UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL

UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON POLITICAL

DISASTERS IN AFRICA

Gabriela Festugato Maranhão

Isabela Lima Oliveira
João Victor Barbosa Teixeira Bouças
Mariam Terra Ibrahim
Suelen Kolling Gomes

Curitiba
2020

Summary:
1. LETTER TO DELEGATES;
2. THE SECURITY COUNCIL
3. HISTORICAL CONTEXT:
3.1. FROM COLONIZATION TO INDEPENDENCE;
3.2. CIVIL WAR;
3.3. LOCAL GOVERNMENT APPEAL AND LUMUMBA’S DEATH;
3.4. THE BIPOLAR ORDER AND THE COLD WAR;
3.4.1. GENERAL INFORMATION;
3.4.2. “THE LONG TELEGRAM”;
3.4.3. TRUMAN DOCTRINE AND MARSHALL PLAN;
3.4.4. THE SOVIET POINT OF VIEW;
3.4.5. THIRD WORLD CONFLICTS AND CONGO;
4. THE PROBLEMATIC AROUND THE MOTTO;
4.1. THE URANIUM ISSUE;
4.2. THE INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE IN CONGO
4.3. QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER
5. SECURITY COUNCIL’S PREVIOUS ACTIONS;
6. BLOCK POSITIONS:
6.1. THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA;
6.2. UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALISM REPUBLIC;
6.3. THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA;
6.4. FRENCH REPUBLIC;
6.5. UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND;
6.6. CONGO REPUBLIC;
6.7. DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM ;
6.8. POLISH PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC
6.9. REPUBLIC OF CHILE;
6.10. REPUBLIC OF INDIA;
6.11. REPUBLIC OF IRELAND;
6.12. REPUBLIC OF TUNISIA
6.13. THE KINGDOM BELGIUM;
6.14. THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN ;
6.15. THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Letter to the delegates;

Fellow delegates, welcome to this historical committee that aims to expose the roots
of the current situation in Congo, a nation that is suffering from violence, poverty, and
instability. Nowadays, the country is marked by an ongoing civil war that began 20 years ago
and already leaves behind 6 million dead and missing. It is the largest and bloodiest war since
World War II, but only a few people know about this fact.
The current Congolese reality has a deep relation with the Belgian colonization and
with the events that occurred in 1961 - year in which the committee happens. The decisions
that the United Nations Security Council made at that time, like establishing a peacekeeping
mission on the territory, contributed to the situation faced on the present and to the
emergence of an anti-imperialist feeling within the country.
This committee tackles an emblematic situation in which the UN did not succeed. Our
goal is to change this outcome - together we can make different decisions with the potential
to modify Congo's situation for the better. Moreover, the meeting is going to address two big
questions: "What are the limits of sovereignty? How far the UN jurisdiction can go?". This
reflections show themselves pertinent until today. However, on 1961 - when the United
Nations was giving its first steps - these were a truly gap. This means that the decisions that
you, ladies and gentleman, make will open a major precedent in the future.
Several nights of sleeping were invested in this incredible project! The Chair has made
a great effort in order to bring to life this overly challenging and troubling scenario which
was the 1960s on the African continent - given the context of the Cold War. Between
uranium-rich lands, western mercenaries, independent revolutionary states, guerrillas taking
place across the globe, we hope you grow as delegates. For this purpose, it is vital to read
carefully the material provided here, for a complete understanding of the subject. However,
we also emphasize the necessity to do your own research, trying to find more information.
Faced with this narrative, we challenge you to, diplomatically and constructively,
intensively address the committee's theme and deliberate possible resolutions consistent with
the time. We await you and your avant-garde contributions to the issue. Any need or doubt
we will be here to help. Have a great simulation, see you all in Curitiba!

2. The Security Council:

Officially established on 24 October 1945, the Security Council has been around as long
as the UN itself, alongside the five other main organs of the United Nations (GA, EcoSoC,
ICJ, Trusteeship Council and the Secretariat). It has primary responsibility for maintaining
international peace and security - as stated in Article 39 of the UN Charter, the UNSC leads
the determination of the existence of a threat to peace or an act of aggression and urges the
parties involved in any international controversy to solve it by peaceful means (Article 41). It
is also concerned with accepting new members from the UN and approving any changes to its
status. Its powers include establishing and dispatching peacekeeping operations and
international sanctions, as well as authorizing military action through resolutions - it is the
only UN body with the authority to issue binding resolutions to member states.
The Security Council is composed of 15 members. Five of these members have permanent
seats, being called the P5. These members are: the United States of America, the United
Kingdom, France, the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China. This group of
countries have permanent membership since they own nuclear weapons and are the
recognised victors of WWII - in the wake of which the United Nations and the Security
Council were created, largely with the aim of preventing such a large scale conflicting from
ever arising again. The permanent members have the right to veto, which means that if they
don't approve a resolution, it isn't adopted by the council.
The remaining 10 positions on the Security Council are distributed on a regional
basis, with membership terms of two years. Non-permanent members are elected by the UN
General Assembly. Three non-permanent positions are accorded to the African regional bloc,
one position to the Eastern European region, and two to each the Asia-Pacific region, the
Latin and Central American region and the Western European region, respectively.
Membership of the Security Council is regarded as highly prestigious and countries often
expend considerable political and financial capital in order to achieve it. Under the charter of
the United Nations, the Security Council is the only UN organ with the power to issue
binding decisions, which all member states must agree to heed and to implement.
As this is mainly a negotiation committee, much diplomacy needs to take place in order
to approve a resolution. Trying to reach a consensus will be one of the biggest challenges
delegates will face during the sessions. For a better experience, English will be the official
language of the debate and the representations will be held in pairs.
In the event of major disagreements regarding the draft resolution, the Security Council
may convene a special meeting of the general assembly, in order to obtain appropriate
recommendations for the situation, as well as in resolution 157 of the 906th meeting of the
Council.
The date of this meeting is February 21, 1961. Delegate, please pay attention to the
chronology - events that happen after this date cannot be taken into consideration.
3. Historical context:

3.1 From colonization to independence;

In the 1870s, just before the onset of the Scramble for Africa, (the) European
exploration of the Congo Basin was carried out, first led by Henry Morton Stanley under the
sponsorship of Leopold II of Belgium. The eastern regions of the pre-colonial Congo were
heavily disrupted by constant slave raiding, mainly from Arab–Swahili slave traders such as
the infamous Tippu Tip, who was well known to Stanley.

Leopold formally acquired rights to the Congolese territory at the Berlin Conference
in 1885 and made the land his private property, naming it the Congo Free State. During the
Free State, his colonial military unit, the Force Publique, forced the local population to
produce rubber. From 1885 to 1908, millions of Kongo people died as a consequence of
disease and exploration. In some areas the population declined dramatically – it has been
estimated that sleeping sickness and smallpox killed nearly half the population in the areas
surrounding the lower Congo River.

News of the abuses began to circulate. In 1904, the British consul at Boma in the
Congo, Roger Casement, was instructed by the British government to investigate. His report,
called the Casement Report, confirmed the accusations of humanitarian abuses. The Belgian
Parliament forced Leopold II to set up an independent commission of inquiry. Its findings
confirmed Casement's report of abuses, concluding that the population of the Congo had been
"reduced by half" during this period.

In 1908, the Belgian parliament, despite initial reluctance, formally annexed the Free
State, which became known as the Belgian Congo. Nevertheless, the destructive impact of the
Congo Free State lasted well beyond its brief history. The widespread social disruption not
only complicated the establishment of a viable system of administration, it also left a legacy
of anti-Western sentiment on which subsequent generations of nationalists were able to
capitalize.
 In 1926 the colonial capital moved from Boma to Léopoldville, some 300 kilometers
(190 mi) further upstream into the interior. The transition from the Congo Free State to the
Belgian Congo was a break but it also featured a large degree of continuity.

The paternalistic tendencies of Belgian colonial rule bore traces of two characteristic
features of Leopoldian rule: an irreducible tendency to treat Africans as children and a firm
commitment to political control and compulsion. The elimination of the most brutal aspects
of the Congo Free State notwithstanding, Belgian rule remained conspicuously unreceptive to
political reform. By placing the inculcation of Western moral principles above political
education and apprenticeship for social responsibility, Belgian policies virtually ruled out
initiatives designed to foster political experience and responsibility.

Opening up the Congo and its natural and mineral riches to the Belgian economy
remained the main motive for colonial expansion – however, other priorities, such as
healthcare and basic education, slowly gained in importance. The Belgian population of the
colony increased from 1,928 in 1910 to nearly 89,000 in 1959.

Colonial administrators ruled the territory and a dual legal system existed (a system of
European courts and another one of indigenous courts, tribunaux indigènes). Indigenous
courts had only limited powers and remained under the firm control of the colonial
administration. Records show that in 1936, 728 Belgian administrators ran the colony. The
Belgian authorities permitted no political activity in the Congo whatsoever, and the Force
Publique, a locally-recruited army under Belgian command, put down any attempts at
rebellion.

