Alchemical Notes Reconstructing Ideals From Deconstructed Rights

ALCHEMICAL NOTES: RECONSTRUCTING IDEALS FROM..., 22 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L....
22 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 401
Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review, Spring, 1987
Minority Critique of the Critical Legal Studies Movement

Patricia J. Williamsa
ALCHEMICAL NOTES: RECONSTRUCTING IDEALS FROM DECONSTRUCTED RIGHTS
…

The present paper is an attempt to detail my discomfort with that part of [Critical Legal Studies] which rejects
rights-based theory, particularly that part of the debate and critique which applies to the black 4 struggle for civil
rights. There are many good reasons for abandoning a system of rights which are premised on inequality and
helplessness; yet despite the acknowledged and compelling force of such reasons, most blacks have not turned
away from the pursuit of rights even if what CLS scholars say about rights—that they are contradictory,
indeterminate, reified and marginally decisive in social behavior 5—is so. I think this has happened because the so-
called ‘governing narrative,’6 or metalanguage,7 about the significance of rights is quite different for whites and
blacks. For most whites, including the mostly-white elite of CLS, social relationships are colored by viewing
achievement as the function of committed self-control, of self-possession. For blacks, including black lawyers,
academics and *405 clients, on the other hand, relationships are frequently dominated by historical patterns of
physical and psychic dispossession. In a semantic, as well as a substantive sense, then, I think that CLS has
ignored the degree to which rights-assertion and the benefits of rights have helped blacks, other minorities, and
the poor.

I by no means want to idealize the importance of rights in a legal system in which rights are so often selectively
invoked to draw boundaries, to isolate, and to limit. 8 At the same time, it is very hard to watch the idealistic or
symbolic importance of rights being diminished with reference to the disenfranchised, who experience and
express their disempowerment as nothing more or less than the denial of rights. 9 It is my belief that blacks and
whites do differ in the degree to which rights-assertion is experienced as empowering or disempowering. The
expression of these differing experiences creates a discourse boundary, reflecting complex and often contradictory
societal understandings.10 The remainder of this article attempts to show how that *406 opposition arises. It is my
hope that in redescribing the historical alchemy of rights in black lives, the reader will experience some
reconnection with that part of the self and of society whose story unfolds beyond the neatly-staked bounds of
theoretical legal understanding.

II. A Tale With Two Stories
A. Mini-Story (In Which Peter Gabel and I Set Out to Teach Contracts in the Same Boat While Rowing in
Phenomenological Opposition)
Some time ago, Peter Gabel11 and I taught a contracts class together. Both recent transplants from California to
New York, each of us hunted for apartments in between preparing for class and ultimately found places within
one week of each other. Inevitably, I suppose, we got into a discussion of trust and distrust as factors in bargain
relations. It turned out that Peter had handed over a $900 deposit, in cash, with no lease, no exchange of keys and
© 2021 Thomson Reuters. No claim to original U.S. Government Works. 1
no receipt, to strangers with whom he had no ties other than a few moments of pleasant conversation. 12 Peter said
that he didn’t need to sign a lease because it imposed too much formality. The handshake and the good vibes were
for him indicators of trust more binding than a distancing form contract. At the time, I told Peter I thought he was
stark raving mad, but his faith paid off. His sublessors showed up at the appointed time, keys in hand, to welcome
him in. Needless to say, there was absolutely nothing in my experience to prepare me for such a happy ending. 13

I, meanwhile, had friends who found me an apartment in a building they owned. In my rush to show good faith
and trustworthiness, *407 I signed a detailed, lengthily-negotiated, finely-printed lease firmly establishing me as
the ideal arm’s length transactor.

As Peter and I discussed our experiences, I was struck by the similarity of what each of us was seeking, yet in
such different terms, and with such polar approaches. We both wanted to establish enduring relationships with the
people in whose houses we would be living; we both wanted to enhance trust of ourselves and to allow whatever
closeness, whatever friendship, was possible. This similarity of desire, however, could not reconcile our very
different relations to the word of law. Peter, for example, appeared to be extremely self-conscious of his power
potential (either real or imagistic) as a white or male or lawyer authority figure. He therefore seemed to go to
some lengths to overcome the wall which that image might impose. The logical ways of establishing some
measure of trust between strangers were for him an avoidance of conventional expressions of power and a
preference for informal processes generally. 14

I, on the other hand, was raised to be acutely conscious of the likelihood that, no matter what degree of
professional or professor I became, people would greet and dismiss my black femaleness as unreliable,
untrustworthy, hostile, angry, powerless, irrational and probably destitute. 15 Futility and despair are very real parts
of my response. Therefore it is helpful for me, even essential for me, to clarify boundary; to show that I can speak
the language of lease is my way of enhancing trust of me in my business affairs. As a black, I have been given by
this society a strong sense of myself as already too familiar, too personal, too subordinate to white people. I have
only recently evolved from being treated as three-fifths of a human, 16 a subpart *408 of the white estate.17 I grew
up in a neighborhood where landlords would not sign leases with their poor, black tenants, and demanded that
rent be paid in cash; although superficially resembling Peter’s transaction, such ‘informality’ in most white-on-
black situations signals distrust, not trust. Unlike Peter, I am still engaged in a struggle to set up transactions at
arms’ length, as legitimately commercial, and to portray myself as a bargainer of separate worth, distinct power,
sufficient rights to manipulate commerce, rather than to be manipulated as the object of commerce.

Peter, I speculate, would say that a lease or any other formal mechanism would introduce distrust into his
relationships and that he would suffer alienation, leading to the commodification of his being and the degradation
of his person to property. 18 In contrast, the lack of a formal relation to the other would leave me estranged. It
would risk a figurative isolation from that creative commerce by which I may be recognized as whole, with which
I may feed and clothe and shelter myself, by which I may be seen as equal—even if I am stranger. For me,
stranger-stranger relations are better than stranger-chattel.

B. Meta-Mini-Story (In Which I Reflect Upon My Experiences With Peter, Climb to Celestial Heights While
Juggling the Vocabulary of Rights Discourse, and Simultaneously Undo Not a Few Word-Combination
Locks)
The unifying theme of Peter’s and my experiences (assuming that my hypothesizing about Peter’s end of things
has any *409 validity at all) is that one’s sense of empowerment defines one’s relation to the law, in terms of
trust-distrust, formality-informality, or rights-no rights (or ‘needs’). In saying this I am acknowledging and
affirming points central to CLS literature: that rights may be unstable 19 and indeterminate.20 Despite this
recognition, however, and despite a mutual struggle to reconcile freedom with alienation, and solidarity with
oppression, Peter and I found the expression of our social disillusionment lodged on opposite sides of the
rights/needs dichotomy.

On a semantic level, Peter’s language of circumstantially-defined need—of informality, of solidarity, of
overcoming distance—sounded dangerously like the language of oppression to someone like me who was looking
for freedom through the establishment of identity, the form-ation of an autonomous social self. To Peter, I am
sure, my insistence on the protective distance which rights provide seemed abstract and alienated.

Similarly, while the goals of CLS and of the direct victims of racism may be very much the same, what is too
often missing from CLS works is the acknowledgment that our experiences of the same circumstances may be
very, very different; the same symbol 21 may mean different things to each of us. At this level, *410 for example,
the insistence of Mark Tushnet, Alan Freeman and others 22 that the ‘needs’ of the oppressed should be
emphasized rather than their ‘rights’ amounts to no more than a word game. It merely says that the choice has
been made to put ‘needs’ in the mouth of a rights discourse—thus transforming ‘need’ into a new form of right.
‘Need’ then joins ‘right’ in the pantheon of reified representations of what it is that you, I and we want from
ourselves and from society.

While rights may not be ends in themselves, it remains that rights rhetoric has been and continues to be an
effective form of discourse for blacks. The vocabulary of rights speaks to an establishment that values the guise of
stability, and from whom social change for the better must come (whether it is given, taken or smuggled). Change
argued for in the sheep’s clothing of stability (i.e., ‘rights’) can be effective, even as it destabilizes certain other
establishment values (i.e., segregation). The subtlety of rights’ real instability thus does not render unusable their
persona of stability.

