Joseph Goebbels

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A child laughs when it feels joy and cries when it feels pain. Both things, laughing and crying it does with its
whole heart. We all became so tall and so clever. We know so much and we have read so much. But one thing
we forgot: to laugh and cry like the children do.

Paul Joseph Goebbels (29 October 1897 – 1 May 1945) was Adolf Hitler's Propaganda

Minister in Nazi Germany. He also served as Chancellor for one day, following Hitler's death. He was
known for his zealous and energetic oratory and virulent anti-Semitism.

Contents

 1Quotes
o 1.11920s
o 1.21930s
 1.2.1Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken (1932)
o 1.31940s
o 1.4Diary excerpts
o 1.5Michael: a German fate in diary notes (1926)
 2Attributed
 3Misattributed
 4Quotes about Goebbels
 5External links

Quotes[edit]
1920s[edit]
 It is rotten and dismal that a world of so many hundred million people should be ruled by a
single caste that has the power to lead millions to life or to death, indeed on a whim...This caste
has spun its web over the entire earth; capitalism recognizes no national boundaries...Capitalism
has learned nothing from recent events and wants to learn nothing, because it places its own
interests ahead of those of the other millions. Can one blame those millions for standing up for
their own interests, and only for those interests? Can one blame them for striving to forge an
international community whose purpose is the struggle against corrupt capitalism? Can one
condemn a large segment of the educated Stürmer youth for protesting against the greatest
ability? Is it not an abomination that people with the most brilliant intellectual gifts should sink
into poverty and disintegrate, while others dissipate, squander, and waste the money that could
help them? … You say the old propertied class also worked hard for what it has. Granted, that
may be true in many cases. But do you also know about the conditions under which workers
were living during the period when capitalism “earned” its fortune?
o Letter to Anka Stalherm (14 April 1920), quoted in Ralph Georg
Reuth, Goebbels (Harvest, 1994), pp. 33-34

 Communism. Jewry. I am a German Communist.

o Peter Longerich, Goebbels: A Biography, New York, NY, Random House (2015) p.
26, “Erinnerungsblätter,” 27, Part 1, Volume 1, page 27, (diary entry: 1924)

 The social is a stopgap. Socialism is the ideology of the future.

o Open Letter to Ernst Graf zu Reventlow in the Völkische Freiheit, 1925, as quoted
in Goebbels: A Biography, Peter Longerich, Random House, 2015, p. 55

 Lenin is the greatest man, second only to Hitler, and that the difference between
Communism and the Hitler faith is very slight.
o As quoted in The New York Times, “Hitlerite Riot in Berlin: Beer Glasses Fly When
Speaker Compares Hitler to Lenin,” November 28, 1925 (Goebbels' speech November 27,
1925)

 The money pigs of capitalist democracy… Money has made slaves of us… Money is
the curse of mankind. It smothers the seed of everything great and good. Every penny is sticky
with sweat and blood.
o Quoted in The Nazi Party 1919-1945: A Complete History, Dietrich Orlow, New York:
NY, Enigma Books, 2012, p 61. Goebbels’ article, “Nationalsozialisten aus Berlin und aus
dem Reich”, Voelkischer Beobachter, February 4, 1927

 One class has fulfilled its historical mission and is about to yield to another. The bourgeoisie
has to yield to the working class ... Whatever is about to fall should be pushed. We are all
soldiers of the revolution. We want the workers' victory over filthy lucre. That is socialism.
o Quoted in Doctor Goebbels: His Life and Death, Roger Manvell, Heinrich Fraenkel,
New York, NY, Skyhorse Publishing, 2010 p. 25, conversation with Hertha Holk

 If we were only anti-Semites, we would be out-of-place in the twentieth century.

However, we are also socialists. For us, the two go together.
o Der Nazi-Sozi, Elberfeld: Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe, (1927)

 Production that is essentially completed, which no longer requires strength, ability,

inventiveness, entrepreneurship and brilliance (e.g., the transportation system, trusts,
conglomerates) will be brought back to state ownership.
 o Der Nazi-Sozi, Elberfeld: Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (1927)

 If we were only anti-Semites, we would be out-of-place in the twentieth century. However, we

are also socialists. For us, the two go together.
o Der Nazi-Sozi, Elberfeld: Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe, (1927)

 To attract people, to win over people to that which I have realised as being true, that is called
propaganda. In the beginning there is the understanding, this understanding uses propaganda
as a tool to find those men, that shall turn understanding into politics. Success is the important
thing. Propaganda is not a matter for average minds, but rather a matter for practitioners. It is
not supposed to be lovely or theoretically correct. I do not care if I give wonderful, aesthetically
elegant speeches, or speak so that women cry. The point of a political speech is to persuade
people of what we think right. I speak differently in the provinces than I do in Berlin, and when I
speak in Bayreuth, I say different things from what I say in the Pharus Hall. That is a matter of
practice, not of theory. We do not want to be a movement of a few straw brains, but rather a
movement that can conquer the broad masses. Propaganda should be popular, not intellectually
pleasing. It is not the task of propaganda to discover intellectual truths. Those are found in other
circumstances, I find them when thinking at my desk, but not in the meeting hall.
o Speech on 9 January 1928 to an audience of party members at the "Hochschule für
Politik", a series of training talks for Nazi party members in Berlin

 We enter the Reichstag to arm ourselves with democracy’s weapons. If democracy is foolish
enough to give us free railway passes and salaries, that is its problem... We are coming neither
as friends or neutrals. We come as enemies! As the wolf attacks the sheep, so come we.
o Why Do We Want to Join the Reichstag? Der Angriff, 30 April 1928

 The political bourgeoisie is about to leave the stage of history. In its place advance the
oppressed producers of the head and hand, the forces of Labor (Arbeitertum), to being their
historical mission.
o “Warum sind wir Sozialisten,” Der Angriff editorial, July 16, 1928, reprinted in Der
Angriff, Munich 1935, p. 223. David Schoenbaum, Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and
Status in Nazi Germany, 1933-1939, W.W. Norton & Company (1997) p. 25
o As quoted in "Erkenntnis und Propaganda," Signale der neuen Zeit. 25 ausgewählte
Reden von Dr. Joseph Goebbels (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1934), pp. 28-52
o The Pharus Hall was a meeting hall the Nazis often used in Berlin.

 We are not a charitable institution but a Party of revolutionary socialists.

o “Einbeitsfront,” Der Angriff editorial, May 27, 1929. David Schoenbaum, Hitler's
Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933-1939, W.W. Norton & Company
(1997) p. 25
1930s[edit]

 [T]he NSDAP is the German Left. We despise bourgeois nationalism.

o Der Angriff, (December 6, 1931) written by Goebbels. Der Angriff (The Attack) was
the official newspaper of the Nazi-Sozi party in Berlin.

 Maintaining a rotten economic system has nothing to do with nationalism, which is an