Not until 1957, with the introduction of major local government reform, the so-called
statut des villes (“statute of the cities”), were Africans afforded a taste of democracy. By then
a class of Westernized Africans (évolués), eager to exercise their political rights beyond the
urban arenas, had arisen. Moreover, heavy demands made upon the rural masses during the
two world wars, coupled with the profound psychological impact of postwar constitutional
reforms introduced in neighboring French-speaking territories, created a climate of social
unrest suited for the development of nationalist sentiment and activity.

The Belgian Congo was directly involved in the two world wars. During World War I
(1914–1918), an initial stand-off between the Force Publique and the German colonial army
in German East Africa (Tanganyika) turned into open warfare with a joint Anglo-Belgian
invasion of German colonial territory in 1916 and 1917 during the East African Campaign.
The Force Publique gained a notable victory when it marched into Tabora in September 1916
under the command of General Charles Tombeur after heavy fighting.

After 1918, Belgium was rewarded for the participation of the Force Publique in the
East African campaign with a League of Nations mandate over the previously German colony
of Ruanda-Urundi. During World War II, the Belgian Congo provided a crucial source of
income for the Belgian government-in-exile in London, and the Force Publique again
participated in Allied campaigns in Africa. Belgian Congolese forces under the command of
Belgian officers notably fought against the Italian colonial army in Ethiopia in Asosa, Bortaï
and Saïo under Major-General Auguste-Eduard Gilliaert during the second East African
Campaign.

The publication in 1956 of a political manifesto calling for immediate independence

precipitated the political awakening of the Congolese population. Penned by a group of
Bakongo évolués affiliated with the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), an association based in
Léopoldville (now Kinshasa), the manifesto was the response of ABAKO to the ideas set
forth by a young Belgian professor of colonial legislation, A.A.J. van Bilsen, in his “Thirty-
Year Plan for the Political Emancipation of Belgian Africa.”. Far more impatient than its
catalyst, the ABAKO manifesto stated: “Rather than postponing emancipation for another
thirty years, we should be granted self-government today.”

Under the leadership of Joseph Kasavubu, ABAKO transformed itself into a vehicle
of anticolonial protest. Nationalist sentiment spread through the lower Congo region, and, in
time, the nationalist wave washed over the rest of the colony. Self-styled nationalist
movements appeared almost overnight in every province. Among the welter of political
parties brought into existence by the statut des villes, the Congolese National Movement
(Mouvement National Congolais; MNC) stood out as the most powerful force for Congolese
nationalism. The MNC never disavowed its commitment to national unity (unlike ABAKO,
whose appeal was limited to Bakongo elements), and with the arrival of Patrice Lumumba - a
powerful orator, advocate of pan-Africanism, and cofounder of the MNC - in Léopoldville in
1958 the party entered a militant phase.

In 1959, Belgium begins to lose control over events in the Congo following serious
nationalist riots in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa). The turning point in the process of
decolonization came on January 4, 1959, when anti-European rioting erupted in Léopoldville,
resulting in the death of scores of Africans at the hands of the security forces.

On January 13 the Belgian government formally recognized independence as the

ultimate goal of its policies—a goal to be reached “without fatal procrastination, yet without
fatal haste.” By then, however, nationalist agitation had reached a level of intensity that made
it virtually impossible for the colonial administration to control the course of events. The
Belgian government responded to this growing turbulence by inviting a broad spectrum of
nationalist organizations to a Round Table Conference in Brussels in January 1960. The aim
was to work out the conditions of a viable transfer of power; the result was an experiment in
instant decolonization.

In May 1960, a growing nationalist movement, the Mouvement National Congolais

(MNC) led by Patrice Lumumba, won the parliamentary elections. Patrice Lumumba thus
became the first Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, then known as the
Republic of the Congo, on 24 June 1960. The parliament elected Joseph Kasavubu as
President, of the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) party. On 30 June 1960, the Congo
formally achieved independence under the name "République du Congo" ("Republic of
Congo" or "Republic of the Congo" in English) and quickly descended into chaos. Conflict
arose over the administration of the territory, which became known as the Congo Crisis

3.2 Civil war;

As explained earlier, within the rise of popular dissatisfaction with the Belgian
administration in Congo, the local parliament decided to become independent of its hitherto
colonizer. Elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, founder of the Congolese National
Movement (CNM), was one of the main leaders of the country's independence revolts. For
this reason it became the target of the Belgian military and all its supporters, since keeping
Congo as colony would mean showing the strength that the great powers still exerted.
With the independence of the country, the new prime minister went to the radio to
denounce the racist practices of the Belgian government as colonizers and statement not only
hit the losing imperialism but also the US government by partnering with and supporting the
attitudes of the Belgian government. Considering the tension between the US and the USSR,
any shake in their image could mean an advantage in one side of the Cold War.
 When the Congolese independence was declared on 30 June 1960, the Belgian or
Congolese government was not expected to be separated immediately because the
government wanted to maintain Force Publique, the then Belgian Empire's national army ,
and Belgium, in return, hoped support from the white population of the country. However,
after Patrice Lumumba's testimony on the radio, the Congolese people revolted against the
Belgian presence in the country, increasing the number of discontentment by the black
population.
The soon-to-be-seen chaos was compounded by the statement by Emile Janssens,
commander of the Force Publique, which broke the expectation of the Congolese military that
expected better wages and job promotions as a result of their country's independence. A few
days after the independence in Leopoldville he said that nothing would change under his
command and his underlings would be treated the same way as before. This would mean
keeping blacks lower than whites, while other layers of society would have a chance to
change its situation with the support of the current government of Lumumba and
consequently, the speech generated riots in the barracks of the whole country. “Many
Congolese people had assumed that independence would produce tangible and immediate
social change, so the retention of whites in positions of importance was widely resented.”
(Zailig, 2008)
With the riots strengthening in the barracks, Lumumba dismissed Emile from office
and put Joseph-Désiré Mobutu. He also renamed the army, which would now be called
Armeé Nationale Congolaise (ANC), taking away any Belgian influence from the national
force. The changes pleased the black soldiers that belonged to the ANC, who were promoted
at least one rank and, consequently, had their salaries increased.
Despite Lumumba's efforts, their sense of revenge caused them to use their power to
attack white civilians and officers, as well as to rape white women. As a result, the number of
Belgian refugees fleeing the country increased exponentially, and Belgium took advantage of
the situation to promote its government, because, Congo was experiencing, in parallel, a
period of peace and little dissatisfaction.

The Belgian population that remained in the country, threatened by these actions,
mainly, by the Congolese military, on July 9, started to be protected by ex-Belgian
combatants without the authorization of Lumumba, being considered paramilitary groups.
Belgium intervened on 10 July, dispatching 6.000 troops to the Congo, ostensibly, with the
same purpose - to protect its citizens from the violence. Most Europeans went to Katanga
Province, which possessed much of the Congo's natural resources. Though personally
angered, Lumumba condoned the action on 11 July, provided that the Belgian forces acted
only to protect their citizens, followed the direction of the Congolese army, and ceased their
activities once the order was restored.

That same day, to more effectively protect the white population of the country, the
Belgian government sent to the port of Matady, some ships to take back that portion of the
population that lived in the Congo in Belgium in risk. In this fleet, ships were also sent to
bomb the city after the Navy had evacuated its citizens and, due to the attack, 19 civilians
were killed.

Even though the Belgian government's declaration of the attacks and the rescue were
both successful, the situation in the country worsened with the death of civilians. This greatly
inflamed tensions, leading to renewed Congolese attacks on Europeans. Shortly thereafter
Belgian forces moved to occupy cities throughout the country, including the capital, where
they clashed with Congolese soldiers. On the whole, the Belgian intervention made the
situation worse for the ANC.

With the growing tension in the country, also on July 11, Moise Tshombe, leader of
COMAK (Coopérative Minières Artisanale of Katanga), with support from the Belgian
government and mining companies such as Union Minière, declared the province of Katanga
independent from the rest of the country. Meanwhile, Belgium more or less simultaneously
strengthened its military bases in the Congo.

Katanga always stood out financially from other provinces in the country due to its
mineral extraction activity, and even, for this reason, Belgium gave it greater autonomy. So,
to prevent any consequences of possible war or crisis, this attitude was taken. The largest
company in the new state was Belgian and mining, and independence for bringing benefits to
it was supported by it, in addition to having financial and military contributions from the
Empire.

Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu were denied use of Élisabethville's airstrip the following
day and returned to the capital, only to be accosted by fleeing Belgians. For obvious
economic reasons, Belgium did not want to lose the Congo, especially Katanga. Having
granted the Congo its independence, the Belgians, who had hoped to retain their privileges
for some time, were surprised to find that the Congolese Government wanted them to pull out
of the country immediately.

Approximately a month after Katanga's independence, a small province in the north of

the country assumed autonomy, which would then become the Mining State of South Kasai.
Just as Katanga, South Kasai's economy was based on mining and had Belgian companies in
its territory, and because of this, it received due financial support from Belgium to act. Its
independence was motivated mainly by the fact that, at the time, the government protected an
ethnic minority that arrived in the region fleeing the crisis. Both events brought the central
government into an economic crisis, too.

