REVIEW Volume XXXI Number 2 2008 Contents THE SECOND SLAVERY: MASS SLAVERY, WORLD-ECONOMY, AND COMPARATIVE MICROHISTORIES, PART I Dale Tomich and Michael Zeuske, Special Editors Dale Tomich Introduction, The Second Slavery: & Michael Zeuske Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories oO Christopher Empires against Emancipation: Spain, SchmidtNowara _Brazil, and the Abolition of Slavery 101 Carolyn Fick Revolutionary Saint Domingue and the Emerging Adantic: Paradigms of Sovereignty 121 laus Filllberg- Economic Adjustments and the Fight Stolberg for Cultural Hegemony in the British and Danish West Indies after Slavery M45 Manuel Barcia “A NotSo-Common Wind”: Slave Revolis in the Age of Revolutions in Cuba and Brazil 169 Rafael de Bivar African Diaspora, Slavery, and the Paraiba Marquese Valley Coffee Plantation Landscape: Nineteenth-Century Brazil 195 Ulrike Schmieder Histories under onstruction: Slavery, Emancipation, and Post Emancipation in the French Caribbean 217 Notes on Authors 243 Abstracts 245 Erratum, Review, XXXI, 1, 2008 247168 Claes Fler Solberg Society, Culture and Resiance in the Post Emancipation Caribe, I: Univ, of North Carolina {in Jamaica, Mona & Kingston, ec. (1988). Adjustments to Emancipation in Jamaica, Mona & ‘Jamaica: Dept. of History, Univ. ofthe West Indies, S. Wilmot, eds, Plantation Economy, Land Reform and the Peaantry Perspuctie: Jamaica 1838-1980. Kingston, Jamaica: Friedrich Ebert m. iftung, 15- ts nc age Conflicts in Wit, Swithin (199), “Emancipation in Actin: Workers and Was "aca 18881640, in McD. Bees. Shepherd et, Coben Freon “amag end Soc fm Emoncption fo Pn A Sten Reader London James are 8 pana oad XD RE) Wott, Ene (1950), Spetiic Aspe of Mantation Stems in he New We Tabi, ed, Plantation Sis ofthe New Wot Washington: Pan American Union: Research atte forte Sud oF Man. ARCHIVAL SOURCES: (UA) Unitats Archiv Hermnhut (Moravian Archives), NBIX.17 Missionsblatt aus der ‘Briidergemeine (Mission Report). “A Not-So-Common Wind” Slave Revolts in the Age of Revolutions in Cuba and Brazil eee eee eee EEE eee Hee Cera eee Manuel Barcia [i 228, Eugene D. Genovese published a landmark book about “African slavery in the Age of Revolution. Its title was From Rebel. lion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolis in the Making of the At lantic World. Among the many ideas developed in this work, one of them provoked an international debate that is alive even today (Genovese, 1979). In summary, Genovese stated that: “By the end of the eighteenth century, the historical content of the slave revolts shifted decisively trom attempts to secure freedom from slavery to attempts to overthrow slavery as a social system” (Genovese, 1979: 3). Put in other words, rebellions prior to the 1790's had an intrin. ally traditionalist and escapist character, while those occurring fter were devoted to eradicating slavery as an institution from ‘ourgeois-democratic” polities. ‘This proposition originated from his intention to homogenize the chronologies of social movements in Europe and the Americas during this Age of Democratic Revolution. In doing that, he con. ferred a similar importance to both the French and Haitian Revo. lutions for their respective continents. In other words, Genovese spread this “shift of character” to the New World slave socicties, ignoring the local and regional political, social, and economic situations of each of these places. This unawareness led to an inter. national discussion about the character and causes of the New World's slave uprisings that took place during this period,‘THE AGE OF REVOLUTION: CHRONOLOGIES AND DEFINITIONS ‘The origins of the term “Age of Revolution” are not well known. Nevertheless, it was R. R. Palmer who first published a work dedi- cated to this time and topic. The two-volume The Age of Democratic Revolution: A Poltel History of Europe and America, 1760-1800 2p- sred in 1959, signifying the establishment in ac circles to be this Age of Revolution? Which featares define #2 And why it become so popular in the last forty years vie tact tia in Limits of this Bend are not well defined ‘is “age mania” brought problems even for the cleveres ; tage eum tae other “ages” such as the “Age of Aristocracy” or the “Age of Capi- tal.” A clear example of this reigning confusion becomes apparent if one looks at three of the most important works dedicated to this historical epoch, each of which has been given quite different chronologies to frame it, Palmer, for instance, limited it to the pe- riod between 1760 and 1800. Eric Hobsbawm extended it from 1789 to 1848, while David Brion Davis located it between 1770 and 1823. Each of these chronologies, however, depends on the respec- tive author’s professional background and particular topics of in- According to Palmer, this time was marked by the confronta- tion of the old and the new: in other words, between Europe and America, between monarchy and republicanism, and between aris- toeracy and the emerging democracy. In Palmer’ words, dhis was a defining ime for *western civilization asa whole” (Palmer, 1959: 1 4), American and French revolutions were turning points for his theory. The contradiction and opposition of the old and the new ideas gave way to a new time in which social movements were “against the possession of government or any public power, by any established privileged, closed, or selfrecruiting groups of men’ imer, 1959: I, 4 (Pam cea idea vas, he, the ntgeson othe Wester vorldfor him, limited just co Europe and America-into a demo, ic and revolutionary Age in which former policies, statuses, an forms of political dominion were challenged and transformed ‘To support his arguments, Palmer relied on many historical exam- r | | ples, namely, movements and revolutions occurring in America (North America), France, Great Britain, Ireland, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, Germany, Hungary, and Poland. If | quoted the entire list of Palmer's