Local Environment

Vol. 12, No. 4, 343– 354, August 2007

Positive Planning for Wind-Turbines

in an Urban Context

DEBORAH PEEL & MICHAEL GREGORY LLOYD

Department of Civic Design, University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK

ABSTRACT An international concern with climate change has prompted a political

commitment to the use of renewable energies. Yet, the operationalization and
management of this political objective may be frustrated at the local level, where, it is
suggested, an implementation impasse exists. This paper reports on a case study that
examines the planning issues around the harvesting of wind at an urban brownfield
site in Scotland. The paper discusses the nature of the state – market– civil relations
involved in the development management of private wind-energy infrastructure, and
the potential for a positive mediating role for the planning system.

Introduction
The imperative to tackle the causes and consequences of climate change is
gaining international support (Stern, 2006). This opens up possible options
for policy action or inaction. Wilson (2006), for example, has asserted a rela-
tively weak response by those responsible for local spatial planning to the per-
ceived need to advance measures for adaptation. In parallel, Mallon (2005,
p. 3) has identified a need to create the appropriate policy frameworks and
‘positive’ spaces for decision-making to implement the necessary infrastruc-
ture to support renewable energy. In this context, modern wind-turbines
have become iconic in visibly highlighting the realities of addressing
climate change and securing sustainable development (Toke & Strachan,
2004). Evidence suggests, however, that the land use planning system does
not have an easy relationship in facilitating wind-power (Strachan & Lal,
2006; Khan, 2003), although Toke (2004) also signals the wider financial
procurement and contractual dimensions necessary in planning for wind.

Correspondence Address: Deborah Peel, Department of Civic Design, University of Liverpool,

Liverpool, L69 7ZQ, UK. Email: d.peel@liv.ac.uk
1354-9839 Print/1469-6711 Online/07/040343-12 # 2007 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13549830701412463
344 D. Peel

Attention has been drawn to latent conflicts associated with the ‘farming’ of
wind, which may accentuate the competing environmental concerns around
the promotion of green energy and the protection of quality landscapes
(Toke, 2003). Paradoxically, then, ‘[w]ind power has emerged as both a sol-
ution to environmental problems and an environmental problem in itself in
the UK’ (Toke & Strachan, 2006, p. 155). Following Ellis et al. (2006),
societal responses to renewable energy tend to be segmented, and manifest
themselves in different ways and require sensitive public engagement. The
differentiated motivations, attitudes and values held by groups within the
broader public domain make for a complex and layered policy environment
for implementing renewables (Toka and Hoggett 2006). The parameters of
the urban context differ from the rural counterpart, in terms of landscape,
the relative concentration of population, and the mix of uses, and the
cumulative impacts of existing developments. Further, the different commu-
nities of politics, place, interest and identity would suggest a particular set of
dynamics that might obstruct or progress the implementation of central gov-
ernment policy.
This paper seeks to contribute to a wider understanding of social attitudes
to renewable energies through examination of a brownfield context. Specifi-
cally, it investigates a small wind-turbine facility in Dundee in Scotland,
designed to enable a local factory to better manage its own energy consump-
tion. The case study complements evidence around attitudes to larger-scale
industrial facilities and the developmental impacts associated with rural
wind-farms. Wind-turbines are a relatively new feature on the urban land-
scape and this study seeks to show how the planning system positively
mediated this demand for a novel form of infrastructure by a major employer
in a relatively small city, and how it has sought to mediate the longer-term
impacts. Through semi-structured interviews with the protagonists involved,
and examination of the associated planning documentation, the study investi-
gates the different developmental stages and strategies used to minimize a
potential implementation impasse. We contextualize the study through a syn-
thesis of the scholarly and policy literature. This serves to highlight the current
attempts to modernize the planning system to better deal with contemporary
societal challenges. The case study highlights the emerging experiential learn-
ing of state, market and civil interests in this new infrastructure age, and
addresses a number of issues of wider interest in the concluding section.

