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    Caste and Modern Politics by Rajni Kothari

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    Seema Das

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    Caste and Modern Politics RAJNI KOTHARI The prevailing dichotomy between tradition and modernity has created a curious cognitive hiatus — in ideological thinking as ‘well as in much of social science theorizing — between society on the one hand and polity on the other. The former is conceived, as if by definition, as traditional’; the latter, as modem and ‘developmental’. In reality, however, this ia false approach to the phenomenon of modernization; it is ‘especially ‘misleading when the phenomenon takes place in the context of democratic politics. Political and developmental institutions do not anywhere function in a vacuum. They tend, of necessity, to find bases in society either through existing organization forms or by invoking new structures that cut across these forms. Moreover, a society | that cares for legitimacy on a wide basis — arid a democratit society is pre-eminently such_a society — can proceed only by a conversation between the old and the new, a fusion of elements, anda readiness on the part of both the modems and the ancients} to be flexible and accommodative. In the process, no dou f, €le- ments that prove dysfunctional to the realization of social purpose and the growth of a national consensus may need to be subdued; and this is the function of a determined leadership. The grounds for these, however, are not a priori but pragmatic and develop- mental. Excerpted from Rajni Kothari (ed.), Caste in Indian Politics, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1970, introduction, 8-23 4 Caste and Modern Politics RAJNI KOTHARI ‘ie prevailing dichotomy between tradition and modemity has vated a curious cognitive hiatus — in ideological thinking as wll ag in much of social science theorizing — between society the one hand and polity on the other. The former is conceive” jt i by definition, as ‘traditional’; the latter, 45 modem a" (svelopmental’. In reality, however, this is a false approach "0 nomenon of modernization; it is es] ly misleadi"é jt the phenomenon takes place in the context of democrat ilies. Political and developmental institutions donot anywhe, tion tn a vacuum. They tend, of necessity, 1° find bases y either through existing organization forms or by involin W alructures that cut across these forms. Moreover, 2 soe and a democrat pares for legitimacy on a wide basis — by ly iw pre-eminently such a society — can proceed only a fusion of elemen® j1versation between the old and the new, . Fa radiness on the part of both the modems and the ance pxible and accommodative. In the process: NO doubt, ost sltthat prove dysfunctional to therealization of social pup”. I growth of a national consensus may need to be subdy 4 the function of a determined leadership. The gro i" r however, are not a priori but pragmatic and dev! , new (\ Rajni Kothari (ed ), Caste in Indian Politics, Orient Longman 58 Rajni Kothari -Not until the instituti jonal changes introduced in a pa ‘¢ working relationships of that s stands in the way of a re: Process. Fortunately, transcend the inhibit This is especially tru of modem politics, and what form is oriented society? Those in_India who complain of “casteism in politics’ are really loki 2king for a sort of politics which has no basis in society. They also probably lack any clear conception pf either the nature of politics or the nature of the carte system, Politics is a competitive ente rise, its purpose is the acquisition of power for the realization of certain goals, and ine Process one of identifying and manipulatin ; Caste and Modern Politics 59 through the organizations in which the masses are to be found. It follows that where the caste structure provides one of the principal organizational clusters along which the bulk of the population is found to to organize lize caste groupings and identities in order to organize their.power. They find in it an extremely well articulated and flexible basis for organization, something that may have been structured in terms of a status hierarchy, but something that is also available for political manipulation — and one that hhas a basis in consciousness. Where there are other types of groups and other bases of association, politicians approach them as well. And as they everywhere change the form of such or- ganizations, they change the form of caste as well There are still others who, while they do not suffer from such ‘a reductionist compulsion and on the whole show a realistic understanding of the changes taking place in contemporary Indian society, have not been fully able to get rid.of their professional rigidities into which their training seems to have pushed them. There are among these the ‘progressive’ economists who seem committed to brand anything to do with caste as reactionary, and conceive change as essentially change from caste to class relationships. There are, on the other extreme, those ‘experts’ on caste who consider it their duty to protect caste from any pollution of politics. In order to do this they resort to neat logical arguments regarding the ‘essence’ of the caste system and then proceed to define away all other aspects as not properly belonging to the operation of the caste system. Most of the latter are in- dologists and cultural anthropologists... There are, finally, the Political scientists who, fascinated as they are by the importance of the caste system in politics, cannot, however, escape the com- pulsion to reduce the interactions between caste and politics to aneat model. Although they have given.up the traditional political scientist's aversion to caste, and have also mercifully given up the erstwhile dichotomy between voluntary and political forms as belonging to the ‘modem’ secular order and caste forms as belonging to the “Waditional” order, they fallin the same trap aging fo the "tradifional” all in the same fr 60 Rajni Kothari again by imagining a total transformation of the caste system through their involvement in politics, ‘the democratic incamation clasasie”as an American author Lloyd Rudolph calls it In the process such analysis tend to go over to the offer extreme ang explaining empirical ial model that enables between the caste system and the political system, ard inne what is involved in the contemporary processes of change is neither seeaine Of vested interests nor a total shift from one system to another but really a change in the context and level of political Operation, a shift in social priorities, and a somewhat differen: Picking and choosing between the variety of elements thar ny 20), ase: at all times, have entered into the functioning of the Social and political system in India, Thus a relative decline {hetmportance of pollution as a factor indeterminingcaste hierac, chy, and the diminishing emphasis on the summation of sees as anvolved in the jajmam system, do not by themselves mvolve Pte found in India that a reorientation of this kind is poseisie without damaging the overall stability of the system and wakes NING Mise to a widespread feeling of alienation and dissonance {he caste-polities problem in India is nota problem of delmecy but clearly one of