examples, itis because he completely ignored many other movements that took place in Latin America and Af rica at that time. Especially surprising is the fact that Palmer did not mention the Haitian revolution even once throughout his two volume’s 1118 pages. ‘The second remarkable work on this “Age” appeared three years later, with a similar viewpoint but with another chronology and center point. Eric Hobsbawm's The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 was based on the idea of the occurrence of a dual revo- lution that definitively transformed the Old World into a new one (Hobsbawm, 1962), The dual revolution consisted, on one side, of the British industrial revolution, which changed the world in tech- nological and economical terms, and on the other, of the French revolution that brought new social and political ideals to an inter- national level. For Hobsbawm the Western world and the Age of Revolution remained tied to one another. Whatever happened in the corners of this vast geographical area, from the independence of Rio la Plata in the early 1810's to the Polish revolution of 1830, had an impact—more or less relative, but an impact nonetheless— on international politics and on the forms of political domination in the Western world. Hobsbawm was the first to see the intrinsic relationship be- tween Europe with the whole New World, Africa, and even with the Eastern/Oriental world, He examined the independence of the Spanish colonies and Brazil, as well as conferring great significance on the slave revolution in French Saint Domingue, which was later known as the Haitian revolution. However, for Hobsbaivm, the Age of Revolution remained centered in Europe, while the colonies and other places in the “Atlantic world” were studied as secondary marginal aspects of a phenomenon of European character. The consequence of this Eurocentrism was the ignorance up to that date of the role of Latin America and West Africa within this sys- tem, To partially resolve this conflict, David Brion Davis introduced the issue of Black slavery into discussions in his The Problem of Slav- ‘ey in the Age of Revolution, 1770-1823, published in 1975, This was @ book addressed to explore and analyze why “by the eve of thetural and intellectual developments which at once undercut tradi: tional rationalizations for slavery and offered new modes of sensi- ¥y for identifying with its victims” (Davis, 1975: 48). Davis wrote 1 book on slavery, but as we would say today, he wrote a book of “history from above,” a classic piece of work on intellectual history rather than a book on the slave experience during ‘These works seeded the ground for future stu of Revolution and slavery in the New World, It is noteworthy here that during the 1960's and early 1970's, a real boom took place in studies on slavery and its repercussions in the Americas. A number of books and articles were already focused on this subject when Bugene Genovese published his From Rebellion to Revolution in 1979, Their contributions were extremely diverse and their specific topics ranged from cultural and religious issues to resistance and ideological problems. Among the scholars who published relevant ‘books in this period, Flsa Goveia (1965), Orlando Patterson (1967), Manuel Moreno Fraginals (1962), Jacob Gorender (1978), and Richard Price (1978) should be mentioned, and even David Brion Davis (1966) and Eugene Genovese (1974), among many others. SLAVE REBELLIONS IN THE AGE (OF REVOLUTION: THE DEBATE ‘The Marxistinspired idea of a dramatic shift in character of U slave revolts after the occurrence of the French and Haitian revol wns was not unanimously accepted by those studying African slav- ery in the New World. Many authors have endorsed two main theoretical models in the last two decades as a response to this supposed change of character provoked by this “common wind.” ‘The first one was raised by scholars whose studies were focused on the British Caribbean, where an early process jon took mainly endorsed a second model based on the African background and continuities of the different African cultures among the slaves brought to the Americas. Both models were already there when Genovese’s “theory of the decisive shifi” appeared in the late 1970's. However, both took precedence from the early 1980's, partly as a response to Genovese’s claims. Creolization was first assessed in the crucial study of Edward ithwaite The Development of Creole Society in Jamaica, 170-1820 (1971) and later by Sidney Mintz and Richard Price in their work, An Anthropological Approach to the Afro-American Past: A Caribbean Perspective (1992). These books elaborated the polemical concept of creolization, already developed under other names by Fernando Ortiz (1970; 1947) as “transculturation” and by Phillip Curtin as “interculturation” (1955). According to Braithwaite and Mintz and Price, the Car- particular Jamaica, observed a process of creoliza- tion or interculturation that began at the end of the eighteenth century. In this process “the entire structure of European and sures gave birth to a new social 1¢ Creole. velop an alternative model to Genovese’s to Craton, the process of cre West Indies brought new non- zation in the slave resistance. For Craton, che changes were due fer than to external ones. A new Creole “ed the African-born slave population and, by ex. wns against oppression (Craton, 1982b; 1979). As acts of resistance, rebellions in this period were also distinguished by this transition from African to Creole. Slave rebellions were then, according to Craton, more elaborate and less violent than the former rebellions occurring in the British Carib- bean prior to 1807. Renowned historians whose works are focused on African hi tory, such as John K. Thornton and Paul Lovejoy, third important model. These scholars have paid African past and experience of the African slaves in the Americas, Regarding rebellions, they have stressed the importance of