3.3 The local government appeal and Lumumba’s death;

Belgian interests and Belgian expatriates in the Congo were not reconciled to an early
departure from the former colony. However, amid independence euphoria, and with violent
attacks on local Belgians on the rise, Belgium found the necessary pretext for its
‘humanitarian’ intervention in the Congo. The North-South conflict was visible from the
outset of the crisis.
The Congolese government sent a protest of the Belgian deployment to the United
Nations, requesting that they withdraw and be replaced by an international peacekeeping
force. The two telegrams by Kasavubu and Lumumba on 12 and 13 July 1960 (reproduced in
S/4382 of 13 July 1960), which initiated the resolution process in the Security Council,
clearly underlined that their demand was related to the Belgian ‘aggression’, and not to the
restoration of the internal situation in the Congo.
Before these official requests, several oral requests had been directed by individual
Congolese leaders to the UN as well as to major powers. On 14 July Lumumba and Kasa-
Vubu broke off relations with Belgium. Frustrated at dealing with the West, they sent a
telegram to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, requesting that he closely monitor the
situation in the Congo.
Alike said earlier, as a consecution of facing the Belgian government, Patrice
Lumumba was facing the United States too. However, as soon to be contextualized in this
guide, the world lived in a period of polarity where a country was allied with the American
State or the Soviet. For this reason and at the request of the central government, the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics decided to support the Congolese prime minister.
The UN’s formal involvement in the Congo crisis began in response to the Belgian
presence in the former colony and came into being quite suddenly. On 17 July 1960,
Kasavubu and Lumumba addressed an ultimatum to the Secretary-General, warning that if
the Belgian forces were not completely withdrawn within 48 hours, they would request troops
from the Soviet Union. From that moment on, the Cold War would make its presence felt in
the Congo.
The original authorization of ONUC came in response to official approaches by
Lumumba and Kasavubu who made it clear that their request for aid was to counter external
aggression and ‘not to restore the internal situation’. The UN Security Council passed United
Nations Security Council Resolution 143, calling for immediate removal of Belgian forces
and the establishment of the United Nations Operation in the Congo (ONUC).
The ensuing resolution treated the Congo crisis as an inter-state conflict. Its first
operative paragraph called upon Belgium to withdraw its troops from the Congo. It identified
the key problem as the unwanted presence of the troops of a member state within the territory
of another independent state. Despite the arrival of UN troops, unrest continued. Lumumba
requested UN troops to suppress the rebellion in Katanga, but the UN forces were not
authorized to do so under their mandate.
The situation had already attracted great interest from several international actors. For
the West, the atrocities committed against foreigners (mainly Belgians) were of particular
concern. So were the strong financial, political and strategic ties between Belgium and other
western countries. For the Soviet bloc, on the other hand, the upheaval in the Congo provided
a perfect opportunity to demonstrate the ‘imperialist’ tendencies of western policies.
In the middle of a crisis and in need to contain the secessionist movement, Lumumba
initiated a quest trying to get international help, which took him to visit lots of countries.

Western countries, by supporting the American government, increased the pressure

for the head of state of the local government to step down with the justification of excessive
centralism of his power and that this would only make the existing crisis worse. So, to protect
his position, Lumumba left only the men of his extreme confidence in high-ranking positions.

Due to the excessive unpopular decisions of Lumumba, the recent independence

movements of important provinces, the recent political-economic crisis and its proximity to
the USSR, his government gradually lost prestige. Using the massacre that took place in
South Kasai (which we will address later) as an allegation, the country's president, Kasa-
Vubu, dismissed Patrice without his consent or parliamentary support, because both
chambers supported the then prime minister. Due to this action, the Head of State sought
ways to carry out the same thing that had been committed against him. However, Patrice did
not get enough support in the Chamber and, now, the country would also go through a
constitutional crisis. To end the dispute between the two leaders, Mobutu, leader of the
national army and, until then, the Prime Minister's political partner, dealt a coup in both with
the justification that they could reconcile before returning to their countries. positions, but it
was only an excuse to not pick Kasa- Vubu's side being a partner of the government. Also in
that date, was declared the Lumumba’s arrested.
The former prime minister tried to escape house arrest in December 1960. The Soviet
Union, observing the actions in the country and seeing the government it supported being
dismantled by Mobutu, asked the UN Secretary-General for an emergency meeting
requesting the immediate release of Lumumba, alleging lack of democracy in Mobutu's
actions. A resolution in favor of Patrice was accepted, ordering the disarmament of the local
army, the restoration of the government and the release of the political prisoner. However, the
resolution was not respected, and instead of being released, on January 17, 1961, the former
minister was tortured and sent to Katanga, where he was executed by Kataganese troops near
the capital. The news of his death was not surprising to many, as the former leader faced
several powers and several of his supporters, around the world, were also executed.
In February 1961, the president of South Kasai was declared back in power, both
actions coordinated by Mobutu. Several negotiations were attempted to reform the
government, however, all attempts were bankrupt and only resulted in the creation of
different factions in the country supporting different leaders, further increasing the tension in
Congolese territory and, to resolve this conflict, this meeting was called.

3.4 The bipolar order and the Cold War;

3.4.1 General Information

The Cold War is a ruling period in the global socio-political conjuncture since 1947
that has remained alive to the present day. Demonstrating a remarkable ability to deteriorate
the quality of life in the world, this dispute echoes the immensity of the war power of some
large nations that, due to their friction, invest exacerbated amounts of money to feed new
impasses such as Korea and Vietnam - that bleed to this day its consequences. However,
while such a critical period for understanding countless diplomatic disasters, many are those
who neither know what the Cold War is nor the agreements involved in it.
What is the origin, therefore, of the term Cold War? Actually, The name had its
genesis in the renowned article "You and the Atom Bomb" by writer Eric Arthur Blair -
popularly known as George Orwell. In his writing, still in 45, he was able to foresee the
global scenario in which the world would find itself redefining the concept of war bipolarity
and the prevailing doctrine that would be the Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) - that "is a
doctrine of military strategy and national security policy in which a full-scale use of nuclear
weapons by two or more opposing sides would cause the complete annihilation of both the
attacker and the defender" (Col. Alan J. Parrington, Airpower Journal, Winter 1997)
“From various symptoms one can infer that the Russians do not yet
possess the secret of making the atomic bomb; on the other hand, the
consensus of opinion seems to be that they will possess it within a few
years. So we have before us the prospect of two or three monstrous super-
states, each possessed of a weapon by which millions of people can be
wiped out in a few seconds, dividing the world between them”. - (George
Orwell 1945, You and the Atom Bomb)

“Looking at the world as a whole, the drift for many decades has been not
towards anarchy but towards the reimposition of slavery... James Burnham's
theory has been much discussed, but few people have yet considered its
ideological implications—that is, the kind of world-view, the kind of
beliefs, and the social structure that would probably prevail in a state which
was at once unconquerable and in a permanent state of "cold war" with its
neighbours.”- (George Orwell 1945, You and the Atom Bomb)

Thus, the Cold War can easily be described as the era in which such economically
superb - and ethically poor - sovereignties transform emerging republics into simple "Banana
Republics" (O.Henry, 1901), when they do not form battlefields by influencing the local
population. But where is the United Nations Organization in the midst of this? Unfortunately,
many nations have discredited the role of the UN for not serving its ideology, as was the case
of the USSR, which has openly expressed itself on the subject several times.
 “The UN was essentially converted into an inactive forum for exchanging
polemical rhetoric, and the Soviets regarded it almost exclusively as a
propaganda tribune” - (Garthoff 1994, p. 401)

3.4.2 “The Long Telegram”

It all began on February 22, 1946, when a simple American diplomat named George
F. Kennan, sent a cable from Moscow to George Marshall about very alarming external
problems. That little information would spark the start of the Truman Doctrine and the Cold
War.
“Answer to Dept's 284, Feb. 3,13 involves questions so intricate, so delicate,
so strange to our form of thought, and so important to analysis of our
international environment that I cannot compress answers into single brief
message without yielding to what I feel would be a dangerous degree of
oversimplification. I hope, therefore, Dept will bear with me if I submit in
answer to this question five parts...I apologize in advance for this burdening
of telegraphic channel; but questions involved are of such urgent
importance, particularly in view of recent events, that our answers to them,
if they deserve attention at all, seem to me to deserve it at once” - (George
Kennan to George Marshall February 22, 1946. Harry S. Truman
Administration File, Elsey Papers. Retrieved 27 June 2011.)

In his "long telegram," Kennan highlighted five points he presented as evidence that
the USSR did not plan to maintain a peaceful coexistence with the United States of America -
much less with Capitalism. However, section 5 of his proofs - which dealt with Communist
expansionism - showed the weakness contained on the Soviet plane: internal instability. Thus,
the diplomat proposed a "psychological warfare" in which the USSR itself would dictate its
end: "my conviction that problem is within our power to solve—and that without recourse to
any general military conflict"- F. Kennan.