Planning for Renewables

In the UK, policies relating to the development and use of land are the respon-
sibility of the land use planning system. This is orchestrated through the inter-
play of a development plan hierarchy that sets out spatial policies at a range
of scales. An important principle is that decisions are taken at the local level
(Peel & Lloyd, 2005). The political ambition to tackle climate change is
acknowledged as intersecting with related public policy agendas and objec-
tives, and cascades through a range of spatial scales of governance (Wilson,
2006). Further, attempts to advance renewable energy cut across a number
 Positive Planning for Wind-Turbines 345

of state, market and civil interests, attitudes, cultures and behaviours. The
potential difficulties of turning public policy into action are acknowledged
in an extensive literature on policy implementation. This draws attention
to the nature of policy, the intricate web that exists between policy-makers
and those who implement policy on the ground, and the different stages
involved (see, for example, Budd et al., 2006). Given the tiered governance
structure and relative complexity of implementing and managing renewable
energy development an impasse in policy implementation may be encoun-
tered at any point.
Here, an appreciation of political devolution in the UK is important. The
UK government’s political commitment to advancing wind and other renew-
able energies has been identified as representing a particular interpretation of
ecological modernization (Toke & Strachan, 2006). Overall responsibility
for energy policy, and many of the policy measures required to reduce emis-
sions of greenhouse gases and tackle the wider threats of climate change,
remain the responsibility of Westminster (Department of Environment,
Transport and Regions [DETR], 2000; Department of Trade and Industry
[DTI], 2003). Since devolution in 1999, however, the Scottish Executive
holds certain defined responsibilities, including the promotion of renewable
energy and energy efficiency, the consenting of electricity and transmission
development, and land use planning. The climate change imperative has
been explicitly translated into a programme for encouraging life-style
changes in energy consumption and production and the setting of specific
targets to reduce greenhouse gases (Scottish Executive, 2006a). In parallel
with efforts to reduce the emissions associated with the burning of fossil
fuels, there have been concerted attempts to increase the proportion of
energy supply derived from renewables (Scottish Renewables, 2006).
Although the degree of divergence or convergence of land use planning
policy in the devolved UK context is contested (Allmendinger, 2003), evi-
dence of a ‘markedly pro-wind power stance by the Scottish Executive’
(Toke, 2003, p. 49) has been identified. This national objective has particular
local developmental consequences.
In Scotland, renewable energy may be derived from a number of sources,
including solar, biomass and waste materials, water and wind (Scottish
Executive, 2000a). On the one hand, with: On the one hand, Scotland’s
environmental resources are perceived to represent the potential for Scot-
land’s political and economic renewal on a world-stage (Salmond, 2007).
On the other hand, concerns around the visual impact of new technologies
and design considerations (Furze, 2002), and media concern around the
pace of the development of major wind-farms (Jamieson, 2006a), have
raised questions about the effectiveness of the planning regime and the
associated decision-making procedures for managing such development in
the public interest. The potential negative impact in tourism is a case in
point.
Sustainable development is central to Scotland’s political priorities, and
this has informed the modernization of the land use planning system to
provide an efficient and inclusive decision-making process to facilitate
346 D. Peel

