and six regional parties that are serious contenders for
power at the federal or provincial level. None of these parties have a shadow cabinet or
spokespersons for various sectors of governance.

No serious work is undertaken by the parties on public policies which they have to pursue when in
power. Political parties are probably under the mistaken impression that things will automatically
work out when they come to power.

Isn`t it time that parties seriously prepared themselves for governance? While they may continue to
spend a major part of their energies and resources on ef forts to come to power,if they want to
spare themselves and the country the pain of learning on the job, they should start investing a part
of their resources in putting together a team which can smoothly take over the levers of power
once they are in the saddle.

The team and party of ficials in general should be groomed via a series of orientation and training
courses on various aspects of governance on a continual basis, with a special focus on elected of
ficials and ministers or potential ministers.

If appointing a shadow cabinet is considered too divisive, committees may be formed for each
federal and provincial cabinet portfolio. Conveners of the committees can serve by rotation and act
as sectoral spokespersons. These committees can collect information, critically review government
policies, coordinate with their international counterparts and formulate policies and plans of their
parties for their respective domain for implementation if and when they come to power. This
exercise will not only prepare pardes for the chaHenges of governance, public trust in their
competence will also be enhancedasaresult.m The writer is President of the Pakistan Institute of
Legislative Development And Transparency.

president@pildat.org Twitter: @ABMPildat

BY U M A I R J A V E D | 10/7/2019 12:00:00 AM

INTRA-BUREAUCRACY tussles are prevalent wherever bureaucracies exist. As institutions

designed to both conserve and perpetuate existing patterns and orders of social activity,
bureaucracies are wedded to how power is distributed and operationalised. This ensures that conflict
is inevitable whenever intra-bureaucracy power relations are recalibrated or attempts are made to
reassign responsibilities.

For the past few weeks, the conversation on reforming local bureaucracies (police and civil
administration in particular) has bubbled over in an antagonistic manner. Newspapers were replete
with stories of disgruntled police officers pre-empting a `reform package` that would accord Justice
of the Peace powers to the civil administration, thus creating, in their view, an unfavourable
hierarchy between the two occupational groups.

Put briefly, these powers assigned under Section 22A of the Criminal Procedure Code allow the
nominated official to order registration of cases and transfer of investigations. In 2016, the Supreme
Court ruled that these powers were judicial in nature, and thus cannot be performed by the civil
administration.

This confirmed the larger shift in the separation of executive and judicial functions of the state
sanctified by the 1996 Al-Jihad Trust judgement and enshrined in the Police Order 2002 (and the
Local Government Act of 2001).

The intellectual positions across this divide are fairly straightforward (even if many of these are not
necessarily made in good faith). Administrative service officers argue that police autonomy and lack
of `oversight` have resulted in a rapid deterioration of civilian administration at the district/municipal
level; they cite law and order instances, as well as reports of corruption and extralegal acts (such as
torture) as evidence of the dire need to reform the police.

On the other hand, a younger generation of police officers point out that before any substantive
reform efforts are undertaken, the institution requires a quantum of resources f ar higher than what
they are currently given. This perspective argues that the internal failings so frequently listed by
critics within and outside the bureaucracy are born of capacity constraints rather than flawed
incentive structures.

There are several problems with the way this debate is discursively framed, so let`s just use the base
assumption of power maximisation as theultimate goal of all institutions involved. The framing of the
debate by officers of the Pakistan Administrative Service, especially an older generation, invokes the
unified administrative structures of the commissionerate system as worthy of emulation. The number
of times that senior (mostly retired) officers have spoken and written (including on these pages)
about the effectiveness of administration under that model is countless.

Unfortunately, their claims do not stand up to empirical or theoretical scrutiny. There is no evidence
out there that suggests district administrations were able to service large populations better under the
old system. In fact, that administrativestructure was not even designed for service delivery or local
management. It was originally designed by the colonial regime in Punjab to regulate rural factional
conflict (among elites), disburse patronage, and ensure social order through the management of
`unwieldy` castes and tribes.

Anyone who has ever picked up a colonial-era district gazetteer or read through the accounts of a
fieldlevel officer would realise that municipal management and service delivery were way down in
the priority list. In the post-colonial phase, successive authoritarian regimes utilised the district
administration for similarly paternalistic purposes (such as managing Basic Democrats under Ayub),
rather than pursuing developmental objectives.

Secondly, even if one takes at face value the historical efficiency of unified administration, it bears
asking whether the context of its deployment is even remotely similar to what it was in this so-called
golden era.

The answer, simply put, is no. Today`s district administration has to deal with large, unwieldy
agglomerations of urban and peri-urban spaces, teeming with hundreds of thousands (and in
manycases, millions) of citizens. It also has to deal with heightened expectations of service delivery
from the citizenry, a growing local media and civil society sphere, and the general pressure of
electoral accountability on political elites. None of these conditions were historically present, and
thus previous practices of alleged ef ficiency cannot be used as a comparator.

Across the aisle, the police`s insistence on resources over reforms is similarly flawed. The police too
have struggled to keep up with their role given structural demands placed by democratisation,
urbanisation, and modernisation of the economy (especially in land markets and real estate
development, which so frequently lie at the heart of law-andorder problems).

To grow more responsive, transparent, and, for the lack of a better term, law-abiding, organisational
reforms would have to accompany resource allocations, and it is worth mentioning that such
provisions already granted under existing legislation have been purposefully ignored by the
institution.
A more fundamental problem with this debate is thatit makes no attempt to engage with what the rest
of the world is doing on the same issues. Pakistan is not unique in the administrative or
developmental challenges that it faces. In f act, it`s pretty bog-standard as far as low-middle-income
countries with rapidly urbanising populations and weak economies are concerned. Yet, curiously
enough, one would be hard-pressed to find the solutions proffered in Pakistan being offered or
utilised anywhere else.

Everywhere else, governments have sought to tackle the issue of transparency and responsiveness not
by creating or resuscitating unified structures of bureaucratic administration, but by enforcing
specialisation at the delivery level, and democratising at the accountability level. Simply put, local
governments with elected leaders monitoring performance and providing guidelines for what the
bureaucracy is supposed to do remains the benchmark in most places across the world.

Democratising local governance is one obvious solution to both the developmental problem at hand,
as well as any inter-departmental tussles that currently populate the system. The government would
do well to frontload its reform discourse with this particular f raming. • The writer teaches politics
and sociology at Lums.

Twitter: @umairjav

BY A . R A U F K. K H A T T A K | 10/7/2019 12:00:00 AM

THE end of the ninth round of talks in Doha was a pregnant moment when, for the first time, both
sides announced that the 19-year-long war in Afghanistan was finally coming to a close. But US
President Donald Trump had not realised that he had invited the Afghan Taliban to Camp David just
a few days before the anniversary of 9/11. He avoided looking silly in the eyes of the American
people by running away from the accord just in time. Unfortunately, Afghan peace has always been
held hostage to the self-interest of the parties involved, with scant regard for the people of
Afghanistan.

After realising that war was not winnable on the battlefield, then president Obama for the first time
authorised talks with the Taliban in September 2010. Taliban leader Mullah Omar did not show an
aversion to talks. German intelligence discovered that a young, little known, close confidant of
Omar, Tayyab Agha, has been authorised by him to test the waters and make contacts with the
American side. The Americans took a long time verifying the authenticity of Agha`s identity and
connections.

In January 2009, then US secretary of state Hillary Clinton appointed Richard Holbrooke as the US`
special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan. He was credited with brokering the Dayton
Agreement (November 1995), which ended the Bosnian war. Holbrooke, however, failed to win
Obama`s confidence; Obama complained about his mannerisms. The position was then assumed by
Marc Grossman after Holbrooke`s sudden death in December 2010.

Grossman met Agha in person for the first time in Doha in the summer of 2011. In his various
meetings with Grossman, Agha acknowledged the mistakes of the Taliban in the past, underlined the
necessity of having good relationships with the outside world and better relations with all Afghan
ethnicities, not just the Pakhtuns. He said, `Our leadership in Pakistan send their girls to school and
even university. We realise the importance of girls` education for homes and the country.

The talks did not take of f. Part of it can be explained by the attitude of the Americans: it was lack of
seriousness.

The Paris Peace Accords that ended the war in Vietnam was signed in January 1973, after four years
of negotiations. Both sides showed seriousness by appointing their stalwarts to the talks. Henry
Kissinger, national security adviser in 1969 and secretary of state in 1973, represented the US. He
was a practitioner of realpolitik, pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union and opened
relations with the People`s Republic of China. Similarly, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North
Vietnam) was repre-sented by Le Duc Tho, a general, diplomat and politician who had helped found
the Indochina Communist Party.

