CONCEPTIONS AND MISCONCEPTIONS OF TRIBAL STRATIFICATION

SYSTEM: ENTHOGRAPHIC STUDY ON KATTUNAIKA TRIBE

Author: P.Shabeesh, Assistant Professor in Sociology, Department of sociology, Institute of Tribal
Studies and Research, Chethalayam, Wayanad, Email: Shabeesh10403@gmail.com,

ABSTRACT

The study is based on two major concepts, the “tribe” and “social stratification and both of them
requires some logic explanations. The tribe and social stratification are not usually interrelated
phrases because the tribes keep an isolated life pattern and they select the places for their settlement
either in the midst of forest or in the outskirts of forest. They have been following the traditions and
practices, to a great extent, unfamiliar to the mainstream societies. They disliked to entertain the
strangers and always kept a distance from them. It is our duty to give ideological base to the concept
of social stratification and then only we can define and confine the migration of Tribals to the
outlook of modernity, by comparing them with the sophisticated life style of non-tribes. It is an
attempt to find out the meaning and concept of tribes and social stratification.
Key Words: - Tribe, Stratification, Identity, Modernity, Kattunaika Community

INTRODUCTION

The use of the term, tribe‟ to describe people who were different from those of the
mainstream civilization has been viewed as a colonial construction. There is no doubt that the
use of the category “tribes” to describe people so heterogeneous from each other in respect of
physical and linguistic traits, demographic size, ecological conditions of living, regions inhabited
or stages of social formation and level of acculturation and development as put forward by the
colonial administration. The term tribe since the 16th century has referred to groups or
communities, which lived in primitive and barbarous conditions of living. The pre-colonial
depiction of the tribal people in India as dasyus, “daityas”, “rakshasas”and “nishadas”, when
juxtaposed with the mid 19th century western racial concept. To the colonial administrators cum
ethnographers, tribes came to be constituted as people who practiced animism or tribal religion.
Tribes are addressed by their tribe names, which generally correspond with their distinct
language or dialect. But, this aspect of the labeling of tribes has been overlooked in sociological
discourse on tribes.

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 In every society, there will be system of practices and structures which reproduce the
differentiation among the groups of people. Structural analysis in sociology focuses on the
network of social relationships, which though culturally distinct share common and comparable
attitudes at a higher level of abstraction called social structure.
Social Stratification among the Tribals may function within the microcosm of a tribe or at the
plane of two or more tribal groups. Tribal stratification is usually viewed in terms of internal
distinction of the individual in accordance with their control over natural resources or the ranking
of Individuals based on their hereditary or material and divine capabilities. In India the questions
and problems of inter-tribal groups did not occur. Perhaps, this may be because each tribal group
settled in isolation from each other.
However, empirical data show that contemporary system of tribal stratification has
metamorphosed or transformed and comparatively different from those forms of stratification,
which existed in earlier times. Recent Investigations and literature on various tribes indicate and
prove that the courses and patterns of tribal stratification have been transmuted over time. In the
passage of time, several factors had appeared to perform in determining the paradigm of social
stratification in their community.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The question of social stratification assumes that which are part of caste, power, status
manners. Thus tribal stratification needs to reveal in the changed scenario. The general phrase of
society attached the broader stratification system which includes gender, economy, and politics
and so on. As coming to tribal community where as the system of differences are invisible in
whole society. But the cases of tribal group the system of differences are visible. So this study
mainly concerned with the existing conceptions of tribal stratification and its problems.
In the study of stratifications in Indian society, scholars have distinguished two kinds of
hierarchies. The First is referred to as “sacred”, ‘ritual’ or ‘Pollution’ hierarchy, with Brahmins
the top, untouchables at the bottom and intermediate groups ranked according to certain
principles of purity and Pollution (Louis Dumont).the second kind of hierarchy is referred to as
‘secular’ or ‘politico-economic’ with most powerful economic and political group at the top and
least powerful economic and political group at the bottom.

