Personality, Stress, and Coping - Implications For Education (PDFDrive)

Personality, Stress,
and Coping
Implications for Education
A volume in
Research on Stress and Coping in Education
Series Editor:
Gordon Gates, Washington State University, Spokane
Research on Stress and Coping
in Education
Gordon Gates, Series Editor
Toward Wellness: Prevention, Coping, and Stress (2003)

edited by Gordon S. Gates and Mimi Wolverton
Thriving, Surviving, or Going Under: Coping With Everyday Lives (2006)

edited by Erica Frydenberg
Understanding Teacher Stress in an Age of Accountability (2006)

edited by Richard Lambert and Christopher McCarthy
Emerging Thought and Research on Student, Teacher,

and Administrator Stress and Coping (2007)
edited by Gordon S. Gates, Mimi Wolverton, and Walter H. Gmelch
Toward a Broader Understanding of Stress and Coping:

Mixed Methods Approaches (2010)
edited by Kathleen M. T. Collins,
Anthony J. Onwuegbuzie and Qun G. Jiao
Personality, Stress, and Coping: Implications for Education (2011)

edited by Gretchen M. Reevy and Erica Frydenberg
Personality, Stress,
and Coping
Implications for Education
edited by
Gretchen M. Reevy
California State University, East Bay
and
Erica Frydenberg
University of Melbourne, Australia
Information Age Publishing, Inc.

Charlotte, North Carolina • www.infoagepub.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Personality, stress, and coping: implications for education / edited by

Gretchen M. Reevy and Erica Frydenberg.
p. cm. — (Research on stress and coping in education)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 978-1-61735-523-3 (paperback) — ISBN 978-1-61735-524-0 (hardcover) —
ISBN 978-1-61735-525-7 (e-book)
1. Educational psychology. 2. Teachers—Job stress. 3. Alienation
(Social psychology) 4. Student adjustment. 5. Personality. I. Reevy,
Gretchen. II. Frydenberg, Erica, 1943-
LB1088.P47 2011
370.15—dc23
2011025351
Copyright © 2011 IAP–Information Age Publishing, Inc.
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Introduction
Gretchen M. Reevy and Erica Frydenberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
PART I:
PERSONALITY, STRESS, AND COPING
IN CHILDREN AND YOUNG PEOPLE
1. Adolescent Coping Styles and Task-Specific Responses:

Does Style Foreshadow Action?
Michelle Andrews, Mary Ainley, and Erica Frydenberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2. The Relationship Between Coping Strategies, Decision
Coping Patterns, and Self-Efficacy in Adolescence
Leon Mann, Laura Nota, Salvatore Soresi, Lea Ferrari,
and Erica Frydenberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
3. Implicit Theories of Personality Predict Motivation to Use
Prosocial Coping Responses After Bullying in High School
David Scott Yeager and Adriana S. Miu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
4. Coping Styles and Anxiety Among Female Victims of
Bullying
Katherine Poynton and Erica Frydenberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
5. Understanding Adolescent Risk-Taking Behavior:
Exploring the Motivations, Personalities, and Coping
Styles of Young People in a School-Based Population
Nicola Cogan and Matthias Schwannauer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
v
vi CONTENTS
6. The Relationship Between Positive Development During

the Transition to Adulthood and Education,
Temperament, and Personality
Meredith O’Connor, Ann Sanson, and Erica Frydenberg . . . . . . . . . . . 111
PART II:
PERSONALITY, STRESS, AND COPING AMONG ADULTS
7. Optimism, Emotional Support, and Depression Among

First-Year University Students: Implications for
Psychological Functioning Within the Educational Setting
Melina Condren and Esther R. Greenglass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
8. College Students’ Meaning Making Following
Significant Loss
Crystal L. Park and Craig L. Esposito . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
9. Implicit Theories of Personality, Stress, and Coping of
Chinese Nursing Students
Joanne Chan Chung Yan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
10. Relationships of Big Five Traits and Coping Mechanisms
With College Grade Point Average
Gretchen M. Reevy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
11. Personality Traits, Preventive Coping, and Self-Care in
Master’s Level Counselor Training
Minda M. Markle and Christopher J. McCarthy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
12. “You Are Who You Are:” A Mixed-Method Study of
Affectivity and Emotion Regulation in Curbing Teacher
Burnout
Russell L. Carson, Stefanie Plemmons, Thomas J. Templin,
and Howard M. Weiss . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
13. Building Inner Resilience in Teachers and Students
Linda Lantieri, Eden Nagler Kyse, Susanne Harnett,
and Charlotte Malkmus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
14. Personality Hardiness as a Pathway to Resilience Under
Educational Stresses
Salvatore R. Maddi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
About the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The editors would like to acknowledge the enthusiasm with which the
Stress and Coping Special Interest Group of the American Educational
Research Association embraced the proposal to bring the concepts of cop-
ing and personality together. It has been a pleasure to work with the con-
tributors and particularly with the series editor, Gordon Gates, who went
through the manuscripts so meticulously to achieve the final outcome.
vii
INTRODUCTION
G. M. REEVYGretchen
AND E. FRYDENBERG
M. Reevy and Erica Frydenberg
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Martin Seligman during

his American Psychological Association presidential year and Mihalyi
Csikszentmihalyi (2000) positioned psychology to concentrate on health
and well-being rather than despair and depression. The field of coping
has dovetailed well with this positive psychology conceptualization. It
enables us to focus on what can be done to facilitate health, well-being,
and optimum development.
Nevertheless the pressures on individuals in educational contexts may
be greater than ever before. In the United States and other countries such
as Australia, students in primary and secondary education must now take
achievement tests regularly. Due to the evolving nature of college admis-
sions, many students are now pressured by their parents to be excellent
students, be active in sports, and perform community service. Their hec-
tic schedules rival the busy lives of their parents. Thus they may not
receive appropriate support for emotional development. If their parents
are married to one another (a circumstance that is about as unlikely as
likely), both parents often have jobs. Teachers from the early years
through to tertiary education face similar challenges. They often must
now “teach to the test” and may be responsible for the test scores of their
students. If their students do poorly, teachers may lose their jobs. Teach-
Personality, Stress, and Coping: Implications for Education