The decade of 2000-2010 was lost to war by the clashing agendas of the US, the Hamid Karzai
government in Kabul and Pakistan.

Each party wanted to have the best outcome for itself. They were deeply suspicious of eachother.

Both the US and Afghan governments believed that the key to unlocking the door to peace was held
by Pakistan. Generals Kayani and Pasha were at the centre of the US and Nato attention. Kayani took
three white papers to Washington; one in 2009, the second in July 2010 and the third in October
2010. In Washington, they came to be known as `Kayani 1.0`, `Kayani 2.0` and `Kayani 3.0`.

At the Pentagon, sceptics read the latter as a coercive ultimatum: you are doomed without us, and if
you don`t manage Afghanistanwhile accommodating our core interests, you will f ail.

In the spring of 2010, under the rubric of `strategic dialogue` Holbrooke showed Kayani and Pasha
around Washington and tried to give them the intimate, high-level attention afforded to the leaders of
Britain orFrance or China. The purpose was to have a separate deal with Pakistan to exit the war.

Karzai, on the other hand, conveyed to the US, `Either you are with us forever or I make a deal with
Pakistan.` By `forever` he meant, `We want the same relationship as Israel`, or at least the same as
Egypt and South Korea.

In short, there was no effort to bring the Taliban, the US, the government of Afghanistan and
Pakistan to the united purpose of peace unlike what was done while negotiating the Vietnam peace.

President Trump has his eyes fixed on fulfilling his campaign promise to bring US troops home in
time for the 2020 US presidential election. But the secretly-called meeting at Camp David with the
Taliban would have cast a shadow on his electoral prospects. He still calls Afghanistan a `university
for terrorists`. Is he going to leave the university intact and flourishing, or return at some later
opportune date to finish the unfinished agenda of lasting peace? The road ahead is full of craters and
ditches, but if he leaves in the Soviet Union mode, it will be his revenge on the Afghan people. • The
writer is a former civil servant and former minister raufkkhattak@gmail.com

THE Pakistani consumer is > losing hope. Job uncertainty and a fear of wage freeze/ pay-cut amidst
a rising cost of living have overwhelmed the country`s teeming millions. The changing consumer
behaviour has rocked the market. The trend has not spared even high-end fashion brands and
eateries.

But the latest consumer confidence survey of the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) projects a different
trend. It indicates a modest improvement in household sentiments.

Most marketing professionals, business leaders and traders` representatives, however, contest the
SBP survey`s findings. They nervously quote anecdotal evidence to prove that the collective
depression is growing deeper and there seems to be no stopping in the steady fall in consumer
confidence for now.

According to the SBP`s recent survey report, consumer confidence scaled up to 44.2 index points in
September from 43.3 two months ago.

The Consumer Confidence Survey (CCS) is the telephonic survey of 1,600 households that are
selected randomly across the country. The disclaimer on the SBP website says that these surveys
reflect the opinions of households and should not be considered the SBP`s views.

The latest CCS, however, earned a mention in the most recent monetary policy statement. It was
termed `indicative of (a) modestly better economic outlook of the public`.

`The will of remarkably resilient Pakistani consumers seems to be weakening. People who returned
to bazaarsunfazed after bloody terrorist attacks are applying restrain. They are not frequenting
markets with the same spirit as before. Rising inflation and unemployment have chopped the real
disposable incomes. The crushing final blow is dealt by a gloomier future economic outlook,` said a
market watcher over the phone from Lahore.

Sometime back, Unilever Pakistan CEO Shazia Syed in an exclusive interaction with Dawn
mentioned that the consumer market was under stress.

`People are rebalancing their monthly spend, our sales data indicates. Instead of stocking kitchen
and hygiene products for a month, people now prefer to shop for a week, switch-ing from big to
small packs and from pricier to cheaper brands. In extreme cases, they are going for the cheapest
varieties without nametags,` she remarked during the conversation.

`We know this because this is our business. We deal in multiple fastmoving consumer products and
their sales numbers are regularly pooled and analysed to fashion a befitting strategy,` she noted.

`Chaos is not a ladder that anyone can climb,` remarked another frustrated representative of a
national trade body.
`Pakistanis have high lifestyle aspirations, but without money it remains a private wish list with no
relevance for the market. Affordability translates wish to effective market demand. The government
seems too absorbed in raising revenue to care about people or their needs. The approach can land
the country out of the frying pan into the fire,` he warned.

LXY Global CEO Yousuf Jamshed confirmed that the slide in the market is getting pronounced by the
day.`Businesses are down drastically.

Companies are behind their last year`s sales targets. On average, the food business is down by 20
per cent and fashion and lifestyle by as much as 30pc. People are closing down their outlets. This is
generating negative vibes in business circles and will increase unemployment,` he said in his
emailed views on the evolving situation.

Another marketing guru active in investor circles informed Dawn that multiple big western fashion
brands are in the process of winding up their operations in Pakistan. `Changes in the tariff regime
have rendered the business of foreign brands unviable. The falling sales volumes and higher tariffs
have squeezed margins. To exit a big market like Pakistan is not easy, but it looks unavoidable. This
is not going to sit well with potential foreign investors,` he said.

Some businessmen found the projected scenario to be too pessimistic. For example, the business of
prepared frozen food is said to be expanding at an accelerated pace despite everything. PK Meat
and Food Company CEO Saqib Butt did not notice the general contraction in the market.

`There are seasonal variations, but there is double-digit growth in the processed food segment
annually. People are scaling up and there is a regular influx of new players,` he said.He believes that
society has accepted the change and returned to pre-election normal. `For some time, consumers
were reluctant. But now they are back. Otherwise, big departmental local chains such as Imtiaz and
Chase Up wouldn`t have been expanding their networks, entering second-tier cities like Gujranwala,
Faisalabad and Multan,` he said. He also mentioned foreign retail chains such as Spar entering the
country.

When confronted with these facts, atycoon said there is scope for businesses that like to operate
anonymously while staying under the tax radar or enjoying backing from the right quarters to guard
their business interests.

Aamir Abbasi, a Pakistani marketing professional based in the United Kingdom, blamed the media
for hurting consumer and business sentiments. `It`s not just social media. The mainstreammedia
also distorts facts and tends to exaggerate negatives. A good number of journalists are politically
aligned and their analyses have a political tilt.
They like projecting doomsday scenarios,` he said in an emailed comment.

Faisal Siddiqi, chief operating officer of CMC, forwarded his written comments: `I personally feel
consumer behaviour is changing more than waning. They have more choices, less time and are
sensitive about packaging, which many a time takes precedence over other things. In a slowdown,
the disposable income falls, reducing the overall buying (power). However, I won`t attribute it to
waning customer confidence but on ability to spend.

`Pakistani consumers seem to have spoken.

Dismissing it as white noise is not an answer.

The government needs to pay attention,` concluded an analyst.

THE public is feeling the pinch > of high inflation particularly because electricity and gas rates are at
their peak. Traders are equally disturbed not only by the tax drive but also by the documentation
challenge.

Businesses are feeling unease because of a high policy rate, soaring taxes and the expanding
outreach of the anti-corruption watchdog that has crippled the bureaucracy and, as a result, the
normal government functioning.

No government can remain comfortable amidst economic suffocation even if it limits the space for
dissent and the opposition. Criticism then comes from within party members who face the rank and
file at the grass-roots level. They have spoken out at different forums, including parliament, and in
meetings with the prime minister.

No wonder then Prime Minister Imran Khan is coming under pressure from all sides to deliver now
that he is into the second year of his rule.

Pressure is mounting despite the fact that his government enjoys full support from the military
establishment, which is rare for any political government. He has hinted at reshuffling his federal
cabinet. This will be the second reshuffling since he came to power more than a year ago.

It was in this background that former finance minister Asad Umar jokingly told a parliamentary
panel last week that all the ministers stared at him suspiciously whenever he entered parliament as
if he was set to take away their cabinet portfolio.

`You should yourself disclose the expected position to let all ministers relax except the one you are
going to actually replace,` saidanother PTl member, Faiz Ullah.

The former finance minister had himself asked the prime minister in April to keep him out of the
cabinet when he was replaced as finance minister by Dr Abdul Hafeez Shaikh. But he now appears
to be willing. He told the media last week that the prime minister had hinted at his return to the
cabinet.

After a party meeting presided over by the prime minister, the former finance minister said he had
informed the premier that `I have ample time, but no work to do.

The prime minister said he would receive a new assignment soon, he added.

This was followed by speculations that the prime minister had envisaged a major cabinet reshuffle.
Long lists of possible new entrants and dropouts were circulation. Mr Umar, however, said no
specific change in the cabinet was announced by the prime minister.