affirmation of the Fatherland. I can love Germany and hate capitalism. Not only can I, I must.
Only the annihilation of a system of exploitation carries with it the core of the rebirth of our
people.
 o “Those Damn Nazis: Why Are We Nationalists?” written by Joseph Goebbels and
Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken, Nazi propaganda pamphlet
(Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 The people's community must not be a mere phrase, but a revolutionary achievement
following from the radical carrying out of the basic life needs of the working class. A
ruthless battle against corruption! A war against exploitation, freedom for the workers! The
elimination of all economic-capitalist influences on national policy. Maintaining a rotten
economic system has nothing to do with nationalism, which is an affirmation of the Fatherland...
The sin of liberal thinking was to overlook socialism’s nation-building strengths, thereby allowing
its energies to go in anti-national directions.
o “Those Damn Nazis: Why Are We Socialists?” written by Joseph Goebbels and
Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken, Nazi propaganda pamphlet
(Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 The lines of German socialism are sharp, and our path is clear. We are against the
political bourgeoisie, and for genuine nationalism! We are against Marxism, but for true
socialism! We are for the first German national state of a socialist nature! We are for the
National Socialist German Workers’ Party!
o “Those Damn Nazis: Why Are We Socialists?” written by Joseph Goebbels and
Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken, Nazi propaganda pamphlet
(Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 We are socialists because we see the social question as a matter of necessity and
justice for the very existence of a state for our people, not a question of cheap pity or
insulting sentimentality. The worker has a claim to a living standard that corresponds to what
he produces. We have no intention of begging for that right… Since the political powers of the
day are neither willing nor able to create such a situation, socialism must be fought for. It is a
fighting slogan both inwardly and outwardly. It is aimed domestically at the bourgeois parties and
Marxism at the same time, because both are sworn enemies of the coming workers’ state. It is
directed abroad at all powers that threaten our national existence and thereby the possibility of
the coming socialist national state.
o “Those Damn Nazis: Why Are We Socialists?” written by Joseph Goebbels and
Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken, Nazi propaganda pamphlet
(Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 The worker in a capitalist state—and that is his deepest misfortune—is no longer a living
human being, a creator, a maker. He has become a machine. A number, a cog in the machine
without sense or understanding. He is alienated from what he produces.”
o Written by Joseph Goebbels and Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum
Nachdenken (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932).Translated as “Those Damned Nazis: Why a
Workers Party?
o “Those Damn Nazis: Why Are We a Workers’ Party?” written by Joseph Goebbels
and Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken, Nazi propaganda
pamphlet (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 We are a workers’ party because we see in the coming battle between finance and
labor the beginning and the end of the structure of the twentieth century. We are on the
side of labor and against finance. . . The value of labor under socialism will be determined by
its value to the state, to the whole community. Labor means creating value, not haggling over
things.
 o “Those Damn Nazis: Why Are We a Workers’ Party?” written by Joseph Goebbels
and Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken, Nazi propaganda
pamphlet (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 What we are witnessing below, these thousands upon thousands and ten thousands upon
ten thousands of people, who, in a frenzied delirium of exultation and enthusiasm, are
acclaiming the new leadership of the state -- this is truly the fulfillment of our dearest wish, the
crowning achievement of our work. We are fully justified in saying Germany is awakening!
o Wolfgang Benz, A Concise History of the Third Reich, Berkeley and Los Angeles,
CA: University of California Press (2006) p. 20. Quote from January 30, 1933

 On this day the whole nation at all levels, in all its professions, occupations, and estates,
acknowledges the dignity and blessedness of labour. On a day when in former times we heard
the rattles of machine-guns and the hate-inspired songs of the class struggle and the
Internationale, in this first year of Hitler’s government and the German people is assembled in
unanimous, unswerving loyalty to the state, the race (Volk), and the German nation to which we
all belong. Every difference is wiped away. The barriers of class hatred and the arrogance of
social status that for over 50 years divided the nation from itself have been torn down. Germans
of all classes, tribes (Stämme), professions, and denominations have joined hands across the
barriers that separated them and have vowed henceforth to live as a community, to work and
fight for the fatherland that unites us all. … The class struggle is at an end. The idea of the
national community rises above the ruins of the bankrupt liberal-capitalist state. … Thus the
German people marches into the future.
o Speech at the first Labor Day celebration held under Nazi auspices (1 May 1933)
Sheri Berman, Democracy and Dictatorship in Europe: From the Ancient Regime to the
Present Day, New York, Oxford University Press, (2019) p. 254

 The best propaganda is that which, as it were, works invisibly, penetrates the whole of life
without the public having any knowledge of the propagandistic initiative.
o Claudia Koonz , The Nazi Conscience, London and Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press
of Harvard University (2004) p. 13. Quote from March, 1933.
My Party is my church, and I believe I serve the Lord best if I do his will, and liberate my oppressed people
from the fetters of slavery. That is my gospel.

 The nation and the government in Germany are one thing. The will of the people is the will of
the government and vice versa. The modern structure of the German State is a higher form of
democracy [ennobled democracy] in which, by virtue of the people’s mandate, the government is
exercised authoritatively while there is no possibility for parliamentary interference to obliterate
and render ineffective the execution of the nation’s will.
o “On National-Socialist Germany And Her Contribution Towards Peace.” Speech to
the representatives of the international press at Geneva on September 28. 1933. German
League of Nations Union News Service, PRO, FO 371/16728. Included within Völkerbund:
Journal for International Politics, Ausgaben 1-103, 1933, p.16

 International communism would entirely do away with all national and racial qualities which
are founded in human nature itself; in property it sees the most primary cause of the break-down
of world trade in the capitalist system. Accordingly it exploits this through an extensive and
carefully organised and brutal system of action, setting aside personal values and sacrificing the
individual to a hollow mass-idol that is only a travesty of actual life itself. At the same time it
ignores and destroys all the idealistic and higher strivings of men and nations, through its own
crass and empty materialist principles. On the other hand, National Socialism sees in all these
things—in property, in personal values and in nation and race and the principles of idealism—
these forces which carry on every human civilisation and fundamentally determine its worth.
o Speech at the Nazi party Congress at Nuremberg (September 1935)

 While National Socialism brought about a new version and formulation of European culture,
Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish-led international subhumans against culture
itself. It is not only anti-bourgeois, it is anti-cultural. It means, in the final consequence, the
absolute destruction of all economic, social, state, cultural, and civilizing advances made by
western civilization for the benefit of a rootless and nomadic international clique of conspirators,
who have found their representation in Jewry.
o Speech at the Nazi party Congress at Nuremberg (September 1935)
 He who defends the Jew harms his own people.
o "Der Jude," Der Angriff. Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der
NSDAP., 1935
 subhumans exist in every people as a leavening agent
o Speech at the "Weltgefahr des Bolschewismus" ("World danger of Bolshevism")
(1936)

 We did not complain in the past because Germany was not rearmed. We complain now
because we are strong enough to do so.
o Answer to Lord Halifax, who had asked Goebbels why he had waited until now to
complain about the treatment of Germany in the British press (November 1937), quoted in
Ivone Kirkpatrick, The Inner Circle (1959), p. 101

 How deeply the perverse Jewish spirit has penetrated German cultural life is shown in the
frightening and horrifying forms of the Exhibition Of Degenerate Art in München ….. This has
nothing at all to do with the suppression of artistic freedom and modem progress. On the
contrary, the botched art works which were exhibited there and their creators are of yesterday
and before yesterday. They are the senile representatives, no longer to be taken seriously, of a
 period that we have intellectually and politically overcome and whose monstrous, degenerate
creations still haunt the field of the plastic arts in our time.”
o Von der Großmacht zur Weltmacht on the seizure of thousands of works of German
art. (26 November 1937)

 The fact that the causes and effective potentialities of Bolshevism were already existent in a
latent form in democracy explains why Bolshevism flourishes only on democratic soil, and is
indeed generally the inevitable consequence of a radical and excessively democratic conception
of the State. Bolshevism allegedly makes a classless society its aim. The equality of whatever
bears a human form, which democracy applied only to political and social life, is set up as a
ruling principle for economic life also. In this respect there are supposed to be no differences
left. But this equality of all individuals in respect of economic goods can, in the Marxist-
Bolshevist view, result only from a brutal and pitiless class struggle. ... It is only logical that in
connexion with this, Bolshevism should proclaim the equality of nations and races. ... The
opposition between the democratic and the Bolshevist mentality and conception of the State are
in the last resort merely theoretical, and here we have the answer to the mysterious riddle which
overshadows Europe and the explanation both of the opposition in the lives of nations to-day
and of the things which they have in common. It enables us to see at once why democracy and
Bolshevism, which in the eyes of the world are irrevocably opposed to one another, meet again
and again on common ground in their joint hatred of and attacks on authoritarian nationalist
concepts of State and State systems. For the authoritarian nationalist conception of the State
represents something essentially new. In it the French Revolution is superseded.
o On National-Socialism, Bolshevism & Democracy (September 10, 1938)

 We have modernized and ennobled the concept of democracy. With us it means definitely
the rule of the people, in accordance with its origin. We have given the principle of Socialism a
new meaning. ... Never have we left anyone in doubt that National-Socialism is not for export. ...
We do not aim at world domination, but we do intend to defend our country, and it is our new
conceptions which give us the inexhaustible and ever-renewed strength to do so.
o On National-Socialism, Bolshevism & Democracy (September 10, 1938)
 England is a capitalist democracy. Germany is a socialist people's state. And it is not the
case that we think England is the richest land on earth. There are lords and City men in England
who are in fact the richest men on earth. The broad masses, however, see little of this wealth.
We see in England an army of millions of impoverished, socially enslaved, and oppressed
people. Child labor is still a matter of course there. They have only heard about social welfare
programs. Parliament occasionally discusses social legislation. Nowhere else is there such
terrible and horrifying inequality as in the English slums. Those with good breeding take no
notice of it. Should anyone speak of it in public, the press, which serves plutocratic democracy,
quickly brands him the worst kind of rascal. They do not hesitate to make major changes in the
Constitution if they are necessary to preserve capitalist democracy.
o “Englands Schuld,” Illustrierter Beobachter, Sondernummer, p. 14. The article is not
dated, but is from the early months of the war, likely late fall of 1939. Joseph Goebbels’
speech in English is titled “England's Guilt.” [1]

 Germany, on the other hand, has based its domestic policies on new and modern social
principles. That is why it is a danger to English plutocracy. It is also why English capitalists want
to destroy Hitlerism. They see Hitlerism as all the generous social reforms that have occurred in
Germany since 1933. The English plutocrats rightly fear that good things are contagious, that
they could endanger English capitalism.
 o “Englands Schuld,” Illustrierter Beobachter, Sondernummer, p. 14. The article is not
dated, but is from the early months of the war, likely late fall of 1939. Joseph Goebbels’
speech in English is titled “England's Guilt.”
Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken (1932)[edit]
Joseph Goebbels and Mjölnir, Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken  (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher, 1932)

 The nation is the organic union of a people to protect its life.