“1-The Soviets perceived themselves at perpetual war with capitalism;

2-The Soviets viewed left-wing but non-communist, groups in other

countries as an even worse enemy of itself than the capitalist ones;

3-The Soviets would use controllable Marxists in the capitalist world as

allies;
 4-Soviet aggression was fundamentally not aligned with the views of the
Russian people or with economic reality, but rooted in historic Russian
nationalism and neurosis;

5-The Soviet government's structure inhibited objective or accurate pictures

of internal and external reality.” - (George F. Kennan, Long Telegram,
1946)

3.4.3 Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan

In response to this obvious appeal, on March 12, 1947, the American Congress
received the proposal of the remarkably Truman Doctrine. The doctrine consisted of US
economic and bellicose support for other nations threatened by Soviet Communism.
However, the plan was not developed until July 4, 1948, when the world closely watched the
crisis in Greece and Turkey. It was argued by Truman that if such sovereignties were not
given their proper support, they would succumb to the Marxist Communism. Harry S.
Truman told Congress that "it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples
who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures."
(Michael Beschloss (2006). Our Documents: 100 Milestone Documents From The National
Archives. Oxford University Press. pp. 194–99.) In the same speech, the President of US
reminded every politician in the congress that “ totalitarian regimes coerced free peoples,
they automatically represented a threat to international peace and the national security of the
United States.”

With the United States preparing to contain the new threat to the "utopian" capitalist
life, numerous plans and treaties were signed as the National Security Act- creating CIA,
NSC and the Department of Defense - or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Among these deals, however, was the program that would secure American majority
influence in Western Europe: the European Recovery Program, also known as the Marshall
Plan. The Marshall Plan It consisted of a loan of $ 12 billion to countries devastated by
World War II in Europe to restructure their respective economies and make possible a return
to the industrial market, but mainly: to stop any communist demonstrations that could arise in
this period marked by a notorious post-war political and social fragility.

“The goals of the United States were to rebuild war-torn regions, remove
trade barriers, modernize industry, improve European prosperity, and
prevent the spread of Communism.” - (Hogan, 1987)
 “The Marshall Plan required a reduction of interstate barriers, a dropping of
many regulations, and encouraged an increase in productivity, as well as the
adoption of modern business procedures” - (Carew, Anthony (1987).
Labour Under the Marshall Plan: The Politics of Productivity and the
Marketing of Management Science. Manchester University Press.)

Hence, as a result of American attitudes, in 1950 a secret document named NSC 68

was put in place across Europe. “In NSC 68, a secret 1950 document, the National Security
Council instituted a Machiavellian policy” (Gaddis 2005, pp. 164–167.) “while proposing to
reinforce pro-Western alliance systems and quadruple spending on defense” (LaFeber 1993,
pp. 194–197.) “Truman, under the influence of advisor Paul Nitze, saw containment as
implying complete rollback of Soviet influence in all its forms” (Layne 2007, pp. 63–66.)
This document was responsible for the creation of Radio Free Europe, a platform that aimed
to disseminate the American view of the facts and bring public opinion to the western side.

“Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty: American policymakers, including

Kennan and John Foster Dulles, acknowledged that the Cold War was in its
essence a war of ideas.” - (Puddington 2003, p. 7.)

“The CIA also covertly sponsored a domestic propaganda campaign called

Crusade for Freedom (founds for radio free Europe 1950-1960)” -
(Cummings 2010)

3.5.4 The Soviet Point Of View

After World War II, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) interpreted the
moment as ideal for its territorial and ideological expansion. With the approval of the
Executive Committee for Communist Parties and the People's Commission for Internal
Affairs (NKVD), neighboring countries began to be annexed to Soviet territory after coups
d'état. From this time arose: People's Republic of Albania (1946), People's Republic of
Bulgaria (1946), Polish People's Republic (1947), People's Republic of Romania (1948),
Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (1948), Hungarian People's Republic (1949), and German
Democratic Republic (1949).

“The Soviet-style regimes that arose in the Bloc not only reproduced Soviet
command economy, but also adopted the brutal methods employed by
 Joseph Stalin and the Soviet secret police in order to suppress both real and
potential opposition.” - (Roht-Arriaza 1995, p. 83)

With unbridled expansionism in full swing, the Soviets began to focus on the evil that
so urgently brought their downfall: Capitalism. Their speeches were overwhelmed by
sensationalism and inherently incited revolting movements within their territory, which urged
freedom and independence. Thus, the formation of secret police with the duty to "silence the
spirits" of the population was indispensable. One of the most remarkable examples was
Czechoslovakia’s coup d'état in 1948, with notorious cruelty Stalin ordered the invasion and
its impact was too much for the western world, which is the biggest factor why the marshall
plan itself unanimously passed through the American congress.

“As part of consolidating Stalin's control over the Eastern Bloc, the People's
Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD), led by Lavrentiy Beria,
supervised the establishment of Soviet-style secret police systems in the
Bloc that were supposed to crush anti-communist resistance” - (Gaddis
2005, p. 34)

“When the slightest stirrings of independence emerged in the Bloc, Stalin's

strategy matched that of dealing with domestic pre-war rivals: they were
removed from power, put on trial, imprisoned, and in several instances,
executed” - (Gaddis 2005, p. 100)

“In early 1948, following reports of strengthening "reactionary elements",

Soviet operatives executed a coup d'état in Czechoslovakia, the only Eastern
Bloc state that the Soviets had permitted to retain democratic structures” -
(Wettig 2008, p. 86.)

“The public brutality of the coup shocked Western powers more than any
event up to that point, set in a motion a brief scare that war would occur and
swept away the last vestiges of opposition to the Marshall Plan in the United
States Congress” - (Miller 2000, p. 19.)

One of the most fundamental features for sustaining the bipolar model was its tendency to
pactomania. The Communist bloc, therefore, in response to the Marshall Plan, drafted its
"Molotov plan (later institutionalized in January 1949 as the Council for Mutual Economic
Assistance)" Lafeber 1993, pp. 194-197 - in which it provided sufficient capital to restructure
Allied countries - to safeguard its political-military influence in eastern Europe. In 1955, in
this way, the permanent response to the Truman plan and the NATO formation was also
launched: the Warsaw Pact. Through these agreements, the USSR was able to organize the
pillars of its notoriously striking structure, which were: Governments with a "strong" base, a
hostile military force to the West, and a world-renowned intelligence force, the KGB.

“The Molotov Plan was symbolic of the Soviet Union's refusal to accept aid
from the Marshall Plan or allow any of their satellite states to do so because
of their belief that the Marshall Plan was an attempt to weaken Soviet
interest in their satellite states through the conditions imposed and by
making beneficiary countries economically dependent on the United States
(Officially, one of the goals of the Marshall Plan was to prevent the spread
of Communism). The plan was a system of bilateral trade agreements which
also established Comecon to create an economic alliance of socialist
countries. This aid allowed countries in Europe to stop relying on American
aid and therefore allowed Molotov Plan states to reorganize their trade to the
Soviet Union instead. The plan was in some ways contradictory because
while the Soviets were giving aid to Eastern Bloc countries, at the same time
they were demanding that countries who were members of the Axis powers
pay reparations to the Soviet Union” - ("World History Study Guide - 17.2
The Cold War between 1945 and 1947".) & ("A Look back at the Marshall
Plan". Archived 15 December 2007)

“The strategy behind the formation of the Warsaw Pact was driven by the
desire of the Soviet Union to dominate Central and Eastern Europe. The
Soviets wanted to keep their part of Europe and not let the Americans take it
from them. This policy was driven by ideological and geostrategic reasons.
Ideologically, the Soviet Union arrogated the right to define socialism and
communism and act as the leader of the global socialist movement. A
corollary to this idea was the necessity of intervention if a country appeared
to be violating core socialist ideas and Communist Party functions, which
was explicitly stated in the Brezhnev Doctrine.” - ('The Review of Politics
Volume', 34, No. 2 (April 1972), pp. 190–209)

3.4.5 Third World Conflicts and Congo

 With all the foundations perfectly planned and in place, as a result, both sides began
to wage indirect wars through "third world" countries. Through their intelligence agencies,
both the US and the USSR disseminated information that was committed to overthrowing
governments - even if it meant civil war. Massive conflicts, such as the current Vietnam War
or the Korean War, are openly motivated by interests outside their sovereignty. Through
simple informational and economic manipulation, sovereignties on both sides force friction
and reap the lives of thousands without providing any further support to those involved in this
"bipolar mindset."

In the case of Congo, for example, a newly independent nation has been exploited to
establish an abrupt division ideologically and territorially. Through Belgian influence, the
state of Katanga was created and trained by outside troops to combat "the communist threat"
posed by the country's new government. In less than a free year, the Congolese people have,
unfortunately, witnessed their land being divided and dominated by external influences that
could not be reached by Soviet or Western ideology. As a result, the trigger for these actions
came when a man named Patrice Lumumba was assassinated by Katanga military personnel
after asking for UN support - including accusations about the Western bloc (US and UK) and
South Africa involvement by the Soviet bloc. By having an exacerbated stock of minerals,
including Uranium, Congo is a strategic point for both sides, further compromising the
integrity of the biopsychosocial quality of the sovereignty portrayed as a whole.

“In the Republic of the Congo, newly independent from Belgium since June
1960, the CIA-cultivated President Joseph Kasa-Vubu ordered the dismissal
of the democratically elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba and the
Lumumba cabinet in September. In the ensuing Congo Crisis, the CIA-
backed Colonel Mobutu Sese Seko quickly mobilized his forces to seize
power through a military coup d'état” - (Gerard 2015, pp. 216–218) &
(Schraeder 1994, p. 57.)