A subsequent marathon interaction of business leaders with the army`s top brass reinforced the
perception about the unease being felt by all segments of the population. The problem with the
economic stabilisation is that it is always painful and results seldom follow quickly.

The combination of low growth and high inflation is painful and affects everyone. A projected
economic growth rate of 2.4pc, when adjusted for population growth, actually comes down to
0.4pc in an economy that needs at least 7pc annual growth. A 12.5pc rate of inflation puts people in
double jeopardy.

Independent economists agree that quick devaluation had resulted in imported inflation as the unit
value of imports increased and affected real sectors.

Repeated increases in energy prices added fuel to the fire while a high policyrate stifled investment
prospects and multiplied public-sector debt.

Most of them agree that economic conditions require political engagement to secure longstanding
structural reforms needed to steer the country out of difficulties. The perceived political vendetta
on the other hand is creating a level of uncertainty that businesses and investors can hardly afford
as economic indicators remain on the downside. Some of the major industrial units have reported
closures and are scaling down operations.

Many others are resorting to layoffs.

While these economic indicators remain poor, reforms in health, education and the governance
structure have not come to fruition. Institutional reforms proposed by Dr Ishrat Husain still exist on
paper as most of them require major legal changes.

As the political government struggles with these challenges, businessmen have been assured by the
army chief that there would be a forum to first conclude whether a case should be taken up for
investigation by the National Investigation Bureau (NAB).

Even before that, the relevant sector`s regulator should examine the case on merit and then refer
the matter to the proposed forum to decide if NAB should actually launch formal investigations.

The economic team of the government remains adamant that its macroeconomic adjustment
policies will lead towards higher and inclusive growth.

The government will do itself a favour if it moves swiftly to reforms relating to institutional and
governance improvement, especially in areas like health, education, energy and state-owned
enterprises. The economy needs some sort of stimulus and stability and can hardly afford further
confrontation. •

By Nasir Jamal | 10/7/2019 12:00:00 AM

PAKISTAN`S economy is passing through another rough patch. The slowdown caused by the fiscal
and monetary adjustments carried out during the last year or so have ruffled the businessmen whose
profits have nosedived on soft consumer spending, increased the cost of doing business and forced
key industries to slash production and let chunksof their workforce go.

On top of that, the so-called accountability campaign by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB)
against corruption spawned fear and uncertainty in the business community. More importantly, it
caused a logjam in the officialdom that led to inordinate delays in the implementation of decisions
made and commitments given to the businesses. It was but natural in these circumstances that some
business leaders, who otherwise avoid making public comments on a government`s performance,
were seen criticising the present administration on TV channels and in newspapers.

Given the level of frustration andanxiety in the business community, it was hardly surprising to see
that the debate on the army chief`s dinner invitation to 20 corporate leaders from Karachi, Lahore
and Faisalabad to discuss the economy and share ideas for revival of growth largely focused on
running the ongoing stabilisation plan and predicting an outburst of complaints (by the businessmen)
against the government.

Even the meeting of Prime Minister Imran Khan with the leaders of various chambers of commerce
and industry next morning, which was planned several days ago, was seen in the context of the
outcome of the previous night`s interaction between General Qamar Javed Bajwa and the corporate
sector. And the decisions made on that morning are also being seen in the same context: forced upon
the government by the military.

Indeed, the participants vented their frustration over the delays in implementation of decisions related
to ease and costs of doing business, as well as the negative impact of interference of the
accountability watchdog in businesses on the investor sentiments. But, according to the four
participants Dawn spoke with, there was no `outburst of emotions`.

`It was more a confidence-buildingmeasure, an effort to close the growing gap between the
businessmen and the government`s economic team through a candid dialogue between the two sides,`
one participant said. `We shared our concerns and suggestions to improve the economy and the
government gave us a detailed overview of the impact of the economic policies they`re
implementing, and the constraints they are facing in supporting the businesses because of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme conditions.

Another participant said the army chief had shot down a proposal to set up a committee to liaise
between the businessmen and the government for better coordination on issues facing the former and
told them to talk directly with the country`s economic managers.

`In short, we have been assured that the government will ensure implementation of the promises
made to us, and remove the structural and governance impediments short of breaching the conditions
of the IMF programme. So we are now expecting announcements in the next few days on issues like
a hassle-free provision of subsidy on electricity and imported gas used by the industry, and the
discounting of the refund bonds.

Without getting into the debate if the army chief should have `acted` as a bridge between the two
sides or why the government economic team has not been able to maintain a confidence-inspiring
interaction with the business community, it can safely be assumed that the majority of the
participants came away rather satisfied with the outcome.

There is no denying the fact that the economy is still in a precarious state in spite of some early signs
of improvement. Pakistan`s long-term bond yield has dropped below the policy rate for the first time
in eight years, raising expectations of a little bit of monetary easing in the second half of the current
fiscal year.

The current account and trade deficits have narrowed significantly though primarily because of
massive import contraction as exports are not showing any encouraging sign of recovery. Inflation
has likely peaked, inflationary expectations have moderated and foreign portfolio investment in
public debt is rising.And though the Federal Board of Revenue has missed its indicative tax target for
the first quarter by 10 per cent, the growth in the collection in present economic conditions is
commendable. Analysts expect the shortfall in tax revenues to be offset by an increase in non-tax
revenues. Thus, it is generally believed that the government may have met almost all IMF targets for
the first quarter of the present fiscal year.

Still, the early signs of `recovery`, however encouraging they may be, are fragile, and the economy
remains just a shock away from total collapse. To build on these improvements and put the economy
on a path of sustainable recovery, the government needs to bridge the trust deficit with the
businessmen.

The army chief could do only so much. It is for the government`s own economic team to build this
bridge by making good on its commitments, improving the governance and removing small structural
irritants impeding businesses. After all, it cannot stabilise the economy and grow it without private
investments, which will not come unless the investors have confidence in the decision-makers. •

THE paddy crop in Sindh is facing multiple problems that are leading to productivity losses in
northern parts of the province.

The otherwise bumper crop that is cultivated on over 770,000 hectares has been hit by
temperature variations in the right-bank districts.

The entire right-bank strip from Dadu to Kashmore is home to paddy cultivation in the Kharif
season. Many paddy growers in upper Sindh say the temperature variation is causing sterility in the
crop, which will lead to zero grain formation.

`The early sowing of the hybrid variety failed to sustain the temperature variation experienced in
September. The hybrid variety needs a low temperature at the time of flowering,` says Ashraf
Soomro, director of the Dokri Rice Research Institute of the Sindh Agriculture Department.

Agriculture officials confirmed that the Sindh agriculture secretary has called for conducting a
survey to assess losses in the paddy crop. According to Sindh Agriculture Extension Director General
Hidayatullah Chhajro, the survey is underway in the right-bank districts and its result will soon be
available with the department.

A team from Dokri`s research institute recently visited the districts in upper Sindh to determine the
cause of sterility.

According to one member of the team, it was caused by a rise in temperature between Sept 3 and
12. Paddy needs a temperature of less than 30 degrees at night, but it remained close to 49 degrees
during this period. The quantum of losses may vary, he says, but it can be ashigh as 90 per cent in
some cases.

Paddy grower Ameer Bux Pahore says sterility as well as a rice blast fungicide and an attack by leaf
folders have led to crop losses. `Intense heat in the maturity stage has badly damaged the crop. I
had obtained a yield of 70 maunds per acre last year in the hybrid variety. But this year, I got only
33 maunds per care from the same pieceof land (owing to this problem),` Mr Pahore added.

Paddy growers like Nadeem Shah from lower Sindh say their region also witnessed the temperature
problem on a smaller scale. `Rains have also damaged our paddy crop in Badin and Thatta districts,`
Mr Shah says.

Sindh`s growers grow mostly coarse and hybrid varieties whereas Punjab`sfarmers are inclined to
basmati, which is unique in terms of aroma, texture and the elongation ratio. Post-cooking rice
elongation is an important factor. Basmati rice is a luxury item and has a greater export value.
According a rice exporter, its export value is around three times higher than those of other
varieties.

The trend of the imported hybrid variety continued in Sindh for several years.Sindh` local varieties
like DR82, 83 and 92 have taken a back seat. But a veteran paddy grower Gada Hussain Mahesar
considers the hybrid variety the main culprit in this year`s temperature-related losses.

He says market dealers sell the imported variety claiming that it is imported from China. In reality
though, he says, it`s a mixture of different varieties that is sold in the garb of the hybrid variety. He
says the hybrid variety is on 75pc of the area under cultivation in Sindh whereas local varieties are
grown on the rest of the 25pc of land. `Most hybrid varieties are unregistered. This variety is
exported to African countries because other nations don`t opt for it, he says.