 Bourgeois patriotism is the privilege of a class.
 We are the world’s Pariah not because we do not have the courage to resist, but rather
because out entire national energy is wasted in eternal and unproductive squabbling
between the right and the left.
 Nationalism is more wide-reaching than internationalism.
 The sin of bourgeois patriotism was to confound a certain economic form with the national. It
connected two things that are entirely different. Forms of the economy, however firm they
may seem, are changeable. The national is eternal. If I mix the eternal and the temporal, the
eternal will necessarily collapse when the temporal collapses. This was the real cause for
the collapse of liberal society. It was rooted not in the eternal, but in the temporal, and when
the temporal declined it took the eternal down with it. Today it is only an excuse for a system
that brings growing economic misery. That is the only reason why international Jewry
organizes the battle of the proletarian forces against both powers, the economy and the
nation, and defeat them.
 The faith in the nation is a matter for everyone, never a group, a class or an economic clique.
The eternal must be distinguished from the temporal. Maintaining a rotten economic system
has nothing to do with nationalism, which is an affirmation of the Fatherland. I can love
Germany and hate capitalism. Not only can I, I must. Only the annihilation of a system of
exploitation carries with it the core of the rebirth of our people.
 If a Communist shouts “Down with nationalism!”, he means the hypocritical bourgeois
patriotism that sees the economy only as a system of slavery. If we make clear to the man of
the left that nationalism and capitalism, that is the affirmation of the Fatherland and the
misuse of its resources, have nothing to do with each other, indeed that they go together like
fire and water, then even as a socialist he will come to affirm the nation, which he will want
to conquer.
 Because we are socialists we have felt the deepest blessings of the nation, and because we
are nationalists we want to promote socialist justice in a new Germany.
 A young fatherland will rise when the socialist front is firm.
 Socialism will become reality when the Fatherland is free.
 Socialism is the doctrine of liberation for the working class. It promotes the rise of the fourth
class and its incorporation in the political organism of our Fatherland, and is inextricably
bound to breaking the present slavery and regaining German freedom. Socialism, therefore,
is not merely a matter of the oppressed class, but a matter for everyone.
 Socialism gains its true form only through a total fighting brotherhood with the forward-
striving energies of a newly awakened nationalism. Without nationalism it is nothing, a
phantom, a mere theory, a castle in the sky, a book. With it it is everything, the future,
freedom, the fatherland!
 The sin of liberal thinking was to overlook socialism’s nation-building strengths, thereby
allowing its energies to go in anti-national directions. The sin of Marxism was to degrade
socialism into a question of wages and the stomach, putting it in conflict with the state and
its national existence.
 The bourgeois is about to leave the historical stage. In its place will come the class of
productive workers, the working class, that has been up until today oppressed. It is
beginning to fulfill its political mission. It is involved in a hard and bitter struggle for political
 power as it seeks to become part of the national organism. The battle began in the
economic realm; it will finish in the political.
 The bourgeoisie does not want to recognize the strength of the working class. Marxism has
forced it into a straitjacket that will ruin it. While the working class gradually disintegrates in
the Marxist front, bleeding itself dry, the bourgeoisie and Marxism have agreed on the
general lines of capitalism.
 We are socialists because we see the social question as a matter of necessity and justice for
the very existence of a state for our people, not a question of cheap pity or insulting
sentimentality. The worker has a claim to a living standard that corresponds to what he
produces.
 It is a matter of forming a new state consciousness that includes every productive citizen.
Since the political powers of the day are neither willing nor able to create such a situation,
socialism must be fought for.
 Socialism is possible only in a state that is united domestically and free internationally. The
bourgeoisie and Marxism are responsible for failing to reach both goals, domestic unity and
international freedom. No matter how national and social these two forces present
themselves, they are the sworn enemies of a socialist national state.
 We are against the political bourgeoisie, and for genuine nationalism!
 We are for the first German national state of a socialist nature!
 We are for the National Socialist German Workers’ Party!
 Work is not mankind’s curse, but his blessing. A man becomes a man through labor. It
elevates him, makes him great and aware, raises him above all other creatures.
 If it works against the general welfare, then it is treason against the fatherland.
 The worker in a capitalist state — and that is his deepest misfortune — is no longer a living
human being, a creator, a maker.
 We do not want to make everyone the same. Nor do we want levels in the population, high
and low, above and below. The aristocracy of the coming state will be determined not by
possessions or money, but only on the quality of one’s accomplishments. One earns merit
through service. Men are distinguished by the results of their labor. That is the sure sign of
the character and value of a person. The value of labor under socialism will be determined
by its value to the state, to the whole community. Labor means creating value, not haggling
over things.
 We call ourselves a workers’ party because we want to free labor from the chains of
capitalism and Marxism. In battling for Germany’s future, we freely admit to it, and accept
the odium from the liberal bourgeoisie that results. We know that we will succeed in bringing
new blessings out of their curses.
 He who creates value works, and is a worker. A movement that wants to free labor is a
workers’ party.
 We oppose the Jews because we are defending the freedom of the German people. The
Jew is the cause and beneficiary of our slavery He has misused the social misery of the
broad masses to deepen the dreadful split between the right and left of our people.
 The Jew is the plastic demon of decomposition. Where he finds filth and decay, he surfaces
and begins his butcher’s work among the nations. He hides behind a mask and presents
himself as a friend to his victims, and before they know it he has broken their neck.
 The Jew is uncreative. He produces nothing, he only haggles with products. With rags,
clothing, pictures, jewels, grain, stocks, cures, peoples and states. He has somehow stolen
everything he deals in. When he attacks a state he is a revolutionary. As soon as he holds
power, he preaches peace and order so that he can devour his conquests in comfort.
 What does anti-Semitism have to do with socialism? I would put the question this way: What
does the Jew have to do with socialism? Socialism has to do with labor. When did one ever
 see him working instead of plundering, stealing and living from the sweat of others? As
socialists we are opponents of the Jews because we see in the Hebrews the incarnation of
capitalism.
 We oppose the Jews because we affirm the German people. The Jew is our greatest
misfortune.
 What we demand is new, decisive, and radical, revolutionary in the truest sense of the word.
 Consistent with his spiritual attitude, the National Socialist makes uncompromising demands
in politics.
 In place of a slave colony, we want a restored German national state. The state is not an end
in itself for us, but rather a means to an end. The true end is the race, the sum of all the
living, creative forces of the people. The structure that today calls itself the German republic
is not a way to maintain our racial inheritance. It has become an end in itself with no real
connection to the people and their needs.
 Want work and bread for every productive national and blood comrade. Pay should be
according to accomplishment. That means more pay for German workers!
 Down with democratic parliamentarianism!
1940s[edit]

 To be a socialist is to submit the I to the thou; socialism is sacrificing the individual to the
whole. Socialism is in its deepest sense service.
o As quoted in Escape from Freedom, Erich Fromm, Farrar & Rinehart (1941) p. 233,
Matthew Lange, Antisemitic Elements in the Critique of Capitalism in German Culture,
1850-1933, Peter Lang AG, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, (2007) p. 290

 That is of course rather painful for those involved. One should not as a rule reveal one's
secrets, since one does not know if and when one may need them again. The essential
English leadership secret does not depend on particular intelligence. Rather, it depends on
a remarkably stupid thick-headedness. The English follow the principle that when one lies, it
should be a big lie, and one should stick to it. They keep up their lies, even at the risk of
looking ridiculous.
o "Aus Churchills Lügenfabrik" ("Churchill's Lie Factory"), 12 January 1941, Die Zeit
ohne Beispiel (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1941), pp. 364-369
o This and similar lines in Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf about what he claimed to be a
strategem of Jewish lies using "the principle & which is quite true in itself & that in the
big lie there is always a certain force of credibility; because the broad masses of a
nation are always more easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature
than consciously or voluntarily," are often misquoted or paraphrased as: "The bigger the
lie, the more it will be believed."