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 Many of studies on tribes far removed from this kind of treatment. As coming to the case of
Kattunaika Communities in Kerala, most of the study convinced that the stratification among
tribal groups concerted on Hindu caste system bases. They are some research questions proposed
to be examined with the following underlying assumptions.
1. The existing literature of tribes revealed that the stratification examined the light of Hindu
caste system. Which are the colonial construction and the Indian scholars who followed it.
2. The mainstream society follows certain amount stratified differences interms of economic,
political and religious aspects like class, gender, occupation.
3. The stratification differences among the tribes are invisible because of the lack of
representation in mainstream literature.
4. The visible stratification system not recognized the tribes are part of whole community
(marginalized group). Among the Kattunaika community followed different form of system of
hierarchies.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

In case of tribes, the position and nature of stratification are significantly different than the
one observed among the caste society. Certain ethics of caste ideology are basically missing in
case of tribes. But the growing situations of culture contact have made the members of many
tribes aware of the new rules and ways of social stratification. Making castes as their ‘reference
group’, these people, over the course of years, have imbibed certain additional norms
determining social distance, interaction and relationship. Such a trend gave rise to new social
formations and socio-economic arrangement of people. It may, however, be mentioned that
factors, born of culture contact, reshaped the social behaviour in the tribe caste and intra-tribe
perspective.
Comparatively more hold of conventional rules; however seems to operate in the intra-tribe
situation. Therefore, two broad dimensions of stratification in tribal society can be delineated.
First, it is to be seen in the background of caste vs tribe and tribe vs tribe and secondly in the
relevance of intra-tribe setting. Some of the aspects of social stratification are related to question
of theory, structure and processes. Reviewing typology of caste stratification, and the one among
tribes, including those who are getting sanskritized, the following may be hypothesized.

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 Level of inequality is lower and less prominent among tribes than the one observed among
the castes.
 State of deprivation, of various kinds, is less severe in tribals social order than that of caste.
 Quite a good number of stratification attributes are not built in the original tribal social
system. Many of them are there borrowed.
 Social mobility is marked by less severe impositions in case of tribals. Though not
uniformity true at all levels, the tribals comparatively more accommodating in this respect.

However, rigidity in certain areas is not ruled out. The tribal situation in Kerala, especially
in Wayanad, where as the kattunaikka community fairly supports that intra-tribe social
stratification is more prominent and revealing than the inter-tribe or tribe-caste one. In this paper
which concerned with the intra-tribe social stratification, which is truly criticized the constructed
conception of tribal stratification in India.
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
 To understand the socio-cultural profile of kattunayakan tribes in wayanad district.
 Critically analyze the existing conceptions and misconceptions regarding tribal stratification
system in india.
 To access the visible and invisible system of stratification among Kattunaika community.
 Find out in which forms stratification system existing among Kattunaika community.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The study is an explorative the study of stratification among kattunaika tribe. We used the
qualitative research to explore the existing system of stratification among this group. The sources
of data include primary as well as secondary sources.
TOOLS USED FOR COLLECTION OF DATA

Both primary and secondary data were used for the study. Primary data is collected through the
method of participatory and narrative.
Sampling
The universal of the study in wayanad district of kerala was purposively collected for
conducting the study. This mainly focused the kattunayka tribes in muttil, cheeyambam,
mullankolli ,vadankavala and tholpetti.

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Data collection
The main tool of data collection used in study is an participatory method and focused group
interviews. The information collected from people who are the kattunayaka colony members we
selected. The personal conducts of the researches also supplemented the data collected through
participatory. In order to understand kattunayaka stratification we have used through the
participatory method.
DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS

The wayanad have the largest tribal population in Kerala with 8 scheduledtribes including
Paniya, Mullakuruma, Kurichya, Adiyan, Vettakuruman, Wayanadan kadar, Kattunaikkan, and
Thachaanadan mooppan. These communities have a number of symbolic oral narratives.The
Paniya as the large population tribe. They have a population of around 94,000 individuals.