the Af- ican background of slaves and its importance within the slave re~ s. The African “element” was never ignored, but nevertheless itm4 Manet Bara was-and jsunderstood and wrongly assessed. Some scholars did mention these problems since the early 1970's. Espe- ly important in this sense were the works of Monica Shuler (1970; 1973), William C. Suttles Jr. (1971), and John Henrik Clarke (1976). John K. Thornton has been one of the most influential scholars supporting this African model. Thornton has shown the impor tance of the African background of slave rebels in such diverse places as Stono and Saint Domingue. He has called attention to the martial knowledge of African slaves and how this background in war determined to a great extent the forms of overt resistance by the slaves brought to the New World (1991a; 1991b; 1992). Thornton took issue of ultimate African weakness while making concessions to the 1 search on the reinterpretation of the African past” (1992: 6-7) This concern with the importance of the African past led affirm that African slaves were active social actors in the New World, He also called for more serious studies on the African identity of slaves as an alternative way to explain slave culture and religion as opposed to the traditional institutional point of view (Thornton, 1992: 5-7). ‘The “African background model” has been also endorsed by Paul Lovejoy since his remarkable Transformations in Slavery: A His- tony of Slavery in Africa (1983). However, it was in an article pub- lished in 1997 that he presented and defended this model as no- body had before. In this article Lovejoy offered an acute critique of the studies on slavery in the Americas, stressing the unawareness of most scholars ig Eurocentrism observed in most of these studies. ding creolization, he correctly pointed out how this model tended to pay less attention to “the extent to which strong African influences affected the process of creolization” (Lovejoy, 1997; 3). He also noticed how the “creolization model,” parth fluenced by the dominant Eurocentrism, identifies “a Creole popu- lation without much African content” (Lovejoy, 1997: 4). Accord- to Lovejoy, “If African history holds the key to the then the study of the Diaspora must begin in Africa, not in the Americas or elsewhere” (Lovejoy, 1997: SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL To resume Lovejoy’s argument in a sole phrase, African slaves brought to the New World “were still Africans.” Their forms of re- sistance, revolts included, were then profoundly marked by their personal histories, or in other words, by their African experiences. Resting in Thornton, Lovejoy called attention to the fact that most of the Africans arriving in the Americas during the late eighteenth century and the first half of nineteenth century already possessed a vast knowledge of war, and many were prisoners of war themselves (1997: 10). Then, “more than simply the foundation for collective acts of resistance, these expressions of agency involved the transfer and adaptation of the contemporary world of Africa to the Ameri cas and were NOT mere ‘survivals’ of some diluted African past” (Lovejoy, 1997: 5). OTHER CONTRIBUTIONS Since the establishment of these three main models for the un- derstanding of the slave rebellions in the New World, some other issues have been raised. S tors influenced from above and below, and from outside and inside the resistance of New World slaves. The British Abolitionist campaign, the use of rumors as a ‘weapon, the interrelation between diverse religious beliefs and the occurrence of particular and local political situations marked to a great extent this particular history. Some social scientists as David Geggus (1997a: 1-50), Rol Blackburn (1988), and David Murray (1999: 106-26) have called attention to the importance of British Abolitionism in ously wi i ions, had a profound im- pact on the behavior of slaves in the Americas. Some of the most important slave revolts and conspiracies that occurred in the first half of the nineteenth century were strongly influenced by this movement or by its members, Some examples are the rebel of 1831 in Jamaica and the conspiracy of La Escalera of 1! Cuba (Paquette, 1988). Abolitionist ideas influenced quotidian we colonies and slaves, especially those residing in urban areas, re able to access the discussions and form their own interpreta ons of the aims and would-be results of this movement. Barbadian slaves revealed to Colonel Codd a particular example of this influ-176 Manu Barca ence after being defeated in their attempt to revolt in April 1816. According to Colonel Codd, the slaves were convinced that William Wilberforce was their savior (1979: 102-06). News of Wilberforce and the existence of the British abolitionist movement was infor- mation that reached slaves through different channels. News was extremely important in shaping the beliefs and procedures of New World slaves. Such news often arrived in the form of rumor. Ru- mor is then another remarkable issue to be considered while study- ing these movements." Various scholars, among them David Geggus (1997b), Joao José Reis (2000), and Matt Childs have supported the significance of rumor (2001). According to Geggus “What gives this minor event significance is that it forms part of a series of more than twenty American slave conspiracies and uprisings, usually associated with creole slaves, that made use of a rumored emancipation decree” (1997): 136). Considering as his principal focus the Brazilian case, Reis wrote about rumors as a way of oral tradition for slaves. This new per- spective deserves further consideration, since rumors indeed be- came 2 part of the hidden transcripts of slaves and as such should be assessed. Reis quoted a few cases of rumors of royal decrees of emancipation diffused among Brazilian slaves; two of the most im- portant were the cases of Itu in 1821 and Espiritu Santo province in 1822 (2000: 