empirical understanding of a competitive and ipobile system which could give us a reasonable movtel of sour? namics. In what follows, we examine the relationship between caste ically_a relationship for the specific purpose Hon of public activity and politics in a soci caste lines, three aspect id Modern P htics Z~ attention. The first is what may be called the secular asp¢ct. la emphasizing caste as a stratification system in which distances are rigidly maintained through endogamy, pollution and the legitimacy of rituals, caste as a system of conflict and interaction haa received sparse attention Yet the fact is that Fnetenalion and caste cleavages, pattems of alignment and realignment ‘among the various strata, and a continuous striving for social mobility have always been prominent features ofthe coste tem At any rate, they are highly relevant fromthe pot vy nt aad tion of caste — the governmental aspect (caste councils, village arbitration procedures, and so on) and the political aspect (wit! a caste and inter-caste authority and status allgnmenis and cleavages). These were buttressed or dissipated by the authon! y relationships of local elites with the central political sy cea systems. Religion, occupation and-territory provided the ies for secular mobility. These are still relevant for the generalise. rocess of secularization that characterizes the major changes Coming over caste society; only the emphases and proportions have changed, Instead of allegiance t© a monarch oF the us- tification of a new monarchy through the rise of a new sect o: the elevation of certain caste or territorial groupings, and instead of management of the civil aspects of society at a sanity o levels, we now have more participatory and aggregative mo i of mobility. and a greater co-ordination between levels through the agency of clectoral and party politics. What has cha ge i the Context, because of the tise of the nation-state and political democracy and the organizational structure inherent in these. But the change 1s not as radical as it appears at first sight; it is incremental and continuous as found in the gradual involv ; ment and co-optation of more and more grat nthe politica decision-making processes. Second, there is the integration aspect. The caste system a only determines the individwa?’s Social station on the basis of the group to which he 1s born but also differentiates and assigns occupational and economic roles. It thus gives a place to eve! y individual from the highest to the lowest and makes for a hug! a degree of identification and integration. At the same time an integration Structure of a specific type, namely one that is Oy Rajni Kothari more intense in its small group orient Gani wie nagchcope ot de structured through the prevailing differentiating "wa oe ’simportantin understanding the structural impac nation-bunlding. For the competitive style of dem 'nvolves not only distributive and conflictual a aspects of group action and cohesion: democra much a process of fusion and aggregation as of mentation. Similarly, the tradition ° caste system on differenti neglected the ‘agelomera ever, emphasises both, thesame time widens the . This aspect tof democratic cratic politics spects but also fission and seg- al emphasis in studie: s of the lation and affirmed segmentation has dimension. The political a ge, how- harpens the agsregative aspect, and at s now becor i OF demoreee egame a important vanaben the deve thas been nghth \ ly pointed out that in actual ffillations take not the vertical homogeneous class ana ai lass and status and segmenta enol nd yet a system that has survived for ae Tone " oe plea) symbolism, rationale and mythology of ie own The hrm referentrepresentsascale of values’ which prov ides 1 compen teeratve behavioural pattems and a symbol f on that enables the aspiting and mobil ‘o lay claim to high status still affirming widely ceva at values, It “fumishes an all-India frame into Heated a which myriad jatis in any ae deny mos of high status and at the same time symbols position’, as for example, the Kshatriy: ,e status ai mins “disputes a re an essential featur the caste system Tethus enables the low-placed castes tos fancy ride prevalent Yalues in Indian society at the same time as to high status. Thus van _ omnectedin the Indian system which has made fore heh clousness. Again, in their ts have generally neglecte: Caste and Modern Politics 63 any social system. Thus the context for positions between various {soften follows some variation of varia, either by approximating to the reality as in the case of Brahmins or by invoking a label pein the case of the claim of certain castes to be Kshatri Indeed the very fluidity and nebulousness of the concept of Kshatriya,and yetitshistontcally compelling symbolism forsocial mobility, has been an important lever in the secular struggles that have from time to time ensued in the Various regions, fol- sng real shifts n the social and economic positions. of different oes ‘The same holds true though in a lesser degree for the Brahminic symbol as well as the symbol of certain middle range castes. While rama has all the appearance of a neat and logical ‘ure, jdt on the other hand is characteristically ambiguous Ithas several meanings, refers to varna at one level and to other meanings of segmentation at other levels. By shifting from one referent to another, it demonstrates the basic continuity between the various referents — doctrinal, territorial, economic and oc- cupational, ritual, and_associational-federal (political). Tt also shows the difficulty of describing caste by any single set of at- tributes Indeed by being different things at different points in social interactions, it provides for immense flexibility, continuity and tension management capabilities. It thus enables people to draw themselves and others at different orders of existence; and an different contexts as the situation demands. It follows that the system can also withstand the decline of certain features (considered ‘essential’ by some) such as the Jajmani system of role differentiation and summation; the importance of pollution. as a system of hierarchical determination. Both functions can now be performed by other elements in the secularised setting of intérrelationships. “Altogether, then, the secular, integrative and ideological aspects of caste have provided a sophisticated and differentiated cultural background for receiving the modemist impacts and responding to them without either great disruption or great withdrawal or hostility. (On such a society came the impact of ‘westernization’ and democratic secularism. Of interest here is the slow pace with # influences penetrated Indian society and the positive fer in which ithas on the whole responded to these changes. ‘Democratic politics of necessity led to...an involvement of the Rajni Kothari and ideolo, ; e Ie both segmanil eat tlmOb zat, prt bath a seam nization and an , fen SUPPOrt could be crystalized Recon nate the conse ake Concessions to local opines te eader ensus that existed as rey ime oe Political competition onal In laims to a ‘on traditional! lines and, tise cae ‘ anal lines in, organize ses. With this came into yet giving to th a ahcs and society began monn Pamicularistic divisions, ; ;

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