pp. ix–xiv
Copyright © 2011 by Information Age Publishing
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ix
x G. M. REEVY and E. FRYDENBERG
ers are also responsible for having knowledge about diverse learning
styles, and for having the ability to identify particular styles in individual
students. Administrators are under more pressure than ever before to save
money; to ensure that their institution is “efficient.” At home, teachers
and administrators may be the divorced parents of children, trying their
best to juggle their multiple life roles.
Stress in education is a given. How do these “players” in education
cope with their circumstances? Is coping related to educational outcomes,
such as grades? Does the way one copes affect his or her success as a
teacher or administrator? Is coping related to the emotional health of stu-
dents, teachers, and administrators? As we address these questions, we
can hopefully learn enough about coping that we can make some tenta-
tive recommendations to education providers and consumers.
The question could be asked, why study the relationships between per-
sonality, stress, and coping? Despite stress and coping being one of the
most widely researched areas in the field of psychology the relationship
between these three constructs in education has thus far received very lit-
tle attention. We have sought to take on that challenge. Thus this book
aims to explore the relationships between personality, coping, and stress
in educational contexts
Personality may impact both the way one copes and the types of stress-
ors and degree of stress that one experiences in educational contexts. Per-
sonality is “an individual’s characteristic patterns of thought, emotions,
and behavior, together with the psychological mechanisms—hidden or
not—behind those patterns” (Funder, 2010, p. 5). One’s personality char-
acteristics are stable over time. Personality traits organize one’s experi-
ence and affect what one perceives. Today, the most widely researched
and reported personality trait model is the “Big Five,” a trait taxonomy
and hierarchy with five traits (neuroticism, extraversion, openness to
experience, conscientiousness, and extraversion) occupying the highest
level of the hierarchy, and nearly all other traits subsumed within the
hierarchical structure (McCrae & John, 1992). Some chapters in this book
operationalize personality as the Big Five, and others investigate more
specific and narrow traits, such as risk-taking or optimism. Whether we
are considering traits that are broad or relatively narrow, because people’s
personalities differ, they may experience different stressors. Personality is
also related to coping; different individuals have different characteristic
coping styles (e.g., Connor-Smith & Flaschbart, 2007). Furthermore, a
particular coping style may tend to be more effective for people with
some personality traits but not others.
Personality can change over time, but, as an integrating aspect of the
person, it is resistant to change. Personality traits can be learned, even in
adulthood, as Maddi (chapter 14), discusses in regard to the personality
Introduction xi
construct, “hardiness.” However, as several of our authors discuss (e.g.,

Andrews, Ainley, & Frydenberg, chapter 1; Reevy, chapter 10; Poynton &
Frydenberg, chapter 4; and Cogan & Schwannauer, chapter 5), in general,
coping mechanisms are likely more teachable and trainable than are
broader personality traits.
Nearly all chapters in this volume are contemporary original research
on personality, stress, and coping in educational contexts. The research
spans primary, secondary, and tertiary education. Research participants
are students and teachers. The volume brings together contributions
from the United States, Australia, Canada, Italy, Scotland, and Hong
Kong. Outcomes of interest in the studies include achievement (e.g.,
grades), cognitive processes such as problem solving, and psychological/
emotional health and well-being.
The book is divided into two sections. Part I focuses on personality,
stress, and coping in children and young people and Part II addresses
personality, stress and coping among adults. Each chapter is introduced
by an abstract that summarizes the study. Each chapter makes a unique
contribution and can stand alone; interested individuals may benefit from
reading any of the chapters without the necessity of reading others. At the
same time, there is frequent content overlap among chapters; many
authors utilized some of the same measurement devices to assess study
variables, and similar or identical variables are studied across chapters
utilizing diverse theoretical perspectives or models. In measuring coping,
several chapters used the Adolescent Coping Scale (Frydenberg & Lewis,
1993) and a number of others utilized the COPE scale (Carver, Scheier, &
Weintraub, 1989). Particular personality models or variables were com-
monly studied. As described above, a few chapters investigated the Big
Five, two studied self efficacy and two researched implicit theories of per-
sonality.
Each chapter teaches us something about relationships between per-
sonality and stress and/or coping. Two chapters explore relationships
between the Big Five personality constructs and coping in different edu-
cational contexts. Reevy, studying a college student population (chapter
10) considers coping mechanisms as mediators of the relationship
between Big Five personality traits and grade point average and investi-
gates whether relationships between personality, coping, and grade point
average differ for different class levels in college (first year, second year,
third year, and fourth year students). Markle and McCarthy (chapter 11)
in a sample of counselors-in-training, explore how personality and pre-
ventive coping resources are related to stress and health behaviors. Their
chapter highlights that there are two important reasons for exploring
these relationships. The first is that today, we no longer think of personal-
ity as completely unmalleable, and even if we did, awareness of the rela-
xii G. M. REEVY and E. FRYDENBERG
tionship between personality traits and outcomes can be useful. But more
importantly, the recognition of what is helpful in the coping domain and
what is not enables individuals, sometimes along with their practitioners,
to make changes in coping in the helpful direction.
In chapter 1, Andrews, Ainley, and Frydenberg, in a sample of adoles-
cents, found that self-efficacy was related to adaptive coping style and to
interest in a problem-solving task conducted in the laboratory. Mann,
Nota, Soresi, Ferrari, and Frydenberg (chapter 2), also studying adoles-
cents, similarly found productive coping style was related to self efficacy,
and additionally, uncovered parallels between two seminal coping models
that have not previously been compared in research: Richard Lazarus’
stress and coping model and Irving Janis’ conflict model of decision mak-
ing.
Yeager and Miu (chapter 3) studied bullying in high school from the
victim’s perspective, and found that motivation to use proactive responses
to bullying were associated with adhering to an incremental theory of per-
sonality; incremental theorists believe that people can change. Chan’s
(chapter 9) sample of nursing students in Hong Kong provided contrast-
ing results: Believing in an incremental theory of personality was largely
unrelated to coping, with the one exception that use of religious coping
was associated with holding an incremental theory. Chan’s interpretation
is that, in collectivist culture, one’s beliefs about personality may not have
as much effect as in individualist culture; the behavior of individuals in
collectivist cultures may be determined more by collectivist values than by
individual traits. Poynton and Frydenberg (chapter 4) investigated anxiety
among victims of bullying, finding that females who are victimized by
their peers at school are likely to be anxious and cope in nonproductive
ways. By identifying young people who are at risk it should be possible to
resource them with helpful coping skills.
Cogan and Schwannauer (chapter 5) draw clear conclusions about the
relationship between risk-taking behavior in its many forms, such as alco-
hol and substance abuse, and sexual practices leading to risk of HIV/AIDS
and teen pregnancy. These behaviors are associated with the use of non
productive coping and low use of productive and reference to others cop-
ing, highlighting once again the potential benefit of teaching coping
skills as a source for both prevention and intervention for risk-taking
behavior. The relationship between positive development during the
transition to adulthood and temperament, personality, and educational
outcomes was explored by O’Connor, Sanson, and Frydenberg (chapter 6)
with 1,158 participants from the Australian Temperament Project, a large
longitudinal community-based study that followed young people’s psy-
chosocial adjustment from infancy to early adulthood. The researchers
examined the contribution of temperament, personality, and educational
Introduction xiii
experience to positive development as characterized by the dimensions of