251). A religious element also catalyzed plots and revolts everywhere in the Americas. Some scholars have shown how a particular cir cumstance strongly related to the slaves’ beliefs led to the outbreak of various forms of slave resistance. Maybe the best known exam- ples are the rebellions of 1823 in Demerara and 1835 in Salvador da Bahia. Nevertheless, these were not the only examples. Other slave movements were marked by the religious element, Whether with a dominant Christian character—Denmark Vesey’s plot of 1822—or with an African character-most notably shown in the great revolution of Saint Domingue-religious beliefs were always present among rebel slaves (Killens, 1970; Geggus, 1991. See also Costa, 1994; Reis, 1993). Other significant elements to be considered were the local and particular social conditions and political relations of each place. * Michael Craton (1982b) fst introduced the so-called “rumor syndrome.” SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL Ww Richard Price has explored the way in which slaves and autochtho- nous inhabitants in Guyana interacted, provoking a very particular situation in the colony. Also Matthias Rohrig Assuncio has shown the political relevance of the relationship between slaves, free Col ored, and the different groups of Indians against the Spanish au thorities in Coro, Venezuela, in 1795 (Price, 1973; Assuncio, 1990). BAHIA AND HAVANA-MATANZAS' SLAVE MOVEMENTS IN THE HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY OF SLAVERY ‘The cities of Havana and Matanzas in Western Cuba and Salva- dor da Bahia in Northeastern Brazil, and their surrounding areas, share several common characteristics. The sugar plantations trans- formed both regions into agrarian areas. In fact, sugar is still one of the foremost economic resources for both regions and both still rely on a population of African descendants. Cuba and Brazil were the last territories to abolish slave trade and slavery in the Ameri- cas. Therefore, a different pattern of slave societies was established in these regions compared with other slave societies in the Ameri- cas. Even beyond the formal abolition of the slave trade, both Cuba and Brazil depended on a constant influx of African slaves (on the different topics related to slavery and slave trade in Cuba and Bra- Zil, see Ortiz, 1975; Guanche, 1996; Rodrigues, 1977; Reis, 1980; Blackburn, 1997; Klein, 1986; Eltis et al., 2000; Schwartz, 1985; and Barickman, 1998). Unlike the rest of Spanish America, Cuba remained under Spanish colonial rule well beyond the Age of Revolution. At the ‘ime other Spanish colonies in America were obtaining their inde pendence, Cuba remained as the most precious jewel in the Bour bon monarchy’s crown. Meanwhile, after the Napoleonic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, Brazil became the seat of the Portuguese court and empire, with its new capital in Rio de Janeiro. Regardless of such differences in wider political and cultural backgrounds, the policies developed by the two governments concerning slavery were almost identical: to encourage the slave trade, and by exten- sion, slavery itself, and to expand the huge areas of sugar and cof- fee plantations in order to support their regimes.178 Manuel Boria Therefore, despite political differences, in Western Cuba as well as in Northeastern Brazil, plantation societies based on slave labor were dominant throughout the first half of the nineteenth century. The control of this plantation slave labor force was exer- ised by a few White or Mulatto employees and masters, and by the authorities in the capital towns of Havana and Matanzas in West- iba and Salvador Slave actions, on the other hand, were ns es, but part of the vast and ish and Bra slaves created and reproduced special behaviors in dynamic interplay with traditional cultures in new environments (Mintz & Price, 1992). African populations with a common cultural “African” heritage dominated both regions. Similar religious practices, food customs, and kinship relations were developed in spite of geographical dis- tance and local differences. As subordinate groups, these men and ‘women elaborated a number of diverse ways to co-exist and inter- act with local colonial and imperial forms of domination and con- twol. It is a fact that during the “Age of Revolution” these areas presented a radicalization of the slave plots and revolts. These movements conformed two chronologically similar cycles holding several comparable features. It is also well documented how the ethnic composition of the slaves brought to Cuba and Bahia suffered a visible and defi change during the first half of the nineteenth century. After 18: both places became the destination of men and women brought from the crumbling Empire of Oyo, approximately located in the area that is today occupied by the republics of Togo, Benin, and Nigeria. These slaves from Oyo had a long tradition of warfare. They knew how to use fire weapons, were skilled warriors and met- alworkers, and had relations with other peoples and other civiliza- tions.” The cavalry of Oyo was one of the main factors that com tributed (0 the enlargement of the empire’s military power ove neighbors. But Oyo was plagued by permanent ethnic disputes that ‘in West Africa atthe end of the cightecnth century was the development ofthe different nations existing t that an expanded commerce among all these peoples def SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL 19 often ended in wars. The succession to the imperial throne is the best example of these jons among the peoples of Oyo. ‘The succession issue commonly divided the different local chiefs in favor of one or another candidate. After the collapse, the former ‘empire was divided in small factions led by local chiefs known as Ologums. As a result, many of these chiefs and their soldiers were sold as slaves after being defeated, and their destinations were pre- cisely Brazil and Guba. From