By Damasus Tuurosong

Department of African and General Studies

In Africa, Theatre for Development has long been used to enhance development of deprived
communities. Some researchers have traced the origins of Theatre for Development in Africa to
the pioneering work done by Alec Dickson in the former Gold Coast, in the 1940s. Alec Dickson
was an educationist who was concerned with mass education, social welfare and community
development programmes, using dramatic techniques without being aware of the import of
drama. As a means of sharing knowledge, theatre breaks through language and cultural barriers
and is an extremely useful communication tool.

However, in an advent of modern means of communication, Theatre for Development has taken
the backburner in the communication of development messages. Many have even started
questioning the suitability of theatre for health education. Using theories of participatory
communication and Theatre for Development methodologies, this study undertook an analysis of
a theatre project which was executed in 2005 as a means of combating the spread of HIV/Aids.
The study specifically examined the appropriateness or otherwise of the processes employed and
the suitability of the storyline used for the drama. The study further analyzed dramatic devices
used in the story and audience reaction to the performance.

The study found that the project largely followed the essential steps in producing Theatre for
Development. However, the research and evaluation components of the project were omitted.
Also, community members did not take centre stage in the productions. This made them lose
ownership of the project. However, community members enthusiastically applauded the
performances and seemed to have understood the messages articulated in the performances.

The study recommends that subsequent performances should ensure that the audience own the
entire process from research to the evaluation stage .

AESTHETIC VALUES – drama, song, traditional dance, storytelling, recitation & poetry &,
sometimes, riddles (Koch, 2008).
 THE COQUETTE AND HIV/AIDS CAMPAIGN

Background
Pioneer development communication theories had established a strong causal link
between communication and development. They found that the mass media, particularly,
newspapers and radio, play crucial roles in development (Lerner 1958; Rogers 1962; Schramm
1964; Pool 1963; Rao 1963). Lerner (1958), for instance, noted that communication systems are
both indicators and agents of social change. According to him, the mass media teach new skills,
attitudes and behaviours and are therefore a “mobility multiplier” with the capacity to
simultaneously communicate to large groups of people (Lerner, 1958: 82). Mobility, the capacity
to move across time and places, could be experienced either directly or indirectly through the
media since the media act as mobility multipliers.
From the 1970s, critical theory emerged to challenge these functionalist theories of
development communication, and proposed alternative means of communicating for
development purposes. Doob (1961) was one of the earliest attempts at surveying traditional
forms of communication. More than a decade later, Opubor (1975) accessed the effectiveness of
theatrical forms of communication. The same year, Fiofori (1975) researched into the use of
storytelling for education and development. After this study, it took nearly a decade for Kidd
(1984) to research into popular theatre, specifically the folk theatre, Laedza Batanani as an
experiment in nonformal education in Botswana. Shortly after Kidd’s study, Ugboajah (1985)
conducted a survey of the structures, characteristics and uses of the indigenous media in Africa.
The potential of indigenous resources for promoting primary health care in West Africa is the
subject of Riley (1990).
The educative role of indigenous media has long been established. Bame (1975a)
undertook a study which showed that concert party plays were ranked first from a group of both
Western and indigenous media, as the most important media source for their information about
family planning. Fiofori (1975) found that indigenous communication is not only an inexpensive
means of spreading information in rural communities, it also shorten the time span that could be
a hindrance for people who needed the information and provides a convenient way of
communication. Ugboajah (1985c: 167) established that the such media are effective in
providing teaching and initiation with the aim of imparting traditional aesthetic, historical,
technical, social, ethical and religious values. Indigenous media also play significant roles of
creating awareness of people’s history and evoking the illustrious deeds of ancestors, thus
uniting the people and giving them “cohesion by way of ideas and emotions”. Parmar (1975: 69)
has observed that techniques of storytelling such as “twisting” (that is “incorporating in its
[story] body a suitable message to keep pace with what the situation demands”) facilitates
adaptation to suit local needs. Tuurosong (1998) also found that Dagaaba folk tales have
dramatic and aesthetic values which make them appropriate channels for instilling moral values
into audiences. Owing to the effectiveness of indigenous methods of communication, Ofori-Ansa
(1983:5) recommended that “…greater use should be made of indigenous channels of social
interaction and consensus generation … to minimize the negative side effects of extensive local
participation in project formulation and implementation”.
No wonder that some communication researchers argue for the extension of the definition
of “communication media” to go beyond the Western mass media types to include indigenous
communication systems (Stewart, 1985; Ely, 1983 and Aranha, 1983). In spite of their relevance
as means of instruction and information-giving, indigenous communication systems have various
limitations. Parmar (1975: 70) warned that with regards to storytelling, the “tales must be
cleansed of age-old errors, of religious mysticism, superstition, unseemly incidents and episodes,
of false constructions”. Doob (1961), on his part, stated that when using indigenous
communication, local customs got in the way of successful communication.
Much of the literature available on indigenous communication systems in Africa were
mainly in the form of “experimental or pilot micro studies” (Ansu-Kyeremeh, 2005: 18). Other
publications including Ansah (1985) and Ripley (1978) were lectures or essays. Also, much of
the academic work in the area of indigenous communication centred on the deficiencies of
western mass media systems within the African setting. Such studies hardly delve into the
strengths of indigenous communication systems.