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND OF KATTUNAIKKA COMMUNITY

The Kattunaikan community is found in Wayanad, Kozhikode, and Malappuram districts. Is a
particularly vulnerable tribal group of Wayanad. The Kattunaikan has been identified 'Primitive
Tribal Group' by the government, and for their development, special programmes are being
conceived and implemented. As their names denote, the Kattunaikan were the kings of the jungle
regions engaged in the collection and the gathering of forest producers. They have all the
physical features of a hill tribe. They seldom mingle with other communities. They kattunaikan
tribal have also a headman called 'muttan' whose decisions are said to be find. They spoke
Kattunaika language a dialect of Kannada and Malayalam.

They are patrilineal and a forest dwelling, hunting, and gathering community. This is the largest
population among PVTG in Kerala with a total population of 2011 (male-9953, female-10042).In
regard to bride allowed to pay in instalments after marriage. If a man cannot afford bride price,
he can elope. One day with his girl to any other place outside their colony and live together
afterwards without falling social stigma. A Kattunaikan girl is not allowed to marry a man from
other tribes. Divorce and desertion are common among them. Religious organisation is not much
evolved among the Kattunaikan tribals. They worship animals, birds, trees, rock, hillrocks, and
snakes. They are firm believers in black magic and sorcery. They also worship their ancestors,
along with worshipping Hindu deities such as Vishnu, Siva, Baghavadi. Kattunaikan generally
do not believe.
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Beliefs system of kattunaikan

Ancestor worship is the cornerstone of the kattunaikan’s belief system. Ancestor worship was
a universal form religious expression which emphasized the influence of deceased relatives on
the living.

Kattunaikan also believe in a host of god and goddesses. The kattunaikan had a complex and
diverse group of gods and goddesses.kattunaikan had two main gods thamburan and
thamburatti,are the most fearsome and powerful of the kattunaikan tribe gods. The deities
worshiped are echigali yakshi,bhoomideva,maladaivam etc. the feminine deities worshiped by
kattunaikan communities include devi, bhadhrakali ,palamkali, seethadevi, saraswathi, parvathi,
gulikan and kuttichathan are also considered the some other main among gods. All this deities
are propitiated from time to time to keep the family and community safe from problems.
Kattunaikka’s ancestor consulting practice is known as daivathe vilikkal (calling god). The
head of the faction appeals to their gods to solve a problem. When he points out solutions to the
problem of the devotees, the offer him water and betel leaves. He garantees protection from all
kinds of nasty elements and illness.
The temple of god is the center of the spiritual life of the community. This is where all the rituals
and ritual are performed, which is a powerful force for maintaining decoram and ordering
kattunaikan dwellings. Every member of that community participats in every function that is held
there. There is an elder who performs all the rituals and communicates with the ancestors. It is
called njayam parayuka in their language. Than there is a velichapad, dancing with a cane stick
in a special style (god drops). It is believed that the spirit of the ancestors evolved in the body of
velichapad.

Rituals
Rituals are religious or solemn ceremony involving a series of actions performing according to a
prescribed order. Rituals releted to life cycle ceremonies observed by kattunaikan community
are:
1. Pregnancy and birth
2. Puberty
3. Marriage
4. Death rituals

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Pregnancy and birth
Women give birth in their own homes. In the eighth month of her first pregnancy. she must
return to her home to make the necessary arrangement for child birth. She returns homes after
delivery. The baby is bathed in hot water of turmeric. This continues for twenty one days. The
kattunaikan practice a number of rituals during childbirth or when there is pain in labor. Pregnant
women should take a small piece of iron to avoid panic after taking herbal medicines during
childbirth. After delivery, women are given a papper save with hot water to dry her stomach
women.
Puberty
Puberty is most important transition stage to the girls from childhood and adulthood.
Kattunaikan consider puberty as the symbol of girl has come to the marriegable age. The age
attained girl is kept in a separate but at the backside of main but known as ‘gumma’ in their
dialect. It is one room but maid by bamboo and mud. The roof is thatched with leafs and grass
and the floor is smeared with cow during paste. After the arrival of all the community members,
the girl goes to the bathing ceremony. The girl baths in the hot water of turmeric, which is called
“erissinaneeru”. After bathing, the girl should have turmeric past on her face, hands and feet.
Kettukalyanam
In the case of kattunayakan community elaborate rites are not observed. In this marriage
system,a boy and a girl fall in love with each other and they start living together after informing
their parents. Parents attach no stigma to sun always marriages among them. Neither bride price
nor dowry was payable among the kattunayakan community.