the seventeenth century the Empire entered in a series of endless wars with the neighbor states of Allada, Dahomey, Sokoto, and others for more than two centuries. When the Empire crum- bled, their subjects became one of the most important ethnic groups in the two areas studied here. Besides their mighty Orishas, they brought to the New World their military knowledge and their warrior pride. Right after the fall of Oyo, some important rebel between 1822 and 1827 that caused deep concern among inhabi- ts of Bahia and Cuba and their governors, Soon afterwards these former subjects of Oyo earned a reputation as a trot and daring ethnic group. But these early movements were just the beginning of the parallel sequences of plots and revolts they led in the following years (Prince, 1972; Reis, 1993; Barcia, 2005). The slaves imported from Oyo became a constant source of perturba- tion for their owners and neighbors in the New World. Nevertheless, they were not alone. The ethnic composition of both regions suggests two almost id Jéjes, Mandingas, and Congos were w ‘and Cuba. Hausas were a leading force in Babia, leadi important movements between 1807 and 1816, and par many of the Nagé led revolts after 1822. Meanwhil Carabalis played a similar role in Western Cuba, although their participation never reached the extent of that of the Hausas in Bahia“ In spite of the fact that members of all these ethnic groups participated in the movements that occurred in these two territo- represented both in Bahia the most the Babin and. A quite important issue has been the ethnie distribution within the ‘This discussion has provoked opinions about the fierceness and/or of some ethnic groups. Yorubas, Hausas, Caraba seen as the quietest and least problematic ones. About GGuanehe (1986), and Rets (1983),Manet Borcia 182 both territories.” Shang6, Obbatalé, Yemayé, and Yansé are identified wi jar transculturation processes, yet represent the main deities of worship for the descendants of those men and women that once crossed the Auantic Ocean as slaves. SLAVE REBELLIOUSNESS: COMMENTS AND SUGGESTIONS, reach a better understanding of the slave conspira- ns in the “Age of Revolution,” we have to evaate the problems from various angles, refusing simplistic and unidiree- tional approaches. Predesigned models lack the wide scope needed to understand the motives and influences that were in the minds of those men and women that once decided to risk their lives to be fee. Slave movements were extraordinary evens caused influenced by diverse yet specific factors and must be studies ae such. Thus in "broader picture ofthese events, I suggest analyzing them in terms of three pairs of cat dimensions Could be also considered, but the correlations between cach of these three pairs are, in my opinion, the fundamental ones necessary to understand the character, similarities, and differences between the slave movements in Bahia and Havana-Matanzas. ‘THE URBAN-RURAL RELATIONSHIP ‘The destination of imported slaves determined to a great ex tent their subsequent lives. The conditions of existence in the cities and towns differed from those in the countryside. In the cities, slaves were able to move with more freedom. Many times they were hired out and sub-hired out by their owners and in such an envi. ronment they often acquired new skills, For instance, some o them managed to learn how to write and read their new language, ” Gandomblé and Sameria are modern terms to de many co he descendants of the ves fom Oyo Ta Cb 3 separte from otber“Atcan” relions derived Gom ote ehnie groups su ba ), Palo Monte (Congos), and Voodoo (Arards). In Bi ms otis ender and there are forms of Candomble sociated wih de Scent fom other Afean edn groups, such asthe Congo. SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS tW CUBA AND BRAZIL 1s while others entered new professions, becoming street vendors, shoemakers, bakers, and blacksmiths and so on. Thi dards were definitely higher than those of the rural slaves. Life in the countryside was different. Small plantations of to: bacco, indigo, and of some other agricultural products had a very small number of slaves and as a rule fewer restrictions. In contrast, life on sugar and coffee plantations was very hard. On many of them, slaves worked from dawn until dusk, and in some cases even longer. The long and exhausting sessions under the tropical sun in the cane fields were sometimes followed by short nights of con- finement in locked, unhealthy barracks. Some slaves, however, suc. ceeded in their attempts to-gain some freedom. Authorities made concessions everywhere regarding their religious and amusement life. Nonetheless, the hard crop seasons and the day-to-day pun- ishments took their victims and reduced the slaves’ choices, The relationship of st countryside determined portant conspiracies and rebellions that occurred in the New Worl the centuries of slavery. In the case of Havana, Matanzas, and their surrounding countryside, the two most re- markable examples were, precisely, the two biggest movements ever conceived. The movements of 1812 and 1844, better known as the conspiracies of Aponte and La Escalera, were both master. minded by urban free “Colored” people. Some i were in touch with their freemen fellows in the slaves’ overseers carried the leaders rural areas. Nevertheless, Aponte and La Escalera were exceptions rather than common examples (Paquette, 1988; Childs, 2006). Most of the plots and revolts that occurred on the western side of Cuba during the “Age of Revolu- tion” were planned and performed by rural slaves (Barcia, 2005). Connections with the cities were very difficult, especially after the conspiracy of Aponte was uncovered in 18: In the case of Salvador da Bahia and its hinterland, the history was a bit different, Both rural and urban slaves and freedmen had leading roles in the Bahian movements from the first big conspir- acy, uncovered in 1807, until the revolt of the