social competence, life satisfaction, trust and tolerance of others, trust in
authorities and organizations, and civic action and engagement. Positive
development can also occur as a result of loss as described in the chapter
by Park and Esposita (chapter 8) where the authors consider how college
students make meaning of situations that involve recent loss. In the adult
context Carson, Plemmons, Templin, and Weiss (chapter 12) focused on
prevention of teacher burnout and looked at the importance of individual
attributes such as affectivity as separate from emotional effort or labor.
The study by Condren and Greenglass (chapter 7) explores the relation-
ship between optimism, support and depression in first year university
students. There are clear indications that greater optimism leads to
greater emotional support and greater emotional support leads to lower
depression.
In a chapter measuring the effects of the Inner Resilience Program in
classrooms, Lantieri, Kyse, Harnett, and Malkmus (chapter 13), in experi-
mental conditions, looked for effects on both teachers and their students.
It is clear that the at risk group have most to gain from a mindfulness pro-
gram and that is consistent with all our coping research. We conclude the
volume with a chapter that addresses the development of resilience.
Maddi (chapter 14) focuses on the development of personality hardiness
as a pattern of learnt attitudes and skills that are helpful in turning poten-
tial stressful circumstances from disasters to opportunities for enhancing
performance and health. These skills are taught to both teachers and
their students.
Collectively the chapters highlight the fact that personality can be con-
strued more broadly than the Big Five identified by a number of research-
ers and widely researched by Costa and McCrae (McCrae & John, 1992).
When personality is seen as a construct that is malleable it can be usefully
explored in relationship to the management of stress and coping in the
educational context. It has been well established that coping skills can be
taught and so, another implication of the studies described in our chap-
ters is that teaching skills that enhance life and well-being is beneficial in
primary, secondary, and tertiary school as well as in life generally. This is
all in keeping with the current emphasis and interest in positive psychol-
ogy.
REFERENCES
Carver, C. S., Scheier, M. F., & Weintraub, J. K. (1989). Assessing coping strate-
gies: A theoretically-based approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
56, 267-283.
xiv G. M. REEVY and E. FRYDENBERG
Conner-Smith, J., & Flachsbart, C. (2007). Relations between personality and cop-
ing: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93, 1080-1107.
Frydenberg, E., & Lewis, R. (1993). Adolescent coping scale. Melbourne, Australia:
Australian Council for Educational Research.
Funder, D. C. (2010). The personality puzzle. New York, NY: W. W. Norton.
McCrae, R. R., & John, O. P. (1992). An introduction to the five-factor model and
its applications. Journal of Personality, 60, 175-215.
Seligman, M. E. P., & Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2000). Positive psychology: An intro-
duction. American Psychologist, 55(1), 5-14.
PART I
PERSONALITY, STRESS, AND COPING
IN CHILDREN AND YOUNG PEOPLE
CHAPTER 1
ADOLESCENT COPING STYLES

AND TASK-SPECIFIC
RESPONSES
Does Style Foreshadow Action?
M. ANDREWS,
Michelle M. AINLEY,Mary
Andrews, AND E. FRYDENBERG
Ainley, and Erica Frydenberg
This chapter begins by exploring the links between personality traits and
coping styles. In doing so, we propose that the conceptualization of coping
as a style offers important insights for educational practitioners. Whereas
personality traits are generally stable and resistant to change, coping styles
develop in response to specific situations and can be modified with training.
However, before educational interventions are developed, coping styles
must be shown to be predictive of student task-specific responses. To this
end, we describe a study that examined the influence of coping styles on stu-
dent responses during a problem-solving task. How does coping style affect
students’ on-task thoughts, feelings, and actions?
INTRODUCTION
Although personality and coping have often been equated (Conner-Smith

& Flachsbart, 2007), most researchers distinguish between the two con-

pp. 3–23
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. 3
4 M. ANDREWS, M. AINLEY, and E. FRYDENBERG
cepts. Personality traits have generally been defined as underlying behav-

ioral dispositions, whereas coping has been defined as the thoughts,
feelings, and actions used by individuals to manage stress (Folkman & Mos-
kowitz, 2004). The most widely cited model of personality is the Big Five fac-
tor model (McCrae & John, 1992). Within this model, the five dimensions
of personality are conscientiousness, openness, extraversion, agreeable-
ness, and neuroticism. Of relevance to educators is the finding that these
dimensions are associated with academic outcomes (Duckworth & Selig-
man, 2005; Wagerman & Funder, 2007). In particular, researchers have
reported consistent positive relationships between conscientiousness and
academic performance (Noftle & Robins, 2007). Studies have also shown
that conscientiousness is associated with academic motivation (Komarraju,
Karau, & Schmeck, 2009; Muller, Palekcic, Beck, & Wanninger, 2006),
which may mediate the effects of conscientiousness on performance.
Unlike personality traits, which are generally stable and enduring, cop-
ing has been defined as “the constantly changing cognitive and behav-
ioral efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands that are
appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person” (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984, p. 141). This definition of coping is based on Lewin’s
(1936) person-environment interaction model, which describes the con-
stant state of action and reaction between the individual and the environ-
ment. According to Lazarus (1966), coping is a dynamic, complex process
that changes according to the resources of the individual and the
demands of the environment. The individual appraises the situation and
available resources, which triggers the selection of specific resources to
deal with the situation. Thus, coping is distinct from personality because
it involves the active selection of specific coping resources to manage situ-
ations perceived as stressful.
Coping Styles
Theoretically, the number of coping responses (including thoughts,