 I ask you: Do you want total war? If necessary, do you want a war more total and radical
than anything that we can even yet imagine?
o Ich frage euch: Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg? Wollt ihr ihn, wenn nötig, totaler und
radikaler, als wir ihn uns heute überhaupt erst vorstellen können?
o Sportpalast speech, 18 February 1943

 If Germany stays united and marches to the rhythm of its revolutionary socialist outlook, it
will be unbeatable. Our indestructible will to life, and the driving force of the Führer’s
personality guarantee this.
 o “The Winter Crisis is Over” speech on June 4, 1943 at the Berlin Sport Palace,
“Überwundene Winterkrise, Rede im Berliner Sportpalast,” Der steile Aufstieg (Munich:
Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1944), pp. 287-306.

A mother who is not everything for her children: a friend, a teacher, a confidant, a source of joy and
founded pride, inducement and soothing, reconciliator, judge and forgiver, that mother obviously chose
the wrong job.

 We and we alone [the Nazis] have the best social welfare measures. Everything is done for
the nation. . . .The Jews are the incarnation of capitalism.
o As quoted in I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1942-1945, Victor
Klemperer, Vol. 2 , Random House, Inc. (2001) p. 317. Goebbels’ “Our Socialism”
editorial was written on April 30, 1944.
 If the German people lay down their weapons, the Soviets, according to the agreement
between Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin, would occupy all of East and Southeast Europe
along with the greater part of the Reich. An iron curtain would fall over this enormous
territory controlled by the Soviet Union, behind which nations would be slaughtered.
o Article titled 'Das Jahr 2000' printed in the newspaper Das Reich, February 25, 1945,
pp. 1-2
Diary excerpts[edit]

 She has confessed her parentage to me. Since then, the first enchantment ruined.
o Goebbels diary entry in 1924 after finding out his girlfriend Else Janke had a Jewish
mother.

 . . . it would be better for us to go down with Bolshevism than live in eternal slavery
under capitalism.
o The Devil’s Disciples: Hitler’s Inner Circle by Anthony Read (2004) p. 142, diary entry
Oct. 23, 1925
 What does Christianity mean today? National Socialism is a religion. All we lack is a religious
genius capable of uprooting outmoded religious practices and putting new ones in their
place. We lack traditions and ritual. One day soon National Socialism will be the religion of
all Germans. My Party is my church, and I believe I serve the Lord best if I do his will, and
liberate my oppressed people from the fetters of slavery. That is my gospel.
o Dated 16 October 1928

 The Führer once again expressed his determination to clean up the Jews in Europe
pitilessly. There must be no squeamish sentimentalism about it. The Jews have deserved
the catastrophe that has now overtaken them. Their destruction will go hand in hand with the
destruction of our enemies. We must hasten this process with cold ruthlessness.
o Dated 14 February 1942

 A judgment is being visited upon the Jews that, while barbaric, is fully deserved by them. The
prophecy which the Führer made about them for having brought on a new world war is
beginning to come true in a most terrible manner. One must not be sentimental in these
matters. If we did not fight the Jews, they would destroy us. It's a life-and-death struggle
between the Aryan race and the Jewish bacillus.
o Dated 27 March 1942

 Berndt reicht mir eine Ausarbeitung über die von uns zu betreibende okkultistische
Propaganda ein. Hier wird in der Tat Einiges geleistet. Die Amerikaner und Engländer fallen
ja vorzüglich auf eine solche Art von Propaganda herein. Wir nehmen alle irgendwie zur
Verfügung stehenden Kronzeugen der okkulten Weissagung als Mithelfer in Anspruch.
Nostradamus muß wieder einmal daran glauben.
o Berndt handed in a plan for the occultist propaganda to be carried on by us. We are
getting somewhere. The Americans and English fall easily for this kind of propaganda.
We are therefore pressing into service all star witnesses of occult prophecy.
Nostradamus must once again submit to being quoted.
o Dated 19 May 1942 concerning the use of Nostradamus's famous "Hister" quatrain
o as displayed and translated in Nazis: The Occult Conspiracy, Discovery Channel

 I have devoted exhaustive study to the Protocols of Zion. In the past objection was always
made that they were not suited to present day propaganda. In reading them now I find that
we can use them very well. The Protocols of Zion are as modern today as they were when
published the first time! At noon I mentioned this to the Führer. He believed the protocols to
be absolutely genuine!

 As quoted in The Plot: The Secret Story of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, by Will
Eisner, (10/2/2005), p.110; and in Survivors Victims and Perpetrators:, Essays on the
Nazi Holocaust by Joel E. Dimsdale, p.311.
Michael: a German fate in diary notes (1926)[edit]
Michael: ein Deutsches Schicksal in Tagebuchblättern, Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Franz Eher Nachf., Munich, 7th edition, 1935

 I dedicate this book to the memory of my friend Richard Flisges, who died as a
brave soldier of work in a mine at Schliersee on the 19th of July 1923.
o Dieses Buch widme ich dem Andenken meines Freundes Richard Flisges, der
am 19. Juli 1923 in einem Bergwerk bei Schliersee als tapferer Soldat der
Arbeit in den schweren Tod ging.
 1920. Both of us were about to capitulate facing spiritual breakdown. Then we
helped each other to stand tall and did not falter.
My answer was: Resistance!
o 1920. Wir standen beide im Begriff, vor seelischem Zusammenbruch zu
kapitulieren. Da richteten wir uns aneinander auf und strauchelten kaum.
Meine Antwort war: Trotz!

 1923. You challenged your fate. To surmount or to die! It was not yet time.
Therefore you became a victim.
Your answer was: Death!
o 1923. Du fordertest dein Schicksal in die Schranken. Biegen oder brechen!
Noch war es zu früh. Deshalb wurdest du Opfer.
Deine Antwort war: Tod!

 1927. I stood in front of your grave; in radiating sunshine there was a still, green
mound. And it was preaching about mortality.
My answer was: resurrection.
o 1927. Ich stand an deinem Grab; im glastenden Sonnenschein lag ein stiller,
grüner Hügel. Und predigte Vergänglichkeit.
Meine Antwort war: Auferstehung.

 A mother who is not everything for her children: a friend, a teacher, a confidant, a
source of joy and founded pride, inducement and soothing, reconciliator, judge and
forgiver, that mother obviously chose the wrong job.
o Eine Mutter, die ihren Kindern nicht alles: Freund, Lehrer, Vertraute, Quell der
Freude und des gefestigten Stolzes, Ansporn, Dämpfer, Ankläger, Versöhner,
Richter und Vergeber ist, die Mutter hat offenbar ihren Beruf verfehlt.

Subhumans exist in every people as a leavening agent.

 I'm looking for the teacher who is simple enough to be great, and great enough to
be simple.
 o Ich suche den Lehrer, der einfach genug ist, um groß zu sein und groß genug,
um einfach zu sein.

 Everything is what you make of it, even yourself.

o Alles ist das, was du daraus machst, auch du selbst.

 One only honours what one conquers or defends.

o Man schätzt überhaupt nur das, was man erobert oder verteidigt.
 When I sit near the ocean in the morning and write my verses and breathe the salty
wind which is coming from the water, I rejoice in God and I am blissful, as I was as a
child.
o Wenn ich morgens am Meere sitze und Verse dichte und atme dabei den
salzigen Wind, der vom Wasser herüberspringt, dann gehe ich auf in Gott und
bin glücklich, wie ich es nur noch in der Kinderzeit war.

 A nation without a religion - that is like a man without breath.

o Volk ohne Religion, das ist so wie Mensch ohne Atem.

 Today there seems to be only one absolute thing: relativism.

o Für die Zeitgenossen gibt es anscheinend nur ein Absolutes: die Relativität.