Males. This relation- ship was so strong that only in two of these movements—the revolts of 1816 in Sao Francisco do Conde and the uprising of 1880 in Salvador—was it not a feature, Bahian slave movements in the “Age134 Manvel Bara of Revolution” were characterized by this continuous interplay be- tween the conspirators and rebels from the city and the country- side (Reis, 1993), Due to several political and economic reasons, Bahian slaves had stronger links between the countryside and the capital city of Salvador. In Cuba this relationship was less likely to be strength- ened and was almost insignificant in most of the historically regis- tered slave movements.” Thus, Bahian authorities were deeply con- cerned about this relationship and as a consequence were forced to be alert to limit these links as much as possible. In contrast, in Ha- vana and Matanzas, urban slaves were never feared in such a way. Rather, rural slaves were seen as the biggest threat to the colonial status quo. Several specific laws and three slave codes were issued to keep them under control. One of these codes—the Slave Code of 1825—was especially elaborated for the region of Matanzas as a consequence of the Guamacaro slave revolt that occurred in June of that year (Barcia, 2000). ‘THE AFRICAN.CREOLE RELATIONSHIP The relationship between African and Creole slaves was, no doubt, a characteristic of the slave conspiracies and rebellions that occurred in Western Cuba during the “Age of Revolution.” Albeit Aponte and La Escalera are, once again, the best examples of this interplay, many other movements their partici pants Creole slaves born in Cuba or ing Caribbean territories." Therefore, foreign and different ideas, produced by men and women who had other life experiences, became some- times part of the rebels’ body of knowledge. Nevertheless, the participation in these movements was almost continuously limited "This rongerrlaonship inte Babin case was ae particularities. Firs different temporal Reconcavo valley was smaller and closer to Salvador than the jons surrounding Havana and Matanzas and Cuba. There the population-including slaves—was the indifference ofthe authorities and to ‘mong them, SLAVE REVOLT INTHE AC -VOLUTIONS IN CURA AND BRAZIL 185, to a secondary role 2 iny cases it is likely that the accusa- tions held against them were false.” This relationship in Western, Cuba had, then, a certain importance but—with one or two excep- was never decisive. can be said about this relation in the Bahian case except that historians unanimously agree about the almost absolute lack of Creole representation during the slave con- spiracies and rebellions in Bahia during the “Age of Revolution” (Reis, 1993), In opposition to the sporadic appearance of the Creoles in the slave movements in Bahia and Havana-Matanzas, the preeminence of African slaves is undoubtedly the most remarkable similarity be- tween these two cases. It would be erroneous to suggest that most of these movements were spontaneous. Unless some revolts broke out after the occurrence of events that caused sudden anger ‘among the slaves, a considerable number of them were planned and carried out according to authentic “African’ practices. ‘They were often organized in troops led by a “captain” or “king” who was usually blindly obeyed. Their military operations were mainly based on raids and plundering throughout hoods, while killing and torching were also frequent practices.” The aims of the rebel slaves were also frequently inspired by their past lives and their expectations for the future. To gain their freedom, to kill all the White enemies, to take possession of the lands-sometimes estab occasions to marry goals. The leaders of these rebel and/or mi of underlying bias among officals against the Creoles, perhaps due to their increasing incorpo ‘of both regions. "These royal and186 Montel Barcia volts were often foreshadowed and followed by “African” songs of war, by the constant and frightening sound of the drums, and by the ritualistic dances dedicated to the Gods of War. The weapons used in these revolts varied from knives, hatchets, swords, ma- chetes, and firearms to stones, lances, bows, and arrows. The com- mon methods of recruitment and the organization of the rebel forces were once again extremely similar in Havana and Matanzas as in Bahia. Many reluctant slaves paid with their own lives sfusal to follow the rebels. The role of the Creole slaves was definitely restrained in both regions. Thus, after 1820 African slaves-mostly those from Oyo-had a preponderant presence among the rebels. As a consequence, Oyo militaristic conceptions characterized the vast majority of them in both regions. ‘THE SLAVES FREEDMEN RELATIONSHIP The relationship between the slaves and their freed fellows is another important issue to be assessed. Although rural slaves Western Cuba suffered more drastic isolation, some of the most important plots and revolts counted freedmen among the actors. Nevertheless, slaves commanded most of these movements, often relegating the free people to a secondary role, Tin Bahia, the situation was quite different, There, probably due also to the stronger urban-ural relationship, freedmen played a more significant role in most of the slave movements that took place during this period. Some of these movements, notoriously the revolt of 1807 and the great revolt of the Malés in 1835, had freedmen among their leaders. Slaves and freedmen formed the most important quilombo in the history of Bahia, “Urubti.” The role of the freedmen was to a certain extent relevant and some of them were tried as the main leaders of this illegal congregation, among them Antonio de Tal, the owner of the Casa de Candomblé where the quilombolas used to meet. As we have seen, slaves wanted to escape the daily compulsory labor and punishments, to kill their owners and to gain the owner- ship of the land. The participation of freedmen—even of those born in Africa~often