feelings, and actions) that can be used by an individual to manage stress is
unlimited. Hence, there are both theoretical and practical reasons for
researchers and clinicians to group separate coping strategies into
broader coping styles using rational, theory-based categories and empiri-
cal techniques (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). However, there appears to
be a lack of consensus regarding the core categories of coping (for
reviews, see Compas, Conner-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth,
2001; Skinner, Edge, Altman, & Sherwood, 2003). At the most basic level,
coping responses have been divided into two fundamental dimensions,
those which involve approaching the problem, being attentive, and seek-
Adolescent Coping Styles and Task-Specific Responses 5
ing a solution, and those which involve avoiding the problem and with-
drawing. The most prominent conceptual model of coping was proposed
by Lazarus (1991), who used logical grounds to distinguish between prob-
lem-focused coping (e.g., addressing the problem) and emotion-focused
coping (e.g., attempting to manage emotional reactions to stressors).
According to Lazarus and Folkman (1984), coping efforts are not
inherently “good” or “bad.” They argued that the appropriateness of cop-
ing efforts could only be determined by considering the context in which
they occur. Nonetheless, a number of researchers have linked certain
forms of coping with psychological distress (Compas, Orosan, & Grant,
1993; Cunningham & Walker, 1999; Seiffge-Krenke, 2000). For example,
in their review of research investigating childhood and adolescent coping,
Compas et al. (2001) found substantial evidence linking disengagement
(e.g., avoidance, social withdrawal, emotional ventilation, wishful think-
ing, and self-blame) with poorer psychological adjustment. In addition,
they found that active coping (e.g., problem solving, cognitive restructur-
ing, and positive reappraisal of the stressful situation) was associated with
more positive psychological adjustment.
Similarly, in their review of 100 measures of child, adolescent, and
adult coping, Skinner et al. (2003) distinguished between “good news”
and “bad news” ways of coping. They argued that certain ways of coping,
including self-blame, social isolation, negative thinking, and rumination,
could be described as bad news because they interfere with the accumula-
tion of coping resources and can contribute to the development of coping
vulnerabilities. In contrast, good news ways of coping contribute to the
accumulation of coping resources. Examples include planning, meaning
making, and support seeking. Skinner et al. suggested that bad news ver-
sus good news families of coping might be labeled maladaptive versus
adaptive, or harmful versus constructive. Support for this distinction
comes from a small number of factor analytic studies that have described
factors or styles of coping as being maladaptive or adaptive on the basis of
previous studies linking particular ways of coping with psychological well-
being or distress (Cunningham & Walker, 1999; Cunningham, Werner, &
Firth, 2004; Seiffge-Krenke, 2004).
Personality and Coping Styles
One way of examining the links between personality and coping is to

identify how the two fundamental coping styles described above relate to
particular personality traits. In their meta-analysis of the relationships
between the Big Five personality traits and coping, Connor-Smith and
Flachsbart (2007) used an engagement versus disengagement classifica-
tion of coping styles. They found that extraversion was positively associ-
ated with engagement, neuroticism was positively associated with
disengagement, and agreeableness was negatively associated with disen-
gagement. In addition, they found that conscientiousness was positively
correlated with two engagement strategies, problem-solving and cognitive
restructuring, and negatively correlated with three disengagement strate-
gies, denial, negative emotion-focus, and substance use. They also found
that the relationships between personality and coping were stronger for
younger samples.
While it is clear that personality traits are important predictors of aca-
demic performance and particular coping responses, it is also clear that
interventions are unlikely to bring about major changes in personality
traits. Personality traits have been shown to change over time, but these
changes are generally small and the evidence has generally been drawn
from adult populations (Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006; Srivastava,
John, Gosling, & Potter, 2003). For example, Srivastava et al. (2003) found
that conscientiousness and agreeableness increased throughout adult-
hood and that neuroticism declined among women but not among men.
However, the mean changes reported by Srivastava et al. were only small
in magnitude. In addition, an extensive review of 152 longitudinal studies
of personality trait consistency found that personality traits are quite con-
sistent across the life span (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000).
Although research has found that young people have a stable hierarchy
of preferred coping strategies (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1994), there is evi-
dence for significant developmental shifts in general patterns of coping
during childhood and adolescence. For example, in their longitudinal
study of adolescent coping in Melbourne, Australia, Frydenberg and
Lewis (2000) found that the coping strategies of seek social support, solve
the problem, blame oneself, keep to oneself, and engage in tension reduc-
tion activities (e.g., cry, scream, drink, and take drugs) remained stable for
adolescents between the ages of 12 and 14, but increased significantly in
the next 2 years. In addition, research has found that adaptive coping
strategies can be taught (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002). In other words,
empirical evidence supports the view that coping responses are more mal-
leable than personality. As a result, it might be useful for educators to
focus on teaching adaptive coping styles in order to improve academic
outcomes.
However, to be of use to educators, it is necessary to provide clear evi-
dence that coping styles impact students’ on-task responses. What is the
relationship between coping style and students’ thoughts, feelings and
behaviors during an academic task? The relationship between coping
styles and students’ task-specific responses in real time has not yet been
reported in the literature. However, researchers have highlighted a num-
ber of concepts associated with adaptive ways of coping, including having

an optimistic outlook (Seligman, 1995) and experiencing the subjective
state of flow, or the feeling of being completely absorbed in an activity
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). Two related concepts that have been linked with
adaptive coping, but which have received little attention in the coping lit-
erature, are self-efficacy and interest.
Self-Efficacy
Self-efficacy refers to “people’s judgments of their capabilities to orga-

nize and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of
performances” (Bandura, 1986, p. 391). Although the concept of self-effi-
cacy has not generally been investigated in relation to individuals who
cope effectively (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002), a study by Jenkin (1997)
found that three adaptive coping strategies, focus on the positive, solve
the problem, and work hard, distinguished between high self-efficacy and
low self-efficacy amongst adolescents involved in an Australian outdoor
education program called Outward Bound. In support of these findings,
other studies have found that student participation in coping skills pro-
grams leads to significant increases in general levels of self-efficacy
(Bugalski & Frydenberg, 2000; Cotta, Frydenberg, & Poole, 2000).
Although there are a lack of studies investigating the relationship
between adaptive coping and self-efficacy, the relationship between self-
efficacy and academic performance has been extensively researched (for a
review, see Schunk & Miller, 2004). Numerous studies across different aca-
demic domains have shown that self-efficacy judgments are positively cor-
related with academic performance (Multon, Brown, & Lent, 1991;
Pajares, 1996; Schunk, 1995). High self-efficacy is associated with
enhanced performance for a number of reasons. Students who have
higher levels of self-efficacy are more likely to set higher goals (Zimmer-
man, 1995), to persist when confronted with challenges (Schunk, 1982),
and to use more effective tactics (Pintrich & DeGroot, 1990).
Interest
Research investigating the concept of interest in educational settings