 The modern man is necessarily a seeker of God, maybe a Man of Christ.

o Der moderne Mensch ist notwendigerweise ein Gottsucher, vielleicht ein
Christusmensch.

 Christianity is not a religion for the masses, let alone for all. Cultivated by few and
translated into deeds, it is one of the most splendid blossoms that can grow in the
soul of a good man."
o Das Christentum ist keine Religion für viele, geschweige denn für alle. Von
wenigen gepflegt und in die Tat umgesetzt, ist es eine der köstlichsten Blüten,
die eine Kulturseele je getrieben hat.

 If Christ came back he would drive his treacherous servants out of the temple with a
whip.
o Käme Christus wieder, wie würde er seine falschen Bediensteten mit der
Peitsche aus seinem Tempel jagen!
 Man only honors what he conquers or defends.

 Mozart didn't need a scheme for his music. He played and sang with the heavenly
lightness of a child.
o Mozart brauchte kein Programm für seine Musik. Er musizierte und sang mit
der göttlichen Leichtigkeit eines Kindes.

 I should like to be a parson on this island. Explain the Sermon on the Mount to
ordinary people and let the world be the world.
o Ich möchte Pastor auf dieser Insel sein. Einfachen Menschen die Bergpredigt
erklären und die Welt Welt sein lassen.

 My God is a God of strength. HE does not like the smell of frankincense and the
dishonoring crawl of the crowd. I stand before HIM proudly, with the head held high,
as HE created me, and I profess gladly and freely before HIM. The true German
seeks God for all of his life.
o Mein Gott ist ein Gott der Stärke. Er mag nicht den Weihrauchdampf und das
entehrende Kriechen der Menge. Ich stehe vor ihm stolz erhobenen Hauptes,
wie er mich erschaffen hat, und bekenne mich freudig und frei vor ihm. Der
wahre Deutsche bleibt Zeit seines Lebens ein Gottsucher.

 To be modern only means to fill new forms with eternal truths.

o Modern sein heißt nichts anderes als ewige Inhalte in wechselnde neue
Formen zu füllen.

 I feel how inside of me word follows word and thought follows thought, growing to
the last act of creation. Holy hour of bringing forth, you are pain and pleasure, and a
longing for form, image and essence. I am only the instrument that God uses to sing
his song. I am only the vessel that nature smilingly fills with new wine.
o Ich fühle, wie in mir sich wachsend Wort an Wort, Gedanke an Gedanke reiht
zum letzten Akt der Schöpfung. Heilige Stunde des Gebärens, Schmerz bist du
und Lust und eine Sehnsucht nach Form, Gestalt und Wesen. Ich bin nur
 Instrument, darauf der alte Gott sein Lied singt. Ich bin nur harrendes Gefäß, in
das Natur den neuen Wein mit Lächeln füllt.

 At night I sit in my chamber and read the Bible. Far in the distance roars the sea.
Then I lie down and think for a long time about the calm and pale man from
Nazareth.
o Abends sitze ich auf meinem Zimmer und lese die Bibel. In der Ferne braust
das Meer. Dann liege ich noch lange wach und denke an den stillen, bleichen
Mann von Nazareth.

I am only the instrument that God uses to sing his song. I am only the vessel that nature
smilingly fills with new wine.

 We shall be quiet and wait till a star falls from heaven. Can you see, how above one
light appears after the other and they together form a dome! We sit in silence and
fold our hands in prayer. We shall be quiet and wait until a star falls from heaven.
o Wir wollen stille sein und warten, bis ein Stern vom Himmel fällt. Siehst du, wie
oben Licht an Licht sich zündet zu einem Dom! Wir sitzen im Schweigen und
falten die Hände zum Gebet. Wir wollen stille sein und warten bis ein Stern vom
Himmel fällt.

 A child laughs when it feels joy and cries when it feels pain. Both things, laughing
and crying, it does with its whole heart. We have all become so tall and so clever.
We know so much and we have read so much. But one thing we have forgot: to
laugh and cry like the children do.
o Das Kind lacht, wenn es Freude hat, und weint, wenn es Schmerz empfindet.
Bei beidem, bei Lachen und Weinen ist sein ganzes Herz dabei. Wir sind alle
so groß und klug geworden. Wir wissen so viel und haben so viel gelesen. Aber
eines haben wir vergessen: zu lachen und zu weinen wie die Kinder.

 Devotion, fervor, longing! Those are my pillars. We have to be the bridge to the
future.
 o Hingabe, Inbrunst, Sehnsucht! Das sind meine Pfeiler. Brücke zur Zukunft
müssen wir sein.

 Dostoyevsky is ahead of his time - a few daring steps. You follow him, dizzying,
fearful, incredulous; but you follow. He won't let loose, you have to follow. … You
simply have to call him unique. He comes from nowhere and belongs nowhere. And
yet he is always a Russian.
o Dostojewski ist seiner Zeit noch um ein paar gewagte Schritte voraus. Man folgt
ihm schwindelnd, bange, ungläubig; aber man folgt. Er lässt nicht locker, man
muss folgen. … Man muss ihn einfach als Unikum nehmen. Er kommt von
nirgendwo und gehört nirgendwo hin. Und dabei bleibt er doch stets Russe.

 The night is my best friend. It calms the storm in my soul and it lets the guiding stars
rise.
o Die Nacht ist meine beste Freundin. Sie glättet den Sturm in der Seele und
lässt die weisenden Sterne aufgehen.

 I put down the oars and float endlessly as if to the eternal shore. Blue light of the
moon shines on my sail. My boat is gliding to a secure haven. Only silent waves
break against it. Deepest silence surrounds me and my soul builds a golden bridge
to a star.
o Ich lege die Ruder ein und fahre endlos, wie einem ewigen Gestade zu.
Mondlicht spielt blau auf meinem Segel. Mein Nachen gleitet in einen sicheren
Hafen. Nur leise schlagen die Wellen an meinen Kahn. Die tiefste Stille ist um
mich, und meine Seele spannt eine goldene Brücke zu einem Stern.

 We have had much to bear already. And still more will we have to bear. Let us thank
God for being young.
o Viel schon haben wir ertragen. Mehr noch werden wir ertragen müssen.
Danken wir Gott, dass wir jung sind.

 The life is worth living. It's not true, what the tired and reactionary say. We're not on
this earth to suffer and die. We're here to fulfill a mission.
o Denn das Leben ist wert, dass man es lebt. Das ist nicht wahr, was die Müden
und Überlebten sagen. Wir sind nicht in diese Welt gesetzt, um zu leiden und
zu sterben. Wir haben hier eine Mission zu erfüllen.

 The fatherland shall one day be like this: We're not all equal, but we're all brothers.
o So muß das Vaterland einmal werden. Nicht alle gleich, aber alle Brüder.
 He who cannot hate the devil cannot love God.

 That's what the democratic parties personify: business groups! Nothing more.
'Weltanschauung? What kind of reactionary expression is that? Honor, loyalty,
creed, convictions? Man, you are living in yesterday!'
o So sind die Parteien der Demokratie: Geschäftsgruppen! Weiter nichts.
Weltanschauung? Was ist das für ein reaktionärer Begriff? Ehre, Treue,
Glauben, Überzeugung? Mann, sie sind von Gestern!

 To be a socialist means to let the ego serve the neighbour, to sacrifice the self for
the whole. In its deepest sense socialism equals service. The individual refrains and
the commonwealth demands.
Frederick the Great was a socialist on a king's throne.
"I'm the first servant of the state." A kingly socialist saying.
Property is theft – so says the mob. Each to his own – so says the personality.
o Sozialist sein: das heißt, das Ich dem Du unterordnen, die Persönlichkeit der
Gesamtheit zum Opfer bringen. Sozialismus ist im tiefsten Sinne Dienst.
Verzicht für den Einzelnen und Forderung für das Ganze.
Friedrich der Große war ein Sozialist auf dem Königsthron.
"Ich bin der erste Diener am Staat." Ein königliches Sozialistenwort!
Eigentum ist Diebstahl: das sagt der Pöbel. Jedem das Seine: das sagt der
Charakter.

 Hypocrisy is the characteristic feature of the dying bourgeois epoch.

o Die Heuchelei ist das charakteristische Merkmal der untergehenden
bürgerlichen Epoche.

 Every age that has historical status is governed by aristocracies.

