Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering

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The Seventeenth-century Transition of Seoul′s

Spatial Structure to Functional Pragmatism

Youngsang Kwon, Jeon Bonghee & Saehoon Kim

To cite this article: Youngsang Kwon, Jeon Bonghee & Saehoon Kim (2015) The Seventeenth-
century Transition of Seoul′s Spatial Structure to Functional Pragmatism, Journal of Asian
Architecture and Building Engineering, 14:2, 419-426, DOI: 10.3130/jaabe.14.419

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.3130/jaabe.14.419

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Published online: 24 Oct 2018.

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 The Seventeenth-century Transition of Seoul's Spatial Structure to Functional Pragmatism

Youngsang Kwon1, Bonghee Jeon2 and Saehoon Kim*3

1
Assistant Professor of Urban Design, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering;
Integrated Research Institute of Construction and Environmental Engineering, Seoul National University, Korea
2
Professor, Department of Architecture and Architectural Engineering, Seoul National University, Korea
3
Assistant Professor of Urban Studies and Design, Department of Landscape Architecture,
Graduate School of Environmental Studies; Interdisciplinary Program in Landscape Architecture, Seoul National University, Korea

Abstract
This paper explores the functional pragmatism embedded in the transformation of feudal Seoul's urban
structure. Using historic maps drawn between 1751 and 1914 and an analytical method of space syntax,
the paper documents changes in the distribution of major administrative buildings and streets in Seoul
("Hanseongbu") during the Joseon Dynasty. The results indicate that administrative buildings such as palaces,
royal villas, economic authority buildings, and military headquarters were relocated along major commercial
corridors such as Jongro and Namdaemunro Boulevard during the period. Based on a geographical information
analysis, Jongro showed the highest street integration value over time, followed by the southwestern part of
the city, because of the overlap between commercial boulevards and administrative buildings. The results
suggest that the principle of urban design in which government districts were separated from commercial areas
was incrementally abandoned during the late Joseon Dynasty. This functional merging was encoded into the
shaping of contemporary Seoul instead of following the old Chinese regulation of urban-form making.

Keywords: urban history; Seoul; space syntax; urban design

1. Introduction entrepreneurs, planners, and some bureaucrats in the

The Hanseongbu area of Seoul in today's South
Korea served as a political, economic, and social
capital of the Joseon Dynasty and the succeeding
Great Korean Empire (1392-1910) for more than
500 years. In the late fourteenth century, Seoul's
urban design was initiated by an autocratic royal
authority that established new social norms by virtue
of Confucianism. In the original plan of the city, the
regime's major administrative buildings, including
palaces, royal villas, economic authority buildings,
and military headquarters, were located away from
commercial neighborhoods and market areas.
However, this functional separation started to change,
first with the rise of militarism in neighboring countries
such as the Toyotomi Shogunate of Japan (1592-
1598) and China's Qing Dynasty (1636-1637) and then
with the economic liberalization of Korea's middle
class. With the extensive loss of property and a rather
abrupt change in society, pragmatism appealed to early
*Contact Author: Saehoon Kim, Dr., Assistant Professor
of Urban Studies and Design, Department of Landscape
Architecture with Urban Design Concentration, Graduate School
of Environmental Studies, Seoul National University,
82-410, 1 Gwanak-ro, Gwanak-gu, Seoul, 151-742, Korea
Tel: +82-2-880-5662 Fax: +82-2-874-7181
E-mail: skim5@snu.ac.kr
( Received October 1, 2014 ; accepted February 13, 2015 )
war-damaged city.
Beginning in the seventeenth century, the notion of
pragmatic urban planning started to be encoded into the
urban structure of Seoul. For instance, new palaces were
constructed near market places, and major commercial
corridors of Jongro and Namdaemunro Boulevard were
increasingly occupied by royal villas and economic
authorities that were in charge of collecting and
distributing commodities across the country (Kwon and
Kim, 2004). A number of studies have documented the
pragmatic aspects of the urban structure of pre-modern
Seoul, such as the effective defensive system of a walled
city and changes in the royal procession of the king (Kim
and An, 2012; Song and Cho, 2012). Additionally, recent
studies like Sohn et al., (2010), Jun and Yoon (2012),
and Yoo and Park (2014) investigated multiple urban
aspects of Seoul. However, no study has empirically
analyzed the geographic relationship between major
administrative buildings and the urban pattern of the city.
This relationship may be best illustrated by identifying
locations of individual buildings on the same map.
Administrative buildings can be verified from multiple
data sources, but finding the locations of individual
markets has not been plausible because of the low
resolution of pre-modern maps. Therefore, this paper takes
a space syntax approach to document changes in the level
of street integration in Seoul. Greater street integration is
known to be a proxy for a site with intensive pedestrian

Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering/May 2015/426 419

movements, such as main commercial boulevards and
shopping areas (Hillier et al., 1993; Kim and Kwon,
2002). The paper describes changes in the urban structure
of Seoul after the seventeenth century by using the space
syntax method and discusses the forces underlying the
city's urban reconfiguration.
Fig.1. Old Maps of Seoul Showing the Locations of Palaces,
Roads, and Streams (A: The Dosung Samkunmun Bungoejido
Map of 1751; B: The Daedong Yojido Map of 1861; C: The
Hanseongbu Jido Map of 1902; D: The Seoul Map of 1914; E:
Key Locations of Palaces, Roads, and Streams in Maps; Map
Source: Hur (1994); Yang and Yi (1995); Gyeongseongbu (1914))
2. Research Methods
To examine the spatial relationship between
locations of administrative buildings and major streets,
spatial data from historic maps, master plans, and
geographically rectified aerial photos were collected
using a standard method for processing geospatial data
(Kim and Rowe, 2013). In particular, three historic
maps of Seoul produced in 1751, 1861, and 1902
provided key data. These maps had a high resolution
with clearly visible outlines of urban districts, roads,
major buildings, and water bodies and included the
entire study area (Hur, 1994; Yang and Yi, 1995;
Gyeongseongbu, 1914; Fig.1.). Old maps of Seoul
420 JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon
were painted in a picturesque style, but the roads
implied their important role in old Seoul's urban
structure. Therefore, the road network system was
analyzed using the method of geographical information
system (GIS). In addition, historic documents related
to the planning of Seoul, including Joseon Wangjo
Silok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) and Bibyeonsa
Deungnok (Records of the Border Defense Council)
dating back to the seventeenth century, were carefully
investigated for circumstantial evidence of the precise
location of urban construction.
Fig.2. The Method of Mapping Major Administrative Buildings
and Street Patterns (A: Integration Values for a Map with Straight
Lines; B: Integration Values for a Map with Curved Lines; C:
An Axial Map of the Daedong Yojido Map of 1861 with Straight
Lines; D: An Axial Map of the Dosung Samkunmun Bungoejido
Map of 1751 with Curved Lines; E: The 1914 Japanese Map
of Hanseongbu; F: The Daedong Yojido Map of 1861; G: A
Standardized Street Map Based on the 1914 Map)
However, historic maps involved substantial
geometric differences in the representation of streets
and buildings. For instance, a street drawn as a straight
line in one map was depicted as a curved line in
another. Because this could lead to discrete integration
values between the same urban patterns in the analysis
of space syntax, the 1914 map was chosen to make
standardized axial maps of the city.
Fig.3. The Space Syntax Analysis Procedure (A: The 1751
Map of Seoul (Dosung Samkunmun Bungoejido); B: The 1861
Map of Seoul (Daedong Yojido); C: The 1902 Map of Seoul
(Hanseongbu Jido))
Once standardized maps were obtained, the entire
area of Seoul was subdivided into five administrative
regions based on administrative boundaries: the
central, northern, eastern, western, and southern parts.
The spatial integration value for each region was
calculated using the global integration method (R = n)
based on the space syntax approach. The integration
value measured the average cognitive complexity of
approaching one region from another. For instance, if
a street in a specific area was intersected by a number
of secondary roads, the area was considered to present
a high integration value because of its increased
accessibility from other areas through a set of the
shortest paths leading to it. This method was chosen
because it could better predict an area's configurational
relationship with the larger urban grid than the local- Fig.4. Locations of Palaces, Royal Villas, and Administrative
integration method (Hillier, 1996). After regional Buildings (A: Palaces and Royal Villas; B: Main Government
variations in street patterns were investigated, more Offices; C: Economic Authority Buildings;
fine-grained axial maps were drawn for the years 1751, Source: Kwon and Kim (2004))
1861, and 1902 based on the space syntax approach. 3. Results: Highly Integrated Streets Incrementally
In this study, two definitions—the top 5% and 20% Spread Out from the Center Toward the Southwestern
integration values for the city's entire urban grids— Part of the City
were selected to highlight segments of streets with According to the analysis of space syntax, the
higher integration values over time. Fig.3. shows central part showed the highest integration value (1.316)
highly integrated streets in red and less integrated in 1751, followed by the western (1.217) and southern
(highly segregated) streets in blue. (1.061) parts. The eastern (0.946) and northern (0.943)
Then each axial map was compared with the areas were the least integrated ones. The prominence
distribution pattern of major administrative buildings. of the center was consistently found in the years 1861
In this study, 5 palaces, 11 royal villas, 15 government/ (1.329) and 1902 (1.324) (Table 1.).
military headquarters, and 11 economic authority The results are not surprising in that the central
buildings were plotted on the 1914 map. Although area of Seoul served as an urban core of the capital
these did not constitute a complete map of major from the very beginning of the dynasty. However, the
buildings that existed in Seoul, precise locations could moderately high integration value of the western and
be confirmed through marked buildings based on southern parts relative to the eastern and northern areas
historic maps and documents (Fig.4.). Some buildings indicates that street development and neighborhood
not listed here were removed from the study because changes took place in these areas (Fig.5.).
their locations were not sufficiently evident from the
source material.

JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon 421

 and 1902 maps imply the substantial diversification
of districts and infrastructure projects over time.
This development included the establishment of
Gyeonghuigung Palace and Deoksugung Palace,
replacing small royal villas in the early seventeenth
century, as well as the establishment of a sizable
number of administrative offices. In addition, the
Joseon government in later periods sought to battle
colonial rule in the face of the increased Western and
Japanese influence. One such effort was King Gojong's
(1863~1907) redevelopment of the capital, particularly
the western part of Hanseongbu, as a way to legitimize
his regime through modern urban functions (Joseon
Wangjo Silok, 1895). Deoksugung Palace and its
neighboring districts, for instance, were reshaped as
an administrative town with military barracks and a
training camp (Fig.6.-d).

Fig.5. Maps of the Distribution of Integration Values (A:

Regional Boundaries Shown in the Map of 1770; B: The
Distribution of Integration Values; C: An Axial Map of the
Southern District; D: An Axial Map of the Eastern District;
Map Source: Hur (1994))
Table 1. The Change in the Global Integration Value
Years Central East West South North Ave
1751 1.316 0.946 1.217 1.061 0.943 1
1861 1.329 0.956 1.192 1.066 0.961 1
1902 1.324 0.967 1.139 1.064 0.892 1

With areas showing the top 5% integration value

visualized, the prominence of Jongro, a major
commercial corridor with a centralized marketplace
authorized by the royal government—was clearly
illustrated. In the 1751 Seoul map, for instance,
Jongro was the only highly integrated street crossing
in the city in the east-west direction. In the 1861
map, Jongro's hierarchical priority was further
strengthened through its linear extension to the east of Fig.6. The Distribution of Highly Integrated Streets in
Hanseongbu (Fig.6.-a). This territorial expansion was Hanseongbu (A: Streets with the Top 5% Integration Values in
1751, 1861, and 1902; B: The Transition of the Eastern District
associated with King Jungjo's (1776~1800) political in the Dosung Samkunmun Bungoejido Map of 1751 (Left) and
determination to develop the eastern area. The king the Daedong Yojido Map of 1861 (Right); C: The Transition of
forged his political connection to his predecessor by the Southwestern District in the Daedong Yojido Map of 1861
directing the construction of a ceremonial building as (Left) and the Hanseongbu Jido Map of 1902 (Right); D: Streets
well as by relocating residents to the area by virtue with the top 20% Integration Values in 1751, 1861, and 1902;
of tax abatement and the development of the city's Map Source: Hur (1994); Yang and Yi (1995))
basic infrastructure through public investment (Joseon
In comparison to this southwestern area, changes
Wangjo Silok, 1780; Fig.6.-b). Later, integrated streets
in the eastern part were rather slow. In addition to the
started to spread out vertically from Jongro, as shown
government's political undertaking, marked differences
in the 1902 Seoul map. The expansion included a major
in street integration between the eastern and western
administrative corridor of the dynasty to the south of
parts may be explained by geographic factors. The
Gyeongbokgung Palace; Deoksugung Palace and urban
eastern part of Seoul was geographically a low-lying
regeneration near the palace; and Namdaemunro, a
area. During the rainy season, the increased flow
commercial boulevard abutting markets located in the
of surface water and the Cheonggyecheon stream
central area southwest of Seoul (Fig.6.-c).
frequently inundated the neighborhood. Therefore, the
With areas showing the top 20% integration value
government's public investment in the western area
drawn, the western and southern parts of the city
was less costly than what the development of disaster-
emerged as hot spots of the city's intensive street
prone areas of the eastern part would have been (Fig.7.).
expansion. Changes in these areas based on the 1861