What is needed, therefore, is not the abandonment of rights language for all purposes, but an attempt to become
multilingual in the semantics of each others’ rights-valuation. One summer when I was about six, my family
drove to Maine. The highway was very straight and hot and shimmered darkly in the sun. My sister and I sat in
the back seat of the Studebaker and argued about what color the road was. I said black. My sister said purple.
After I had successfully harangued her into admitting that it was indeed black, my father gently pointed out that
my sister still saw it as purple. I was unimpressed with the relevance of that at the time, but with the passage of
years, and much more observation, I have come to see endless overheated highways as slightly more purpley than
black. My sister and I will probably argue about the hue of life’s roads forever. But, the lesson I learned from
listening to her wild perceptions is that it *411 really is possible to see things—even the most concrete things—
simultaneously yet differently; and that seeing simultaneously yet differently is more easily done by two people
than one; but that one person can get the hang of it with lots of time and effort.

In addition to our differing word usage, Peter and I had qualitatively different experiences of rights. For example,
for me to understand fully the color my sister saw when she looked at a road involved more than my simply
knowing that her ‘purple’ meant my ‘black.’ It required as well a certain ‘slippage of perception’ that came from
my finally experiencing how much her purple felt like my black:
Wittgenstein’s experiments in some of the passages of his Zettel teach us about multiple perception,
ellipsis and hinging, as well as about seeing and saying. He speaks of ‘entering the picture,’ and
indeed his tricks try out our picture as our thought. . . . Ambivalence is assumed. It is as if the
imagination were suddenly to be stretched: ‘Suppose someone were to say: ‘Imagine this butterfly
exactly as it is, but ugly instead of beautiful’?!’ The transfer we are called upon to make includes . . .
stretching not just of the imagination, but of the transfer point: . . . ‘It is as if I were told: ‘Here is a
chair. Can you see it clearly?—Good—now translate it into French!’’ 23

In Peter’s and my case, such a complete transliteration of each other’s experiences is considerably harder to
achieve. If it took years for me to understand fully my own sister, probably the best that Peter and I can do—as
friends and colleagues, but very different people—is to listen intently to each other so that maybe our respective
children can bridge the experiential distance. Bridging such gaps requires listening at a very deep level to the
uncensored voices of others. To me, therefore, one of the most troubling positions advanced by some in CLS is
that of rights’ actual disutility in political advancement. That position seems to discount entirely the voice and the
experiences of *412 blacks in this country, for whom politically effective action has occurred mainly in
connection with asserting or extending rights.

The CLS disutility argument is premised on the assumption that rights’ rigid systematizing may keep one at a
permanent distance from situations which could profit from closeness and informality: ‘It is not just that rights-
talk does not do much good. In the contemporary United States it is positively harmful.’ 24 Furthermore, any
marginal utility to be derived from rights discourse is perceived as being gained at the expense of larger issues;
rights are pitted against, rather than asserted on behalf of, the agencies of social reform. 25 This reasoning underlies
much of the rationale for CLS’ abandonment of rights discourse, and for its preference for informality—for
restyling, for example, arguments about rights to shelter for the homeless into arguments about the ‘needs’ of the
homeless.26

However, such statements about the relative utility of ‘needs’ over ‘rights’ discourse overlook that blacks have
been describing their needs for generations. They overlook a long history of legislation against the self-described
needs of black people, the legacy of which remains powerful today. While it is no longer against the law to teach
black people to read, for example, there is still within the national psyche a deep, self-replicating strain of denial
of the urgent need for a literate black population (‘They’re not intellectual;’ ‘they can’t . . .’). In housing, in
employment, in public and in private life it is the same story: the undesired needs of black people transform them
into undesirables or those-without-desire (‘They’re lazy;’ ‘they don’t want to . . .’).

For blacks, describing needs has been a dismal failure as political activity. It has succeeded only as a literary
achievement. The history of our need is certainly moving enough to have been called poetry, oratory and epic
entertainment27—but *413 it has never been treated by white institutions as a statement of political priority. Some
of our greatest politicians have been forced to become ministers or blues singers. 28 Even white descriptions of ‘the
blues’ tend to remove the day-to-day hunger and hurt from need and abstract it into a mood. And whoever would
—how ever to—legislate against depression? Particularly something as rich, soulful and sonorously productive as
black depression.

It may be different when someone white is describing need. Shorn of the hypnotic rhythmicity which blacks are
said to bring to their woe, white statements of black needs suddenly acquire the sort of stark statistical authority
which lawmakers can listen to and politicians hear. But from blacks, stark statistical statements of need are heard
as ‘strident,’ ‘discordant’ and ‘unharmonious’; heard not as political but only against the backdrop of their
erstwhile musicality, they are again abstracted to mood and heard as angry sounds. 29

For blacks, therefore, the battle is not deconstructing rights, in a world of no rights; nor of constructing statements
of need, in a world of abundantly apparent need. Rather, the goal is to find a political mechanism that can
confront the denial of need. The argument that rights are disutile, even harmful, trivializes this aspect of black
experience specifically, as well as that of any person or group whose genuine vulnerability has been protected by
that measure of actual entitlement which rights provide. 30

*414 For many white CLSers, the word ‘rights’ seems to be overlaid with capitalist connotations of oppression,
universalized alienation of the self, and excessive power of an external and distancing sort. The image of the
angry bigot locked behind the gun-turreted, barbed wire walls of his white-only enclave, shouting ‘I have my
rights!!’ is indeed the rhetorical equivalent of apartheid. 31 In the face of such a vision, ‘token bourgeoisification’ 32
of blacks is probably the best—and the worst—that can ever be imagined. From such a vantage point, the
structure of rights is akin to that of racism in its power to constrict thought, to channel broad human experience
into narrowly referenced and reified stereotypes. Breaking through such stereotypes would naturally entail some
‘unnaming’ process.

For most blacks, on the other hand, running the risk—as well as having the power—of ‘stereo-typing’ (a misuse
of the naming process; a reduction of considered dimension rather than an expansion) is a lesser historical evil
than having been unnamed altogether. The black experience of anonymity, the estrangement of being without a
name, has been one of living in the oblivion of society’s inverse, beyond the dimension of any consideration at
all. Thus, the experience of rights-assertion has been one of both solidarity and freedom, of empowerment of an
internal and very personal sort; it has been a process of finding the self.

These differences in experience between blacks and whites are not, I think, solely attributable to such divisions as
positive/negative, bourgeois/proletariat; given our history, they are differences rooted firmly in race, and in the
unconsciousness of racism.33 It is only in acknowledging this difference, however, that one can fully appreciate
the underlying common ground of the radical left and the historically oppressed: the desire to heal *415 a
profound existential disillusionment. Wholesale rejection of rights does not allow for the expression of such
essential difference.

The white left is perhaps in the position of King Lear, when he discovered in himself a ‘poor bare forked
animal’34 who needed no silks, furs or retinue, only food, water and straw to sleep on. The insight of this
experience also freed him to see the weight, the constrictions, which his due as king had imposed upon him. 35
Similarly, the white left may feel that words and rights ‘have only the meaning that power wishes them to have.’ 36
In this context, relationships of trust (which require neither speech nor ‘rights’) are replaced by the kind of
‘sufferance with which force condescends to weakness.’ 37 From this perspective, the Olympus of rights discourse
indeed may be an appropriate height from which those on the resourced end of inequality, those already rights-
empowered, may wish to jump.