Aristocracy with the meaning - the best are ruling.
Peoples do never govern themselves. That lunacy was concocted by liberalism.
Behind its "people's sovereignty" the slyest cheaters are hiding, who don't want to
be recognized.
 o Jedes Zeitalter wird, wenn es historischen Rang hat, von Aristokratien gestaltet.
Aristokratie = die Besten herrschen.
Niemals regieren Völker sich selbst. Diesen Wahnsinn hat der Liberalismus
erfunden. Hinter seiner Volkssouveränität verstecken sich nur die gerissensten
Schelme, die nicht erkannt sein wollen.

Hereafter we all have to be redeemed. The world is pulling with a thousand strings. We sin
because of indifference and negligence and heap new guilt on the old original one. Our life is
a chain of sin and expiation ruled by an incomprehensible providence.

 How beautiful life is! Music and dancing! The violins are sobbing. The first stopper of
a bottle of champagne bangs. And now there's a mad singing and shouting.
Everybody joins in and sings and shouts! Embracing, friendship, eternal friendship!
How beautiful the women are! Dressed in black and red. But you are the prettiest,
Hertha! … Hey, you grumblers, go to hell! Music and dancing. The violins are
sobbing. Women dressed in black and red. But you are the prettiest, Hertha!
o Wie schön ist das Leben! Musik und Tanz! Die Geigen schluchzen. Der erste
Sektpfropfen knallt. Und nun ein tolles Singen und Schreien. Man singt und
schreit mit. Umarmung, Freundschaft, ewige Freundschaft! Welch' schöne
Frauen! In schwarz und rot! Und doch bist Du die Schönste, Hertha Holk! …
Heda, ihr Miesmacher, der Teufel soll euch holen! Musik und Tanz. Die Geigen
schluchzen. Frauen in schwarz und rot. Und doch bist Du die Schönste, Hertha
Holk!

 O this world is beautiful because of you! To love somebody means that we're closer
to God.
o O diese Welt ist schön durch dich! Die Liebe zu einem Menschen führt uns Gott
näher.

 After supper we are sitting close to the church in a quiet spot. As if from a distance
we hear prayers and singing. The monks are holding their vesper services. Then it
falls silent, wonderfully silent!
 The sun has already set. … We are quiet, too. … A door is closed somewhere. A
man's, then a woman's voice. Children are praying! My dear Jesus! Then it falls
silent again. Wonderfully silent!
The night spreads its wide, black wings over the land.
o Nach dem Abendbrot sitzen wir an der Kirche in einem stillen Winkel. Wie von
ferne hören wir Gebet und Singen. Die Mönche halten ihre Abendandacht. Und
dann wird es still, wunderbar still!
Die Sonne ist schon untergegangen. … Auch wir schweigen. … Irgendwo wird
eine Tür geschlossen. Eine Männer-, dann eine Frauenstimme. Kinderbeten!
Du lieber Jesus mein! Dann wird es wieder still. Wunderbar still!
Die Nacht legt ihre breiten, schwarzen Flügel auf das Land.

 Great hour! Spent together, rejoicing and dreaming. Days and years are gathering.
We are a still island in the ocean of the world. Beginning and end! Border between
life and eternity! Euphoria, fulfillment, existence!
o Große Stunde! Mit dem zweiten Menschen, dem anderen verjubelt und
verträumt. Tage, Jahre sammeln sich. Eine ruhende stille Insel im Ozean Welt
sind wir. Ende und Anfang! Grenze zwischen Leben und Ewigkeit! Rausch,
Fülle, Dasein!

 When you stroll through Munich it can happen that you suddenly stand in front of an
old house, an idyllically-dreaming church that smiles like a friendly anachronism into
our modern time.
o Wenn man durch München ohne Ziel streift, kann man es erleben, daß man
plötzlich vor einem alten Haus, einer heimlich-verträumten Kirche steht, die wie
ein freundlicher Anachronismus in unsere moderne Zeit hineinlächelt.

 That was my longing: for the mountains' divine solitude and peacefulness, for pure,
white snow. I got tired of the big city.
I am at home again in the mountains. There I sit for many hours amid their white
virginity and find myself again.
o Das war meine Sehnsucht: nach göttlicher Einsamkeit und Ruhe der Berge,
nach unberührtem, weißen Schnee. Ich war der großen Stadt müde geworden.
Ich bin wieder zu Hause in den Bergen. Da sitze ich viele Stunden in ihrer
weißen Jungfräulichkeit und finde mich selbst wieder.

 Old Christmas Songs. I feel something like a longing for a lost homeland.
We are giving gifts to each other. A beautiful, old New Testament from Hertha Holk
is my greatest joy. I thank her for being my solace and my strength.
o Alte Weihnachtslieder. Ich habe etwas wie Sehnsucht nach einem verlorenen
Vaterland.
Wir beschenken uns. Ein schönes, altes Jesustestament von Hertha Holk ist
meine größte Freude. Ich danke ihr, dass sie mein Trost und meine Stärke ist.
 While National Socialism brought about a new version and formulation of European culture,
Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish-led international subhumans against culture
itself. It is not only anti-bourgeois, it is anti-cultural. It means, in the final consequence, the
absolute destruction of all economic, social, state, cultural, and civilizing advances made by
western civilization for the benefit of a rootless and nomadic international clique of
conspirators, who have found their representation in Jewry.

 This city is grey and miserable. The houses are covered with soot, the people grave
and taciturn. Black masses move along the streets; meager and pale faces, the
necks bend down. Children are sitting at the street corners, begging. In front of the
shops women are standing with old, grey faces.
Night falls. The discharge tubes ignite. Light shines down on misery and filth.
My heart wrenches.
Whores and pimps are dragging themselves through the small and narrow lanes.
Yonder red lights are glowing. The evening seems to spread black wings over the
city. Richness and misery are living close to each other.
It makes you feel like crying.
o Grau ist die Stadt und elend. Die Häuser verrußt, die Menschen ernst und
wortkarg. Schwarze Massen wälzen sich durch die Straßen; schmale, bleiche
Gesichter über gebeugte Nacken. Kinder sitzen an den Straßenecken und
betteln. Vor den Läden stehen Frauen mit alten, grauen Gesichtern.
Es wird Abend. Die Bogenlampen flammen auf. Licht über Elend und Schmutz.
Das Herz krampft sich mir zusammen.
Durch schmale, enge Gassen schlurfen Dirnen und Zuhälter. Da brennen rote
Lichter. Es ist, als schlüge der Abend schwarze Flügel über die Stadt. Reichtum
und Elend wohnen hier nebeneinander.
Man möchte weinen.
 The end of the year! I draw the balance. Inquiry of conscience and request to the
Spirit for progress and maturity.
I grew stronger inside of me and I strive for a clearer knowledge and stronger faith.
o Jahresende! Ich mache Bilanz. Gewissensschau und Bitte an den Geist um
Fortschritt und Reife.
Ich bin stärker im Innern geworden und strebe zu klarerer Erkenntnis und
festerem Glauben.

 Christ is the genius of love and as such the most diametric antipole to Jewry, which
is the incarnation of hate. … Christ was the first anti-Jewish opponent of stature. …
The Jew is the lie that became flesh. He nailed Christ to the cross, and thus for the
first time in history nailed the eternal truth to the cross.
o Christus ist das Genie der Liebe, als solches der diametralste Gegenpol zum
Judentum, das die Inkarnation des Hasses darstellt. … Christus ist der erste
Judengegner von Format. … Der Jude ist die menschgewordene Lüge. In
Christus hat er zum erstenmal vor der Geschichte die ewige Wahrheit ans
Kreuz geschlagen.

 The Jew is contrary to our being. … He desecrated our people, spat on our ideals,
paralyzed the strength of the nation, made our customs rotten, and polluted the
morale.
o Der Jude ist uns im Wesen entgegengesetzt. … Er hat unser Volk geschändet,
unsere Ideale besudelt, die Kraft der Nation gelähmt, die Sitten angefault und
die Moral verdorben.

 He who cannot hate the devil cannot love God.

o Wer den Teufel nicht hassen kann, der kann auch Gott nicht lieben.

 Hereafter we all have to be redeemed. The world is pulling with a thousand strings.
We sin because of indifference and negligence and heap new guilt on the old
original one. Our life is a chain of sin and expiation ruled by an incomprehensible
providence.
o Wir müssen alle einmal erlöst werden. Die Welt zieht uns mit tausend Banden.
Wir fehlen aus Gleichgültigkeit und Nachsicht und häufen neue eigene Schuld
auf alte ererbte. Unser Leben ist eine Kette aus Schuld und Sühne, darüber ein
nach unerforschlichen Gesetzen wirkendes Schicksal waltet.