has tended to distinguish between two forms of interest, individual inter-
est, which is a relatively enduring predisposition to engage and re-engage
with a specific domain, and situational interest, which is a transient
response to specific situational factors (for a review, see Renninger, Hidi,
& Krapp, 1992). More recently, interest has also been conceptualized as a
positive psychological state of focused attention and positive feelings dur-

ing engagement with a task (Ainley 2006; Hidi, 2006).
To date, it would appear that few studies have focused specifically on
the relationship between adaptive coping and the experience of interest
as a psychological state. However, some researchers have explored the
relationships between adaptive coping in general and positive emotions
(Pekrun, Goetz, Titz, & Perry, 2002), including interest (Fredrickson,
1998, 2001), and at least one study has investigated the links between
indicators of adolescent psychological well-being and the experience of
interest in general (Hunter & Csikszentmihalyi, 2003).
In their study of adolescent psychological health and “chronic” inter-
est, Hunter and Csikszentmihalyi (2003) found evidence that “the experi-
ence of interest can be seen as a symptom of larger psychological well-
being” (p. 32). In particular, they identified two groups of adolescents,
those who experienced high levels of interest in everyday life, and those
who experienced widespread boredom. These groups were then com-
pared on several measures of psychological well-being, including internal
locus of control and emotions regarding one’s future prospects. Interested
adolescents were much more likely than bored adolescents to perceive
themselves as having greater locus of control and positive feelings regard-
ing the future. This finding is consistent with Fredrickson’s (1998, 2001)
broaden-and-build theory of positive emotions, which argued that posi-
tive emotions, including interest, are not only a sign of more constructive
and flexible coping; they can also buffer the individual against the physio-
logical consequences of stress.
The positive influence of interest on academic performance across dif-
ferent domains and subject areas has been well-documented (for reviews,
see Renninger, Hidi, & Krapp, 1992; Schiefele, 1998). According to
Schiefele (1998), interest accounts for approximately 10% of the variance
in academic test scores. These studies have generally measured interest as
individual interest and have consistently demonstrated that young people
and adults who are interested in certain areas or activities are more likely
to pay attention to related tasks and to acquire knowledge (Ainley, 1998;
Schiefele, 1996; Schiefele & Krapp, 1996).
THE PRESENT STUDY
The main aim of this study was to investigate the relationships between
students’ coping styles and their responses to a problem-solving task.
Open-ended problem-solving tasks were chosen because an increasing
number of educators are creating learning environments that encourage
students to be self-regulated learners rather than passive receivers of
information (Kain, 2003). Students were required to research a given

body of information and to provide a reasoned answer to the problem.
The problem was presented to students using an interactive computer
format. Students were provided with both the problem and relevant
resources for generating a solution. The software recorded task selection
and ratings of task-specific variables such as self-efficacy, interest in the
task immediately prior to commencement, and interest in the task imme-
diately after students had submitted their answer to the problem (i.e., we
measured interest as a psychological state). All of these responses were
recorded in their real-time sequence. In addition, student responses to
the general version of the Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS)—short form
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993) were recorded at the beginning of the ses-
sion. In this way, we obtained a measure of the coping styles that students
brought with them to the problem-solving task. We expected that two
dimensions would underlie coping for the current sample, and that these
two factors would reflect a maladaptive coping style and an adaptive cop-
ing style. We also expected that adaptive coping style would be positively
related to self-efficacy and interest at both points, and that self-efficacy
and interest would be associated with task performance.
METHOD
Participants
Participants were 166 Year 7 to 10 students (94 female and 72 male stu-
dents) from a coeducational government school located in an outer south-
eastern suburb of Melbourne, Australia. The mean age of students was
14.07 years. The school caters to students from a range of socioeconomic
backgrounds, including middle- and working-class families. Data gath-
ered from feeder primary schools indicates that religious participation
among families is low. Almost all of the students (97%) reported that Eng-
lish was their main language spoken at home.
Materials and Measures
All of the variables in this study were monitored and recorded using a
modified version of the interactive computer program, Between the Lines
(BTL). The original version of BTL was developed by Ainley, Hidi, and
Berndorff (2002). Each version of BTL is designed to record student
responses to learning tasks in real time. Students were asked to respond to
a coping questionnaire embedded in the program and to report how
often they use a number of coping strategies to manage their concerns in

general. Specifically, the computer program presented students with the
general version of the ACS short form (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993). The
ACS short form is a 19-item instrument that can be used with young peo-
ple aged 12 to 18 years. It consists of 18 items, plus one open-ended ques-
tion, which asks participants to indicate what they generally do and feel
when they experience a stressful event. Participants rate the frequency of
their use of the first 18 items on a 5-point Likert scale, where 1 = doesn’t
apply or don’t do it, 2 = used very little, 3 = used sometimes, 4 = used often, and
5 = used a great deal.
The ACS short form was developed from the ACS long form, which
consists of 80 items (79 structured, and one open-ended). The ACS long
form has 18 scales. Each scale assesses a distinct coping strategy. The long
version of the ACS has been used over a number of years with different
groups of young people (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2000), and has established
score reliability and validity (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1996). Studies have
found that scores on the 18 scales have acceptable internal consistency,
with a median Cronbach alpha coefficient of .70. Test retest reliability
coefficients, with test retest intervals of approximately 14 days, are low to
moderate, ranging from .44 to .81. However, they are considered satisfac-
tory given the dynamic nature of coping (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1996). The
validity of the short form has been investigated by exploring the correla-
tions between the 18 items and the scales from which they were derived
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993). Two items, “work at solving the problem to
the best of my ability” and “I have no way of dealing with the situation”
have item-scale correlations of .69 and .61; all the remaining items have
item-scale correlations greater than .70. This suggests that these items
provide good measures of the broader coping strategies they were
intended to measure.
Individual item scores on the ACS short form can be grouped to gener-
ate scores for three styles of coping: productive (e.g., “Work at solving the
problem to the best of my ability”), reference to others (e.g., “Talk to
other people about my concern to help me sort it out”), and nonproduc-
tive (e.g., “Worry about what will happen to me”). Specific formulae for
calculating these scores are provided in the ACS manual. However, rather
than following the ACS manual scoring formulae to calculate scores for
the three coping styles, a principal component analysis of the ACS was
performed to determine the coping styles represented by students in this
sample.
After students completed the ACS, they were presented with two open-
ended problem-solving tasks. Each task required students to use their
thinking and research skills to investigate a real-life issue. The tasks were
designed to be equally interesting to male and female students, and to
students of different ages, by being contemporary and relevant to the