Blacks, however, may symbolize the King Lear who was pushed to the point of madness, who did not find his
essential humanity while retaining some reference point to an identity as social being temporarily lost in the
wilderness, but who ultimately lost everything, including a sense of self. 38 The black slave experience was that of
lost languages, cultures, tribal ties, kinship bonds, and even of the power to procreate in the image of oneself and
not that of an alien master. That sort of confrontation *416 with the utter powerlessness of status which is the true
and full condition of the wilderness is what ultimately drove King Lear from insight into madness. Reduced to the
basic provisions of food, water and a straw pallet, kings may gain new, perhaps profound, insight into those needs
they share with all humankind. For others, however—for slaves, sharecroppers, prisoners and mental patients—
the experience of poverty and need is fraught with the realization that they are dependent ‘on the uncertain and
fitful protection of a world conscience’ which has forgotten them as individuals, a collective mind which
considers them (if it considers them at all) ‘examples of the universal abstraction Man.’ 39 For the historically
disempowered, the conferring of rights is symbolic of all the denied aspects of humanity: rights imply a respect
which places one within the referential range of self and others, which elevates one’s status from human body to
social being. For blacks, then, the attainment of rights signifies the due, the respectful behavior, the collective
responsibility properly owed by a society to one of its own.

C. Mega-Story (In Which, by Virtue of My Own Mortality, I Am Dragged From a Great Height in Order to
Examine the Roots of My Existence)
Another way of describing the dissonance between blacks and CLS is in terms of the degree of moral utopianism 40
with which blacks regard rights. I remember, for example, going to a family funeral in Georgia, where, in the heat
of summer and the small church, fans with pictures of Martin Luther King, Jr. on them were passed out—as they
still are in many black churches around the country. This icon of King is a testament to the almost sacred
attachment to the transformative promise *417 of a black-conceived notion of rights, which exists, perhaps,
somewhat apart from the day-to-day reality of their legal enforcement, but which gives rise to their power as a
politically animating, socially cohesive force.

For blacks, the prospect of attaining full rights under the law has always been a fiercely motivational, almost
religious, source of hope. It is an oversimplification to describe that hope as merely a ‘compensation for . . .
feelings of loss,’ rights being a way to ‘conceal those feelings. . . .’ 41 Black ‘loss’ is not of the sort that can be
‘compensated’ for or ‘concealed’ by rights-assertion. It must be remembered that from the experiential
perspective of blacks, there was and is no such thing as ‘slave law.’ 42 The legal system did not provide blacks with
structured expectations, promises, or reasonable reliances of any sort. If one views ‘rights’ as emanating from
either that body of ‘legal’ history or from that of modern bourgeois legal structures, 43 then of course rights would
mean nothing because blacks have had virtually nothing under either. And if one envisions ‘rights’ as economic
advantages over others, one might well conclude that ‘because this sense of illegitimacy of incomplete social
relation is always threatening to erupt into awareness, there is a need for ‘the law.” 44 Where, however, one’s
experience is rooted not just in a ‘sense’ of illegitimacy but in being illegitimate, in being raped, and in the fear of
being murdered, then the black adherence to a scheme of negative rights—to the self, to the sanctity of one’s
personal boundaries—makes sense.45

The individual and unifying cultural memory of black people is the helplessness, the uncontrollability of living
under slavery. I grew up living in the past: the future, some versions of *418 which had only the sheerest
possibility of happening, was treated with the respect of the already-happened, seen through the expansively
prismatic lenses of what had already happened. 46 Thus, when I decided to go to law school, my mother told me
that ‘the Millers were lawyers so you have it in your blood.’ 47 Now the Millers were the slaveholders of my
maternal grandmother’s clan. The Millers were also my great-great-grandparents and great-aunts and who knows
what else. My great-great-grandfather Austin Miller, 48 a thirty-five-year-old lawyer, bought my eleven-year-old
great-great-grandmother, Sophie, and her parents (being ‘family Negroes,’ the previous owner sold them as a
matched set).49 By the time she was twelve,50 *419 Austin Miller had made Sophie the mother of a child, my
great-grandmother Mary.51 He did so, according to family lore, out of his desire to have a family. Not of course, a
family with my great-great-grandmother, but with a wealthy white widow whom he in fact married shortly
thereafter. He wanted to practice his sexual talents on my great-great-grandmother. In the bargain, Sophie bore
Mary, who was taken away from her and raised in the Big House as a house servant, an attendant to his wife Mary
(after whom Sophie’s Mary, my great-grandmother, had been named) and to his legitimated white children. 52

In ironic, perverse obeisance to the rationalizations of this bitter ancestral mix, the image of this self-centered
child molester became the fuel for my survival during the dispossessed limbo of my years at Harvard; the Bakke
years, the years when everyone was running around telling black people that they were very happy to have us
there, but after all they did have to lower the standards and readjust the grading system, but Harvard could afford
to do that because Harvard was Harvard. 53 And it worked. I got through law school, quietly driven by the false
idol of the white-man-within-me, and I absorbed a whole lot of the knowledge and the values which had enslaved
me and my foremothers.

I learned about images of power in the strong, sure-footed arms’ length transactor. I learned about unique power-
enhancing lands called Whiteacre and Blackacre, and the mystical fairy rings which encircled them, called
restrictive covenants. I learned that excessive power overlaps generously with what is seen as successful, good,
efficient and desirable in our society.

I learned to undo images of power with images of powerlessness; to clothe the victims of excessive power in
utter, bereft naiveté; to cast them as defenseless supplicants raising—pleading—defenses *420 of duress, undue
influence and fraud.54 I learned that the best way to give voice to those whose voice had been suppressed was to
argue that they had no voice.55
….
III. Conclusion (In Which I Attempt to Rescue From Silence Feelings for Which There Are No Words)
One lesson I never learned in law school, the one lesson I had to learn all by myself, was the degree to which
black history in this nation is that of fiercely interwoven patterns of family, as conceived by white men. Folklore
notwithstanding, slaves were not treated ‘as though’ they were part of the family (for that implies a drawing near,
an overcoming of market-placed distance): too often the unspoken power of white masters over slaves was the
covert cohesion of family.89 Those who were, in fact or for all purposes, family were held at a distance as
strangers and commodities: strangers in the sense that they were *428 excluded from the family circle at the
hearth and in the heart, and commodities in the sense that they could be sold down the river with no more
consideration than the bales of cotton they accompanied.

In the thicket of those relations, the insignificance of family connection was consistently achieved through the
suppression of any image of blacks as capable either of being part of the family of (white) man 90 or of having
family of their own.91 The recognition of such a threshold is the key to understanding slavery as a structure of
denial—a denial of the generative independence of black people. Instead, a substitution occurred: rather than
black motherhood being the generative source for black people, master-cloaked white manhood became the
generative source. Although the ‘bed black mother’ is even today an archetypal way of describing what ails the
black race, the historical reality is that of careless white fatherhood. Blacks are thus, in full culturally imagistic
terms, not merely an unmothered race, but a badly fathered *429 race, abused and disowned by whites.92

I am therefore not one of those who believes that the future and well-being of blacks lie solely with ourselves.
Although I don’t always yet trust this imagery of dependence, I think it is the reality, and necessity, if balanced
coexistence is to occur. Blacks cannot be alone in this recognition, however. Whites, too, must learn to appreciate
the communion of blacks in more than body, as more than the perpetually neotenized, mothering non-mother. 93
They must recognize us as kin. They must want to confer upon us the property of larger community, the
integrated selfhood of owning up to family (as opposed to having, using and disowning). They must learn to listen
and speak to the grieving, enraged black-people-within-themselves and within our society.
Conscious realization or the bringing together of the scattered parts is in one sense an act of the ego’s
will, but in another sense it is a spontaneous manifestation of the self, which was always there.
Individuation appears, on the one hand, as the synthesis of a new unity which previously consisted of
scattered particles, and on the other hand, as the revelation of something which *430 existed before
the ego and is in fact its father or creator and is also its totality. 94

Whites must confer upon blacks their recognition of black need and black identity, for is not ‘what we have in
common precisely what is given to each of us as something exclusively his?’ 95

To say that blacks never fully believed in rights is true; yet it is also true that blacks believed in them so much and
so hard that we gave them life where there was none before. We held onto them, put the hope of them into our
wombs, and mothered them—not just the notion of them. We nurtured rights and gave rights life. And this was
not the dry process of reification, from which life is drained and reality fades as the cement of conceptual
determinism hardens round—but its opposite. This was the resurrection of life from 400-year-old ashes; 96 the
parthenogenesis of unfertilized hope.