 Goethe as an old man: he was so very punctual. At that time he also wrote many
things that were very punctual. The rounded thing is boring. Turn it as you may, it
remains round and pretty.
I love the edges, the sharp lines, and fractures.
I show to him a picture of Dostoevsky. How ruptured, furrowed, tormented!
He looks like Michelangelo; the face of an endurer and a prophet.
o Der alte Goethe: er war so pünktlich. Er schrieb damals auch vieles, was sehr
pünktlich war. Das Runde ist langweilig. Dreh es wie du willst, es bleibt rund
und schön.
Ich liebe Ecken, Kanten und Risse.
Ich lege ihm ein Bild von Dostojewski vor. Wie zerrissen, wie zerfurcht und
zerhauen!
So sieht auch Michelangelo aus; ein Dulder- und Prophetengesicht.
 One of the most ridiculous aspects of democracy will always remain... the fact that it has
offered to its mortal enemies the means by which to destroy it.

 In the newspapers there is insulting and stirring up hatred. Those irresponsible

daubers!
The people are on the streets -- rampaging and protesting. The magnates are sitting
at the green table and calmly finish their game.
Old Europe is dying.
Well, it's a crazy world! Thrift, Horatio!
As if by a mysterious power one feels compelled to go out onto the streets. The
thoughts wander outside to the stage which is portraying a drama of world history --
not an edifying one, but still a drama. It gives the earnest observer a lot to think
about.
o In den Zeitungen wird gehetzt und geschimpft. Diese verantwortungslosen
Schmieranten!
Das Volk ist auf der Straße, randaliert und demonstriert. Die Herren sitzen am
grünen Tisch und spielen seelenruhig ihre Partie zu Ende.
Die alte Europa geht in die Binsen.
Ja, es ist eine tolle Welt! Wirtschaft, Horatio!
Man wird wie von einer geheimnisvollen Macht auf die Straße gezogen. Die
Gedanken sind draußen, wo sich ein Stück Weltgeschichte abspielt -- kein
erhebendes zwar, aber ein Stück. Der ernsthafte Zuschauer hat viel dabei
nachzudenken.

 The night folds her trembling hands over a weary world. Out of a pale blue rises the
shining moon. My thoughts are flying to the stars like lonely swans.
o Nacht faltet zitternde Hände über der müden Welt. Aus blassem Blau steigt
leuchtend der Mond. Meine Gedanken fliegen wie einsame Schwäne in die
Sterne.
 I believe in God. When everything collapses, we grip the last hold, we look from the
secure haven how the godless society of the old, holy Europe falls apart. May the
game begin.
o Ich glaube an Gott. Wenn alles stürzt, fassen wir die letzte Planke und schauen
vom sicheren Port, wie die entgötterte Gesellschaft des alten, heiligen Europa
zusammenstürzt. Möge das Spiel beginnen.

 Give your goods to the poor: Christ.

Property is theft - as long as it's not mine: Marx.
o Verteile Dein Gut an die Armen: Christus.
Eigentum ist Diebstahl – solange es nicht mir gehört: Marx.

 The war we are fighting until victory or the bitter end is in its deepest sense a war
between Christ and Marx.
Christ: the principle of love.
Marx: the principle of hate.
o Der Kampf, den wir heute ausfechten bis zum Sieg oder bis zum bitteren Ende,
ist im tiefsten Sinne ein Kampf zwischen Christus und Marx.
Christus: das Prinzip der Liebe.
Marx: das Prinzip des Hasses.

Attributed[edit]
 I demand that the petty bourgeois Adolf Hitler be expelled from the Nazi Party.
o As quoted in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi
Germany, William L. Shirer, New York: NY Simon & Schuster (2011), p. 127,
first published 1960

 Money is the curse of mankind. It smothers the seed of everything great and good.
Every penny is sticky with sweat and blood. . . .It poisons our own values and
subjects us to the service of low and base instincts.
o Nazi Culture by George L. Mosse (1966) p. 109

 Man should be trained for war and woman for the recreation of the warrior.
o As reported by Susan Brownmiller, Against Our Will, Men Women and Rape,
(1975) note 3, at 48. the original statement was attributed to Nietzsche; as
quoted in War Crimes Against Women: Prosecution in International War Crimes
Tribunals, Kelly Dawn Askin, (1997), p.49.

Misattributed[edit]
 The most brilliant propagandist technique will yield no success unless one
fundamental principle is borne in mind constantly and with unflagging attention. It
must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over. Here, as so often
in this world, persistence is the first and most important requirement for success.
o Actually from "War Propaganda", in volume 1, chapter 6 of Mein Kampf (1925),
by Adolf Hitler
  If you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it, and you will even come to
believe it yourself.
o Compare sourced quote set forth above: "The English follow the principle that
when one lies, it should be a big lie, and one should stick to it."
o Attributed to Goebbels in Publications Relating to Various Aspects of
Communism (1946), by United States Congress, House Committee on Un-
American Activities. No reliable source has been located, and this is probably
simply a further variation of the Big Lie idea.
o Variants:
 If you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it.
 If you repeat a lie often enough, it becomes the truth.
 If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come
to believe it.
 If you repeat a lie long enough, it becomes truth.
 If you repeat a lie many times, people are bound to start believing it.
 Attributed in The Sack of Rome (2006) by Alexander Stille, p. 14, and
also attributed in A World Without Walls: Freedom, Development, Free
Trade and Global Governance (2003) by Mike Moore, p. 63.

 Accuse the other side of that which you are guilty.

o Perhaps a reframing of "The cleverest trick used in propaganda against
Germany during the war was to accuse Germany of what our enemies
themselves were doing," which Goebbels said at a 1934 Nurenberg
rally. stackexchange.com.

Quotes about Goebbels[edit]

Alphabetized by author

 Hitler neither developed his ideas in a vacuum nor rose to power alone. A rather
motley crew of people formed his inner circle. Its membership changed many
times, as people fell in and out of favor. Three individuals who stuck with Hitler
throughout his political career and gained international profiles were Hermann
Göring, Joseph Goebbels, and Heinrich Himmler. All of them would play key
roles in the Nazi regime, each amassing enormous power even as they fought
among themselves for Hitler's favor.
o Doris L. Bergen, War and Genocide: A Concise History of the
Holocaust (2016), p. 58

 Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945) was a rather different kind of Nazi. A journalist

and writer, he had a PhD and wrote a novel called Michael, although it
remained unpublished until the Nazi Party press picked it up in 1929. Goebbels
first came into contact with members of the Nazi Party in 1924; by 1926 he was
Gauleiter (Party leader) of Berlin, and two years later Hitler made him head of
propaganda. In 1933 Goebbels became minister for popular enlightenment and
propaganda. He kept that post throughout the entire Third Reich, although his
ambitious, energetic nature meant that he was always trying to find ways to play
even bigger roles.
o Doris L. Bergen, War and Genocide: A Concise History of the
Holocaust (2016), p. 58-59
 Goebbels was a master propagandist who excelled in stirring up hatred and
orchestrating gigantic extravaganzas, such as the annual Nazi Party rallies. He
was the only one of Hitler's early associates who stayed with him right to the
end. When Hitler committed suicide in 1945, Goebbels did so, too: he and his
wife, Magda, had their children poisoned before he had her and himself shot.
Goebbels's extensive diaries, large parts of which had been published, reveal
him to have been a "true believer," committed to Hitler as a person and to the
realization of his ideas. To many observers Goebbels was the sinister face of
Nazism, an image captured by photographer Alfred Eisenstadt in a 1933 picture
taken at the League of Nations conference in Geneva.
o Doris L. Bergen, War and Genocide: A Concise History of the
Holocaust (2016), p. 59-60

 On 16 June 1941, as Hitler readied his forces for Operation Barbarossa, Josef
Goebbels looked forward to the new order that the Nazis would impose on a
conquered Russia. There would be no come-back, he wrote, for capitalists nor
priests nor Tsars.
o Daniel Hannan in: Leftists become incandescent when reminded of the
socialist roots of Nazism, March 13, 2014.