That said, profuse were attempts to position agents in the enemy cupula. However,
there is no document that definitively and concretely shows the existence of any successful
side in this mission. As said by Raymond L. Garthoff: "We can also now have high
confidence in the judgment that there were no successful "moles" at the political decision-
making level on either side. Similarly, there is no evidence, either side, of any major political
or military decision that was prematurely discovered through espionage and thwarted by the
other side. There is also no evidence of any major political or military decision that was
crucially influenced (much less generated) by an agent of the other side.”

“While European and American Communists, financed by the KGB and

involved in its intelligence operations, adhered to Moscow's line, although
dissent began to appear after 1956” - (Andrew & Mitrokhin 2000, p. 276)

The biggest problem, however, is the decisive role that the United Nations will take in
such a catastrophic scenario. In Western interpretation, these clashes are just situations that
existed before the international intervention, ipso facto, it must be seen as something in which
the UN has no jurisdiction to act and/or intervene. From the eastern perspective, however, the
hostilities that haunt many nations stem from the interventionist and imperialist stance
inherent in capitalism and the west. Thus, the intervention of the UN is definitely viable
because it is a motto that crosses many international interests and is motivated by the same
fascinations.

4. The problematic around the motto;

4.1 The Uranium issue;

A Congolese mine called Shinkolobwe, located on the Katanga province has a

protagonist role in the Congo Crisis since it is one of the biggest international interests on the
matter. Shinkolobwe’s ore was the richest in the world: an average of 65% uranium oxide,
the active ingredient for nuclear fission. In comparison, American or Canadian ore contained
less than 1%.
The United States utilized the uranium available at Shinkolobwe to supply the
Manhattan Project and to fabricate the atomic bomb Little Boy - which was used by the US
against the Japanese city of Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. The Americans also ensured that
the uranium resources weren’t smuggled to Nazi Germany. However, they were unable to
prevent Union Minière - the Belgian company that owned the mine - from supplying
Germany with the product, although it was a relatively small amount.
After World War II, the United States engaged in a second ore race, this time with the
Soviet Union. For that reason, Congo was an important element for the powers, since its
territory was rich in mineral resources - especially Katanga, as already stated.
 In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the mine was the greatest source of uranium for the
US. The country was trying to find other sources but without success. Its need for the ore
grew in 1949 when the Soviet Union tested its first atomic bomb. The test was a huge
surprise for the United States and the United Kingdom since both thoughts that the Soviet
atomic weapons program wasn’t advanced.
A large process of modernization in relation to the mine was established. The World
Bank extended $70m in loans to Belgium in order to improve the Congolese transportation
infrastructure, aiming to facilitate the export of the ore.
The same worry from World War II was filling the capitalist block: the possibility that
the enemy might get control of Congolese ore. Ernest Bevin, the British Foreign Secretary,
anticipated this fear in 1946. He wanted to build a road "right across Africa, passing through
the top of French Equatorial Africa and enabling us, if need be, to protect the deposits in the
Belgian Congo".
Due to the Korean War, which started in 1950, the concerns regarding the mine
increased in Washington. According to Borstelmann, official documents show that the US
Joint Chiefs of Staff began to make contingency plans for the ‘seizure of critical areas in the
Congo by force’, in case of Soviet occupation of Western Europe, including Belgium.
A shipment of $7m-worth military equipment was made by the US to the Belgian
troops that were being sent to Katanga. Besides, a military Belgian and NATO airbase was
built at Kamina, in Katanga. The reason given for the construction of this base was the
defense of Central Africa against international Communism. When Congo became
independent, Belgium retained control of Kamina, under agreement with the Congolese
government. However, the control of the base was taken over by the United Nations in
October 1960.
The defense of Shinkolobwe was expanding. A strict check-up was made on all
foreigners who went to Jadotville, the city which people must pass through to arrive at
Shinkolobwe. A government decree also “authorized the shooting on sight of any persons
found within the boundaries of the Shinkolobwe uranium mine, who had no right to be there”.
This action was justified with the allegation that a Communist plot had been discovered: “red
agents” were said to be smuggling away samples of Uranium, which they received from
African workers.
By the end of 1950, the US was no longer worried about supplies of the ore as it was
before because uranium ore had been found in many other parts of the world and new
methods of enriching lower grade uranium, to make it fissionable, had been developed. The
dependence of the United States in relation to Shinkolobwe was decreasing significantly,
although its fears about the risk of the Soviet Union obtaining Congolese ore were still a
reality.
When Patrice Lumumba became Congo’s prime minister, he adopted a protectionist
posture in relation to the natural resources and the exploration of Congolese territory. His
Anti-Imperialist and Pan-Africanism ideals were a threat to the interest of those who aimed to
explore the Uranium.
There are suspicions that the United States and Belgium are involved with the
assassination of Lumumba. The Belgian government wished to keep on controlling the
natural resources of the country and, because of that, it supported the secession of Katanga
and South Kasai.

4.1.1 Union Minière du Haut-Katanga

The Union Minière (UMHK) is an Anglo-Belgian mining company that was created
in 1906 and operates in Congo. Supported by the colonial state, the company was allocated a
7,700 square miles concession in Katanga. Its primary product was copper, but it also
extracted cobalt, radium, uranium, and other ores.
During the colonial period, the Union Minière operated schools, hospitals and other
types of establishments, disposing of almost unlimited funds. In 1959, Belgian profits from
the Union Miniere were in excess of 3.5 billion Belgian francs, and export duties paid to the
Congolese government constituted 50% of the government's revenue.
By the time of independence, UMHK sealed the Shinkolobwe Mine with concrete.
Fearing that Lumumba would nationalize its holdings, it supported Tshombe when the
Katanga Province seceded. After that, the company became a major force within the new
state.

4.2 The international presence in Congolese territory;

Countless countries and organizations mobilized their troops to assure their influence
within the Congolese territory. The main flags fluttering nowadays in that land are the French
mercenaries, the Belgium troops, the Cuban army, and the ONUC peacekeeper force - which
is composed of India, Swedish, and Ireland soldiers. Therefore, excluding the UN
representation, the majority of countries present in Congo heretofore rendered supplies for
the maintenance of this protracted and horrendous civil conflict, that engulfs the future of
numberless citizens who are daily plagued by a war motivated by greedy and bloodthirsty
ideologies.
As a direct reflection of this interventionist policy adopted by some countries, United
Nations troops have shown difficulties in exercising their function given the growing tension
in the region, arising from the actions of external agents. Due to the violent acts on the part of
the military sent independently by the countries - whether against or in favor of Katanga -
many citizens had begun to associate this image with UN troops. Consequently, this intrusion
has increased the hostility of the local population towards peacekeeping missions, resulting in
factors such as the complication of sales of merchandise to members of the mission or
aggression by throwing stones or objects.
Last but not least, the presence of flags from other countries has also been a reason for
increased friction between Katanga and Congo. The assassination of Lumumba, for example,
is pointed out by many supporters of the Congolese government as a result of the meddling of
Belgium and northern Rhodesia; others affirm that the US has a major role on the crime.
Because of that, many of these supporters harass Soviet nationalities in search of weapons
and stability.
As a result of this domino effect, countless innocents lost their lives or their families
due to this conflict that follows a vicious cycle between Western hostility and increased
Soviet influence, with the culmination of the assassination of a democratically elected leader
of the state.

4.2.1 United Nations Force in the Congo (ONUC)

The United Nations Force in the Congo (ONUC) was established by the resolution 143 of
the United Nations Security Council in July 1960 to ensure the withdrawal of Belgian forces,
to assist the government of the Congolese Republic in maintaining law and order and to
provide technical assistance.
An essential debate for the protection of the territory of Congo about the limits of the
activities of the troops of ONUC has been going on since the beginning of the sessions of the
Security Council. Furthermore, after Mr. Lumumba's letter, a discussion began about the use
of UN troops for the retaliation of Katanguense troops. The Soviet side defends the
positioning of the use of these troops to antagonize the state of Katanga, thus protecting the
physical and economic integrity of the weakened nation. Nevertheless, the Western side
strongly criticizes this view, alleging that this is contrary to the principles of the United
Nations since the secessionist movements are internal matters, therefore, they must be solved
by the country itself internally, without any external intrusion. Hence, this matter ended up
being the reason for the sending of a large part of the foreign troops now present in the
Congo, thus becoming a basic theme for the resolution of the storm that is plaguing the
Congo.

4.2.2 Foreign Mercenaries and Belgium troops

Western mercenaries played a very important role in the war conflicts that shook Congo
during the years following its decolonization. The process of integrating mercenaries into the
Congolese war began shortly after Katanga’s independence and President Moïse Tshombe’s
yearning to forge closer ties with Belgium, France, and Northern Rhodesia. Thus, Using the
excuse of keeping the Congolese independence intact from socialist countries, foreign troops
were assigned to instruct Katanga's soldiers and compose their companies. Although the
United Nations demanded to withdraw troops, Belgium, France, and United Kingdom
insisted that they were mercenaries not linked to their respective Government and that their
willingness to join the war was forged and sustained by the principle of self-determination of
peoples - denying, therefore, their direct participation and the possibility of punishment.
On the other hand, the left-wing party accused Belgium, France, and Northern
Rhodesia of interfering in Congo's democracy and encouraging the persist of a bloody
conflict. One of the most notorious arguments was the use of military vehicles - which
belongs to their respective government- to transport weapons and supplies at the begging of
the war. The accused sovereignties denied and questioned the impartiality of the source of
this information, given that it was disseminated by an enemy nation with clear interests in the
Congo region and its mineral wealth.
Consequently, discredited by the diplomatic tools, the Soviet Union sent its troops -
most of whom are Cuban nationals - intending to establish the territory for the free people of
Congo against the fascists of the State of Katanga and its allies. It is to be expected, however,
the disapproval of this attitude on the part of Western countries, which has already been
showing its ingratitude regarding the motto. Finally, there is an impressive action by the
Security Council that establishes a balance again - a balance that can safeguard the integrity
of the Congolese people - and that brings to these people the prosperity that they never had
the chance to have.