lives of all students. The first task invited participants to investigate
increases in the number of overweight young people and the role of
school canteens in improving the health of young people; the second task
required participants to explore increases in the use of plastic bags in the
community and the role of supermarkets in reducing plastic bag use. The
tasks will subsequently be referred to as the “school canteen task” and the
“plastic bags task.”
To promote active engagement with the tasks, students were required
to make choices about how and what to investigate. They were asked to
choose one issue to explore, and they were able to access three resources
within the computer program to collect relevant information. These
resources consisted of information about the issue, and could be accessed
by students in any order and as often as they wanted. Self-efficacy was
measured immediately after students had selected an issue to investigate.
Students were asked, “How confident are you that you can come up with a
good answer?” They rated their confidence on a 5-point Likert scale,
where 1 = not at all confident and 5 = certain. Interest was assessed at two
critical points, immediately after students gave a self-efficacy rating, and
immediately after they submitted their problem solution. At both points,
students rated how interested they were feeling on a 5-point Likert scale,
where 1 = bored and 5 = interested. Students were asked to “click on a num-
ber to show how you feel.” These two measures will be referred to as “pre-
task interest” and “posttask interest.”
When students were ready to write their solution, they could click on an
answer icon and type their solution on the screen. The tasks were com-
plex and there were a number of possible solutions. To ensure that each
solution was assessed systematically, a scoring rubric was used, namely, the
Wechsler Individual Achievement Test-Second Edition (WIAT-II; The Psy-
chological Corporation, 2002) holistic scoring criteria for scoring persua-
sive writing.
RESULTS
To investigate the hypothesis that there would be two underlying coping

styles for this sample, a maladaptive coping style and an adaptive coping
style, a principal component analysis was conducted. Orthogonal (vari-
max) rotation was selected over oblique (oblimin) rotation because it was
anticipated that the factors would not be correlated with each other. The
principal component extraction produced a solution where six factors had
eigenvalues greater than one (2.97, 2.51, 1.42, 1.33, 1.20, 1.04), which
together accounted for 58.11% of the variance. However, in recent years,
statisticians have supported the use of Velicer’s minimum average partial

test to estimate the number of factors to retain in factor analysis (Glorfeld,
1995; O’Conner, 2000). This test supported the extraction of two factors,
which together accounted for 30.42% of the variance. Principal compo-
nents analysis with varimax rotation of two factors produced the solution
presented in Table 1.1. All factor loadings greater than ±.30 are shown.
ACS coping strategies have been ordered according to the strength of the
factor loadings. Since the sample size is 163, factor loadings of ±.45 are
considered significant (Hair, Anderson, Tatham, & Black, 1998).
Using the criterion level of ±.45, 8 coping strategies loaded on the
first factor (self-blame, worry, wishful thinking, seek spiritual support,
keep to self, tension reduction, not cope, and ignore the problem), and 6
strategies loaded on the second factor (focus on the positive, seek to
belong, physical recreation, relax, seek social support, and work). The
strategy seek to belong had a small loading on the first factor and a signif-
icant loading on the second factor. Four strategies (social action, solve the
Table 1.1. Two-Factor Solution of the ACS

After Varimax Rotation (N = 163)
Factor
Coping strategy 1 2
12. Self-blame .69
4. Worry .56
7. Wishful thinking .55
14. Seek spiritual support .55
13. Keep to self .54
9. Tension reduction .54
8. Not cope .52
11. Ignore the problem .52
10. Social action .43
15. Focus on the positive .63
6. Seek to belong .33 .62
18. Physical recreation .62
17. Relax .56
1. Seek social support .51
3. Work .47
2. Solve the problem .44
16. Professional help .42
5. Invest in close friends
Eigenvalues 2.97 2.51
Percentage of variance 16.48 13.94
problem, professional help, and invest in close friends) did not have sig-
nificant loadings on either factor. It is important to note that a number of
students had difficulty understanding the invest in close friends item,
indicating that any interpretation of responses to this item should be
treated with caution.
On the basis of earlier studies linking specific coping strategies with
well-being and dysfunction (Cunningham & Walker, 1999; Cunningham,
Werner, & Firth, 2004; Seiffge-Krenke, 2004), all of the strategies with sig-
nificant loadings on the first factor (self-blame, worry, wishful thinking,
seek spiritual support, keep to self, tension reduction, not cope, and
ignore the problem) are strategies that are generally associated with mal-
adaptive or nonproductive attempts to deal with stressful encounters. In
contrast to the first factor, all of the strategies with significant loadings on
the second factor (focus on the positive, seek to belong, physical recre-
ation, relax, seek social support, and work) are associated with adaptive
ways of coping. As a result, the two factors were labeled maladaptive cop-
ing style and adaptive coping style. Scores on the two factors were used in
subsequent analyses to investigate the relationships between general cop-
ing styles and task-specific responses.
To investigate how coping styles (maladaptive and adaptive coping
styles) are related to task-specific responses (self-efficacy, pretask interest,
task performance, and posttask interest), a series of linear regressions
(enter method) were performed. Prior to performing the regression anal-
yses, the intercorrelations among all variables were inspected and are
shown in Table 1.2. Gender and age were included in the correlations.
Gender, age, and coping styles will be described as individual characteris-
tics, while all other variables are task related.
Correlations between either gender or age and the other variables were
not significant, apart from a small positive correlation between age and
task performance. The strongest correlations between coping styles and
on-task variables were for the adaptive coping style. Adaptive coping style
was significantly related to self-efficacy, pretask interest, and posttask
interest, but not to task performance. In addition, there was a small nega-
tive correlation between maladaptive coping style and self-efficacy, and a
small positive correlation between maladaptive coping style and posttask
interest. Table 1.2 also shows that there were moderate positive correla-
tions between both pre- and posttask interest and task performance. The
strongest positive correlations were between self-efficacy and pretask
interest, and between both measures of interest. It is important to note
that the correlation between adaptive and maladaptive coping style was
zero.
Table 1.2. Correlation Matrix for Individual Characteristics