In the last season (2018-19), the crop missed the sowing target by 10.36pc. It grew on 690,224ha
against the target of 770,000ha. A year before (2017-18) Sindh had surpassed the sowing and
production targets by 10.44pc and 9.6pc, respectively.

This year, growers sowed the hybrid variety early (June) although it is a lategrown variety. Farmers
prefer the hybrid variety to Sindh`s indigenous varieties for higher productivity because the former
offers greater yield potential. But the over-reliance of growers on the hybrid variety is not going
down well with veteran paddy growers like Mr Mahesar.

Sindh leads in the per-hectare paddy yield by 42pc (3,441kg per hectare) as the national yield is
2,423kg per hectare, according to provincial agriculture officials. Sindh contributes 28.6pc to the
total area of paddy crop and 40.6pc to national rice production as per 2017-18figures issued by the
Ministry of National Food Security and Research.

Within Sindh, Irri varieties are cultivated on 43pc of the total paddy acreage. It contributes 55pc to
the national acreage. Out of Sindh`s total rice production, the share of Irri varieties is 30.8pc.

It is 49.3 pc nationally.

Rice Exporters Association of Pakistan (Reap) Chairman Shahjahan Malik says the association is
poised to double rice exports in terms of tonnage in the next five years. If farmers in Sindh start
using laser land levellers and adopt better harvest practices, they can substantially increase their
paddy production, he adds.

He called for the enhanced use of laser land levellers to save water.
Growers need to give up the use of harvesters for paddy as it is more suited for wheat thrashing, he
said. The harvester causes losses of around 5pc in yields, he added.

When the private sector was allowed to export rice in 1998-99, the value of Pakistan`s rice exports
was only $300 million, according to Reap. But its members managed to export over 4m tonnes of
rice amounting to more than $2bn a year until 2008-09.

Rice is a high-delta crop requiring plenty of water from sowing to harvesting. Uneven farmlands
need more water. But the use of equipment like laser levellers ensures uniformity in water
distribution and saves around 30-40pc of irrigation water. The equipment is being distributed on a
costsharing basis under Rs18bn foreignfunded Sindh Irrigated Agriculture Productivity
Enhancement Project. 

PAKISTAN has struggled for long to attract higher volumes of foreign direct investment (FDI) to
expand and modernise its rather stagnant economic base. Pakistan`s investment level is almost half
the volume of investment attracted by growing economies like Vietnam, India, Bangladesh and Sri-
Lanka. In order to accommodate two million young Pakistanis entering the labour market every
year, Pakistan needs to double its investment to GDP ratio.

Business leaders blame Pakistan for lack of policy consistency, repressive taxation, high utility costs,
cumbersome procedures, weak contract enforcement and dispute resolution capacity. One is then
not surprised to see Pakistan`s current ranking of 136 out of 190 on the Ease of Doing Business
Index.

The good news, however, is that Prime Minister Imran Khan made it his priority to improve ease of
doing business. As a result of the coordinated efforts led by the Board of Investment, Pakistan has
been acknowledged by the World Bank among the top 20 global reformers this year. Pakistan is
expected to improve its ranking by 25 places in the report to be launched on Oct 24 (today). This
will be the highest-ever upward shift in a year shown by the country and perhaps the only
significant homegrown economic reform of which the PTI government can genuinely take credit for.

The other top reformers include China, India, Bangladesh, Qatar and Central Asian countries. It is
also important to take stock of the reasons for slipping down on the Global Competitiveness Index
where the responsibility mainly lies with the commerce and industry ministries.

According to the World Bank, Pakistan improved in six areas which included starting a business,
dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, paying taxes and trading
across borders. Pakistan made starting a business easier by expanding procedures available through
the online one-stop shop. In addition to improvements in property registration, obtaining a
construction permit became easier.

The launching of online portals for new commercial connections made getting electricity easier, and
tariff changes are announced in advance.

Moreover, tax compliance became easier through online payment modules for value-added tax and
corporate income tax. Pakistan made trading across borders easier by enhancing the integration of
vari-ous agencies into an electronic system and by improving coordination of joint physical
inspections at the port.

Apart from looking good, what does the improved ranking actually mean for Pakistan and will it lead
to higher business confidence and desired investment fiows are the fundamental questions that
serious economic policymakers should ponder about.

As chairman, Board of Investment, I had committed to the prime minister that in two years-time,
Pakistan would be among top 100 countries in Ease of Doing Business Index. The first lesson from
this achievement is that difficult reforms are doable with visible political commitment, professional
leadership and a good strategy that picks up on relevant global best practices. Effective use of
technology was the single most powerful variable in improving business processes. The second
lesson is that unless ownership of reform is with indigenousinstitutions, it will neither take place nor
will it sustain. Pakistan needs to review the role of international financial institutions (IFIs) who are
keen to take a seat at the policy table with little understanding of political economy and the reforms
process.

The progressive economies have used IFIs and donors for financing needs and knowledge sharing
only. It is Pakistan`s policymakers who have given highest level of access to low level of ficials of IFIs
to cover up for their own lethargy and incompetency.

The third and most important lesson is that any good reform will not work unless the lead agency
develops a relationship of mutual respect with implementing institutions. In this case, the Board of
Investment team kept a regular engagement with 36 federal and provincial institutions to find
practicalsolutions tofacilitate businesses.

It is critical for the government to understand that no single reform will yield the desired outcomes
in a policy vacuum, weak implementation capacity and an anti-business mindset. Doing business
reforms are a small part of the overall investment climate picture where structural shift isneeded to
demonstrate the government`s commitment towards improving the investment climate, which
includes supporting physical and regulatory infrastructure, lowering cost of doing business, world-
class growth policy, fast tracking of business transactions and resolving commercial disputes.
If we take a look at major investment transactions of the past several years, most suffered from
these structural weaknesses. While Pakistan is trying to recover from macroeconomic deficits
perhaps the most striking is the trust deficit and a disconnect between economic managers and
businessmen. Investors have appreciated the good intentions of the prime minister, but they see a
fragmented second tier and no positive change in the delivery infrastructure.

China tops the FDI list in Asia with $136 billion, followed by Hong Kong ($104bn), India ($40bn),
Indonesia ($23bn), Vietnam ($14bn) and Malaysia ($10bn). According to the United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development, liberalisation of investment policies and investment
incentives account for more than 50 per cent of reforms that attract investment. The key lesson for
Pakistan is to properly sequence investment climate reforms and come up with a world-class
industrial policy and incentives. Investment facilitation and ease of doing business will then help
fast-track transactions.

To begin with, the prime minister needs a strong professional setup comprising a team of well-
qualified trade and development economists to come up with an economic growth roadmap. This
team should be empowered to challenge the existing old school. Pakistan continues to bank on the
generalists occupying key policy posts and handing over policy work to average consultants.

A strong positive signal will go if Pakistan replaces old colonial government offices with modern
technology-based corporate structures on the lines of the Dubai International Financial Centre or
Qatar Financial Centre. Such structures will not only provide one-stop corporate hubs with
independent regulations; huge cost savings will also be achieved by closing down multiple
overlapping bodies that currently exist. Investors are looking for a visible change in the way
Pakistan does business.• The writer is an economic policy expert who till recently was minister of
state and chairman, Board of Investment in Pakistan.

Scholar describes how secular Turkey handled

its clothing issue
             
   
By Shazia Hasan | 10/24/2019 12:00:00 AM

KARACHI: How and why a certain type of clothing came to symbolise the new secular Turkish
national identity, and how this identity and the symbolic importance of dress associated with it have
continued to shape the main parameters of political debates in modern Turkey was at the heart of Dr
Sevgi Adak`s lecture on `Dressing the nation: clothing reforms and the secular national identity in
Turkey` at the Aga Khan University on Wednesday.

Part of the Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilisations Lecture Series, Dr Adak`s talk looked at
two main interventions, namely the anti-veiling campaigns and the reform of religious clothing in the
early Turkish Republic as clothing has been one of the mostcontested issues in modern Turl(ey,
especially after the establishment of the republic in 1923 when dress codes became the battleground
on which various actors came to debate the issues of religion, modernisation, secularism and gender
roles in Turkish society.

Thereafter followed various antiveiling campaigns. To research them, Dr Adak turned to Turkish
newspaper archives that had records of such campaigns in some 62 cities of Turkey, including
Trabzon, Eskisehir, Mugla, Rize, Mersin and Aydin. During the main wave of these campaigns in the
1930s there were also bans imposed on the pece (veil) and the carsaf (head to toe robe-like dress) to
which many women responded with disobedience and open resistance, by avoiding the ban or hiding
from the public eye as they went ahead with wearing their dress of choice.

Likewise, there were others who complied and happily embraced change.