4.3 Questions to consider

1- Are the secessionist movements in Katanga and South Kasai an internal issue or an
international problematic, since it occured due to imperialist actions? Should the UN take
measures regarding those movements?

2- What actions should be taken addressing the mercenaries? Should the countries
hold accountable for their respective nationals who refused to leave Congolese territory and
started to work in pro-secession paramilitary organizations?

3- What, therefore, is the UN role in this context? How far does its jurisdiction can
go? Hostilities of the population against the peacekeeping troops

4- How far is ONUC interventionism allowed?

5- Should any measures be taken to safeguard the country's mineral wealth? Would
there be an alleged sovereignty abuse if so?

6- Regarding Lumumba's death, will investigative measures be taken? Which?

7- What would be a possible resolution for this conflict that took so many lives? How
can the Security Council stop the on going violence in Congo?

5. Security Council’s previous actions;

5.1 Resolution 143: July 14, 1960.

This resolution was taken after a report by the Secretary-General and the request for
military assistance by Lumumba and Kasavubu. The request was made aiming to counter
external aggression and “not to restore the internal situation”. This resolution established the
United Nations Force in the Congo (ONUC) and treated the situation in Congo as an inter-
state conflict. The Council called up Belgium to withdraw its troops from the Congolese
territory, identifying the problem as the unwanted presence of the troops of a member state
inside another independent country. The Security Council also authorized the Secretary-
General to take the necessary steps to provide the Government with such military assistance
that the national security forces may be able to meet fully their tasks and asked him to make
further reports.

However, there was a disagreement between the countries as to whether the Belgian
withdrawal (first paragraph) depended on the guarantee of law and order (second paragraph).
Soviet Union, Poland, Tunisia and Ceylon stated that an act of aggression had occurred and
defended the unconditional withdrawal of Belgian forces. The United States rejected the
charges of aggression and, side by side with Britain and France emphasized the humanitarian
reason for Belgian intervention: Belgium couldn’t be expected to withdraw unless law and
order could be guaranteed. In the end, the resolution was approved. Without the first
paragraph, the Soviet Union would have vetoed it. Britain, France, Taiwan and the United
States could have vetoed the resolution if Hammarskjöld pressed for collective sanctions
against Belgium.

It’s important to emphasize that, because of Hammarskjöld’s efforts, the permanent

powers eventually agreed on the ambiguous wording of ONUC’s mandate. He argued that the
sole basis for UN jurisdiction was the request by the Congolese Government for UN
assistance and not a state of hostilities between two states.

5.2 Resolution 145: July 22, 1960.

This resolution tackled the external dimension of the Congo Crisis. After considering
a report by the Secretary-General dressing the implementation of resolution 143, the Council
called upon Belgium to withdraw its troops from the Congo and authorized the Secretary-
General to take all necessary action to this effect. In parallel, it requested all states to refrain
from any action which might impede the restoration of law and order in the Congo or
undermine its territorial integrity and asked for further reports be made as appropriate by the
Secretary-General.
 Therefore, this resolution established a connection between the internal crisis in
Congo and external interference. However, the identification of the external parties was
blurred. Belgium was seen as involved since its troops were asked to withdraw, but there
were more parties suspected to be acting. It was known that French and British colonies were
supporting Katanga and Rhodesia supplying the Province with weapons.

Still, the external dimension of the situation was not a consensus. For the Soviet bloc
and some Third World countries, the whole crisis was a result of colonial ambitions. From
the capitalist bloc, the UN’s responsibilities did not extend to intra-state aspects of the crisis.
Neither the Congo’s original request nor the Security Council’s response entailed any UN
commitment to deal with the domestic problems of the Congo.

Although the Belgium intervention ended in September 1960, there was still a foreign
presence in Congolese territory: the issue of mercenaries continued. Many Belgian military
personnel remained in Katanga acting as mercenaries in charge of the Katangese
gendarmerie. There were also French mercenaries and the issue of secessionist groups.

Hammarskjöld went to Léopoldville, and sent Ralph Bunche, his Special

Representative, to Elisabethville in order to make arrangements for ONUC’s entry into the
province. He argued that ONUC was under the exclusive control of the UN and that the
peacekeepers were authorized to use the force just in case of self-defense. Moreover,
ONUC’s mandate applied to the whole of the Congo, including Katanga. Nevertheless,
Tshombé refused and Hammarskjöld duly called an SC meeting.

Lumumba’s written complaint to the Security Council, and Ghana’s and Guinea’s
criticisms of the UN, led the Soviet Union to demand the removal of all Belgians from the
Congo ‘by recourse to whatever method of action’ was necessary. The UN was now
explicitly called upon to use force against Belgian troops.

5.3 Resolution 146: August 9, 1960.

After a report by the Secretary-General regarding the implementation of resolutions

143 and 145 the Council confirmed his authority to carry out the responsibility placed on him
thereby and called upon Belgium to withdraw its troops from Katanga. Based on the principle
of sovereignty, the Council also reaffirmed that UNUC wouldn’t intervene in any internal
conflict and stated that the entry of its forces into Katanga was necessary. The UN’s
impartiality regarding internal parties means that ONUC would not disregard the views of
Katanga and Kasai.

Up until that point, the Security Council had defined its own role purely in relation to
a perceived inter-state conflict. In one sense, nevertheless, the Security Council’s overall
attitude was quite revolutionary, since the conflict in question had emerged out of the process
of decolonization. The socialist bloc now directly opposed Hammarskjöld’s policy of non-
intervention. Poland declared it was a consensus that the UN should not interfere in disputes
between the Congolese Government and provincial authorities if these disputes were indeed
internal in character. Since in Katanga complete authority rested with the Belgians, the Polish
government held, the UN should apply the doctrine of restitutio in integrum, and restore the
conditions before the illegal Belgian actions took place.

Hammarskjöld entered Katanga to negotiate ONUC’s entry into the province.

Lumumba was unpleased with Hammarskjöld’s attitude, since he had chosen to ignore the
wishes of the Central Government, and preferred to deal directly with Tshombé. The
Government planned to end both secession attempts by force – a decision which added to the
tension between ONUC and the Government. Before long, Congolese National Army (ANC)
troops entered South Kasai. Many civilians died.

As internal aspects of the crisis were debated, questions regarding how the resolutions
should be interpreted and what the UN’s objectives and authority should have appeared.

5.4 Resolution 157: September 14, 1960.

The Council called an emergency special session of the General Assembly to make
appropriate recommendations. Resolution 157 was adopted with eight votes to two (Polish
People's Republic and the Soviet Union) , one abstention from France.

6. Block Positions:

6.1 The United States of America;

The United States of America is one of the protagonists in this notorious cold war
period. Currently the greatest military and political force in the world, the United States -
through the Marshall Plan and Truman Doctrine - has been taking root in foreign soil and
guaranteeing valuable allies. An example of successful American intervention was its funding
of Western affiliated parties in Turkey and support for right-wing parties in Chile. However,
the Americans have been having some defeats recently, as is the case of the Korean war and
its current attempt at direct war against North Vietnam - which due to its high costs has been
bringing more and more people to the streets to protest the action from the government. This
situation, therefore, has made the Congolese situation too decisive for American moral,
considering that one more failure could end up making the United States overly vulnerable.
The involvement in the Congo Crisis of 1960 illustrates an American dilemma in
foreign policy: the apparent incompatibility between the nation’s rejection of colonialism and
the burdens of world leadership which includes the consequences of anti-colonialism. Even
before Congolese independence, the U.S. government attempted to ensure the election of a
pro-Western government, seeing that they saw in Patrice Lumumba’s radicalism a major
threat to their ideals. Besides, The United States of America has always worked for a
Congolese government that aligns more with its ideals, taking into account the search for
world hegemony and other factors that would contribute to the capitalisms ascension
worldwide.
Thus, it is fundamental for American foreign policy to define that the role of Belgium
on the theme and the State of Katanga are nothing more than internal issues, thus showing the
Congo's unique and exclusive responsibility to resolve them. In this way, other actions such
as US-funded wars could be justified when called into question at the UN. It is also essential
to guarantee ways of putting American ideology in Congolese territory, either through the
presence of the American troops or through ways of disseminating information in the country
by American sources.

6.2 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics;

In the middle of the Cold War, the Soviet Union found a perfect opportunity in Congo
to demonstrate the “imperialist" tendencies of Western policies. It was important to the USSR
the control of Congolese uranium mines, used to fabricate atomic bombs.