The making of something out of nothing took immense alchemical fire: the fusion of a whole nation and the
kindling of several generations. The illusion became real for only a very few of us; it is still elusive and illusory
for most. But if it took this long to breathe life into a form whose shape had already been forged by society and
which is therefore idealistically if not ideologically accessible, imagine how long would be the struggle without
even that sense of definition, without the power of that familiar vision. What hope would there be if the
assignment were to pour hope into a timeless, formless futurism? The desperate psychological and physical
oppression suffered by black people in this society makes such a prospect either unrealistic (i.e., experienced as
unattainable) or other-worldly (as in the false hopes held out by many religions of the oppressed).

It is true that the constitutional foreground of ‘rights’ was shaped by whites, parcelled out to blacks in pieces,
ordained in small favors, as random insulting gratuities. Perhaps the predominance of that imbalance obscures the
fact that the recursive *431 insistence of those rights is also defined by black desire for them, desire not fueled by
the sop of minor enforcement of major statutory schemes like the Civil Rights Act, but by knowledge of, and
generations of existing in, a world without any meaningful boundaries. And ‘without boundary’ for blacks has
meant not untrammelled vistas of possibility, but the crushing weight of totalistic—bodily and spiritual—
intrusion. ‘Rights’ feels so new in the mouths of most black people. It is still so deliciously empowering to say. It
is a sign for and a gift of selfhood that is very hard to contemplate reconstructing (deconstruction is too awful to
think about!) at this point in history. It is the magic wand of visibility and invisibility, of inclusion and exclusion,
of power and no-power. The concept of rights, both positive and negative, is the marker of our citizenship, our
participatoriness, our relation to others.

In many mythologies, the mask of the sorcerer is also the source of power. To unmask the sorcerer is to
depower.97 So CLS’ unmasking rights mythology in liberal America is to reveal the source of much powerlessness
masquerading as strength. It reveals a universalism of need and oppression among whites as well as blacks.

In those ancient mythologies, however, unmasking the sorcerer was only part of the job. It was impossible to
destroy the mask without destroying the balance of things, without destroying empowerment itself. 98 Therefore,
the mask had to be donned *432 by the acquiring shaman, and put to good ends. As rulers range from despotic to
benign, as anarchy can become syndicalism, so the power mask in the right hands can transform itself from
burden into blessing.99

The task for CLS, therefore, is not to discard rights, but to see through or past them so that they reflect a larger
definition of privacy, and of property: so that privacy is turned from exclusion based on self-regard, into regard
for another’s fragile, mysterious autonomy; 100 and so that property regains its ancient connotation of being a
reflection of that part of the self which by virtue of its very externalization is universal. 101 The task is to expand
private property rights into a conception of civil rights, into the right to expect civility from others. 102

*433 In discarding rights altogether, one discards a symbol too deeply enmeshed in the psyche of the oppressed to
lose without trauma and much resistance. Instead, society must give them away. Unlock them from reification by
giving them to slaves.103 Give them to trees. Give them to cows. Give them to history. Give them to rivers and
rocks. Give to all of society’s objects and untouchables the rights of privacy, integrity and self-assertion; give
them distance and respect. Flood them with the animating spirit which rights mythology fires in this country’s
most oppressed psyches, and wash away the shrouds of inanimate object status, so that we may say not that we
own gold,104 but that a luminous golden spirit owns us.105

Footnotes

a
Associate Professor of Law, CUNY Law School at Queens College. I am deeply indebted to the following
people: my sister Carol Williams, whose research into our family’s history gave me the idea for this piece;
Richard Delgado, whose enthusiasm kept me going; the uniquely wonderful community of CUNY, past
and present, faculty, students and staff; and, of course, Derrick and Jewell Bell, teachers, friends and
inspiration to the many of us who are their students.
1
Few plaintiffs ever seemed to wait around as much as defendants did. In part, this was due to the fact that,
in the courts in which I practiced, unlike, for example, a family court, the plaintiffs were largely invisible
entities—like the state or a bank or a corporate creditor—whose corporeal manifestations were their
lawyers.
2
A. Hyde, The Concept of Legitimation in the Sociology of Law, 1983 Wis. L. Rev. 379, 397.
3
See, e.g., Gabel & Kennedy, Roll Over Beethoven, 36 Stan. L. Rev. 1 passim (1984).
4
I recognize that the categories of ‘black’ and ‘white’ do not begin to capture the richness of ethnic and
political diversity which the debate actually contains; I do believe, however, that the simple matter of the
color of one’s skin so profoundly affects the way one is treated, so radically shapes what one is allowed to
think and feel about this society, that the decision to generalize from this division is valid. Furthermore, I
am at a loss as to how succinctly to describe the specifically racial perspectives and history which are my
subject. ‘Disenfranchised’ will not do, because part of my point is that a purely class-based analysis does
not comprehend the whole problem. I don’t like the word ‘minority’ (although I use it) because it implies a
certain delegitimacy in a majoritarian system; and if one adds up all the shades of yellow, red and brown
which the term sweeps over, we are in fact not. ‘Oppressed persons’ is rather more inclusive than I really
mean; it would have to include all victims of religious, ethnic and sexual discrimination. I prefer, and use
most frequently, the term ‘black’ in order to accentuate the unshaded monolithism of color itself as a social
force.
5
See Trubek, Where the Action Is: Critical Legal Studies and Empiricism, 36 Stan. L. Rev. 575, 578 (1984).
6
Governing narratives are ‘presiding fictions that allow us to behold ourselves and make sense of the
historical world, and by them the status of knowledge is affected in intimate ways.’ Des Pres, On
Governing Narratives: The Turkish-Armenian Case, 75 Yale Rev. 517, 517 (1986).
7
Metalanguage is the language:
used to talk about an object language and its component words. Thus if a treatise on the Russian language
is written in English, Russian is the object language and English the metalanguage. If, however, we write
about English using English, then English is both object language and metalanguage. The distinction
between object language and metalanguage is entirely relative, since what may be used as a metalanguage
in one discussion may become the object language in another.
A Dictionary of Philosophy 212 (A. Flew ed. 1979) (emphasis in original).

8
Reconstruction cured most blacks of any idealization of property, authority and diligence:
[T]he Reverend Henry Highland Garnet, a veteran black abolitionist, assured a gathering of freedmen, ‘The
more money you make, the lighter your skin will be. The more land and houses you get, the straighter your
hair will be.’ Even as they found their economic opportunities sharply curtailed, even as the deepening
agricultural depression of the post-Reconstruction years drove thousands off the land, southern blacks were
asked to pay obeisance to the same materialist deities, values, and goals that motivated the larger society.
Success came ultimately to the hardworking, the sober, the honest, and the educated, to those who served
their employers faithfully, who respected property and the sanctity of contracts, who cultivated habits of
thrift, cleanliness, and temperance, who led moral, virtuous, Christian lives.
In the experience of black southerners, such advice was as naive and mistaken in its assumptions as it was
persistent.
Litwack, ‘Blues Falling Down Like Hail’: The Ordeal Of Black Freedom, in New Perspectives on Race
and Slavery in America, 109, 116 (R. Abzug & S. Maizlish, eds. 1986) (footnote omitted).
9
See D. Bell, Race, Racism and American Law, (2d ed. 1980); Bell, The Supreme Court, 1984 Term—
Foreword: The Civil Rights Chronicles, 99 Harv. L. Rev. 4 (1985); Bell, Bakke, Minority Admissions, and
the Usual Price of Racial Remedies, 67 Calif. L. Rev. 3 (1979); Edley, Affirmative Action and the Rights
Rhetoric Trap, 3 Harv. Blackletter J. 9 (1986).
10
In another context, such a discourse boundary has been described as follows:
[T]he women’s movement has raised a fundamental question concerning everyone in complex systems:
how communication is possible, how to communicate with ‘another’ without denying the difference by
power relations. Beyond the demand for equality, beyond the inclusion in the field of masculine rights,
women are yet speaking of the right to difference and to ‘otherness.’ That is why they sometimes choose
silence, because it is difficult to find words other than those of the dominant language.
Melucci, The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements, 52 Soc. Res. 789, 811 (1985).
11
Peter Gabel was one of the first to bring critical theory to legal analysis; as such he is considered one of the
‘founders’ of Critical Legal Studies.
12
The people from whom Peter sublet did not want their landlord to know what they were doing—a not
uncommon feature of New York life; they told him they wanted to minimize the ‘proof.’
13
In fact, I remain convinced that, even if I were of a mind to trust a lessor with this degree of informality,
things would not have worked out so successfully for me; many Manhattan lessors would not have trusted
me, a black person, enough to let me in the door in the first place—paperwork, references and credit check
notwithstanding.
14
See generally Delgado, Dunn, Brown, Lee & Hubbert, Fairness and Formality: Minimizing the Risk of
Prejudice in Alternative Dispute Resolution, 1985 Wis. L. Rev. 1359 [hereinafter Fairness and Formality].
15
Whatever else they learned in school, black children came to understand, as their parents had, that their
color marked them as inferior in the eyes of whites, no matter how they conducted themselves. ‘We came