`They used patriarchal pressure, they indulged in gossip about those who adapted to modern wear
and against the government`s pushing forthe undesired choice of attire, either they excluded
themselves from social life and hid or they verbally assaulted or harassed those who wore the kind of
clothes the government wanted them to wear,` she said. `Meanwhile, those who complied with
modernity removed their veils and robes to opt for Western clothes. They also modelled and
promoted modern dress,` she added.

`There were also some who decided to take middle ground as they gave up their veils but to cover
their bodies they started wearing long coats or overcoats instead of their flowing robes. To cover
their heads, they took to scarves,` she said.

`Still, there was never any law to force modern dress on women although there was one for male
headgear or turban,` she said, while explaining that a government decree in Turkey in September,
1925 allowed the wearing of religious dress only for persons who held a recognised religious office.
The law was amended two months later decreeing that anyone who wore the religious clothing
reserved for the clergy would receive a jail term ofthree to 12 months.

Later, in 1934 there was the Dress Law prohibiting the wearing of religious dress by the clerics of all
religions in the country except in places of worship and during religious ceremonies.

`Therefore, outside of the performance of religious service, members of the clergy were to remove
religious symbols and garments to adopt modern clothing,` she said. `The move was said to be a
requirement [for] secularism and equality among citizens,` she added.

`Of course like many members of the clergy who happily complied, there were also some who were
quite critical of the reform such as the Greek Church but Turkey tried not to let it affect their political
relations as many Catholic priests and nuns also reacted to the law by leaving Turkey. But the
Muslim clerics remained quite positive,` she said.

Another law, though it sounds rather odd, was a ban on the umbrella at the time. Dr Adak explains
that it was because many women who had removed the veil had started hiding under umbrellas.

Multinational corporations` products top worst

plastic litter list
             
   
| 10/24/2019 12:00:00 AM

MANILA: Tens of thousands of pieces of plastic littering the planet come f rom just a handful of
multinational corporations, an environmental pressure group said on Wednesday.

Coca-Cola, Nestle and PepsiCo were named by Break Free from Plastics, a global coalition of
individuals and environmental organisations, who warned the companies largely avoid cleanup
responsibility.

The coalition`s volunteers collected nearly half a million pieces of plastic waste during a coordinated
`World Clean Up Day` in 51 countries a month ago, of which 43 percent were marked with a clear
consumer brand.

For the second year in a row, it said, Coca-Cola cameout on top, with 11,732 pieces of plastic
collected from 37 countries across four continents more than the next three top global polluters
combined.

`Many of them have made commitments that they claim will make their products more sustainable,
but largely protect the outdated throwaway business model that got us into this mess in the first
place,` said the report, released in Manila.

As nations, China, Indonesia, the Phihppines, Vietnam and Sri Lanka dump the most plastic into the
oceans, but `the real drivers of much of this plastic pollution in Asia are actually multinational
corporadons headquarteredin Europe and the UnitedStates`, it said.

Coca-Cola, PepsiCo, and Nestle were responsible for the most pieces of plastic collected, according
to the report.

Others in the top 10 polluters include Mondelez International, Unilever, Mars, P&G,
ColgatePalmolive, Philip Morris and Perfetti Van Mille, it added.

While global consumer brands now acknowledge their role in perpetuating the crisis, the report said
they `have been equally aggressive in promoting false solutions to address the problem`.

Promoting recycling is their way of shif ting responsibility toconsumers,it said.

Just nine percent of all plasuc produced since the 1950s has actually been recycled, the report said.

The report deems singleserve multilayered sachets, common in Southeast Asia and aimed at low-
income families that cannot afford bigger volumes of consumer products, as `the most dam-aging
type of plastic packaging`.

Coca-Cola`s promotion of a single-use bottle using plastic collected from the oceans, as well as
PepsiCo`s efforts to promote recycling, `do not get to the heart of the problem and all but guarantee
the plastic pollution crisis will grow worse`.

Nestle sells over a billion products a day in single-use packaging `but has no clear plans for reducing
the total amount` it puts into the world, the report alleged.

The firm said it was working towards solutions `to make reports like this a thing of the past`.

`As the world`s largest food and beverage company, we know we have an important role to play in
shaping sustainable solutions to tackle the issue of plastics waste,` a Nestle spokesperson said in a
statement.

`It is completely unacceptable for this (plastic) packaging to end up as litter in the environment and
we are working hard to make all of our packaging either recyclable or reusable by 2025.

The report said companies should veer away from pro-moting `false solutions` such as recycling and
socalled `bioplastics` and instead transition from a throwaway economy.

All the companies named have made public commitments to reduce plastic waste and increase
recycling.

Coca-Cola and PepsiCo like Nestle have pledged to make their packaging recyclable, reusable or
compostable by 2025. The beverage giants have also pulled out of a US lobbying organisation that
represents the plastics industry.

`Changing the way society makes, uses, and disposes of packaging is a complex challenge and we`re
playing our part,` a PepsiCo spokesperson said.

`We want to help build a system where plastic packaging never becomes waste.

The Coca-Cola Company said it was working to help stop plastic waste entering the seas, describing
it as a `critical global issue`.

`Any time our packaging ends up in our oceans or anywhere that it doesn`t belong is unacceptable to
us,` the firm said in a statement.-
AFP 

Indus second most plastic-polluted river in the

world`
             
   
By Our Staff Reporter | 10/24/2019 12:00:00 AM

KARACHI: While Pakistan`s plastic manufacturing industry is thriving at an average annual growth
rate of 15 per cent, campaigns aimed at making countries and oceans plasticfree are gaining strength
across the world.

An estimated 624,200 tonnes of plastic is being produced annually in Pakistan, home to some 6, 000
plastic products` manufacturers.

The Indus River contributes 164,332 tonnes of plastic waste (to the sea) annually.
These points were raised at a seminar titled `An approach to the solution of plastic pollution`, which
was organised on Wednesday in memory of Prof Mustafa Shameel by the Office of
Research,Innovation and Commercialization at Karachi University (KU).

Highlighting the hazards of plastic, Dr Anjum Nawab, assistant professor at the KU`s department of
food science and technology, said major chemicals used in the manufacturing of plastic were highly
toxic and cannot be digested by the earth even in centuries, whichwas why it posed a serious threat to
living beings of all species on earth.

Toxic chemicals contained in plastic, according to her, cause neurological problems, cancer, birth
defects, hormonal changes, gastric ulcer, thyroid problems and cardiovascular diseases.

To address plastic pollution, she suggested the strategy of reducing (the use of) and reusing (non-
toxic plastic containers) plastic products.

She also recommended the use of different types of biodegradable plastics.

Sharing some data during her presentation, Shahzeen Pervalz representing the World Wide Fund for
Nature-Pakistan said annually almost eight million tonnes of plastic entered oceans globally, which
meant plastic accounted for 60 to 80 per cent of marine garbage.

`The Indus River is the second most polluted river with plastic in the world while the first, third and
fourth polluted rivers belong to China. The Nile River in Africa is fifth in this list,` she said.

According to her, the PET (polyethylene terephthalate) plastic widely used for packingfood,
beverages, especially soft drinks, juices and water, is not biodegradable and contaminates waterways
and causes death of marine animals when they ingest it.

She also spoke about the campaign launched by UN Environment (UNEP) and its partners working
closely with African governments to establish policies and create programmes that were geared
towards a plastic-free continent.

In 2017 UNEP launched CleanSeas, with the aim to engage governments, the general public, civil
society and the private sector in the fight against marine plastic litter, she pointed out.

Acting KU Vice Chancellor Prof Khalid Mahmood Iraqi talked about the role society could play in
tackling plastic pollution.

`We must reduce the use of plastic to zero and adopt alternate means. People should cooperate with
authorities to promote plastic-free practices,` he said.

Dr Hina Shehnaz, an assistant professor at the department of environmental sciences at Sindh

Madressatul Islam University and ORIC director Prof Alyia Rehman also spoke.

Tharis protest against mining firms` failure to

abide by CSR
              
   
By A Correspondent | 10/24/2019 12:00:00 AM

MITHI: A rally was taken out here on Wednesday in protest against the `indifferent` attitude of the
Sindh government towards the plight of Tharis and `stubbornness` of mining firms for not providing
basic facilities, jobs, quality education and healthcare facilities to local people under corporate social
responsibility (CSR).

A large number of people, including those affected by waste water of Gorano reservoir and workers
of the Bheel Intellectual Forum, took to the streets in Islamkot town and staged a demonstration for
several hours at Mithi Road.

Protest leaders told local reporters that mining firms, particularly those working in Block 1 of Thar
coalfield, were acting like `white elephants` They said the mining firms engaged in Block 1 had
begun extraction almost 10 months ago without giving any policies and plans to villagers, who were
likely to be displaced.