422 JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon


Fig.7. Geographic Characteristics of Hanseongbu (A: The
Low-Lying Area of Hanseongbu with an Elevation 20 m ~
45 m Above Sea Level; B: Locations of Mountains and Low-
Lying Areas Shown in a Historic Map; C: Road Systems of
Hanseongbu with a Geographic Map;
D: Waterways in Hanseongbu)
4. A Novel Transition: The Spatial Integration of
Commercial Areas and Government Districts
In the early Joseon Dynasty, the placement of the
king's palaces and major administrative boulevards
within the city wall was one of the major planning
issues. The locational separation of administrative
and commercial areas shown in the earlier spatial
structure of Seoul may be explained by the ideological
split between the lives of the aristocratic elite and
commoners in pre-modern Joseon. The social
exclusivity embedded in the hierarchically segregated
regime may fit smoothly into the spatial dichotomy of
rulers and the ruled, but according to the present GIS
analysis, this disconnection between the two areas
started to shift toward spatial interdependence at the
beginning of the seventeenth century. In addition, a
number of newly formed royal villas and government
buildings were located in commercial areas (indicated
in red in Fig.3.).
The city's spatial restructuring was likely a risky
and costly political initiative for a regime that had
just suffered two unprecedented wars: one with the
Toyotomi Shogunate of Japan (1592~1598) and the
other with the Qing Dynasty of China (1636~1637).
Nonetheless, royal families and high-level bureaucrats
carried out the relocation plan. The decision was spurred
at least in part by a general consensus on shifting the
national economic policy toward commercialization.
This new policy changed Seoul's urban structure by
relocating royal villas, economic authority buildings,
and military headquarters. Those offices actively
involved in commercial transactions with markets
located in the central and southwestern parts of Seoul,
JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon
whose integration values were higher (as indicated by
the red color) than those for other parts of Seoul. The
analysis results can be summarized as follows:
Fig.8. The Transition of Main Facilities in Seoul Since
the Seventeenth Century (A: Locations of Royal Palaces,
Including Gyeongbokgung Palace, Changdeokgung Palace,
and Gyeonghuigung Palace, and Main Government Offices,
Including Uijeongbu, Samkunbu, Bibyeonsa, Hunryundogam,
and Gumyuiyoung, in the Old Map; B: Locations of these
Facilities; C: The Spatial Integration Transition of Commercial
Areas and Government Authority Districts;
Source: Hur (1994); Kwon and Kim (2004))
First, the dominance of Jongro and the associated
street expansion in later years indicate that the spatial
integration between the regime's administrative
function and commercial neighborhoods was due in
part to an axial shift in the dynasty's major palaces.
Changdeokgung Palace and Gyeonghuigung Palace, for
instance, started to replace the administrative role of
Gyeongbokgung Palace, which was not reconstructed
after the war. This change led to the reconfiguration
of the city's administrative axis from Gyeongbokgung
Palace/Changdeokgung Palace to Changdeokgung
Palace/Gyeonghuigung Palace, and this axial shift
further spurred the redistribution of high-level
bureaucrats' offices and the relocation of royal villas.
This integration is also illustrated by the new location
of the government headquarters, where the prime
minister made decisions on the nation's internal politics
423
and foreign policies. Based on the maps, there were
two government offices for the prime minister, and
these offices were located between the main gates of
the palaces and Jongro. The reconfigured site of the top
administrative headquarters of the Joseon Dynasty, that
is, the king's palaces and government headquarters,
shows that the political arena closely approached
commercial neighborhoods of Seoul and was located
in the central and southwestern parts of Seoul, whose
integration values were higher than those for other
areas based on the GIS analysis (Fig.9.).
Fig.9. A Comparison of Locations of Main Government
Buildings in Areas with High Integration Values (A: Locations of
New Government Offices Related to the Economic Policy Since
the Seventeenth Century; B: Changes in Locations of Major
Administrative Buildings such as Government Offices and Royal