sustainable economic growth (Peel & Lloyd, 2006). In practice, a mix

of national policy statements, actions and targets set the context for a
discretionary planning decision-making framework at the local level (Scottish
Executive, 2002a). Central government guidance is translated into local
development plan policies which, informed by the consultation responses
of statutory agencies and local communities, constitute the material consider-
ations for local decision-making. The challenge of implementing a system
that is both efficient and inclusive has been asserted (Peel & Lloyd, 2006).
Moreover, the need for an attitudinal or cultural change towards greater
acceptance of appropriate development has resulted in Scotland in a re-
articulation of development control as development management (ibid.).
Two observations illustrate this reworking of planning. First, the Scottish
Executive’s concern with introducing model development plan policies to
create a more robust policy framework may be seen as an attempt to
enhance the efficiency of the system (Peel & Lloyd, 2005). Second, parallel
efforts to stimulate a culture of ‘planning with people’ (Scottish Executive,
2006b) has raised an awareness of engaging with local communities. This
raft of recent measures will take time to bed in, and is indicative of an
attempt to harness the potential of planning. Clearly, their implementation
will be time and place specific.
The National Planning Framework (Scottish Executive, 2004a) identifies
the potential offered by Scotland’s particular topography and climate to
make use of renewable sources for domestic and export purposes. In a
European Union context, the advances made in the UK appear relatively
favourable, as, statistically, it (and principally Scotland) is held to host
more than two-thirds of Europe’s wind-capacity (Strachan et al., 2006).
The Scottish Executive (2005a; 2005b) has a target of obtaining 40% of its
energy requirement from renewables by 2020, with wind-energy playing a
prominent role (Scottish Renewables, 2006). Nonetheless, the natural
resource capacity of individual localities to contribute to this agenda will
clearly differ, including island locations, wilderness areas, domestic roof-
tops and urban brownfield sites (Scottish Executive, 2002b). Local environ-
mental constraints and socio-economic priorities for the use, development,
protection or recycling of the land resource will diverge accordingly and be
shaped by existing infrastructure provision.
Attitudes to renewable energies and wind-power are complex and are
characterized by a number of competing perceptions and interests (Warren
et al., 2005). Research highlights the social and political factors that influence
planning decisions and draws attention to the covert and overt motivations
and justifications that potentially underlie decision-making in practice
(Toke, 2004; 2005; Toke & Strachan, 2006). This accentuates the relational,
attitudinal, political and power dimensions to which the planning system is
subjected (Toke, 2003). Behaviours and attitudes towards renewables are dif-
ferentiated between and amongst the various state– market –civil interests
involved. Indeed, analysis of the consultation responses to the Scottish Execu-
tive’s (2000b) Climate Change Programme specifically drew attention to
the need to change attitudes to energy efficiency; and to build the necessary
 Positive Planning for Wind-Turbines 347

public acceptance and support for the infrastructure required to facilitate

renewable energy provision and use.
From a market perspective, electricity providers are now required under
the Renewables Obligation (Scotland) arrangements to develop renewable
energy as part of their overall production portfolio (Scottish Executive,
2006a). Business and corporate interests have to be alert to the new environ-
mental sensitivity and awareness, which may affect their market position and
operating ethos in the eyes of their shareholders and customers (Elkington,
2006). An emerging theme concerns the articulation and extension of the
broad concept of corporate social responsibility (Carter & Huby, 2005).
Although this is not a mandatory requirement, and practice varies in an inter-
national context (Tschopp, 2005), it is evident that the business world is
increasingly alert to presenting a relatively more environmentally friendly
and more sustainable market strategy. Renewable energy has a role to play.
From a civil perspective, Toke (2003) notes that whilst national opinion
polls may indicate that the public are broadly supportive of wind-energy,
local opposition to a proposed wind-farm may still be mobilized. This site-
specific antagonism is consistent with the evidence that a community’s toler-
ance is influenced by its proximity to development (MORI Scotland, 2003).
As a consequence, Toke (2003) asserts the benefits of community sensitivity
and more open and proactive dialogue and engagement between the wind-
industry and local communities. This more collaborative approach is
confirmed by Khan (2003), who identifies three facilitative aspects of the
national– local interface in wind development; namely, siting of turbines;
ownership; and citizen participation. Clearly, however, opportunities,
capacities and power dynamics for this approach to implementation will vary.
In Scotland, sensitivity to the sustainable landscape aesthetic value assumes
a particular significance (Moore-Colyer & Scott, 2005). The media have
recently cast the spate of wind-farm developments as an attack on Scotland’s
‘heritage and local democracy’ (Jamieson, 2006b). In practice, competing dis-
courses around wind-energy are marshalled in complex ways (Haggett &
Toke, 2006), and the protection of rural landscapes may be countered by
an argument for promoting tourism and local employment (Toke, 2003).
Following Hannigan (2006), this illustrates the ways in which environmental
problems and solutions are socially constructed. It also raises environmental
justice considerations for a sensitive understanding of how particular
communities are relatively more or less empowered to engage in local
decision-making and processes of conflict resolution (Illsley, 2002).
Scottish ministers have drawn attention to the potential offered by smaller-
scale wind-energy developments, and to the risk of neglecting or overlooking
such contributions in the light of investment and public concern directed at
relatively larger rural schemes (Scottish Parliament, 2004). Small-scale
urban wind-turbine exemplars would suggest that there is a growing evidence
base (Energy Saving Trust, 2004). It is also suggested that securing planning
permission for green energy in industrial brownfield localities may be rela-
tively easier than in rural contexts (Osborne Clarke, 2005). Given the relative
novelty of planning for wind-renewables technology in the urban context, an
348 D. Peel