The top-down approach to development communication has been criticized by communication

and development experts for disregarding grassroots initiative, for being culturally insensitive,
and for continuing a cycle of dependency (Musa, 1998). Moreover, geared as it is towards
modernization and mass mobilization as opposed to raising awareness, this top-down
unidirectional style of information flow from experts to grassroots provides little or no
opportunity for dialogue or consultation (Musa, 1998; Bourgault, 2003). The result is that the
assessment of social development problems tends to be naive, short-sighted and based on
adherence to the constraints of political pragmatism (Mda, 1993). Another concern relates to
how TfD projects often end up being appropriated by governments as a means of legitimize
existing power structures and giving a veneer of government interest and involvement in extreme
forms of cultural expression. Funding usually comes from a mixture of local government bodies,
international aid agencies and development agencies. Okagby (1998) argues the funding situation
enables the funding authorities or agencies in the end to highjack Theatre for Development
projects into mediums for communicating or transmitting government propaganda programmes
to target communities in a top-to-bottom/centre-to-periphery form of communication (1998:26).

The common centre-periphery relationship between funding authorities and fieldworkers means
that in many TfD projects the agenda is set by those who are providing the funding, and
development themes are communicated to theatre practitioners without them being given the
opportunity to add their own input regarding the content or structure of the theatre project. The
autonomy of TfD practitioners can be restricted and a situation of dependence and control
created. This unidirectional relationship is then reflected in the one-way information flow
between theatre workers and host communities. The result is that in practice there is a tendency
for TfD projects to revert back to the paternalistic practices which support government
hegemony, rather than fulfilling its broader function as a mechanism for conscientisation and
liberalization. Moreover, instead of operating in the interests of those they are supposed to be
assisting Mda (1993) contends that international funding agencies such as UNESCO are inclined
to promote the interests of the government. As such there is a tendency to focus on problems that
can be solved locally whilst sidestepping their underlying structural causes.

Aid agencies also tend to favour TfD projects that can be shown to produce quick and
measurable results in order to justify the spending of funds. In his critique of a TfD project
commissioned by the government in Ghana Okagbu (1998) provides a useful illustration of how
the control of funding can hamper the freedom of theatre practitioners to pursue an awareness
raising agenda over and above their role as facilitators of message delivery. The Ghanese
authorities wanted a TfD project that would transmit information to the masses in a top-down
manner as part of a national adult literacy campaign. Despite recommendation from the theatre
practitioners that the workshop be based on a participatory model the government insisted on an
agitprop approach incorporating role-play within the restricted bounds of the literacy programme
agenda. Okagbu posits that a reason why the authorities preferred this mode of theatre was
because of concerns over the potential threat to the status quo and the challenge to ruling power
which could arise from critical consciousness developing amongst the masses.

The main issue which emerged during the research process centred on the community’s lack of
shared identity and trust. However, the performances which took place only reflected the
governments development policy agenda, and whilst the performances were well received by the
audience Okagbu doubts whether there were any long term benefits. He argues that if
practitioners had been allowed to use participatory performance production as they had wanted
the unity and bonding which would have occurred would have helped build the sense of group
identity which the community was seeking. By neither able to act or direct performances relating
to their own lives, the opportunity for empowerment was lost. Whilst government control over
funding prevented the workshop in Ghana from functioning as mechanism for conscientiasation,
Abah (1997) provides an example of how TfD can be successful both in terms of message
delivery and empowerment.

Forming part of the larger Akpa District Theatre-for-Development Workshop, the project was
organised by the Nigerian Popular Theatre Alliance (NPTA) which received funding assistance
from a number of national and international agencies. The projects aims were to explore the
agricultural situation in Onyuwei, a rural village in Nigeria, and two other local communities,
identify problems and aspirations of both the farmers and the wider social group, and to mobilise
them towards agricultural and social development. Onyuwei is a remote village which becomes
cut off from outside physical contact during the annual rainy season due to a network of
surrounding rivers that flood. By the time the water recedes each year the bridge and roads which
connect the community to the outside world have been rendered unusable. These transport routes
are crucial because they are used to bring supplies to the village and enable farmers to move their
produce for external sale.