to understand,’ a black woman would recall of her youth, ‘that no matter how neat and clean, how law-
abiding, submissive and polite, how studious in school, how church-going and moral, how scrupulous in
paying our bills and taxes we were, it made no essential difference in our place.’
Litwack, supra note 8, at 118 (footnote omitted).
16
See U.S. Const. art. I, § 2.
17
As opposed to being a real part of the white estate. The lease of which I speak was for an apartment in
Brooklyn; my search had started in Long Island, where two realtors had refused even to show me
apartments in Port Washington and Roslyn.
18
Peter describes ‘the law’ of formalized hierarchical social arrangements as deriving from ‘externalized’ and
‘totemic source[s] of unification’ in which
[e]ach person experiences his or her authentic being as a privatized non-self that is denied recognition and
that is therefore ‘invisible’ or unconscious: it is known or comprehended only through the experienced
bodily tension that derives from not being-oneself and through a continual obsessive and preconscious
fantasy life that reaches a dim awareness in moments of distraction. . . . The ‘visible’ or conscious self that
is enacted in behavior is experienced as a ‘public’ or ‘outer’ synthesis of as-if performances which is at
once lived as passively undergone to the degree that it lacks any sense of its own agency any yet is ‘owned’
to the degree that each person feels this self as ‘I.’
Gabel, The Bank Teller, 2 Tikkun 44, 48 (1987).
19
‘Can anyone seriously think that it helps either in changing society or in understanding how society
changes to discuss whether [someone is] exercising rights protected by the First Amendment? It matters
only whether they engaged in politically effective action.’ Tushnet, An Essay on Rights, 62 Tex. L. Rev.
1363, 1370-71 (1984); see also The Politics of Law: A progressive Critique (D. Kairys ed. 1982); G. Frug,
The Ideology of Bureaucracy in American Law, 97 Harv. L. Rev. 1276 (1984); Gabel, Reification in Legal
Reasoning, 3 Res. in L. & Soc. 25 (1980); Gabel & Harris, Building Power and Breaking Images: Critical
Legal Theory and the Practice of Law, 11 N.Y.U. Rev. L. & Soc. Change 369 (1982-83); Kennedy, The
Structure of Blackstone’s Commentaries, 28 Buff. L. Rev. 205 (1979); Kennedy, Form and Substance in
Private Law Adjudication, 89 Harv. L. Rev. 1685 (1976).
20
See Tushnet, supra note 19, at 1375; see also Gordon, Historicism in Legal Scholarship, 90 Yale L.J. 1017
(1981); Trubek, supra note 5; Unger, The Critical Legal Studies Movement, 96 Harv. L. Rev. 561 (1983).
21
I mean ‘symbol’ in a very straightforward sense. I mean it as well, however, in its semiological sense:
A Symbol is a sign which refers to the Object that it denoted by virtue of a law, usually an association of
general ideas, which operates to cause the Symbol to be interpreted as referring to that Object. It is thus
itself a general type or law, that is, a Legisign. As such it acts through a Replica. Not only is it general
itself, but the Object to which it refers is of a general nature.
Peirce, Logic as Semiotics: The Theory of Signs, in Semiotics 1, 8 (R. Innis ed. 1985) (emphasis in
original).
The word ‘sign,’ as it is used in linguistics, is a unit of meaning which joins a concept and a sound-image,
which joins idea and form—or, in more mystical words, which joins signified and signifier. ‘[T]here is a

tendency to interpret sign as signifier [alone], whereas [sign] is a two-sided Janus-like entity [of both
signifier and signified].’ R. Barthes, Elements of Semiology 39 (A. Lavers and C. Smith trans. 1964).
22
See Tushnet, supra note 19; Freeman, Legitimizing Racial Discrimination Through Anti-Discrimination
Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine, 62 Minn. L. Rev. 1049 (1978); see also D. Hay, P.
Linebaugh, J. Rule, E. Thompson & C. Winslow, Albion’s Fatal Tree (1975).
23
Caws, Literal or Liberal: Translating Perception, 13 Crit. Inq. 49, 55 (1986) (citations omitted).
24
Tushnet, supra note 19, at 1386.
25
‘[T]he image of negative rights overshadows that of positive ones and may obstruct the expansion of
positive rights.’ Id.
26
Demanding that needs ‘be satisfied—whether or not satisfying them can today persuasively be
characterized as enforcing a right—strikes me as more likely to succeed than claiming that existing rights
to food and shelter must be enforced.’ Id. at 1394; see also Freeman, supra note 22.
27
I do not mean to undervalue the liberating power for blacks of such poetry, oratory and epic; my concern is
the degree to which it has been compartmentalized by whites as something other than political expression.
For a discussion of the transformative significance of black music and literature, see Matsuda, Looking to
the Bottom, 22 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 323, 335-37 (1987).
28
‘The various means of purifying the abject—the various catharses—make up the history of religions, and
end up with that catharsis par excellence called art, both on the far and near side of religion.’ J. Kristeva,
Powers of Horror 17 (1982) (emphasis in original).
29
Mythologically speaking, black anger inspires white fear, and fear is the one mood to which white
legislators have responded, but that’s a story which has nothing to do with black need.
30
How helpful, how utile, are deconstructionist observations like the following:
It might be argued that, although busing violates the traditional . . . ideal relationship of school to
neighborhood and is terribly inconvenient and expensive and often promotes only friction, it does do at
least three things: (1) it allows blacks to believe something is being done for them; (2) it allows liberals to
believe they are doing something for blacks; (3) it safeguards the continued segregation of the
neighborhoods by quarantining integration inside the school. However, when liberals and conservatives
quarrel over busing, we have another instance of the false squabbles which must precede every illusory
reconciliation. . . .
W. Gass, Habitations of the Word 240 (1985). Is the integration of neighborhoods, classes, societies or
ourselves likely to be any less inconvenient, costly, or filled with ‘false’ squabbling?