understanding of the attitudinal, relational and developmental issues

involved can help inform our understanding of the implmentation in practice.

Developing the Wind Potential in Dundee

Dundee is located on the eastern seaboard of Scotland. It has a population
of 143 000, and is the smallest local authority area in Scotland (Dundee
City Council, 2004a). It experiences a post-industrial legacy of relative
population decline, unemployment, brownfield land and social exclusion
(Scottish Executive, 2004b). In recent times, concerted investment in new
retail and cultural facilities, and the promotion of new economic sectors,
including the knowledge economy, biotechnology, medical science and mul-
timedia software, has sought to emphasize Dundee’s ‘rediscovery’ (Lloyd
et al., 2006). The current economic development strategy has involved
the reconstruction of Dundee’s image as a modern city, with an emphasis
on green-based activities, recycling and renewable energy (Illsley, 2002).
Dundee retains some manufacturing activities, including the Michelin
Tyre Company, and the plant’s location suggested the potential to
exploit wind-power.
Michelin is the largest tyre-producing plant in the UK and a principal
employer within Dundee. The factory occupies 0.26 hectares of the Baldovie
Industrial Estate, which is located to the east of the city and is identified as a
general economic development area. The Estate includes scrap-metal oper-
ators, and oil-related activities, and hosts an accumulation of associated
industrial structures, including a 53-metre boiler-house stack; a 70-metre
stack to support the adjacent Waste-to-Energy plant; and a 40-metre stack
that serves the odour-abatement plant at the adjoining incinerator-plant.
The nearest dwelling is approximately 260 metres from the site. The Michelin
plant comprises factory buildings, staff- and visitor-parking areas, distri-
bution facilities, access roads, and scrubland. Immediately adjacent to the
south of the Estate is a designated environmental area, which follows a
small river-course. The perimeter boundary landscaping of the site varies in
height and density.
The decision to erect wind-turbines to power the plant stemmed from the
wider context of the company’s stated intention to reduce its energy con-
sumption in 1998. It constituted part of Michelin’s version of corporate
social responsibility, Michelin Performance and Responsibility ‘In Action’,
which promotes measures to minimize the company’s environmental
impact through the recycling of waste, site management and environmentally
responsible products (Michelin, undated, a). It branded the wind-turbine
project as ‘making tyres out of fresh air’ (Michelin, undated, b).

Pre-application Phase
An initial feasibility study in 2002 suggested the potential for wind-turbines
at the site. An informal meeting between Michelin and the local council
explored the development’s viability. The parties involved viewed this
 Positive Planning for Wind-Turbines 349

initial meeting as very positive, and it enabled a common deeper understand-

ing of the different political and procedural stages of the planning system.
This informed the ‘positioning’ of the project for Michelin and the
management of its relations with the local community. At this stage, the pro-
posal was not in the public domain, and ways were suggested in which
Michelin might engage with the public and the media in terms of explaining
and justifying the proposed development, and in the general management of
the necessary communication strategy.
The scoping stage involved the erection of an anemometer to measure
wind-speed. This stage highlights the site-specific circumstances of such
proposals and the necessity for the developers to undertake detailed emis-
sion-modelling to scope the potential impacts in more detail. The ‘unique’
nature of this application for the local authority led Dundee City Council
officers and elected officials to carry out site visits to similar developments
in the UK and research to learn more about the potential developmental
consequences of such schemes.