The country did not see Katanga as a mere Congo internal affair. For the socialist
bloc, the secessionist movement was a direct consequence of the imperialist actions caused
by Congo’s colonizer, Belgium. The Soviet Union had consistently accused Belgium of
aggressive behavior and defended the use of force against Belgium troops if they didn’t
withdrawal.

The Soviet government initially worked to establish economic relations with the
newly formed independent government in Congo, but Soviet leaders had to change their
strategy when confronted by Western intervention in Congo and the prospect of a civil war.
Their support for Lumumba, as their condemnation against Katanga, was substantial.

It is necessary to emphasize that, because of the Cold War, it's important to the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics to affirm their influence on African territory, always seeking to
demonstrate the socialist superiority against the capitalist model.

The Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, also attacked Hammarskjöld in the General
Assembly, accusing him of using the UN troops for imperialist purposes and working in
accordance with the USA’s agenda. Khrushchev demanded his resignation.

6.3 The Republic of China;

The People's Republic of China, a nation that experienced an uneven change of

administration in 1949, stands out as one of the most remarkable socialist leadership in the
modern international society. Having developed nuclear weapons, China has authenticated
itself as a notorious war power, thus, generating unrest on the part of western countries.
Nonetheless, China's government clumsily tried to implement economic strategies that end up
with the life of almost 30 million citizens hitherto. As an example: Mao Tsé-Tung
peevishness with his so-called grassroots socialism had, as a result, the execution of 2 million
landlords.
"In 1958, after China's first Five-Year Plan, Mao called for
"grassroots socialism" to accelerate his plans for turning China into a
modern industrialized state. In this spirit, Mao launched the Great Leap
Forward, established People's Communes in the countryside, and began the
mass mobilization of the people into collectives. Many communities were
assigned production of a single commodity—steel. Mao vowed to increase
agricultural production to twice 1957 levels... (Tang Tsou. [1986] (1986).
The Cultural Revolution and Post-Mao Reforms: A Historical Perspective.
University of Chicago Press.)
 “...The Great Leap was an economic failure. Many uneducated farmers were
pulled from farming and harvesting and instead instructed to produce steel
on a massive scale, partially relying on backyard furnaces to achieve the
production targets set by local cadres. The steel produced was of low quality
and largely useless. The Great Leap reduced harvest sizes and led to a
decline in the production of most goods except substandard pig iron and
steel. furthermore, local authorities frequently exaggerated production
numbers, hiding and intensifying the problem for several years...”(Jin, Qiu
(1999). The Culture of Power: Lin Biao and the Cultural Revolution.
Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. pp. 25–30.)
“...In the meantime, chaos in the collectives, bad weather, and exports of
food necessary to secure hard currency resulted in the Great Chinese
Famine. Food was in desperate shortage, and production fell dramatically.
The famine caused the deaths of more than 30 million people, particularly in
the more impoverished inland regions..." ("Historical Atlas of the 20th
century". Archived from the original on March 1, 2011. Retrieved October
23, 2004.)
Hence, regarding the current situation in the Congo Republic, the People's Republic
of China (official name recognize only by the socialist party ) defends the idea that UN troops
shall attack the fascist force named Katanga and safeguard Congo's sovereignty at all cost.
Ergo, China vigorously advocates further investigation into the death of Lumumba due to the
clear negligence that the international community has in admitting the participation of
Western forces in the attack. Moreover, the Chinese people believe that Belgium's and
France's behavior of ignoring their soldiers in the Congo area needs to be punished and
withdraw to their respective nations, having in mind their operations against peace and
prosperity. However, about Cuba's bands, China renders full support and maintains its will of
help and aid for the Congo's Republic citizens seeing that the nation is passing through hard
times since its independence in 1960. Lastly, the People's Republic of China and its
government deems the importance of this motto and adjures the end of fascists movements
such as Katanga and its members.

6.4 French Republic;

Exposing the most famous motorcycle in the contemporary world: Freedom, Equality,
Fraternity, the Republic of France is one of the greatest defenders of peoples' self-
determination and the right to freedom - using this stance as a pillar for their fight against
communism. Because it was destroyed during the Second World War by Nazi Germany,
France currently lacks resources- Situation that is worse due to the current armed conflict in
French Algeria- and has a pseudo-economic base that is the biggest driver for its
reconstruction. Due to this very essential investment and because of having had socialist
experiences in their territory, the French people are proudly working against any indole
devoted to Soviet ideology. Sometimes, however, this will end up "backfiring" for France, as
in the complex case of Congo where ex-combatants volunteered to train Katanga troops and
attack the alleged legitimate state of Congo. As the only solution to the accusations, the
country has reassured itself that it does not know French citizens providing support to the
State of Katanga and, as a natural reflex, refuses to undergo any type of investigation into this
fact.
However, this sovereignty of the scenario was used to make important decisions
regarding the UN's activities, considering that it openly defends that the Katanga and Congo
conflict - even with external meddling - is nothing more than internal conflict, therefore,
justifying the need for a non-hostile stance against both parties by the UN. However, the
French Republic advocates the withdrawal of Soviet troops - even though in return it must
support the departure of Belgian troops - as these may end up accentuating the existing
friction or even trying to take possession of the uranium mines.

6.5 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland;

The United Kingdom finds itself in the position of one of the most powerful
sovereignties, both beautifully and politically, in the world today. As the 3rd largest nuclear
power in the globe, this nation has had an unremitting focus on spreading its culture and
language to other countries as a way to consolidate its ideological influence in other nations-
one of the greatest examples of this tactic is its support for free radio Europe, an initiative
aimed at disseminating information from the western point of view in countries dominated by
communism.
As part of its resounding commitment to the struggle against the USSR, the "God
Save The Queen" nation began to finance armed struggles and rebellions in Soviet territory,
the Suez Crisis being the trigger for directing much of its capital towards nuclear war
production. , in 1953. Another mechanism very much enjoyed by the United Kingdom is to
use its colonies to move troops and secretly attack specific groups or individuals, as was the
case with Northern Rhodesia in the murder-accusation which the United Kingdom says is
baseless and fallacious.
During the sessions dealing with the Congo crisis, the British delegation made its
support for Ireland dear as protectors of uranium mines dear because of its neutrality.
Another factor very much touched by the British was the need to establish the limit as far as
the UN can intervene, given that the United Kingdom disagrees with the use of its
investments in the peacekeeper force being used to attack independent states like Katanga or
subduing the will of that particular community. As a direct reflection of this thought, Britain
argues that the alleged Belgian interventions are internal issues of the Congo, so the Congo
must take care of its ills.

6.6 Congolese Republic;

The Republic of Congo is gaining ground as one of the most troubled nations on the entire
global stage. Since its independence, Congo has been in a state of civil war, with the lives of
thousands cut off by these conflicts - which are often caused by external intrusions, such as
the formation of Katanga due to the action of Belgium. In this dystopian scenario, a man
named Patrice Lumumba stood out for his diplomatic skills and for his charisma able to win
great approval by a large number of the Congolese population. Unfortunately, however, his
participation in Congolese politics, which ended up bringing the Congo government closer to
Soviet interests, did not please Katanga or the countries of the West - a fact that resulted in
his murder on January 17, 1961.
It became clear, therefore, the need to regain the sovereignty of Congo in the first hand -
this sovereignty is being threatened by the troops of Belgium, French mercenaries, State of
Katanga, among others. The local government urges the use of UN forces to repress the state
of Katanga, which has been so hostile to the Congolese people. However, the main factor that
makes it difficult for the Republic of Congo to make its decisions is the fact that, for strategic
reasons, they have to approach the Soviet States without scaring away the American Capital
that has been fundamental to maintain political stability in the region.

6.7 Democratic Republic of Vietnam;

Sporting the motto “Independence-Freedom-Happiness”, Vietnam has been fighting

for its place among the newest free republics of Western imperialism. The Vietnamese
people, being the current target of American troops, fully defend the right to freedom of all
sovereignty, such as Congo. For being in a similar interventionist situation. The Democratic
Republic of Vietnam has been giving full support to the causes of the Congolese people and
being a great advocate for their interests.
For Vietnam, therefore, there is an exacerbated fundamental meaning for its current
scenario, considering that the debate about "how far the UN can intervene in a territory"
could bring support from the UN for the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnamese
territory. The factor of the presence of Western troops and mercenaries in the Congo has
been worrying the socialist nations because if the majority of the African continent accepted
the American ideology on their soil, it would be a matter of months for these so-called
bloodthirsty ideas to reach socialist land. Another occurrence that deserves attention is the
assassination of political leader Patrice Lumumba - the Vietnamese government accuses
severely the notorious involvement of nations like England and the United States of America.

6.8 Polish People’s Republic;

Exhibiting an eye-catching anthem named "Poland is not yet lost", the People's
Republic of Poland is a relatively "new" sovereignty on the global stage. Having been
dominated during the 2nd world war and losing its autonomy, Poland went through 5 years of
too much social difficulty, given the Nazi attacks against its people. With the end of the war,
however, Polish territory was taken over by the Red Army and became part of the USSR -
even having its capital used to sign one of the most famous pacts during the cold war.
Currently, the country is completely subjected to Marxist ideologies - having one of
the main troops of the Soviet army. As a strong supporter of the communist method, Poland
takes the same stance as the USSR on the subject of Congo. He believes that the need to use
UN troops to cut down the troops of the fascist state of Katanga and its supporters, such as
Belgium, is evident. It must also be highlighted the need for Congolese uranium to be
protected only by Soviet troops, because of its protection by the peace and progress of nations
subjugated by American ideology.