Death and Burial ceremony

Among the kattunayakan it is conducted either on the seventh or eleventh or thirteenth day of
a death. A non vegetarian feast is arranged for the newly death,the ancestors and to all those who
attend the ceremony,after cleaning and washing the floors courtyard of the house with cow dung.
The head man, accompanied by the close relatives of the death, carry a portion of the feast along
with coconut, banana,betel leaves and areca nut in a basket of the graveyard. It the deceased is
married,all this items are carried to his or her by his or her sisters. After cleaning the grave,they
place all this things in a plantain leaf on the grave. This rites is known as 'kulu vekkuka '.

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 All the people stand a little away from the grave for about fifteen minutes. Three boys of the
same age, approximately of seven or eight, cover this heads with cloths and sit behind the
plantain leaf containing the food items. They consume a small quantity of the food from the
plantain leaf. After this,the headman removes the stick which was thrust in the grave at the time
of burial. It is believed that the headman can see the image of the dead person through the smoke
that comes out from the hole caused by the removal of the stick. Meanwhile the headman gets
possessed and, moving from the grave to the hut of the dead, he shouts the reason for his or her
death. Then the relatives take a glass of water and add a few drops of coconut oil or caster oil.If
the oil mingles with the water, it is believed that the spirit of the dead person is free and has
attained salvation. After the feast known as Thithi, men and women begin to dance along with
the blowing of cheeni (pipe). The very next day after Adiyanthiram , the oracles goes to the
grave and the spirit of the dead person enters his body. He then installs the spirit that has entered
his body in the Daivappura and offers it betel and areca nut.

This paper explore the existing stratification among the kattunaika community the above
mentioned rituals and practices. The Kattunaika are categorised among four tribe; 1) Jennu
kurumba 2) Muchh kurumba 3) Mala kurumba 4) Anthalu kurumba

Jennu kurumba, they got the name from the word 'Jane' which means 'honey'. Jannu kurumba
are generally honey collectors. Their family work is the collection of honey. That's why they got
the name. Their ancestor is called 'Chembarathithai'. The worship of god is also called 'Daiva
abba'. 'Adikai' rituals is used to cure sickness among them. Dry cinnamon (Chiranga) can be
taken from the inner abscess, rinsed, dried, and shaken again. They believe that doing this would
make them sick. Similarly they put the 'Avannakai' in the 'Muram' and look at the problem. This
is called 'Kenninodthu'. Muchh kurumba, is named after a monkey named 'Muchh'. They are
worshipped by other deities such as lord Shiva and lord Bhagavathi. In order to get sick, the
'Kurata' which is called 'Burt' takes the dagger from the inside and rinses it off again. Mala
kurumbar, in the early days, the Mala kurumbar were the only settlers in the highlands. That's
why they got the name Mala kurumbar. They perform the rituals of giving the devavatam on the
first day of Malayalam month. Their god is known as 'Gulikan'. They have nothing to do with the
trap.