diverted these objectives to other, more com- plicated ones, sometimes, more difficult even for the rebel slaves to understand, To overthrow the slave system and establish a new sys- SLAVE REVOLTS IN-THE ACE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL 187 tem of government were somehow part of the aims of the Malés in 1835 and also of the conspirators of Aponte and La Escalera in 1812 and 1844 respectively. At other times, though, slaves just joined the slave movements and participated in the events as the ‘rest of their fellows. As a consequence, the relevance of their role in the slave movements determined to a certain extent their objec- tives. Bahia, as well as Havana and Matanzas, had an increasing Afri (tury. Both regions were ex- tremely important for their central governments and therefore ‘were carefully preserved from social unrest, despite the occurrence of a war for independence in Bahia and some attempts to start an independence mover Cuba. Sugar became the main eco- nomic source of wealth early in the nineteenth century, soon after the fall of the formerly prosperous French colony of Saint Domingue, Despite difficult economic times, sugar still constituted one of the main economic exports for both regions. Slaves and plantations, then, had a relevant role in the social scene in both places. An ad- ional similarity between Bahia and Havana-Matanzas was the origin of the slaves imported after 1820. These were mainly ob- tained in West Africa, and many of them were subjects of the for- mer Empire of Oyo. ‘These similar historical characteristics are reinforced by the fact. that in both regions these slaves developed quite similar overt resistance. Two sequences of conspiracies and re and finished almost at the same time. The two most relevant simi larities were, no doubt, the leadership of the slaves from Oyo after 1820 and the sharp and bloody suppression of the last movements. ‘The afiermaths of these cycles were very similar as well. Even after the big slave movements were stopped, slaves never stopped fight ig. Maronnage and many individual acts of open resistance took place in Havana and Matanzas until the onset of the first War of Independence in 1868. On the other hand, Bahian slaves took part in other social movements in the following decades, such as the Balaiada revolt in 1837. These cycles of slave conspiracies and revolts may be character ized by the interrelation of the three different dimensions that Iim Manuel Bora have explained previously. The proper consideration of these pairs of categorics highlights key issues that must be assessed. wl studying the character and aims of any slave conspiracy and revol in the Americas during the “Age of Revolution.” The question of the aims, as discussed so far, is a result of these combinations and should be understood as such. How do we identify the aims of the rebels of 1830 in Salvador who, after releasing newly arrived slaves, 1 an almost suicidal mission? How to understand 1835 rebel slaves in Guanajay who, taking advantage of the fact that the newly arrived slaves were also Lucumis, rose in open re- volt, singing their war songs, performing their traditional dances, following the rhythm of their drums? The question is definitely enormously complicated and single model, is not likely to be bounded by any SOME METHODOLOGICAL SUGGESTIONS ‘The conspiracies and rebellions that occurred in Western Cuba and Northeastern Brazil in this period had different origins, goals, and even consequences. These movements can be roughly grouped in the following types: a) Rural ‘These_movements— either plots or revolts—were usually convened and d oped in the remoteness of the Bahian and Cuban country- side. Mainly organized on plantations, the participants sought to attack and kill both their White owners and neighbors and the slaves who refused to join them. Some of them were the result of spontaneous outbreaks of rage. A consid- erable number of these movements were led and carried cout by recently arrived slaves who found themselves in ‘communitics of similar origin. Therefore, these may be la- beled as ethnic movements, : ») Urkan “African” slaveled movements offered a wider range of participation for other groups, such as Creoles anc freemen. Urban movements were usualy planned and took advantage of diverse kinds of events, such as religious ccle- rations and political conjunctures. Ruthless suppression by the authorities was a regular characteristic of all of these. SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL 189 ‘The revolt of the Malés in Bahia is the most remarkable ex- ample of this type. ©) Movements led by Creoles and African freedmen: These were the most feared and best organized movements. Their leaders created nets of communications and always relied ‘on the masses of slaves to carry out their plans. In some ‘cases they benefited from gossip and rumors and also from the ideas of emancipation spread throughout the Americas as a consequence of the British abolitionist movement. They were, ceptions, urban based. The most relevant examples of this type were the conspiracies of Aponte and La Escalera. Both the Bahia and Havana-Matanzas regions, far from being com- with preexisting theoretical m must be assessed an¢ stood according to their own historical charact ath the logical result that they require different theoretical explana- tions. In Bal in Havana and Matanzas, “African” slaves coexisted with the products of the new times, namely with Creoles and/or “African” freedmen. It is undeniable that the “African” clement was a preponderant factor in all these movements, ever, it would be erroneous important particip: of the other actors—and of other influences—that also played role in many of these conspiracies and rebellions. It must be clearly understood that in both regions there was a strong interplay and a constant exchange of ideas and conceptions that shaped the char- acter of these movements and also the entire epoch. During the “Age of Revolution,” slavery was a remarkable sub- ject of discussion in all those places where a significant slave popu- ion menaced the foundations of social stat not surpris- ing then that a historiographic debate has appeared over slavery and still remains heated, The models presented in the introduction of this article have contributed to both the extension and im- provement of our knowledge of the slave rebellions that took place in the Americas during this period. The debates also have attracted the attention of scholars from different fields and have given new directions to the studies of African slavery in the New Wor These models have become points of reference with which to as- sess new problems related to this time and subject from diverse perspectives and using new methodologies.