and Task-Specific Responses (N = 163)
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Individual Characteristics
1. Gendera — .01 −.11 −.05 −.10** −.13** −.12** −.15**
** ** **
2. Age — −.04 −.06 −.00 −.07 −.22 −.11**
3. Maladaptive — −.00 −.16** −.11** −.06** −.16**
coping style
4. Adaptive cop- — −.20** −.28** −.01** .29**
ing style
Task-Specific Responsesb
5. Self-efficacy — .30** −.07** −.13**
6. Pretask interest — −.27** −.50**
7. Task perfor- — −.24**
mance
8. Posttask interest —
Mean 3.25 3.08 1.37 3.19
SD 0.95 1.06 0.99 1.14
a
Gender scored female = 0, male = 1.
b
Self-efficacy, pretask interest and posttask interest score range was 1-5; Task performance
possible score range was 0-6, but the effective range was 0-4.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
Since gender was not significantly correlated with any of the variables,
it was not included in the subsequent regression analyses (Hair et al.,
1998). On the basis of the hypotheses, as well as the order in which the
variables were monitored by the computer program, the regression analy-
ses were conducted in four steps. The results are displayed in Table 1.3
(beta coefficients, squared semipartial correlations [sr2], and adjusted R2
values) and Figure 1.1 (significant path coefficients).
Consistent with expectations, adaptive coping style was positively asso-
ciated with self-efficacy and both measures of interest. On the other hand,
maladaptive coping style was negatively associated with self-efficacy. The
set of significant positive paths linking adaptive coping, self-efficacy and
pretask interest suggest that the link between adaptive coping style and
pretask interest is mediated by self-efficacy. According to Baron and
Kenny (1986) and Preacher and Leonardelli (2001), a variable may be
considered a mediating variable if the following conditions apply: (i) the
independent variable (adaptive coping) significantly predicts the media-
tor (self-efficacy); (ii) the independent variable (adaptive coping) signifi-
Table 1.3. Individual Characteristics and Task-Specific Responses:

Summary of Regression Analyses (N = 163)
Regression Adj
Step Variables b sr2 Equation R2
Step 1 DV Self-efficacy F(3, 159) = 3.72 .05*
**
IVs Age −.01 .00
**
Maladaptive coping style −.16 .02
Adaptive coping style −.21** .04
Step 2 DV Pretask interest F(4, 158) = 7.71 .14**

IVs Age −.06** .00
Maladaptive coping style −.15** .02
**
Adaptive coping style −.22 .05
Self-efficacy −.27** .07
Step 3 DV Task performance F(5, 157) = 4.94 .11**

IVs Age −.23** .05
Maladaptive coping style −.09** .01
**
Adaptive coping style −.08 .01
Self-efficacy −.03** .00
**
Pretask interest −.32 .08
Step 4 DV Posttask interest F(6, 156) = 11.77 .29**

**
IVs Age −.11 .01
**
Maladaptive coping style −.13 .01
Adaptive coping style −.17** .03
**
Self-efficacy −.00 .00
Pretask interest −.39** .12
**
Task performance −.15 .02
*p < .05. **p < .01.
cantly predicts the dependent variable (pretask interest) in the absence of

the mediator; (iii) the mediator (self-efficacy) has a significant unique
effect on the dependent variable (pretask interest); and (iv) the relation-
ship between the independent variable (adaptive coping) and the depen-
dent variable (pretask interest) shrinks upon the addition of the mediator
(self-efficacy).
*p < .05. **p < .01.
Figure 1.1. Significant regression paths between individual characteristics and

task-specific responses.
Table 1.2 shows that the first two criteria were met. Additional regres-
sion analyses confirmed the third and fourth criteria. The relationship
between adaptive coping style and pretask interest (β = .28, p < .01) was
reduced when self-efficacy was included as a predictor (β = .23, p < .01).
Since the relationship was not reduced to zero, self-efficacy may be con-
sidered a partial mediator. A Sobel test using the coefficients from these
four criteria confirmed that self-efficacy partially mediated the relation-
ship between adaptive coping style and pretask interest (z = 2.17, p <
.05).
Table 1.2 and Figure 1.1 also suggest that the relationship between
adaptive coping style and posttask interest is mediated by pretask interest.
In the same way, the correlations shown in Table 1.2 and additional
regression analyses confirmed all four criteria specified above. The rela-
tionship between adaptive coping style and posttask interest (β = .29, p <
.01) was reduced when pretask interest was included as a predictor (β =
.16, p < .05). As with the previous mediation test, the relationship was not
reduced to zero, which indicates that pretask interest may be considered a
partial mediator. This was confirmed with a Sobel test (z = 2.66, p < .01).
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE
Only a small number of factor analytic studies have directly investigated

the argument that there are two main styles of coping, one that reflects an
adaptive coping style and one that reflects a maladaptive coping style.
Following previous studies that have linked certain coping strategies with
adaptive versus maladaptive outcomes (Compas et al., 2001; Cunning-
ham, 2002; Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002; Skinner et al., 2003), this study
investigated whether two coping styles was an appropriate description of
ACS data for the current sample of secondary school adolescents. Princi-
pal component analysis using the minimum average partial test (Glorfeld,
1995; O’Connor, 2000) confirmed previous maladaptive versus adaptive
categorizations of coping (Cunningham & Walker, 1999; Cunningham,
Werner, & Firth, 2004; Seiffge-Krenke, 2004).
This two-factor solution provides us with important information about
the nature of coping. It suggests that coping is multidimensional, which is
consistent with a number of studies (e.g., Cunningham, 2002; Cunning-
ham & Walker, 1999; Seiffge-Krenke, 2004). Since the factors were
derived using orthogonal (varimax) rotation, it indicates that these cop-
ing styles are independent. Hence, an individual’s use of adaptive coping
strategies cannot be predicted by his or her use of maladaptive coping
strategies, and a range of combinations are possible. This means that fre-
quent use of adaptive coping strategies is not necessarily associated with
infrequent use of maladaptive coping strategies. An important implica-
tion of this finding is that coping skills programs may need to focus on
both the reduction of maladaptive coping strategies, as well as the devel-
opment of adaptive coping strategies. Participants might be taught about
the potential impact of particular strategies on their well-being, and, after
reflecting on their own coping profiles, be given the opportunity to iden-
tify the strategies they would like to use more and less frequently.
Until now, it would appear that there has been little attempt to investi-
gate whether coping styles influence students’ thoughts, feelings and
behaviors during an academic task. Examination of the relationships