31
The word ‘apartheid’ is, according to Jacques Derrida, ‘the archival record of the unnameable.’ Derrida,
Racism’s Last Word, 12 Crit. Inq. 290, 291-92 (P. Kamut trans. 1985).
32
Freeman, Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review, in The Politics of Law: A Progressive Critique 96,
114 (D. Kairys ed. 1982).
33
See Lawrence, The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism , 39 Stan. L.
Rev. 317 (1987).
34
‘Is man no more than this? Consider him well. Thou ow’st the worm no silk, the beast no hide, the sheep
no wool, the cat no perfume . . .. [T]hou art the thing itself; unaccommodated man is no more but such a
poor, bare, forked animal as thou art.’ W. Shakespeare, King Lear, Act III, Scene IV.
35
O! reason not the need; our basest beggars Are in the poorest things superfluous: Allow not nature more
than nature needs, Man’s life is cheap as beast’s. . . .
Id. Act II, Scene IV.
36
M. Ignatieff, The Needs of Strangers 37 (1984).
37
Id.
38
Through tatter’d clothes small vices do appear; Robes and furr’d gowns hide all. Plate sin with gold, And
the strong lance of justice hurtless breaks; Arm it in rags, a pigmy’s straw does pierce it.
W. Shakespeare, supra note 34, Act IV, Scene VI.
39
M. Ignatieff, supra note 36, at 53.
40
Every social system contains a certain amount of moral and totalizing expectations toward happiness,
justice, truth, and so on. These claims do not have social attributions, do not involve specific social
interests or practical-historical projects. They live on the borders of great religions or great cultural and
political waves, in the form of small sects, heretical cults, theological circles. The great collective processes
offer a channel to express this moral utopianism, which otherwise would survive in marginal enclaves.
Melucci, supra note 10, at 803.
41
Gabel, supra note 19, at 28.
42
M. Tushnet, The American Law of Slavery 37-42 (1981). Tushnet’s analysis is premised, in part, on an
understanding of the law of slaveholders as creating a system of enforceable expectations and limited rights
for slaves.

43
Id.
44
Gabel, supra note 19, at 29.
45
In the discussion of law there is an ever-renewed conflict between those who see it as a functional
necessity and others who invest it with hope and promise. The former accept law as given, as fact, at best
as an instrument of practical problem-solving. For the legal idealist, on the other hand, law connotes a
larger moral achievement.
Selznick, Law, Society and Moral Evolution, in Readings in Jurisprudence and Legal Philosophy 931, 936
(Schuman ed. 1979).
46
‘It is by now a trite observation that oppressed peoples have an acute sense of their past. Well they must: it
is the crucible of their identity and their cohesion. Without it their present oppression becomes either
meaningless or natural.’ Wiecek, Preface To The Historical Race Relations Symposium, 17 Rutgers L. Rev.
412 (1986).
47
Of course Mother did not mean that law was literally part of my genetic makeup; she meant that law was
an intimate part of the socially constructed reality into which I had been born. She meant that dealing with
law and lawyers was something with which my ancestors were all too familiar. Mother was probably aware
of the belief that ‘[t]he improvement of the blacks in body and mind in the first instance of their mixture
with the whites, has been observed by every one, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of
their condition of life.’ T. Jefferson, Notes on Virginia 141 (Peden ed. 1955). However, Mother also knew
that
[e]verything depends therefore on encountering thought at its source. Such thought is the reality of man’s
being, which achieved consciousness and understanding of itself through it. . . . My own being can be
judged by the depths I reach in making these historical origins my own. There is no palpable criterion for
this in outward appearances. Such true thinking goes through history as a mystery which can reveal itself,
however, to everyone with understanding, for this hidden thinking was once reality. Having been written
down, it can be rediscovered: at any time it can spark a new blaze.
K. Jaspers, On My Philosophy, in Existentialism From Dostoevsky to Sartre 158, 161 (W. Kaufmann ed.
1975).
48
In an earlier essay I wrote on this subject, Austin is incorrectly referred to as ‘Peter.’ See P. Williams, A
Brief Comment, with Footnotes, on the Civil Rights Chronicles, 3 Harv. Blackletter J. 79, 79-80 n.1 (1986).
While a great deal is known about the Miller family (they stayed pretty much in control of my mother’s
people until my grandmother’s generation), his first name had to be retrieved from a census report that was
both nearly illegible and confusingly organized. See Census of Hardeman Cty., Tenn., Aug. 29, 1850 (on
file in National Archives, Roll 881, Sched. 2 (Slave Inhabitants of Bolivar)).
49
By way of ironic counterpoint, see M. Tushnet supra note 42, at 15. ‘We know, however, that at least some
slaves maintained nuclear families over long periods of time, which indicates that the slave code did not, as
Goodel argued, state the best behavior that could be expected of slaveholders.’ Id. (footnote omitted).

50
Knowledge of her youth enabled me to identify her in the Census listing. My mother and her siblings and
cousins are pretty unanimous that Sophie was a child at the time she was purchased. On the Census, which
of course does not give the names of slaves, there was only one very young female of childbearing age—
younger than all the others by at least two decades—and she is listed as the mother of a female infant.
Census of Hardeman Cty., Tenn., supra note 48.
51
No lesser legal authority than Thomas Jefferson would undoubtedly attribute this to slaves’ ‘own judgment
in favor of the whites, declared by their preference of them, as uniformly as is the preference of the Oran-
ootan for the black women over those of his own species.’ T. Jefferson, supra note 47, at 138.
52
This information comes from my mother, who says that her grandmother told her. It was confirmed to me
separately by my mother’s cousin, whose own mother, my great-aunt (another Mary), was taken from the
ages of five to thirteen into the Miller household to be the (unpaid) servant and companion to the Miller
children.
53
I do not mean this as a criticism of affirmative action, but of those who tried to devalue the presence and
contributions of us, the affirmatively active.
54
A quick review of almost any contracts text will show that most successful defenses feature women,
particularly if they are old and widowed; illiterates; blacks and other minorities; the abjectly poor; and the
old and infirm. A white male student of mine once remarked that he couldn’t imagine ‘reconfiguring his
manhood’ to live up to the ‘publicly craven defenselessness’ of defenses like duress and undue influence.
See M.J. Frug, Re-reading Contracts: A Feminist Analysis of a Contracts Casebook, 34 Am. U.L. Rev.
1065 (1985); Klare, Contracts Jurisprudence and the First-Year Casebook, 54 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 876 (1979).
55
See MacKinnon, Feminism, Marxism, Method and the State: An Agenda for Theory, 7 Signs: J. of Women
in Cult. and Soc. 515 (1982); Olsen, The Family and the Market: A Study of Ideology and Legal Reform , 96
Harv. L. Rev. 1497 (1983).
56
Post, being in possession of certain dogs and hounds under his command, did, ‘upon a certain wild and
uninhabited, unpossessed and waste land, called the beach, find and start one of those noxious beast called
a fox,’ and whilst there hunting, chasing and pursuing the same with his dogs and hounds, and when in
view thereof, Pierson, well knowing the fox was so hunted and pursued, did, in the sight of Post, to prevent
his catching the same, kill and carry it off.
3 Cai. R. 175, 175 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1805).
57
I use the term ‘hers’ intentionally, although her object-relation to such a contract technically would make it
other than hers; a record of her, the possessory interest in others.
58
Census of Hardeman Cty., Tenn., supra note 48.
59
Perhaps this is what Mark Tushnet meant to say in this perplexing passage: ‘Cruelty thus was not tolerated