They said it was height of injustice that the affectees of Gorano reservoir were still awaiting
compensation for their heavy losses. On the other hand, officials of two mining firms, who had the
task of extraction in Block 1, were not even ready to meet landowners and other locals.

They said that due to the ongoing construction work, a number of the villages had been cut off from
towns as workers of the firms had erected barbed wires around the working area.

The leaders warned they would enlarge the scope of their protest if the Pakistan Peoples Party
leadership and Sindh government did not contact the affected residents.

Multinational corporations` products top worst plastic

litter list
             
   
| 10/24/2019 12:00:00 AM

MANILA: Tens of thousands of pieces of plastic littering the planet come f rom just a handful of multinational
corporations, an environmental pressure group said on Wednesday.

Coca-Cola, Nestle and PepsiCo were named by Break Free from Plastics, a global coalition of individuals and
environmental organisations, who warned the companies largely avoid cleanup responsibility.

The coalition`s volunteers collected nearly half a million pieces of plastic waste during a coordinated `World
Clean Up Day` in 51 countries a month ago, of which 43 percent were marked with a clear consumer brand.

For the second year in a row, it said, Coca-Cola cameout on top, with 11,732 pieces of plastic collected from
37 countries across four continents more than the next three top global polluters combined.

`Many of them have made commitments that they claim will make their products more sustainable, but largely
protect the outdated throwaway business model that got us into this mess in the first place,` said the report,
released in Manila.

As nations, China, Indonesia, the Phihppines, Vietnam and Sri Lanka dump the most plastic into the oceans,
but `the real drivers of much of this plastic pollution in Asia are actually multinational corporadons
headquarteredin Europe and the UnitedStates`, it said.

Coca-Cola, PepsiCo, and Nestle were responsible for the most pieces of plastic collected, according to the
report.

Others in the top 10 polluters include Mondelez International, Unilever, Mars, P&G, ColgatePalmolive, Philip
Morris and Perfetti Van Mille, it added.

While global consumer brands now acknowledge their role in perpetuating the crisis, the report said they `have
been equally aggressive in promoting false solutions to address the problem`.

Promoting recycling is their way of shif ting responsibility toconsumers,it said.

Just nine percent of all plasuc produced since the 1950s has actually been recycled, the report said.

The report deems singleserve multilayered sachets, common in Southeast Asia and aimed at low-income
families that cannot afford bigger volumes of consumer products, as `the most dam-aging type of plastic
packaging`.

Coca-Cola`s promotion of a single-use bottle using plastic collected from the oceans, as well as PepsiCo`s
efforts to promote recycling, `do not get to the heart of the problem and all but guarantee the plastic pollution
crisis will grow worse`.

Nestle sells over a billion products a day in single-use packaging `but has no clear plans for reducing the total
amount` it puts into the world, the report alleged.

The firm said it was working towards solutions `to make reports like this a thing of the past`.

`As the world`s largest food and beverage company, we know we have an important role to play in shaping
sustainable solutions to tackle the issue of plastics waste,` a Nestle spokesperson said in a statement.

`It is completely unacceptable for this (plastic) packaging to end up as litter in the environment and we are
working hard to make all of our packaging either recyclable or reusable by 2025.

The report said companies should veer away from pro-moting `false solutions` such as recycling and socalled
`bioplastics` and instead transition from a throwaway economy.

All the companies named have made public commitments to reduce plastic waste and increase recycling.

Coca-Cola and PepsiCo like Nestle have pledged to make their packaging recyclable, reusable or compostable
by 2025. The beverage giants have also pulled out of a US lobbying organisation that represents the plastics
industry.

`Changing the way society makes, uses, and disposes of packaging is a complex challenge and we`re playing
our part,` a PepsiCo spokesperson said.

`We want to help build a system where plastic packaging never becomes waste.

The Coca-Cola Company said it was working to help stop plastic waste entering the seas, describing it as a
`critical global issue`.

`Any time our packaging ends up in our oceans or anywhere that it doesn`t belong is unacceptable to us,` the

firm said in a statement.-AFP 

Disconnect between youth and industry by Dr Sajid Amin | The News | #KeyOpinion

We have missed the industry-for- jobs train, trying it now would leave us missing the industry-for-
productivity train as well

Disconnect between youth and industry

How to channelise the promise that the youth offer? Planning for youth in Pakistan mostly remains
limited to providing a situation analysis in response to the question raised above.

We know that Pakistan is a country with 64 percent of its population below 30 years of age. 15 to 29
year-olds, form 29 percent of its population. So channelising the promise the youth offer can greatly
contribute to the progress of Pakistan. Do we have a strategy for that? Unemployed youth can also be a
serious problem for a county if they are ignored by the policymakers.

Having a young population has two sides: the supply side and the demand side. Each of the aspects has
the quantity side and quality side. The debate in Pakistan on youth has been mainly limited to the supply
side. It has also focused exclusively on the quantity aspect, ignoring the perspective of quality.

At present, the discussion on youth seems also limited to getting them employed at any cost. It is all
about producing jobs. But let’s not forget that youth needs jobs according to their qualification, not just
any job. Some jobs require technical skills, the skills that demand intermediate education along with
technical training. Harnessing the potential of youth for economic growth, therefore, must be based on
productive jobs. This needs an assessment of the factors limiting the youth’s potential.

What has led to the present situation? Five key issues can be highlighted. First, low social mobility in
Pakistan led to a disconnect between education and market opportunities. Opportunities of education
and employment, whatever available, were clustered around socio-economic status of the family. For
instance, my income depends largely on the income of my father, my family.

Studies show that a child born to rich parents is likely to earn 48 percent more as compared to the son
having similar capacities but born to poor parents. This has left a majority of the youth coming from the
poor segment of society unable to access quality education and acquire skills necessary to land quality
jobs.

Economic growth in Pakistan can be characterised as consumption-led. Roughly, 94.8 percent of

economic growth in FY 2018-19 came from consumption. Growth-led by consumption, by its very
nature, is job-inelastic. It produces fewer jobs. Two, almost 60 percent of the GDP is coming from the
services sector. The share of industry is around 19 percent. In India, the share of industry is about 30
percent. This has led to low demand for skills.

Pakistan moved from an agricultural economy to the services economy without consolidating the
industrial sector. As a result, unemployment for the population with middle and higher skills increased.
Also the youth were left with only the option to be employed in low-productivity elementary
occupations. Services sector demands higher skills but the demand is very limited.

Discussion on youth seems limited to getting them employed at any cost. It is all about producing jobs.
But let’s not forget that the youth need jobs according to their qualification, not just any job. Some jobs
require technical skills, the skills that demand intermediate education along with technical training.

Pakistan has always had a sharp-faced faced bifurcation between skill development and education
sector. Resultantly, Pakistan has two distinct groups of young people: those who have education but no
technical skills and those who have skills but no education. The former are unemployable and the later
have the option only to accept unproductive jobs. One’s chances of unemployment in Pakistan increased
as the education level improved.

While the skill development sector is focused on providing elementary skills, the education system
continues to produce job-seekers. Totally isolated from skills development sector, the education system
continues producing unemployables. It has failed to foster an environment of innovation, research and
development.

Employment in elementary occupations has become the last resort for the unemployed.

Informal employment, characterised by poor working conditions, low earnings and little or no social
protection, has flourished. Growth in informal employment has been ten times the formal employment.
The number of low-skill workers has grown.

It is in this context that the debate on harnessing the potential of youth needs to change its focus from
elementary jobs to middle skills jobs, from number of jobs to quality jobs, and from employability to
productivity. What can be done to increase the input of youth in the economy? There can be many
answers. But a comprehensive youth policy is the first step.

Pakistan needs to maintain a sustained high level of economic growth. Much of the unemployment and
other issues in Pakistan come down to the low growth trajectory. Pakistan must realise that while
industrialisation can create jobs, it is now time for industrialisation for productivity. It is the world of
industrialisation 4.0 coming up. It’s about productivity, not quantity of jobs. We have missed the
industry-for-jobs train, trying it now would leave us missing the industry-for-productivity train as well.
Focus on industry for productivity, focus on entrepreneurship for jobs.

Pakistan must revisit curricula. It must improve quality of education in the public as well as private
sector. The education system needs to produce entrepreneurs. It needs to produce innovators, people
who create jobs. A balanced mix of producing entrepreneurship and employment is essential. This will
multiply the productivity and production of quality jobs. More focus is required for science and technical
education at tertiary level. In 2016, out of 100 children eligible for enrollment in tertiary education, only
9.73 percent enrolled. An overwhelming majority enrolled in humanities.