As such, while the workshop practitioners opening agenda had been focused on agricultural
issues, the main development priority expressed by the villagers during the workshop was the
importance of finding an effective way of dealing with the annual destruction of their main path
of travel. As a result of the theatre workshop and follow-up meetings, the community decided to
establish a communal farm project as a means of generating income which could be used to fund
annual bridge repairs. The community, with assistance from the NPTA a proposal was submitted
to the government requesting a grant for setting up this income generating project. Funding was
approved, and used to create on-going farming project from which the income was used to pay
for the annual bridge reconstruction as well as other community projects. In addition to the
material gains, Abah gives an example of how the workshop may have attributed to the
empowerment of the community in another way.

Four years into the farming project there was a disagreement between the women and the men
over whether to sew the same crop a second year. During a village meeting a woman, who had
been a vocal participant in the TfD workshop, explained their reason for objecting to the men’s
choice was because too much of it had been consumed by the community and as result not
enough money had been raised through its sale. Another female participant of the workshop
suggested that if the men insisted on pursing their own choice then they could also do all the
ridging and weeding on the farm - the women got their way. Abah posits that the women’s
strength to pursue what they wanted and the discussion and resolution of the disagreement could
be attributed to empowerment stemming from the TfD workshop. The effectiveness of this
workshop highlights the advantage of development recipients identifying their own problems as
opposed to external groups making assumptions about a communitys development requirements
without knowing their specific situation. It also shows the interconnected and complex nature of
development difficulties and how important proper diagnosis is to finding a long-term resolution.

However Abah (1997; 1990) also makes the important point that while TfD might succeed in
raising peoples consciousness their access to material resources remains the same, which means
that suggestions made during workshops can remain unobtainable, leading to a crisis of
unfulfilled expectations. Furthermore, the practical application of development takes place off
stage and as such, theatre alone does bring about concrete improvements, it must be linked to
grassroots or political movements engaged in fighting for advancement. Unfortunately this
infrastructure is lacking in many regions, meaning the problem for many TfD initiatives striving
for community empowerment resides not in how to affiliate to existing groups but in how to
assist in their proliferation. This leads one to wonder whether the only way TfD can be truly
effective as a means of empowerment is when there are concrete resources to support it.
Furthermore, Morrison (2003) points out that there are no quantitative means of measuring
changes in behaviour due to peoples awareness being raised. This makes it problematic to
tangibly gage how effective a TfD workshop is in its function as a process of empowerment.

In conclusion, it is clear that TfD incorporates a broad range of practices, which can be applied
in a number of ways and that the extent and longevity of a projects impact is heavily affected by
these various factors. The smaller the amount of participation at a grassroots level, the less
effective TfD can be, not only at transmitting information but also at bringing about the changes
in peoples thinking and behaviour which is necessary for successful long-term development. The
most valuable and efficient form of TfD embraces the belief that development is about more than
fiscal growth and delivering development policy messages, and that it is through the
development of culture that the necessary conditions are created through which real
improvement in living standards can be obtained (Mlama, 1991).