= Manuel Barcia Probably the best way to deal with this subject and time it is to keep our eyes wide open, to look at every document trying to find in mind that every single slave area in viewed in this study lar histories and a remarkable pre- dominance of Africans in their fields and cities. Therefore, the Af rican-born slaves and freedmen represented the leading force in ‘most of the movements during the period. ‘Nevertheless, as we have seen, an increasingly problematic pic- ture lies behind this undeniable “African predominance” backed by ‘Thornton and Lovejoy. The same can be stated for the other geo- graphic areas and models given and discussed here. Just by consid- ring this last point, we will be able to come a litle bit closer to the real aims and causes of every rebellion. As David Barry Gaspar has suggested, rather than (o rest in pre-designed models, we need to find the combinations of variables that led the slaves to revolt (1985: 41-42, 229-34), REFERENCES Ajayi, JF: Ade & Crowder, Michael, eds don: Longman. thas Rohrig (1980). “Liadhésion populaire aux projects révolution- ‘naires dans les sociétésexclavagistes: le cas du Venezuela et du Brési" Carzvlie, LIV, 391-313. ‘Bareia, Manuel (2000). “La rebelion de eclavos de Guamocaro en 1825," unpubl. M.A. 4. History of West Afica, 2 vols, Lom ‘Gaba: A New Look to an Old Problem,” 2, 178-200. arcia, Manuel (2006). “Fighting with the Enemy's Weapons: The Usage of the Co ial Legal Framework by Nineteenth Century Cuban Slaves,” Atlantic Studies int: Sugar, Tabac, and Slavery inthe Reine iv. Press. Ver Blackburn, Robin (1997), The Making of Now World Slavery: From the Baroque tothe mda: Verso. “The Development of Crole Society in Jamaica: 1770-1820. “A’Black French General Arived to Conquer the Islnd’: Images evolution in Cuba's 1812 Aponte Rebellion,” in D. Geggus, ed 2m Revolution in the Atlantic World. Columbia: Univ. of 5-56. Continuity on the Caribbean Journal of ‘Achievement of Exact pation inthe British West in]. Walvn, ed, Slavery and British Society, 1776-1838. Baton Rouge! Louisa Stephen D,; Richardson, David & Klein, Herbert, (2000). The Trade, 1527-1867: A Dataset on CD-ROM, Cambridge: Casm- ‘Manil Moreno (1962 Igri Compl conn sci xan dl ‘car. Havana: Editorial Ciencias Sociales. ana erat Gaspar, David Barry (1985). Boudimen ond Rebels A Study of Master Slave Relations in ‘Antigua, with Implications for Colonial America, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkias D. Gaspar & D. Geggus, eds A Turbulent Time: The French Revol 50, Genovese, Eugene D. Pantheon Books Genovese. Eugene 119). From Rebellion to Revolution: AfroAmerican Slave Revolts State Univ. Press, ‘Aciea the End of the Bight Ste Soy inte Brith Laren anthony Nr He Yale Un Pres rine, Rea (980, Let: A de aude Axes de rdade da Cote Apelardo do Rio de Janeiro no século XIX. Rio de Janeiro: Relume Duara. cal192 ‘Manuel Barca CGuanche, Jess (1996). Componentes Bocas de lz Nacin Cubane. Havana: Fundacion Killens, John Kein, Herbert (1986). African Slavery in Latin America and the Canbbean. Oxford: O Afrcen Socity. Oxford: Oxford Uni Pres |. Tronsformations in Slavery A History of Slavery in Africa. Came Mint, Sidney & Price, Richard (1992). The Birth of African American Culture: An An ‘hopolegcal Perpectve. Boston: Beacon Press (orig. 1976). 1990), "The Slave Trade, Slavery and Cuban Independence,” Slavery 3, 106-26, Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugor. New York: Vintage Los Negros Esclavo. Havana Editorial Ciencias Sociales (orig Paquette, Robert (1988), Sugar is Made with Blo: The Conspiracy of La Escalera and the Conflict tetacen Empires over Slavery in Cuba, Middletowm, CT: Wesleyan Univ. Press. Patterson, Orlando (1967). The Saioogy of Slavery: An Analysis ofthe Origins, Dvelop- Snot, and Strate of Negro Slave Society 1m Jamaica, Rutherford, NJ: Farleigh Dickenson Univ Pres. J.D. ¥. (2000). Religious Encounter and the Making ofthe Yoruba. Bloomington indiana Univ. Pre chara (1173). Maroon Sater: Rebel Stave Communities the Americes, Garden Prince, Howard M. (1972). “Ske Rebellion in Bahia, 1807-1695," unpubl. Ph.D. sity “Populagio ¢ Rebeliso: Notas sobre a populagio ‘he Johns Hopkins Univ. Press. Reis, Joio José (2000), "Nos achamos em campo a tratar da liberdad’» A resistencia ‘negra no Bs in C, Guilherme Mota, org Viagem Incomplete: A ‘xpeiéncia trasileia, 1500-2000. San Paulo: Editora SENAC, 243-68 Rodrigues, Raimundo Nina (1977). 05 Afianas no Brasil San Paulo: Compasihia Bdi- tora Nacional. SLAVE REVOLTS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS IN CUBA AND BRAZIL Pole Sapte i Pj Gatun ites "Caine Pang to Bs ec Alans 170). “Akan Slave Rebel rn today Resistance to Slavery in the Caribbean during the Bulletin of African Studies Assocation of the West Indies, VI, ton of Brasilian Society. Bahia, Afto-American Communiem: PhD. diss, Duke University. "Aicn Slters nthe Haan Revolution, joumal at |-2, 58-80. cs a ton, Jb (102) nd ann he Making of be ‘bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ete ough Ol (i Nien Chi: Taina Foe Mado ter, NY: Univ. of Rochester Press. . - World. Cam-