 Goebbels never doubted that he was a socialist. He understood Nazism to be a

better and more plausible form of socialism than that propagated by Lenin.
Instead of spreading itself across different nations, it would operate within the
unit of the Volk.
o Daniel Hannan in: Leftists become incandescent when reminded of the
socialist roots of Nazism, March 13, 2014.

 This man's rhetoric and ability to organise are unique. There was no situation
he couldn’t deal with. The party members followed him with great love. The
stormtroopers would have let themselves be hewn to pieces for him. Goebbels,
that was like Hitler himself. Goebbels, well that was our Goebbels.
o Horst Wessel in the 1920s.
Was dieser Mann an Rednertalent und Organisationstalent aufwies, ist
einzigartig. Es gab nichts, dem er sich nicht gewachsen zeigte. Die
Parteigenossen hingen an ihm mit großer Liebe. Die S.A. hätte sich für ihn
in Stücke schlagen lassen. Goebbels, das war wie Hitler selbst. Goebbels,
das war eben unser Goebbels. Source: Ralf Georg Reuth: Goebbels,
Munich 1990, p. 114

 Goebbels must have had a tremendous hatred for the Jews - but not more
than Himmler. I have no doubt, at this date, that Goebbels knew of the murder
of 5 million Jews, a fact which he kept hidden from me and others at that time.
o Hans Fritzsche to Leon Goldensohn, May 24, 1946

 I met him several times. He was clever, fanatic; having a clubfoot he might have
suffered a minority inferiority complex, knowing that because of his physical
appearance, he knew he never could reach leadership. He was unscrupulous in
his propaganda. I always opposed Goebbels. I always tried to have people
educated on a broad basis, while Goebbels tried to supply them with knowledge
for the moment. Goebbels considered humans as objects to be used for political
purposes - for the moment.
 o Otto Ohlendorf to Leon Goldensohn, March 1, 1946

 I always had the feeling that Goebbels didn't respect people as a whole. He was
reckless in his contacts in his own office. He had no consideration for anyone.
He was only concerned about governing.
o Otto Ohlendorf to Leon Goldensohn, March 1, 1946

Goebbels was the strongest representative of anti-Semitism. He saw his big chance to
become powerful by using the press for anti-Semitic reasons.

 One of the cleverest men in Hitler's close circle was Dr. Joseph Goebbels, the
Gauleiter of Berlin and also Minister for People's Enlightenment and
Propaganda. He was a skilled orator and in the struggle against the
Communists for Berlin's vote he had demonstrated great personal courage. But
he was also a dangerous demagogue, quite unscrupulous in his agitations
against parents and school teachers; and he was largely responsible for the
notorious pogrom, the so-called 'Crystal night', of November 1938. He was
certainly in a position to recognize the errors and weaknesses of the National-
Socialist system, but he lacked the courage necessary to lay his knowledge
before Hitler. In Hitler's presence he- like Goering and Himmler- was a little
man. He both feared and idolised him. Hitler's powers of suggestions were
seldom so apparent as in his relationship with Goebbels. The highly skilled
demagogue fell silent in Hitler's presence. He did his best to unravel his
master's wishes, and in his propaganda- at which he might almost be called a
genius- he seldom, if ever, displeased the dictator.
o Heinz Guderian, Panzer Leader (1990), p. 448

 Did I ever tell you about Goebbels? He incurred Hitler's disapproval after that
incident with the movie actress for which he was beaten up. That clubfooted
fanatic! He forced women to submit to him sexually because of his powerful
position. He influenced Hitler to become anti-Semitic more than Hitler had been
before. Hitler used to come to my house once in a while for a cup of coffee, and
because I led a normal life, he would leave about nine o'clock. I was in the habit
of retiring early. However, Hitler used to spend practically all of his nights,
sometimes until four a.m., with Goebbels and his family. God knows what evil
influence Goebbels had on him during those long visits.
o Hermann Goering to Leon Goldensohn, May 24, 1946

 It was Strasser’s radicalism, his belief in the ‘socialism’ of National Socialism,

which attracted the young Goebbels. Both wanted to build the party on the
 proletariat. The diary of Goebbels is full of expressions of sympathy for
Communism at this time.
o William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi
Germany, New York: NY Simon & Schuster (2011), first published 1960, pp.
126-127

 Goebbels was the strongest representative of anti-Semitism. He saw his big

chance to become powerful by using the press for anti-Semitic reasons.
Personally, I think Goebbels was using anti-Semitism merely as a means of
achieving personal power. Whether he had any deep-seated hatred against the
Jews is questionable. I think he was too much of a thief and dishonest
opportunist to have any deep-seated feelings for or against anything. But for
years Goebbels had been trying in vain to become a big power. At last he saw
his chance. He had whipped up anti-Semitic feelings to such a point by his
vicious propaganda that he now thought he could do anything. He probably
didn't think about the consequences himself. He was a fanatic of an abnormal
caliber. Streicher was a tame man compared to Goebbels, because Streicher is
half crazy and stupid, whereas Goebbels was just unscrupulous, clever and
dangerous. You couldn't discuss anything with Goebbels. And for the same
reason, you couldn't discuss anything with Himmler. Goebbels was so
dishonest that it didn't pay to discuss anything with him.
o Hermann Goering to Leon Goldensohn, May 24, 1946

 Goebbels saw the ultimate enemy as international capitalism, and those who
held power in Germany as its lackey, betraying their nation for personal gain.
These were the traditional targets of the Communists, of course, so the Nazis
and the KPD, the Communist Party of Germany, were in direct competition for
the same constituency, two rabid dogs fighting for one bone… And Goebbels,
who has so recently been happy to describe himself as a ‘German Communist’
led the fight with all the intensity of a religious convert.
o Anthony Read, The Devil’s Disciples: Hitler’s Inner Circle, New York: NY
and London: UK,, W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. (2004) pp. 141-142

 There remains the problem of Goebbels' reputation. He wore the title of Big Liar
(bestowed by Anglo-Saxon propaganda) and yet he never stopped battling for
propaganda to be as accurate as possible. He preferred being cynical and
brutal to being caught in a lie. He used to say: "Everybody must know what the
situation is." He was always the first to announce disastrous events or difficult
situations, without hiding anything. The result was a general belief between
1939 and 1942 that German communiqués not only were more concise, clearer
and less cluttered, but were more truthful than Allied communiqués (American
and neutral opinion) -- and, furthermore, that the Germans published all the
news two or three days before the Allies. All this is so true that pinning the title
of Big Liar on Goebbels must be considered quite a propaganda success.
o Jacques Ellul, "The Characteristics of Propaganda" in Readings in
Propaganda and Persuasion: New and Classic Essays by Garth S. Jowett
and Victoria O'Donnell, eds., (SAGE, 2006) p. 48, note 47.

 Among the higher leadership [in the Nazi Party], while there is still a certain
unity, personalities are beginning to play a constantly greater part. Hitler is
perhaps more powerful than before, but he becomes more and more a figure
 separated from actualities. He depends a great deal on Hess, who is really his
confidential man now and whom it is likely he may make Foreign
Minister. Goering and Goebbels still remain good comrades of Hitler and are
undoubtedly attached to him, but the difference* between Goering and
Goebbels are becoming more evident. Goering is more moderate, while
Goebbels, sensing the feeling of the masses and being above all an opportunist
is becoming more radical. If It would come to a show-down between the radical
and moderate elements, Goering would, however, undoubtedly be likely to be
on the radical side as the one having the more chances. [...] If this Government
remains in power for another year and carries on in the same measure in this
direction, it will go far towards making Germany a danger to world peace for
years to come.
This is a very disjointed and incoherent letter. I am dictating it under pressure as
I wish to catch the courier pouch. What I do want to say really is that for the
present this country is headed in directions which can only carry ruin to it and
will create a situation here dangerous to world peace. With few exceptions, the
men who are running this Government are of a mentality that you and I cannot
understand. Some of them are psychopathic cases and would ordinarily be
receiving treatment somewhere. Others are exalted and in a frame of mind that
knows no reason. The majority are woefully ignorant and unprepared for the
tasks which they have to carry through every day. Those men in the party and
in responsible positions who are really worth-while, and there are quite a
number of these, are powerless because they have to follow the orders of
superiors who are suffering from the abnormal psychology prevailing in the
country.
o George S. Messersmith, U.S. Consul General at Berlin to the Under
Secretary of State, William Phillips, letter dated 26 June 1933

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