Technical Education and Vocational Training Authority (TEVTA) in the Punjab and other skills-imparting
institutions need to focus on middle skills. We need to focus on skills for productivity, skills for
competitiveness rather than skills for employability.We need a coherent youth employment policy — a
policy compatible with economic, and social policies.

It should be well integrated with the industrial policy and with employment policy. For effective
planning, the country needs to have a labour market information system. This should enable the
government to monitor demand and supply of skills.

The quality of vocational training programmes in the public sector must be improved by raising the
standards at TEVTA. A new model of federal and provincial partnership is needed in order to rationalise
the structure and systems at the TEVTA. Required skills must also be imparted through the private
sector so that Pakistan becomes competitive globally.

We need to shift to an investment-based economy and continue expanding manufacturing capabilities,

investing in high-impact sectors, such as hospitality and information technology, and building up the
infrastructure. Presently, the share of manufacturing in the GDP is 12.8 percent which is nearly the same
as 1960s’ 12.6 percent. At the same time, policies must be designed to educate the rural youth. Only this
can help effectively using the youth for economic growth.

The writer is Research Fellow and heads Policy Solutions Lab at Sustainable Development Policy Institute
(SDPI)
Pakistan Afghan Transit Trade: New Opportunities and Challenges

President Ashraf Ghani requested 24/7 operationalization of Torkham Border terminal, Prime Minister
of Pakistan agreed. But there exist massive challenges to Pakistan’s revenue base from this transit trade;
these can be best met when one overarching agency is made responsible for overseeing the journey of
transit goods from the port to the border.

By Najma Minhas | #KeyOpinion .

Afghan President, Ashraf Ghani, in his June 2019 meeting with Pakistani Prime Minister, Imran Khan
requested later to facilitate the implementation of Afghan Transit Trade. He also requested a 24/7
operation at Torkham border terminal. This must have been an embarrassing climbdown for a man who
had, in October 2017, jubilantly announced that the Afghanistan and Pakistan Trade Agreement has
expired; and issued a decree banning the entry of Pakistani trucks into Afghanistan.

Ghani was then playing to the Indian gallery. He had been pitching a case for Indian access to Central
Asia via Afghanistan without any “quid pro quo” between Islamabad and Delhi. Pakistani reluctance at
playing Delhi’s game frustrated Ghani. His triumphant declaration against the “Afghanistan Pakistan
Transit Trade Agreement (APTTA)” also rested upon Indian assurances that the Iranian port of
Chahbahar (which India was making) will take care of the landlocked country’s trade needs.

The Afghan government, on the coattails of New Delhi, had developed an attitude, and later Pakistan
closed its Torkham and other border posts in the wake of terrorist attacks in the country originating
from Afghanistan.

Ghani’s climbdown, after three years of foot-dragging, came in the wake of new geopolitical realities.
Trump administration’s robust sanctions against Iran have punctured Indo-Afghan pipe dreams of a new
regional order forcing him back to address the issue with Pakistan. Now the Afghan president, who is
struggling to win a difficult election, has to diversify transit trade away from both Bandar Abbas, and the
as yet symbolic trade from Chahbahar port in Iran.

The earlier 2010 APTTA agreement expired in 2015, and talks collapsed in September 2015, due to
Afghan insistence that India should be part of the Afghan transit treaty negotiations. In 2017,
Afghanistan banned entry of Pakistani trucks into the country. Quoting his President, Transport ministry
spokesman, Hekmatullah Qawanch, had asserted, “The Afghanistan and Pakistan Trade Agreement
(APTA) has expired. Before this Pakistan did not allow Afghan trucks to enter its territory, so now we do
the same, and after this, Pakistani trucks will be unloaded at borders and Afghan trucks will carry the
goods to Hairatan and Sher Khan ports.”

Trade relations between the two countries had reached a low point in 2017 due to unusually strained
ties. The Afghan government, on the coattails of New Delhi, had developed an attitude, and later
Pakistan closed its Torkham and other border posts in the wake of terrorist attacks in the country
originating from Afghanistan. Islamabad was also upset on the incident in which Afghan security forces
had fired on Pakistani census workers near its border.
But given renewed US initiatives towards peace in the region, things are also improving between
Pakistan and Afghanistan; and we are now seeing an increase in transit trade. The import value of transit
goods in 2018-19, reached around Rs. 5bn, up from Rs3bn in the previous year – an increase of 66.6
percent. The final turnaround occurred after the June 2019 meeting of the Afghan President Ashraf
Ghani with Prime Minister Imran Khan in Islamabad, where both sides agreed to deepen trade relations.

Trade relations between the two countries had reached a low point in 2017 due to unusually strained
ties.

The Pakistani commerce ministry and its counterpart are now working on completing a revised Afghan-
Pakistan transit trade agreement (APTTA). But Afghan president has also requested a 24/7 operation at
the Torkham Border Terminal – which represents a new challenge.

The Afghanistan–Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement (also known as APTTA) is a bilateral trade agreement
that was signed in 2010 by Pakistan and Afghanistan; facilitating the movement of goods between the
two countries. It superseded the 1965 Afghanistan Transit Trade Agreement (ATTA), which granted
Afghanistan the right to import duty-free goods through mainly Karachi, but also other Pakistani
seaports.

The 1965 agreement that was signed between the two countries did not give Pakistan the right to
export products to Central Asia via land routes through Afghanistan. Something that became a bone of
contention in subsequent decades between the countries and this was addressed in the 2010
agreement. The 2010 agreement allows for both countries to use each other’s airports, railways, roads,
and ports for transit trade along designated transit corridors.

Afghanistan and Pakistan share a 2,430 km border, and Afghan trucks can now enter Pakistan, through
border crossings at Torkham, Ghulam Khan, and Chaman-Spin Boldak to transit Afghan goods across
Pakistani territory. Afghan traders can import goods through Pakistani ports at Karachi, Port Qasim, and
Gwadar. However, even the 2010 agreement does not allow any road vehicles from any other country,
be it from India or any Central Asia country.

Pakistani authorities fear an influx of Indian goods in the black market. So, Islamabad allows Afghan
trucks, under the APTTA 2010 agreement, to transport exports to India via Pakistan up to the Wagah
crossing point, but it does not allow them to bring back Indian goods across the border.

The final turnaround occurred after the June 2019 meeting of the Afghan President Ashraf Ghani with
Prime Minister Imran Khan in Islamabad, where both sides agreed to deepen trade relations.

This is to avoid the situation found after the 1965 agreement when Indian products without paying duty
and taxes, flooded the black markets in Pakistan. In addition to the smuggling challenge, Pakistani
governments will perhaps not like to hand over to India much-needed road access to Central Asia
without any direct negotiations leading to a quid pro quo.

Pakistani tax authorities have painful memories starting with ATA-1965 and continuing onwards. Under
the cover of the transit trade, a massive unauthorized economy booms through the connivance of
Pakistani and Afghan importers and corrupt customs, excise and law enforcement officials. Goods
declared, cleared and bound for Afghanistan, either immediately return to Pakistan from Torkham or
more often do not even leave Pakistan’s national borders as they are offloaded or ‘lost’ on the route
from Karachi to Peshawar and onto Afghanistan.

The ‘bara’ (black) markets still thrive all over the country; famous ones like the Karkhano Market in
Peshawar became famous for selling all kinds of smuggled goods from imported fabrics, teas, televisions
to automatic weapons. Pakistan, having the larger domestic market, has faced a massive loss of revenue
since the inception of the 1965 agreement; from smuggled goods diverted into Pakistani black markets,
not paying due duties or taxes.

Afghan traders in collusion with Pakistani importers and customs officials had often imported goods
much beyond the needs of Afghanistan – both in terms of volume and nature. According to the
Directorate of Afghan Transit Trade, Peshawar, around 40 percent of transit goods find their way into
Pakistan. Billions of rupees are lost to the Pakistani exchequer from unpaid duties or taxes. In particular,
smuggled pencils, tv sets, and black tea are all big items that specifically hit government revenues.

One study estimated this loss in revenues up to $3 bn in 2015 alone. A World Bank study estimated that
smuggling in Afghan transit trade alone caused $35 billion revenue loss between 2001 – 09. In July 2019,
the Competition Commission of Pakistan (CCP) conducted a study on the tea market and concluded that
the cost of imported tea is around 32 pc higher than tea smuggled into Pakistan under the ATTA.

Due to the cost difference, legally imported tea (with due taxes and duties paid) cannot effectively
compete with smuggled tea. The product leaves the port, but instead of crossing the border, it flows
back into the Pakistani market, particularly into the towns of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. A research study in
2015 had put the value of smuggled tea, that was being traded in the country, at Rs. 16 billion.

