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POLSCI 311
Recreation of Mason’s Figure 1
Overview:
For the assignment, I chose to update Figure 1 from Lilliana Mason’s 2015 article “‘I
Disrespectfully Agree’: The Differential Effects of Partisan Sorting on Social and Issue
Polarization.” The following paper will include a data methods section detailing the various steps
taken to replicate the graph, a discussion portion explaining the new data’s relevance to the
original graph and its overall place within the article, and the updated graph, featuring data from
Data Methods:
Mason used the American National Election Studies (ANES) Time Series Cumulative
Data File throughout her paper and in the creation of Figure 1. With the Cumulative File being a
continuous record book for all of ANES’ Time Series studies, the Cumulative File I downloaded
from the ANES website (https://electionstudies.org/data-center/) contained all of the data that
was made available to Mason during the writing of her article, in addition to data from the three
Time Series studies (2008, 2012, and 2016) that were not included in Mason’s paper. With the
Cumulative File in tow, I used the 15th edition of Stata (a data science and statistic software
With Mason using a very specific line of coding in the creation of Figure 1 (reverse
coding to calculate the sorting score used in the graph, for example) it was vitally important in
search Mason’s article and find its corresponding replication files. Stored in the Dataverse are 1)
Mason’s Stata coding “do” file for the ANES Cumulative File (labeled “Coding cumulative
ANES.do”), 2) her “do” file for the tables and figures used in her paper (labeled “Mason
Cumulative ANES tables and figures.do”), and 3) Mason’s post-coding State file for the ANES
After downloading each of three files listed above, the next step towards replicating
Mason’s figure was to implement her coding “do” file into the ANES Cumulative File. Opening
the file in Word Pad, I copied and pasted each command from the file into the Stata document I
had used to implement the ANES Cumulative file and hit enter. One coding command, labeled
“omscore,” had to be downloaded into Stata’s software. To do this, I typed out the command
“findit omscore” into Stata, and from there I was able to download the “omscore” command
With all of Mason’s coding commands implemented, the dataset was ready to be used in
my graph replication. Now opening the “do” file for her tables and figures in Word Pad, I was
able to find the specific commands Mason had used in her creation of Figure 1. With the
variables “pidstr” and “idcomplexity” being highlighted, I copied and pasted the Figure 1
demands into the Stata document. For the pidstr commands, I updated them to reflect the new
years of Time Series studies needed (typing in “tab pidstr if year==2012,” instead of typing “tab
pidstr if year==2004,” for example). This was not needed for the idcomplexity variable.
With the pidstr variable, the percentage corresponding with 0 represented the percentage
of pure independents shown in Figure 1, and the percentage corresponding with 1 represented the
percentage of strong partisans. With the idcomplexity variable, the percentage corresponding
with the mean represented the sorting score shown in Figure 1. I copied and pasted each of these
data points from the years 2008, 2012, and 2016, and inserted them into a Microsoft Excel
worksheet. No further use of Stata or the “do” files was needed after this.
With the data points inputted into Excel, I was able to create a 3-line graph close to that
of the one Mason made. The individual years served as the X-axis, with the 0-1 scale serving as
the Y-axis.
Discussion:
One of Mason’s main overarching points in “‘I Disrespectfully Agree’: The Differential
Effects of Partisan Sorting on Social and Issue Polarization,” is that there’s a significant
difference between social polarization and issue position polarization, and that while Americans
may agree on many political topics (lower issue position polarization), our country has grown
more and more apart because of a higher level of social polarization — in which Americans have
continued to sort themselves into political parties that are increasingly becoming more aligned
with distinct ideologies, creating for stronger, more in-line political identities (Mason 128).
Figure 1 mainly works to commentate on this concept of social polarization and how it
has changed over time (with Figure 2 tackling issue position polarization). As shown In Mason’s
version of Figure 1, the percentage of strong partisans has noticeably increased over time (a more
than 10 point increase from 1972 to 2004), along with the sorting percentage (a near 10 point
increase in the same time period). Conversely, the percentage of pure independents has seen a
dip — a near 10 point decline from the mid 70s to the start of the 1990s, with fluctuating peaks
In my version of Figure 1, the percentage of strong partisans has increased from its 2004
position, climbing from roughly 35% to roughly 38% in 2016. Sorting has also increased along
with it, with a 2004 score of roughly 28% increasing to roughly 38% in 2016. This remains
The percentage of pure independents, however, has also seen an increase in recent years,
leaping from around 7% in 2004 to just under 15% in 2016. While this seems like a bit of a buck
to Mason’s overall findings — the percentage of pure independents in Mason’s figure had been
shrinking overall over time — it potentially adds an interesting new point to Mason’s 2015
article, while still giving way to social polarization. With the amount of strong partisans and pure
independents both increasing over the past twelve years of data, this must mean that weak
partisans and/or “leaners” are decreasing in amount. Thus, those within the Democratic and
Republican parties are increasingly moving towards the more polarized ends of their respective
sides of the political scale. Further research within this particular area of social polarization
could be a great addition to the political science field if the trend continues.
Graph:
Works Referenced:
Mason, Lilliana. 2015. “’I Disrespectfully Agree’: The Differential Effects of Partisan
59(Jan):128–145.