Villas and Streets with the Top 20% Integration Values)
Second, coterminous with the rise of economic
authorities, royal families and their relatives started to
play more prominent economic roles. Beyond hosting
political events and ceremonies in remote locations,
royal families continued to expand their family-
owned, tax-exempted lands in the late Joseon Dynasty
through reclamation or confiscation. With increased
income from land-based assets, several royal villas
were given the authority to control informal trading
in the market and aid poverty-stricken commoners
by providing food and basic shelter. These new
missions helped to accelerate the relocation of royal
villas, which were concentrated mainly in the central
and southwestern areas of Seoul near the street
of Jongro, which showed high integration values
at the start of the seventeenth century. The easy
424 JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon
accessibility of these areas likely enhanced Jongro's
prominence as a multifunctional spine of the city's
urban network and reinforced the relocation of royal
palaces and economic authority buildings. Newly
established government offices dealing with national
economic policies and tax collection as well as royal
villas led to the territorial expansion of Jongro. In
addition, economic authority buildings, endowment
management offices, international trading offices, and
diplomatic offices were relocated to areas near Jongro
and Namdaemunro. These sites were chosen to locate
the power base of royal families and bureaucrats
in the vicinity of the nation's commercially vibrant
neighborhoods (Bibyeonsa Deungnok, 1671; Joseon
Wangjo Silok, 1617). Further, a newly established
military authority for making and distributing war
supplies helped to activate commercial activity in the
late Joseon Dynasty and was also located with a market
precinct in Jongro. This authority not only boosted the
area's manufacturing sector, which included weapons,
shields, and materials for defense, but also conveyed
powerful social messages by carrying out capital
punishment in public (Joseon Wangjo Silok, 1728).
Locations of royal villas and government authority
buildings coincided with those areas showing high
integration values.
5. Discussion
The evolution of Seoul's urban structure during
the study period was a notable deviation from the
fundamental principle of urban design shared by many
Asian countries. The principle of Qianchaohoushi ( 前
朝後市 )—locating administrative offices in front of
the royal palace and forming a market in the backyard
under the rubric of Zhouli Kaogongji ( 周禮考工記 )—
served as the spatial paradigm for urban planning
in ancient China and was followed by the Joseon
Dynasty. Although this principle per se was not always
observed, as demonstrated by the difference between
the Xian and Beijing models in China, it fundamentally
led to some spatial stratification between governmental
administration and commercial neighborhoods (Jeon,
2003; Fig.9.). In the Joseon Dynasty, despite the
governing principle of Qianchaohoushi, the urban
formation of Seoul did not squarely conform to the
standard paradigm. For instance, the commercial
corridor Jongro was located south of the palace, not
in its backyard. Despite the deviation, however, the
dichotomy of administration and commerce strongly
characterized the city. But the results show that this
division started to blur in the seventeenth century,
leading to the more prominent spatial integration
between the eighteenth and early twentieth centuries.
It is debatable whether the restructuring of Seoul
was an outcome of royal families' political will or the
natural reflection of the bottom-up demand of the rising
middle class. One of the fundamental triggers was
likely the burning of Gyeongbokgung Palace during
the Japanese invasion of Korea between 1592 and
1598. Another social factor might have been the loss of
royal prestige associated with the king's defeat in the
wars. The need for the wholesale redevelopment of the
palace and its neighboring areas after Qing's invasion
between 1636 and 1637, together with the weakened
authority of the nation's top administrator, reinforced
the spatial concentration of major administrative
functions around the central and southwestern parts
of Seoul. The martial regime's new placement as well
as newly established economic offices envisioned
Jongro as a new multifunctional street of Seoul. This
change affected the major route along which local