Planning Application Phase

Once the viability and practicability of the wind-turbines was established,
Michelin submitted a planning application for three wind-turbines (Dundee
City Council, 2004b). In parallel, it began a managed communication strat-
egy to inform local protagonists, including the Chamber of Commerce, the
local economic development agency and national politicians. The project
manager for Michelin pointed to universal support for the proposal from
the ‘city-fathers’ who were very positive about how the project could contrib-
ute to the wider branding of Dundee as the ‘city of discovery’. In terms of
local involvement, Dundee City Council suggested that the developer use a
range of communication techniques, including a visual montage, posters, a
telephone information line, contact points and face-to-face events. The
central message articulated by Michelin was that the development would
not create a nuisance and that it would mitigate any adverse impacts.
There was constructive regional and local media coverage through newspa-
pers and television. More specifically, Michelin contacted local housing
associations and informed local people through informal networks. It pro-
duced leaflets for distribution in the community, actively involving its local
workforce. Public meetings were held in order to present the scheme, at
which several concerns were expressed by local residents.
In considering the planning application, Dundee City Council drew upon
its strategic and local planning policies, together with the consultation
responses of the relevant statutory agencies and public bodies, and local com-
munity views (Dundee City Council, 2005b). The development plan policies
assert a presumption in favour of development where proposals demonstrate
that quantifiable environmental and economic benefits can be delivered, and
that any significant or cumulative adverse impacts on the natural and historic
environment, landscape and local communities can be satisfactorily
addressed.
350 D. Peel

In terms of local economic development, the arguments in favour of the

proposal pointed to the potential energy savings that would be derived
from the wind-turbines, and which could improve the company’s market
competitiveness to maintain its position in the local economy. This was
acknowledged by local business and political interests. Indeed this positive
experience may be contrasted with that identified by developers as the resist-
ance typically found in rural areas. Environmental considerations turned
principally on the visual and noise impacts, and the impact of the turbines
in relation to existing industrial emissions. Though the wind-turbines
would be visible across the city and estuary, it was noted that their impact
was tempered by the industrial context and particular urbanscape of
chimney-stacks and high-rise flats. The technical considerations with
respect to emissions and noise were largely addressed through data provided
by the applicant and consultation responses from a range of statutory
agencies. These modelled differential individual and cumulative impacts
arising from specific wind-speeds, and contextual matters, such as time of
day and distances.
Local residents’ concerns were expressed to the local authority through
415 letters of objection and a petition of objection with 606 signatories.
Issues raised included the potential noise impact; visual intrusion of the tur-
bines as a result of their height and appearance; shadow-flickering; dispersion
of emissions and pollution from existing industrial chimney-stacks; over-
shadowing; safety; negative impact on wildlife and the local environment;
and an adverse effect on television reception and property values. There
were 17 letters of support—including from the trade union representing
650 Michelin staff, which made a counter-argument for the proposal,
based on the benefits to the firm and sustaining local employment.
The application was considered at Planning Committee, which was
addressed by members of the public both in favour of and against the pro-
posal. The Committee was divided (20 in favour, 6 against) principally over
the potential impact on residential amenity (Dundee City Council, 2004c),
but was granted approval, subject to a number of conditions dealing with
the construction process, managing the longer-term impact of the develop-
ment on local residents and addressing the specific concerns of statutory
consultees, such as the Ministry of Defence (Dundee City Council,
2004b). This particular planning consent was not implemented, however,
since the later modelling and data collection suggested a different
generator design.
Subsequently, a second application for two taller turbines with a capacity
of 4 MW was submitted (Dundee City Council, 2005a). In its letter to
Dundee City Council accompanying the planning application, the applicant
argued that the selected wind-turbines offered an ‘aesthetically pleasing
design’ (Hendry, 2005). In light of the earlier approval, public comment on
the second application was reduced to ten objections, and two letters of
support. The application was approved, subject to 13 conditions relating to
ongoing management of the development. This required the applicant to
monitor and deal with any adverse neighbourhood impacts, and to take
 Positive Planning for Wind-Turbines 351

responsibility for consequential mitigation measures and costs relating to

noise; amenity; clutter; appearance; shadow-flicker; television reception;
and aircraft movement (Dundee City Council, 2005a).