Afghan traders can import goods through Pakistani ports at Karachi, Port Qasim, and Gwadar.

Similarly, the volume of smuggling was estimated at Rs. 18 billion in cigarettes, Rs. 22 billion in
petroleum products, including smuggled LPG, Rs. 25 billion in auto-parts as well as vehicles and Rs. 200
billion in other products, including cosmetics, clothing, footwear, medicines, spices, juices, electronics,
and other items are smuggled in the country. Monitoring, in the past, has been difficult due to the
porous border, non-electronic tagging of containers and of course, corrupt officials.

The government of Pakistan has used several strategies, including using a negative list of products under
the transit trade to counteract smuggling in those products. Afghan importers also have to deposit
duties and taxes at the port in Pakistan which they can be reimbursed for after the consignment crosses
Pakistan. However, this is a tedious bureaucratic procedure for the importer that increases his upfront
cost making it difficult for many small traders.

Pakistan has also tried reducing smuggling by initially scanning all goods but till recently around one in
five were being scanned. A perfect practical solution is still being awaited.

High-level meeting on this subject was held on 1st July 2019 at PM Office Islamabad. Advisor to the PM
highlighted that PM of Pakistan had given his commitment to Afghan President during his recent visit to
Pakistan for operationalization of Torkham Border Terminal round the clock from September 2019.
Decisions taken during the meeting were conveyed to all departments, including Customs that has to
ensure that Pakistan’s revenue base does not suffer and NLC will provide operational support and
facilitation.

Pakistan, over the past decade or so, has gradually developed a well-managed system of effective
border terminals. These terminals have modernized the infrastructure, improved cargo tracking,
reduced delays, and helped with smooth implementation of government’s policies, rules, and
regulations. At present, there are seven border terminals in Pakistan, all of which are being operated by
the National Logistics Cell (NLC). These terminals, in the chronological order of establishment, are as
follows:

Establishment of two new border terminals at Angoor Adda (Khyber Pakhtun Khwa – KPK Province)
bordering with Afghanistan, and Gabd (Balochistan Province) bordering with Iran, are being planned.
The border terminal at Gabd will be a giant leap towards facilitating the move and administration of
Zaayreen (pilgrims) from Karachi and lower Sindh province to Iran, Iraq, and Syria. At present, all road
traffic from pilgrims is through Taftan Border Terminal, for which these people (mostly from poor
financial backgrounds), have to first travel to Quetta, before moving on to Taftan (650 Km from Quetta),
thus spending extra time and money.

NLC currently is the primary service provider to Pakistan Customs for accommodation, office equipment,
electricity and internet for the operation of Web-Based One Custom (WeBOC) system at the border
terminals. In addition, the organization manages the handling of cargo through weighing bridges, vehicle
scanners, reach stackers, cranes, fork lifters and even manual labor (where required), thus facilitating
Customs in the collection of revenue through duties on imports and exports.

The product leaves the port, but instead of crossing the border, it flows back into the Pakistani market,
particularly into the towns of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Large container yards, adequate parking facilities, and availability of covered storage warehouses assist
the traders in rapid clearance of their goods and ensures smooth flow of trade at very compatible low
costs.

There are other logistic issues: apart from facilitating the government departments and agencies
(National Plant Protection Department- NPPD and National Database Registration Authority – NADRA ),
traders, clearing agents and even drivers of vehicles have to be assisted by arranging office
accommodation, courier services, bank booths, resting places, canteens, and cafeterias.

Regulation of trade flow plays a significant role in enforcement and uniform implementation of various
international trade treaties, e.g., Afghan Transit Trade, etc. What is now needed is one comprehensive
inter-connected system to be managed by one overarching agency that can ensure admission of transit
cargo at the ports of entry (Karachi & Gawadar).
Digital tagging and continuous electronic monitoring of vehicular traffic, and containers are needed, to
ensure that the transit goods are delivered inside Afghanistan, and do not come back without custom
duties and taxes. Use of bank guarantees and security deposits are other mechanisms that remain
available for preventing the loss of revenue.

Lowering of transaction costs and adding more predictability to export and import supply chains would
be of immense value to the local traders and manufacturers and is the government’s next goal. With this
aim in view, Asian Development Bank has agreed to fund construction of state of the art border crossing
terminals at Torkham, Chaman, and Wagha.

Large container yards, adequate parking facilities, and availability of covered storage warehouses assist
the traders in rapid clearance of their goods and ensures smooth flow of trade at very compatible low
costs.

The master plan for these three border terminals has already been approved under the Integrated
Transit Trade Management System (ITTMS) regime, and development work has commenced at Torkham
Border Terminal. The multi-million dollar project envisages revamping the entire infrastructure including
integrated administrative offices, widening roads, layout new angled vehicle parking, installation of
multi-lane traffic lanes, erection of new pedestrian processing facilities along with new canopies and
bridges.

Installation of new equipment, such as cargo X-ray scanning, vehicular weighbridges, scanning and
detection equipment for multi-entry and exit pedestrian lane also form part of the project. Also, new
Information and Communication Technology (ICT) hardware and software will be installed as part of the
transition to a Single Window System (SWS). In short, the project aims at providing and implementing all
internationally recognized best practices in transition and handling of cargo and passengers at the
border terminal.

Currently, transit goods are transported, from Karachi and Gwadar upcountry towards Afghanistan via
Pakistan Railways and numerous individual private trucking companies in addition to NLC and are being
monitored by different agencies.

What is needed is to assign the responsibility to one responsible entity that will manage the upload of
goods from the port terminals ensure that they are electronically tagged and each container is
electronically transferred and monitored from inception to its endpoint. They have to be effectively
sealed that does not allow for pilferages, while the container is on the route within Pakistan and when it
crosses the border into Afghanistan, it cannot come back once the seal is broken.

Najma Minhas is Managing Editor, Global Village Space. She has worked with National Economic
Research Associates (NERA) in New York, Lehman Brothers in London and Standard Chartered Bank in
Pakistan. Before launching GVS, she worked as a consultant with World Bank, USAID and FES and is a
regular participant of Salzburg Forum. Najma studied economics at London School of Economics and
International Relations at Columbia University, NewYork. she tweets at @MinhasNajma. The views
expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Global
Village Space.

Online surveillance
             
   
| 10/26/2019 12:00:00 AM

NEW report on Pakistan`s internet surveillance, published by investigative agency Coda, has once
again sounded the alarm on the long-standing issue of the state spying on its citizens.

This is a matter of concern even if the PTA has sought to dismiss fears of an invasion of privacy. The
Coda investigation revealed that the government has acquired a `web monitoring system` from
Canadabased company Sandvine. The system would allow for monitoring and analysis of all internet
traffic moving into and out of the country using a method called Deep Packet Inspection, which
would allow for both broad and targeted surveillance of internet activity. According to Coda, the
Pakistan firm Inbox Business Technologies Ltd acted as a local partner for Sandvine in signing the
agreement with multiple parties including the PTCL. The contract is reportedly worth $18.5m and
dated Dec 12, 2018. While authorities have previously shared that surveillance tools are aimed to
curb grey traffic (eg illegal international calls) and other unlawful activities, this reasonable argument
is not grounded in reality. To begin with, Sandvine has a documented history of selling its
technology to authoritarian regimes for purposes that undermine basic civil liberties. In an
investigation by Canada-based Citizen Lab, its DPI equipment was found to be used in Turkey,
Egypt and Syria both to censor content and to redirect users, resulting in the installation of spyware.

Secondly, the state`s track record and current trajectory with regard to internet regulation and
specifically, surveillance, has been abysmal. The most commonly documented targets in the digital
space have been social and political activists, members of rights groups, journalists, and more
broadly, citizens who challenge or critique the state`s narrative. The fear of online surveillance and
consequent harassment, detainment, job loss and other negative outcomes has peaked in the last two
years; to assume the installation of a new system for online monitoring will not be used for continued
or amplified targeting would be naïve.

Thirdly, the laws that govern digital surveillance are flawed.

Acts like the Monitoring and Reconciliation of Telephony Traffic Regulations, 2010, and the
Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, 2016, provide an overbroad and ambiguous/ ill-defined legal
framework for all forms of surveillance, leaving room for misuse and abuse. Unfortunately, there has
been little to no debate as to how these laws comply (or conflict) with basic human rights. While the
Coda report findings aren`t unexpected, they should serve to remind the government and other key
players that without a reassessment and overhaul of how online surveillance and control is carried
out, Pakistan will permanently enter the list of bad examples of internet governance. Such a standing
will have far-reaching implications on the diplomatic front and the business front among others.
Perhaps most importantly, online surveillance without proper checks and balances will leave
everyone, including those in power, at great risk.