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CONCLUSION & FINDINGS
In some tribal societies, the interplay of both traditional and modern forces activises heralded
change. The traditional forces include Hinduisation, Sanskritisation and tribe-caste continuum,
and the modern forces like proleterization, urbanization, industrialization, planned development,
education, communication, administration, globalization, neo-liberalization, post modernism,
post structuralism etc., stimulate the process of change.
Jenne kurumba, themselves regarded as the purest and dominant group among this groups.
Because they follow all type of indigenous practices and do all the practices. They are not
supposed to imitate the Hindu religious practices. They are not ready to accept remaining
subgroups. They think that we are the indigenous kattunaikka Tribes. Here some of interesting
fact that the remaining subgroup imitates the Jennu Kurumba’s customs and beliefs, in order
attain the privilege group within it. It simply means that what M.N Srinivas pointing that Jennu
Kurumba as a reference group.
There is a great deal of difference between the rituals and practices by these tribes. The
rituals among the kattunaika groups are seen has visible and invisible. Among the Jennu
kurumba group there is a Gender emphasis is on death row among them . When women
programed death rituals in a Jennu kurumba they do not participate in it completely. Only men
go to bury the dead person. Women don't go with it. But when they go to river after burrian, the
girls send their hair and burn the sandalwood . Men are coming after them. All the rituals are
programed by man .There are hostly by pouring water on the bamboo sticks and pouring three
drops of oil of it. The bamboo sticks are them cut through the middle. This ceremony is
performed by the man. This perform is known as ' 'anne bidathe ''. This ritual practice viewed
that there is truly gender based ritual practices among kattunaikka tribes. But these people think
if we are suppose to include the women in this practices, their god is not ready accept the soul of
dead person. So it means that construction of gender is based on their beliefs and practices.

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Their occupation is mainly the collecting honey. The man went into the forest to collect honey,
they late around one to two weeks. Men do not enter the house of women of any other caste and
religion. This is not applying to the men. Such ceremony and highlight gender discrimination
against women. It also shows an authority for men this is particularly system follow.
Muchh kurumba gives more important category of women. Women participant all all kind of
ceremonies and are given equal participation as a men. If the husband dies this categories, the
wife perform the rituals. Women can go to the barrial place where it is barried. There is no
gender discrimination. In the time of Marriage is come for both men and women. Female slap
and their hand and the male are ''Chantta Kotty kally''. They have no special kind of work. As
compare to jennu kurumba they give much importance to women. They want to produce a
egalitarian group with the help of their practices. Among the Mala kurumbar group, There is no
gender discrimination between them. The women are access to the place where the dead person
buried. The power is equally distribute them. There is no separate traditional occupation.
The last group is Anthal kurumbar , social marry only those belonging to them. The marriage
in women any other category are not allowed in to them. They performed the death ritual. Adult
wedding is not important to men here. Women do it all here. There is no any of gender
discrimination among them. If one ceremony important for women, another ceremony is for
men. There is nothing in a traditional ceremony. As coming to social stratification among
kattunaika group, there will some sorts of invisible practices and belief system which determines
clan differences. The puberty marriage is a function of all the sub group of Kattunaika. The
ceremony of 'Aadikai' followed by Jennu kurumba and Muchh kurumba. Others are do not
follow this.
The marriage practice of Jennu kurumba is quite different from others: They are performing a
lot of rituals related to their marriage. However, instead of making food, they are give tea and
bites. After their marriage they practice the ritual of 'Daribiduthu'. It means that when
bridegroom reached at home, the bridegroom won't see the husband’s father and mother. They
should not talk to each other. And also the bridegroom should be clear the context when she
meets the uncle. They practice some sort of untouchability in the name of marriage. This practice
means that the young married couples who are suppose to respect their elders throughout their
life time.

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But in recent period there will be increasing number of education and interdependence with
mainstream society, which reduced the importance of 'Daribiduthu. Coming to Muchh kurumba
There are married at the house of the women or their 'Tharavadu'. Ones they are firm, the black
pear necklace will be placed on the female's neck. Later, the golden thali reveal were a black
pearl necklace. The men and women are playing for a wedding. Womens play 'Kaikottikali'.
Mens play 'Chendakotti kali'. This game is called 'Maratta'. They make food in a wedding. There
is no such thing as 'Daribiduthu'. Mala kurumba group marriage is carried on the house of
women. Usually there are trite the thali in yellow cord. They used gold thali. It is done to make
food for the wedding. Among them it is not practice daribiduthu. There is no marriage ceremony
for them.
Among the Antal kurumba is used black cord thali as wedding ceremony. These may make food
for the wedding. They could not tie anyone else apart from Antal kurumbar. There is no such
ritual for marriage.
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