Post-construction phase
Michelin’s partnership with Ecotricity, a national electricity generating
company, is important in understanding the operation and monitoring of
the wind-turbines. This is a contractual relationship in which Ecotricity
manages the turbines; provides operational support; and supplies renewable
energy to Michelin. This arrangement requires Ecotricity to comply with the
conditions of the planning consent (Michelin, undated, c). This particular
obligation has highlighted the need for an initial benchmarking of the poten-
tial impact that such developments may have so that comparisons may be
drawn between pre- and post-installation phases. It illustrates the complexity
of how local communities understand the rights and responsibilities of devel-
opment management in the longer term, since, whilst the wind-turbines are
located within the Michelin site, Ecotricity is the operator implementing
the conditions. Although attempts to keep communications open with the
local community exist through a telephone information line, operated by
the developer, there is evidence that the planning authority has been
requested to ensure that the conditions are enforced. This illustrates how
local relations and dialogue around the longer-term management of develop-
ment which affects local residents and local industry involves and relies on a
range of stakeholders beyond the local planning authority.

Conclusions
The role of the planning system in facilitating the implementation of renew-
able energies policy in this particular city brownfield context highlights a
number of issues around the regulation and ongoing management of contem-
porary technology-based developments with respect to wind-energy. The case
study suggests that the nature of community resistance to wind-turbines in
rural and urban developmental contexts may be constructed differently. In
part, this is due to scale, but there is also evidence that the sustainability
equilibrium between environmental, social and economic interests can be
very different. In Dundee, for example, the sustainability of employment
for a substantial existing workforce was potentially threatened if efficiency
gains could not be met. The wind-turbines also provide a visible symbol
for Dundee to contribute both to the city’s and to Scotland’s agenda to be
seen as innovative, cutting-edge in terms of new technology, and green.
Here, support from the political and business communities helped to
advance the development argument. The role of planning was to provide
the positive space for collating the evidence, mediating the arguments and
providing the deliberative democratic space for weighing up the different
arguments around the nature of the public interest.
352 D. Peel

In environmental terms, the two wind-turbines on the Dundee skyline are

unique. Yet, at the site-specific scale, they form part of an accumulation of
stacks, machinery and associated activities that, when taken together, form
part of an industrial cluster of what, in planning terms, may be considered
as potential bad neighbour uses and detrimental to residential amenity. The
cumulative impact this has on adjacent local residents who have the turbines
in their direct line of sight or hearing is very different from those whose city-
wide sensory experience of the urban fabric is relatively more cursory and
impressionistic. This, then, demands a ‘graded’ community sensitivity so
that differential community impacts are accommodated appropriately. This
study suggests that a positive planning culture exists to facilitate the
implementation of renewable energy developments, but that a number of
prerequisites prevail. A shared culture of positive planning requires a sensi-
tivity by the developer to win and maintain local neighbour support and
wider public acceptance. The process demands a proactive and timely
approach by all those involved in the planning system to respond purpose-
fully to contemporary infrastructure propsals. Over the longer term,
society requires a robust and transparent planning system that imposes rel-
evant conditions to mitigate any adverse impacts and to manage the develop-
ment appropriately.
To date, urban wind-turbines are still relatively exceptional, and involve
new learning and understanding by all involved. Notwithstanding the
urgency to address climate change and promote sustainable development, a
cautious and incremental land use planning response is nonetheless required
in order to manage the dynamics of this particular infrastructure. Should this
type of industrial structure become the norm in the city, would the impact still
be of ‘graceful and majestic structures with a modern and clean image’? In the
mid 19th century when Dundee was ‘juteopolis’, its skyline was ‘punctuated
by a forest of 200 chimneys of all shapes and sizes’ (Whatley et al., 1993,
p. 68). The asserted logic of renewable energies is that wind-turbines are a
modern articulation of socio-economic and environmental need, and
should be considered as such. Yet, a debate about the strategic public interest
around wind-energy and the cumulative impacts of turbines at the local level
is a debate worth having.

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the peer reviewers for their insights, and the
interviewees and Dundee City Council for their contribution to the study.
Details of these are omitted to respect confidentiality.

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