in slave society, nor was the relationship of master and slave truly founded upon force alone. Rather, it was
simply that courts could recognize no foundation other than force, and that control of cruelty must, and did,
occur outside of the law.’ M. Tushnet, supra note 42, at 62.
60
In Pierson, the dissent described the contest as between the ‘gentleman’ in pursuit and the ‘saucy intruder.’
3 Cal. R. at 180-81 (Livingston, J., dissenting). The majority acknowledged that Pierson’s behavior was
‘uncourteous’ and ‘unkind’ but decided the case according to broader principles of ‘peace and order’ in
sportsmanship. Id. at 179.
61
‘Although societal acquiescence may be a practical necessity for rights to be legally respected, no
individual or group need consent to . . . appropriation of previously unowned resources or their use for . . .
rights to morally vest.’ Barnett, A Consent Theory of Contract, 86 Colum. L. Rev. 269, 297 (1986).
62
See United States v. The Amistad, 40 U.S. 518 (1841), a suit for, among other things, the ‘salvage value’ of
a shipload of Africans who revolted during their passage to America. See also W. Breyfogle, Make Free:
The Story of the Underground Railroad (1958), for description of the elaborate rituals of slave-hunting, the
history of the Fugitive Slave Act and the Underground Railroad.
63
How much value, I wonder. Just how did the value break down? Did they haggle? Was it a poker game, a
trade, a promissory note? How much was she worth? At one extreme, the New York Public Library’s
Shomberg Center (Shivery Papers) has in its archives a contract in which a young woman was sold for a
dollar. In contrast, a review of the literature on the slave trade from Africa shows that the death of one-
fourth to two-thirds of every cargo ship’s population still provided slave traders ‘a good return on their
investment.’ P. Finkelman, Slavery in the Courtroom: An Annotated Bibliography of American Cases 211
passim (1985). With what literalism must my philosophizing be alloyed: ‘There is something in me which
might have been great, but due to the unfavorable market, I’m only worth a little.’ S. Kierkegaard, quoted
in K. Jaspers, supra note 47, at 203.
64
See S. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life 237 (2d ed. 1963), in
which the ‘conduct and character’ of slave traders is described as follows: ‘Between these two extremes
[from ‘unscrupulous’ to ‘guilt-ridden’] must be postulated a wide variety of acceptable, genteel,
semipersonalized, and doubtless relatively humane commercial transactions whereby slaves in large
numbers could be transferred in exchange for money.’ Id. (emphasis added).
65
See D. Bell, Social Limits on Basic Protections for Blacks, in Race, Racism and American Law 280 (1980).
66
Many staunch white CLS-ers, attendees of every conference in the past, did not attend the one in January
1987, whose subject was Racism and Critical Legal Studies, and at which an earlier version of this paper
was presented. In discussion groups addressing this issue, the low white attendance was reported to be
attributable to fears that minorities would just ‘act out’ their ‘displaced rage,’ or ‘guilt-trip’ white
participants, or make them feel like they were ‘in a confessional.’

67
When, striving for access to the word and to time, [woman] identifies with the father, she becomes a
support for transcendence. But when she is inspired by that which the symbolic order repressed, isn’t a
woman also the most radical atheist, the most committed anarchist? In the eyes of this society, such a
posture casts her as a victim. But elsewhere?
J. Kristeva, About Chinese Women, in The Kristeva Reader 158 (1986).
68
For a succinct summary of the political complexities involved in too-strict adherence to either formalism,
informalism or ‘anti-informalism,’ see Simon, Legal Informality and Redistributive Politics, 19 Special
Issue, Clearinghouse Rev. 384 (1985).
69
Id.; see also, J. Auerbach, Justice Without Law? (1983); Johnson, Jr., The Justice System of the Future:
Four Scenarios for the Twenty-First Century, in Access to Justice and the Welfare State 183 (M.
Cappelletti ed. 1981).
70
See Simon, supra note 68.
71
See R. Abel, The Contradictions of Informal Justice, 1 Politics of Informal Justice: The American
Experience 267 (1982); Fairness and Formality, supra note 14.
72
There are two explanations for the unconscious nature of our racially discriminatory beliefs and ideas.
First, Freudian theory states that the human mind defends itself against the discomfort of guilt by denying
or refusing to recognize those ideas, wishes, and beliefs that conflict with what the individual has learned is
good or right. . . .
Second, the theory of cognitive psychology states that the culture—including, for example, the media and
an individual’s parents, peers, and authority figures—transmits certain beliefs and preferences. Because
these beliefs are so much a part of the culture, they are not experienced as explicit lessons. Instead, they
seem part of the individual’s rational ordering of her perceptions of the world.
Lawrence, supra note 33, at 322-23 (citations omitted).
73
Cf. Gabel, supra note 19.
74
By this I do not mean to suggest a Hobbesian state of nature, but a crust of cultural habit and perception
whose power shelters as it blinds: ‘Light am I; ah, that I were night!’ F. Nietzche, Thus Spake Zarathustra
105 (W. Kaufmann ed. 1954).
75
C. Jung, Psyche and Symbol 214 (V. de Laszlo ed. 1958).
76
U.C.C. § 2-202 (9th ed. 1978).
77
R. Williams, Jr., The Algebra of Federal Indian Law: The Hard Trail of Decolonizing and Americanizing
the White Man’s Indian Jurisprudence , 1986 Wis. L. Rev. 219, 290; see also Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60

U.S. 393, 407 (1857).
78
Imagine, for example, a world in which a broader range of inanimate objects (i.e., other than corporations)
were given rights—as has not been done with regard to the looting of American Indian religious objects.
Spurred by a booming international art market and virtually no fear of prosecution, raiders have taken
ceremonial objects and ancient tools . . . [as well as] the mummified remains of Anasazi children. . . . [T]he
asking price for quality specimens starts at $5,000. The best of these are said to have been preserved by
casting them into acrylic blocks, an expensive, high-tech procedure. . . . The looting has struck a painful
nerve for Native Americans. ‘To us,’ says Marcus Sekayouma, a Hopi employee of the Bureau of Indian
Affairs, ‘the removal of any old object from the ground is the equivalent of a sacrilege.’
Goodwin, Raiders of the Sacred Sites, N.Y. Times, Dec. 7, 1986 (Magazine), at 65.
79
Stone, Should Trees Have Standing?—Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects, 45 So. Cal. L. Rev. 450
(1972).
80
Id. at 453, 455.
81
In bourgeois ideology, history is negated by the process of exchange: in the equalization brought about by
the need to determine that one ware is worth another ware, and everything has its price, that this = that,
history is replaced by an eternal stasis where values remain constant in an ideological tit for tat where the
equal sign ensures a never-ending binary equilibrium in which a change on one side of the equation is
always balanced by the algebraically obligatory change on the other. Everything becomes a perfect
metaphor for everything else, for in the end all equations say the same thing and all equations say nothing.
The emptiness behind the binary opposition is the emptiness behind the equation 0 = 0. One thing is
opposed to another thing in a two-fold opposition incapable of accommodating marginalities, third forces,
or syntheses.
Brockman, Bitburg Deconstruction, 7 Phil. For. 159, 160-61 (1986).
82
P. Ricoeur, Hermeneutics and the Social Sciences 208 (J. Thompson ed., tr. 1981).
83
See L. Hyde, The Gift: Imagination and the Erotic Life of Property (1983).
84
Khosla & P. Williams, Economies of Mind: A Collaborative Reflection, 10 Nova L. Rev. 621 (1986).
85
Think, for example, how different the outcome might have been in the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, in
which illiterate black men were deliberately allowed to go untreated and uninformed of the nature of their
disease from 1932 until 1972, so they could be observed by doctors from the U.S. Public Health Service.
Approximately 400 diseased men, with 200 more serving as controls, were allowed to degenerate and die;
doctors told them only that they had ‘bad blood.’ J. Jones, Bad Blood (1981).
86
Every year one reads in the newspapers about millions of cattle who are periodically destroyed for no other
purpose than to drive up the price of either milk or beef. One also reads about the few ‘bleeding hearts’