6.9 Portuguese Ceylon;

Just like Congo, Ceylon was a relatively recent former colony in the period of the Congo
Crisis, declaring itself independent of British rule in 1948. The country participated in the
Bandung Conference, held in 1955, and was a strong advocate of decolonization and
sovereignty. African countries, opposing the Western powers and, of course, neo-colonialism.
During this period, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike began a process of
nationalizing companies and tightened ties with socialist governments by starting trade with
them. In addition, the strength of the region's Buddhists increased, while Catholicism
diminished its influence, actions that left Western groups dissatisfied, however, affirmed the
nationalist character of the government. Declared contrary to South Africa's apartheid policy,
Sirimavo sent ambassadors to establish relations with other African countries, mediating
various conflicts.

6.10 Republic of Chile;

Since the beginning of the Cold War, the Republic of Chile has been having trouble
establishing definitively to which block it belongs. Having already signed pacts with both
sides, the Chilean people have demonstrated instability in their elective decisions, having
even gone through a dictatorship during this period led by General Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.
Currently, Jorge Alessandri, interim President of Chile, has adopted measures much closer to
the United States and the West, having invested American money in its soil with schools and
hospitals. However, during 1960, a notorious earthquake ended up compromising the
infrastructure of countless buildings and the indirect result was the increase of popular
dissatisfaction with the government. As a reflex, in this last election, the Chilean people
opted for ministers belonging to the extreme left parties - making the job of the current
president considerably more difficult.
With regard to foreign relations, Chile maintains its support for the United States in
its fight against the Soviet advance for strategic reasons. However, every action proper -
making troops available for assistance, among others - must be approved by the ministers,
who endeavor to spend only activities that strengthen the Soviet side of the globe, making the
Chilean government notoriously difficult to provide support effectively.

6.11 Republic of India;

 The Republic of India is the most remarkable nonaligned army. With the motto
"Satyameva Jayate" (truth alone triumphs), India has been the most influential defender of the
peacekeepers' missions and, as proof, has financed most of the commissions since their initial
actions.
"During the Cold War, India (under Nehru) became an accidental rule
shaper for U.N. Peacekeeping. This is not because it needed to but because
it could. Nehru not only encouraged U.N. peacekeeping initiatives in the
General Assembly but also supported efforts in the field." (The penguin
India blog, 2019)
During the Cold War, with a neutral external policy, Nehru's government was able to
establish a notorious relation with both sides of the bipolar order. Furthermore, India's
diplomatic success was one of the main reasons for the exponential growth of its economy.
However, since USSR began to divert its previously directed capital to China into Indian
territory, Indo-China relationships deteriorated and have been one of the main concerns of
India's actual administration hitherto.
“...India-Russia relationship is one of deep friendship and mutual confidence
that would not be affected by transient political trends. Russia has been a
pillar of strength at difficult moments in India's history. India will always
reciprocate this support. Russia is and will remain our most important
defense partner and a key partner for our energy security, both on nuclear
energy and hydrocarbons” (Pranab Mukherjee, about relations with Russia,
2015)
Thus, since the beginning of the stalemate that has engulfed Congolese territory and
claimed the lives of thousands, India has been willing to assist a peacekeeper mission by
sending its troops. India, therefore, has pleaded neutral concerning the conflict and
Lumumba's death and believes that its troops should be used to guarantee the peace and life
of all involved.

6.12 Republic of Ireland;

 Independent since 1916, the Republic of Ireland- or Eire(according to article 4 of its
constitution)- is a country in north-western Europe occupying 26 of 32 counties of the island
of Ireland. Even though Eire is a former English colony and its Anthem is "Amhrán na
bhFiann" ( The soldier's song), it has never participated directly in a war, being in this way
one of the most pacific countries in reference of the international conflict. During the Cold
War, Irish people decided to support Western movements and safeguard UK positioning
about wars such as Vietnam's. However, the actual Irish foreign policy adjures for more
participation in the international scenario, such as United Nations peacekeeping missions. In
this way, Ireland saw an ebullient opportunity in Congo's Crisis to guarantee more
cooperation in overly notorious motos.
Ergo, to assure its presence in Congo's territory as a supporter of the peacekeeping
mission along with India and Sweden, Eire relinquished its strong pro-western stance to
please the other representations that contained veto- these were China and the USSR.
However, Ireland kept a firm grip on two things: the need to be its troops to defend the
uranium deposits and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Congolese territory- in exchange
for the withdrawal of Belgium, if necessary. Unfortunately, only the first part was heard by
the other eastern representations. Lastly, about Mr. Lumumba’s death, Ireland maintained its
supportive position to the west and remained without accusing any nation of influence in the
assassination, even Belgium.

6.13 The Kingdom of Belgium;

Despite the atrocities committed by the then metropolis Belgium towards the Congolese
people, showing intense austerity for decades, the Belgian government supposedly favored
the country's independence. Thus it instituted elections, although they were seen as a way of
establishing a Congolese government submissive to the Belgian government
After the declaration of independence, the presence of revolting movements of the
Congolese army was observed, which destabilized the region supposedly putting the physical
integrity of the Belgians present in the country at risk. With this justification, the Belgian
government began to intervene militarily in the country, threatening the government of
Lumumba, declared anti-colonial and contrary to the presence of Belgian troops in Congolese
territory.
The Belgian state had as its main ally in the region, the Katanga Secessionist State, led
by Tshombe, who was regarded by nationalists at the time as the puppet of Belgian leaders.
Moreover, they had the support of the government in the region, as the territory was of great
interest to Belgium in possessing great mineral wealth, and consequently extractive
companies belonging to Belgians, being a major financial source.

6.14 The Kingdom of Sweden;

A Swedish contingent participated actively in the United Nations Operation in Congo

with the strong public support within Sweden for the participation. As the country did
previously during the Second World War, the Kingdom of Sweden adopted a foreign policy
based on neutrality throughout the Cold War era.

The Swedish Foreign Declaration of 1956 emphasized the former colonies’ right to
self- determination and expressed Sweden’s intention to aid those countries through its work
in the United Nations. This declaration also concluded that colonialism and all its
manifestations should be condemned.

Swedish policymakers often mediated in the debates between the former colonies and
their former administrative powers. In these debates, the Swedish took a clear stand for the
former colonies, arguing their rights in the UN and sometimes even expressing strong
criticism against the Western colonial powers.

After Nikita Khrushchev, attacked Hammarskjöld in the General Assembly, the

Swedish leader Östen Undén defended his country’s position in the General Assembly. He
stated that Sweden has complete confidence in the work of Hammarskjöld and the necessity
of continuing operations in the Congo. Moreover, Undén addressed the Congo Crisis as a
possible Cold War dispute.

6.15 The Republic of Cuba;

The Republic of Cuba, a nation found in the island of Cuba along with Isla de
Juventud and other archipelagos, makes its way as one of the most infirm democracies in the
international conjecture. Because of its fertile land, Cuba was turned into a political warzone
between the United States and Spain and, as a result, developed one of the scarcest
administrative systems in the world. During 1933, Cuba suffered a revolution led by
Fulgencio Batista and started a notorious federal phase, marked by fragile political structures
and "puppet presidents." (Jones Melanie 2001, p. 303) After 8 years distant from his
presidential office in Florida, Batista usurped Cuba's presidency and started a dictatorship
containing remarkable secret police.
"Although Batista had been relatively progressive during his first term,(Julia
E. Sweig (2004). Inside the Cuban Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts:
Harvard University Press) in the 1950s he proved far more dictatorial and
indifferent to popular concerns. While Cuba remained plagued by high
unemployment and limited water infrastructure, Batista antagonized the
population by forming lucrative links to organized crime and allowing
American companies to dominate the Cuban economy, especially sugar-
cane plantations and other local resources. Although the US armed and
politically supported the Batista dictatorship, later US presidents recognized
its corruption and the justifiability of removing it"("Fulgencio Batista".
HistoryOfCuba.com. Archived from the original on 14 May 2013. Retrieved
29 June 2013.) and (New Republic, 14 Dec. 1963, Jean-Daniel "Unofficial
Envoy: An Historic Report from Two Capitals,")
Notwithstanding, on December 31, 1958, a revolutionary movement, along with
American support, headed by Fidel Castro was able to oust Batista and implement a new
government. However, Cuba's new ideals based on the communist party resulted in the US
formally severed relations with the Cuban government in January 1961. With much more
stable relations with the URSS, Cuba's leadership started movements to safeguard the self-
determination of peoples all around the globe and preserve socialists ideologies in countries
such as Congo. Furthermore, Cuba defends the usage of United Nations troops to invade and
defeat the Katanga State, promoting Congo's sovereignty and judges American and English
interventionist actions as totalitarian and colonialists, being one of the main reasons for
warlike tensions and bloodshed in this cold war period.

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