municipalities' tax endowment and commodities were
delivered to the capital. Therefore, the economic
prominence of Jongro and its neighboring areas
was sharply elevated to the national level during
the seventeenth century. This area received a high
integration value. In this transition, the urban structure
of Seoul in the seventeenth century changed from
symbolic separation to a pragmatic urban structure.
Fig.10. Other Maps of Seoul Presenting Different Points of
View with Respect to Administrative and Commercial Areas
(A: A Historic Map of the Kyongdodo Map of 1673 Showing
Only the Distribution of Government Buildings; B: The Historic
Hanyangdo Map of 1770 Showing the Distribution of Markets
and Government Buildings; C: The Kyungsung Yongsan Sigado
Map of 1910 Showing the Extension Beyond the City Wall of
Seoul; Map Source: Hur (1994))
JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon
In short, the dynasty's administrative headquarters
became increasingly integrated with commercial
neighborhoods, including Jongro and the southern
part of Namdaemunro. This integration represented
a major shift in the urban structure of Seoul from
the fundamental segregation of administrative and
commercial areas. According to later maps, the name
of the capital (Seoul) was often rephrased as chengshi
( 城市 ), meaning a "walled market," perhaps partly
reflecting the changed perception of the importance
of commoners' place in the city (Kim et al., 2013).
Reinforcing the political and managerial role of Seoul
after the war would not have been successful without
the cooperation of the nation's political and military
elites and commercial networks. Therefore, urban
spatial consolidation was probably one of the most
practical choices that the regime made in accordance
with the rise of modern entrepreneurship in the country.
The central and southwestern parts of Seoul expanded
afterward, and in the early twentieth century, Seoul's
territory extended beyond the city wall near Yongsan.
This important topic is left to future research (Fig.10.).
6. Conclusions
This paper investigates the spatial transition of
major administrative functions in Seoul and their
growing proximity to commercial neighborhoods. The
results based on axial maps using the space syntax
method show that the king's place of residence (e.g.,
Changdeokgung Palace and Gyeonghuigung Palace),
royal villas, and economic and military headquarters
became spatially correlated with highly integrated
street patterns near Jongro and Namdaemunro. This
strong spatial correlation indicates a reciprocal
relationship between the city's administrative and
commercial neighborhoods.
It is known that the urban structure of old cities
in East Asia followed the traditional technique of
separating government buildings from commercial
areas. According to the GIS analysis, however, Seoul's
urban structure from the seventeenth century shifted to
unify these two important facilities of old Seoul, and
here pragmatism and geographic merits might have
propelled its economic-oriented government policy.
This rise of pragmatism during the late Joseon
Dynasty was encoded into urban space, which
shifted away from the ideological separation between
administration and commerce. The results indicate that
the influence of the Chinese classic principle of urban
design might have been overrated, if not unrelated,
with respect to the modern transition of East Asian
cities pursuing a policy of economic development, as in
the case of Seoul. Future research should examine the
effects of old Seoul's pragmatism and urban structural
transition on the urban space of modern Seoul.
425
Acknowledgements
Professor Youngsang Kwon's work was supported by
the Research Resettlement Fund for the new faculty of
Seoul National University and Basic Science Research
Program through the National Research Foundation
of Korea (NRF) funded by the Ministry of Science,
ICT & Future Planning (NRF-2014R1A1A1005367).
Professor Saehoon Kim's work was supported by the
BK21 Plus Project in 2014 (Seoul National University
Interdisciplinary Program in Landscape Architecture,
Global leadership program towards innovative green
infrastructure). Professor Bonghee Jeon's work was
supported by the Basic Science Research Program of
the National Research Foundation (NRF) of Korea
funded by the Ministry of Education, Science, and
Technology (2012R1A1A2009565).
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426 JAABE vol.14 no.2 May 2015 Youngsang Kwon