who wage a mostly losing war to save the lives of the hapless animals. Yet prior to the time of the
Reformation, the bleeding heart was the Christian symbol of one who could ‘feel the spirit move inside all
property. Everything on earth is a gift and God is the vessel. Our small bodies may be expanded; we need
not confine the blood.’ L. Hyde, supra note 83, at 139. Today, on the other hand, the “bleeding heart’ is . . .
the man of dubious mettle with an embarrassing inability to limit his compassion.’ Id.
87
‘Increasingly, the death that occupies each human’s imagination is not his own, but that of the entire life
cycle of the planet earth, to which each of us is as but a cell to a body.’ Stone, supra note 79, at 500.
88
As ought to have been done in Peevyhouse v. Garland Coal & Mining Co. , 382 P.2d 109 (1962). There, the
Oklahoma Supreme Court refused to enforce a contract provision requiring Garland Coal Company to
rehabilitate leased farm and grazing land destroyed by the process of strip-mining. The court’s rationale
was that
where the contract provision breached was merely incidental to the main purpose in view, and where the
economic benefit which would result to lessor by full performance of the work is grossly disproportionate
to the cost of performance, the damages which lessor may recover are limited to the diminution in value
resulting to the premises because of the non-performance.
Id. at 114. The restoration of the land, the land’s ‘voice,’ was viewed as extrinsic, unimportant; since it was
not part of the ‘main purpose’ for which the parties had been ‘righted’ (i.e., money-making), that ‘voice’
was permanently silenced.
89
See K. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution 250-61 (1982).
90
See Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857), in which blacks were adjudged ‘altogether unfit to
associate with the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no
rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced
to slavery for his benefit.’ See also S. A. Cartwright, The Dred Scott Decision: An Essay on the Natural
History of the Prognathous Race of Mankind (1859) (on file with Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law
Review), in which blacks were likened to ‘ourang outangs’ and determined to be the descendants of
Canaan.
Noah, a tiller of the soil, was the first to plant the vine. He drank some of the wine, and while he was drunk
he uncovered himself inside his tent, Ham, Canaan’s ancestor, saw his father’s nakedness, and told his two
brothers outside. Shem and Japheth took a cloak and they both put it over their father’s nakedness. When
Noah awoke from his stupor he learned what his youngest son had done to him. And he said: ‘Accursed be
Canaan. He shall be his brothers’ meanest slave.’
Genesis, 9:20-25 (New Jerusalem Bible, 1985).
91
Since slaves, as chattels, could not make contracts, marriages between them were not legally binding. . . .
Their condition was compatible only with a form of concubinage, voluntary on the part of the slaves, and
permissive on that of the master. In law there was no such thing as fornication or adultery between slaves;
nor was there bastardy, for, as a Kentucky judge noted, the father of a slave was ‘unknown’ to the law. No
state legislature ever seriously entertained the thought of encroaching upon the master’s rights by
legalizing slave marriages.
K. Stampp, supra note 89, at 198. Anti-miscegenation laws also kept blacks outside the family of those
favored with rights; laws restricting the ability of slaveholders to devise property or freedom suspended

blacks in eternal illegitimacy. See generally M. Tushnet, supra note 42.
92
Certainly, the companion myths to this woeful epic are to be found in the brutalization of the archetypes of
black male (as so indiscriminately generative as to require repression by castration) and of white female (as
so discriminatingly virginal as to wither in idealized asexuality). See generally W. Jordan, White Over
Black, 136-78 (1968) (‘[C]astration [for blacks] was dignified by specific legislative sanction as a lawful
punishment in Antigua, the Carolinas, Bermuda, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey.’ Id. at 154); J.
Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town, 134-72 (1937) (Published originally in 1937, the author
ominously and ambiguously says that the ‘reports’ of exaggerated black potency are ‘further suspect
because the same point seems to be coming up with respect to the Jews in Germany. . . .’ Id. at 161); see
generally also J. Mitchell, Woman’s Estate (1973); E. Wolgart, Equality and the Rights of Women (1980).
93
For example, the Mammy whom ‘W.E. B. DuBois . . . described . . . as ‘one of the most pitiful of the
world’s Christs . . . was an embodied Sorrow, an anomaly crucified on the cross of her own neglected
children for the sake of the children of masters who bought and sold her as they bought and sold cattle.’’
Genovese, ‘Don’t Mess with Mammy,’ Wash. Post, Oct. 27, 1974, at C5, col. 4. Mammy-exploitation
persists—abounds—to this day in the too-familiar image of grossly underpaid but ever-so-loved black
female ‘help.’ The going rate for black female full-time live-in baby-sitter/maids in New York City is as
low as $150 a week. ‘Haitians come cheaper. Their starting salary ranges from $100 to $125 a week. . . . A
Hispanic woman . . . is likely to start at $200 a week, since she’s white.’ Laurino, ‘I’m Nobody’s Girl,’
Village Voice, Oct. 14, 1986, at 18.
94
C. Jung, supra note 75, at 214 (footnote omitted).
95
I. Calvino, Mr. Palomar 14 (W. Weaver trans. 1983).
96
‘You must teach your children that the ground beneath their feet is the ashes of our grandfathers. So that
they will respect the land, tell your children that the earth is rich with the lives of our kin. . . .’ Chief Seattle
of the Suquamish, 1854 speech in response to U.S. offer to enter into treaty for tribal lands, quoted in R.
Williams, Jr. supra note 77, at 292 n. 275.
97
The ‘unmasking’ can occur in a number of less-than-literal ways: killing the totemic animal from whom
the sorcerer derives power; devaluing the magician as merely the village psychotic; and, perhaps most
familiarly in our culture, incanting sacred spells backwards. C. Levi-Straus, The Raw and the Cooked 28
(1979); M. Adler, Drawing Down the Moon 321 (1979); W. La Barre, The Ghost Dance 315-19 (1970).
Almost every culture in the world has its share of such tales: Plains Indian, Eskimo, Celtic, Siberian,
Turkish, Nigerian, Cameroonian, Brazilian, Australian and Malaysian stories—to name a few—describe
the phenomenon of the power mask or power object. See generally L. Andrews, Jaguar Woman and the
Wisdom of the Butterfly Tree, 151-76 (1985); J. Halifax, Shamanic Voices (1979); Anatolii, Beliefs About
Spirits and Souls of the Dead, in Raven’s Bones 67 (A. Hope, III ed. 1982); J. Frazier, The Golden Bough
810 (1963).
98
The dissolution of the contraries—life and death, light and dark, male and female—and reconstitution of

the fractured forms is one of the most consistent impulses in the initiation and transformation process as
experienced by the shaman. To bring back to an original state that which was in primordial times whole
and is now broken and dismembered is not only an act of unification but also a divine remembrance of a
time when a complete reality existed.
Halifax, supra note 97, at 22.
99
Human existence, suffering, and death are rendered by shamans into a system of philosophical,
psychological, spiritual, and sociological symbols that institutes a moral order by resolving ontological
paradoxes and dissolving existential barriers, thus eliminating the most painful and unpleasant aspects of
human life. The perfection of the timeless past, the paradise of a mythological era, is an existential
potential in the present. And the shaman, through sacred action, communicates this potential to all.
Id. at 34.
100
[I]n exactly the same way that the South imagines that it ‘knows’ the Negro, the North imagines that it has
set him free. Both camps are deluded. Human freedom is a complex, difficult—and private—thing. If we
liken life, for a moment, to a furnace, then freedom is the fire which burns away illusion.
J. Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name 116 (1961).
101
The Yehudi and Peretz his disciple were crossing a meadow. Cattle put out to pasture there were lowing,
and where it was watered by a stream a flock of geese rose from the water with a great cackling and
beating of wings. ‘If only one could understand what all of them are saying!’ cried Peretz. ‘When you get
to the point of understanding the very core of what you yourself are saying,’ said the rabbi, ‘you will
understand the language of all creatures.’
M. Buber, Speech, in Tales of the Hasidim: Later Masters 228-29 (1948).
102
He had to choose. But it was not a choice Between excluding things. It was not a choice Between, but of.
He chose to include the things That in each other are included, the whole The complicate, the amassing
harmony.
Stevens, Notes Toward a Supreme Fiction, in The Collected Poems of Wallace Stevens 403 (1981).
103
‘[T]hough the modern state is too large a group to take its power from bonds of affection, still, the ideology
of the socialist nations begins with the call for community. ‘Labor should not be sold like merchandise but
offered as a gift to the community,’ Che Guevara used to say.’ L. Hyde, supra note 83, at 67.
104
If he walked in golden shoes Cold his heart would be and stony. Humble folk he would abuse He wouldn’t
know me. . . .
B. Brecht, The Caucasian Chalk Circle, Scene VI.
105
Let him be afraid of hunger Not of the hungry man’s spite Let him be afraid of darkness But not fear the
light.
Id.

22 HVCRCLLR 401
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ALCHEMICAL NOTES: RECONSTRUCTING IDEALS FROM..., 22 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L....

22 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 401

Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review, Spring, 1987

Minority Critique of the Critical Legal Studies Movement

ALCHEMICAL NOTES: RECONSTRUCTING IDEALS FROM DECONSTRUCTED RIGHTS

II. A Tale With Two Stories

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U.S. 393, 407 (1857).

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blacks in eternal illegitimacy. See generally M. Tushnet, supra note 42.

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