THEORY OF PARTICIPATORY COMMUNICATION

TfD works on the theory of participatory development which entails the involvement of
beneficiary communities in making decisions that affect their lives. Participation requires that
beneficiaries express their views and make suggestions as well as requests that can be integrated
into development programmes. Paolo Freire is perhaps the most renowned proponent of the
concept of participatory communication. Paolo Freire’s philosophy of education and his
orientation toward participation are based on the notion that the historical vocation of human
beings is to be free from the shackles of material and psychological oppression. Paolo Freire also
advocated for beneficiaries of development projects being involved in the entire process of
planning and executing such projects (Eyben and Ladbury, 1995).
This philosophy is reflected in Freire’s argument that all individuals have the capacity for
reflection, abstract thinking, conceptualizing, taking decisions, choosing alternatives and
planning social change. Freire disapproved of the kind of educational system, which is based on
the premise that knowledge is a finished product, rather than something to be discovered in a
dialogue encounter, and contended that when knowledge is packaged by exogenous sources and
doled out to poor communities, it does not benefit the recipients (Ansu-Kyeremeh, 1997).
Communication scholars have drawn parallels between Freire’s participatory development
concept and participatory communication. Thomas (1994, cited from Ansu-Kyeremeh, 1997)
observed that although Freire never really linked his analysis to the use of any particular
medium, it is implicit in his writings that communication, in order to be effective, has to be
participatory, dialogic and reciprocal.
In fact, the entire enterprise of participatory communication projects, from the organization and
production of community radio in Latin America, Australia and parts of Africa and Asia, through
the practice of popular theatre in Brazil, Chile, Jamaica, South Africa, India and the Philippines
utilize Freire’s perspective (Thomas, 1994, cited in Ansu-Kyeremeh, 1997).
Similarly, Fraser and Restrepo-Estrada found a direct link between communication and true
participation. They pointed out that the two concepts are two sides of the same coin. They posit
that “before people of a community can participate, they must have appropriate information, and
they must follow a communication process to reach a collective perception of the local situation
and of the options for improvement” (Frazer and Restrepo-Estrada, 1998: 48).
The main essence of participatory communication is to share messages with people and in so
doing enable them to contribute their points of view, reach consensus, and carry out an agreed
change or development action together. For participatory communication to achieve its objective,
the appropriate communication channels must be employed. The micro and communal nature of
community participation in the development process requires a shift from the big to small and
participatory community media. This is what Kasoma describes as “co-equal little media centred,
government-with-people communication”, in preference to the “top-down, big media-centred,
government to people communication” (Soola, 1995: 28). Communication in this regard is never
unidirectional, or a unilinear flow of information, but a dynamic, transitional and experience-
sharing process which cannot be dichotomized into a “superior or active, super-thinker sender”,
on the one hand, and a “subordinate passive-ignorant receiver”, on the other (Soola, 1995: 29).
TfD operates on the basis of participatory communication. The entire theatrical experience is
participatory in nature. The process begins with identification of the root causes of a
community’s underdevelopment. Community members are engaged in exercises to identify their
own development challenges. Having analyzed such challenges, the community members go
through a theatrical experience which awakens their critical consciousness to the forces that are
responsible for their underdevelopment. During the performance, audience members are drawn
into the action using various participatory communication techniques. Sometimes, performers are
planted among the audience to generate discussion and get the audience involved in the action.
After the performance, there is a post performance discussion to elicit the views of the audience
on the issues raised during the performance. These processes make every stage of the TfD
project a truly participatory communication module.

Methodology
This study the seven-step theatre for development process as espoused in Koch (2008) is a
benchmark for a critical analysis of a theatre for development project carried out by Ban-iibo, a
local non-governmental organization. The process is outlined as follows:
STEP 1: Familiarization – The process started with an introductory phase where the external
supervisors of a project and sometimes the participants familiarize themselves with the project
location and get acquainted with the inhabitants. The supervisors introduce themselves and the
project to the community, walk around and get information about the infrastructure and the
population.
STEP 2: Data Collection - Using participatory research techniques, you must gather data on the
development challenge which is being tackled. This enables supervisors to get to the real cause
of problems rather than treating symptoms of such challenges.
STEP 3: Data Analysis – Information gathered from the enquiry session is then analyzed and
prioritized. The analysis is conducted by participants of the project or community members. One
day is set aside for this step. A table is used for the analysis which often has the following
headings: Problem – Causes – Solutions or Problem – Causes – Consequences – Possible
Solutions – People Responsible for the Solution. Another variant of the analysis is Problem –
Obvious Cause – Hidden Cause – Root Cause. The table is filled section by section.
STEP 4: Theatre Creation – Here the group decides which of the problems or which aspect of a
given subject should be dealt with through the theatre. Community member script the storyline
under supervision of the facilitator. This ensures sustainability and ownership of the entire
dramatic process. After this, they take up roles to rehearse the story for dramatic presentation.
TfD employs a lot of improvisation. Three or four days are then set aside for the rehearsal.

STEP 5: Performance – During performance, conscious efforts are made to invite audience into
the action. This is done by using audience co-related language and deliberately planting some of
the characters in the audience to initiate discussion and induce audience participation. The
audience could be involved as actors, participants in debating on issues raised in the performance
or through follow-up activities and discussion. Indeed, it should be possible to freeze the action
at some point to invite comments from the audience.

TfD performances are usually short, running for between 20 and 30 minutes. Short performances
make room for one significant aspect of the TfD process, post-performance discussion.
STEP 6: Post-Performance Discussion – This usually follows immediately after the
performance. Experience has shown that most audience members leave before the discussion
segment. This challenges the facilitator to employ a lot of tact and creativity to sustain the
attention and participation of the learners during the discussion.
Sometimes, the facilitator may choose to moderate the discussion while other learners are
randomly planted among the audience to encourage their participation in the discussion. The
facilitator could control the focus of the discussion by asking leading questions. Towards the end
of the discussion, resource persons are brought in to answer technical questions related to areas
of learning that the facilitator may have little knowledge of.
STEP 7: Follow-up – A fortnight or so after the performance, it is essential to return to the
community to find out whether lessons learnt and decisions taken during the post-performance
discussion are being implemented. The facilitator can use some participatory research action
(PRA) tools during this follow-up stage. Using the participant observation method, he/she could
take part in community meetings, community development processes and adult literacy
programmes to encourage and facilitate the implementation of decisions arrived at during the
post-performance discussion stage of the TfD process.

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