between coping styles, self-efficacy, pretask interest, task performance,
and posttask interest revealed that an adaptive coping style was predictive
of self-efficacy and interest both at the outset and on completion of an
individual task. In addition, it was found that self-efficacy was positively
related to pretask interest, which, in turn, was predictive of both task per-
formance and posttask interest. Moreover, self-efficacy was found to par-
tially mediate the relationship between adaptive coping style and pretask
interest, and pretask interest was found to partially mediate the relation-
ship between adaptive coping style and posttask interest. Overall, the
results indicate that the broader coping style that an adolescent brings to
a problem-solving task has an important influence on the character of
their task-specific responses. Students who use more adaptive coping
strategies in general are more likely to be confident in their capabilities,
and are more likely to feel they want to explore, to discover, and to
become involved. These feelings of interest, in turn, have a beneficial
impact on students’ ability to gather information, to assess conflicting evi-
dence, and to formulate answers to questions that do not have simple or
fixed solutions. Our results therefore provide support for our argument
that educators might focus on the development of adaptive coping styles,
rather than personality traits, in order to enhance academic outcomes.
Limitations
One of the main limitations of our study was that although we found
links between coping styles and task-specific responses, it is not possible
to make direct inferences about causality. Indeed, an adaptive coping style
might contribute to the development of confidence in one’s abilities and a
sense of interest and curiosity about the world, and these individual
resources might, in turn, help one to nurture and build one’s adaptive
coping repertoire.
Another limitation was that only one school, located in an outer south-
eastern suburb of Melbourne, Australia, was surveyed. Data from feeder
primary schools suggests that religious participation among families is
low. Furthermore, almost all of the students surveyed reported that Eng-
lish was their primary language spoken at home. Students of different
demographic groups might have reported different coping responses
related to their unique cultural experiences. It is likely that future studies
will uncover complex variations within adaptive and maladaptive coping
styles through surveying students from different social, cultural, and reli-
gious backgrounds.
Another priority for future research is the measurement of adolescent

responses as they occur in real-life classrooms and across different aca-
demic domains. What resources do students draw upon to cope with aca-
demic tasks? Do students seek assistance? Who from? How do students
and teachers influence each other? Do the results hold for different sub-
ject areas? More research is needed to investigate adolescent responses in
authentic, dynamic, and interactive classroom environments. Such studies
might gather data using surveys, interviews, and observations, and by
filming actual classes.
CONCLUSIONS
This study went beyond traditional studies of coping by using an innova-

tive computer program, BTL, to track adolescent responses to problem-
solving tasks in real time. Two higher order coping factors, maladaptive
coping style and adaptive coping style, were found. Student responses to
the ACS have important implications for programs that aim to develop
the coping skills of young people. The findings suggest that such pro-
grams should be designed to promote the use of adaptive coping strate-
gies, as well as to reduce the use of maladaptive coping strategies.
Building on the ACS results, this study identified a number of paths
linking coping styles with task-specific responses. Importantly, it was
found that adaptive coping style was positively related to self-efficacy, pre-
task interest, and posttask interest. In addition, self-efficacy triggered pre-
task interest, which, subsequently, was positively related to task
performance and posttask interest. The results imply that if adolescents
are taught adaptive coping skills, their beliefs about their capacity to cope
with academic tasks and their feelings of interest might be enhanced.
When these on-task processes are enhanced, their use of critical thinking
skills, as represented by task performance in the current investigation, are
also likely to be enhanced. These critical thinking skills, in turn, might
help young people to cope more effectively in general.
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CHAPTER 2
THE RELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN COPING
STRATEGIES, DECISION-
COPING PATTERNS,
AND SELF-EFFICACY IN
ADOLESCENCE
L. MANN, L. NOTA, S.Leon
SORESI, L. FERRARI,
Mann, AND E. FRYDENBERG
Laura Nota,
Salvatore Soresi, Lea Ferrari, and Erica Frydenberg
We postulated that coping strategies for dealing with stressful problems,

coping patterns for dealing with difficult decisions, and self-efficacy beliefs
are closely related processes. The study involved 566 Italian high school stu-
dents (298 girls, 268 boys) who were administered a scale to measure self-
reported coping strategies in response to general and specific concerns and
a questionnaire to measure self-reported decision-coping patterns. Correla-
tions between coping strategies and decision-coping patterns were generally
small to moderate indicating two conceptually and empirically separate but
related processes. As predicted, the productive coping style was positively
correlated with the vigilant decision-coping pattern. The coping strategy of
reference to others was associated with vigilance among girls but not boys.
Higher self-efficacy beliefs were correlated with vigilance and productive
coping while lower self-efficacy beliefs were associated with procrastination,
buck-passing and hypervigilance, and nonproductive coping strategies.

pp. 25–48
26 L. MANN, L. NOTA, and E. FRYDENBERG
This was found especially for girls. The chapter discusses the implications of
the findings for research and practice in the field of stress-related coping
strategies, decision-making patterns, self-efficacy beliefs and education
interventions during adolescence.
Coping as a distinct field of psychological inquiry emerged during the

1970s and 1980s (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). From the beginning, the
field of coping encompassed an assortment of theoretical models that elu-
cidated how people under stress cope with the problems of daily life as
well as respond to extreme threats in a wide range of situations. There are
two contrasting models of stress and coping—one developed by Richard
Lazarus and the other formulated by Irving Janis—both researchers were
pioneers in the field. Richard Lazarus (1966; Folkman & Lazarus, 1980;
Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) developed a contextual model of stress and
coping to identify the strategies used to regulate stressful emotions and to
ameliorate or remove problems causing stress. Irving Janis (1959; Janis &
Mann, 1977) developed a conflict model of decision making to explain
how people cope in their decision making with the psychological stress
caused by difficult dilemmas. While Lazarus and colleagues and Janis and
Mann referred to the contribution of each other’s ideas for their respec-
tive models, no attempt has been made to bring together concepts from
the two models to examine their correspondence and empirical overlap.
The present study brings together and examines the empirical relation-
ships during adolescence between concepts grounded in the two models
of coping.
Martz and Livneh (2007, p. 13) refer to efforts in the literature over 30
years to elucidate the functions (occasionally referred to as goals) of cop-
ing. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) are representatives of scholars who
defined coping as the array of thoughts and behaviors that people use to
reduce distress and restore equilibrium as they manage the demands of a
wide range of stressful situations. They identified more than 60 coping
actions, which were categorized in two major strategies: problem-focused
coping and emotion-focused coping. Janis and Mann (1977) on the other
hand limited their analysis of stress and coping to the repertoire of cop-
ing “patterns” used by decision makers to deal with stressful decisions.
They identified two major contrasting decision coping patterns –vigilance
versus avoidance/escape tendencies—but also identified several subpat-
terns of avoidance and escape—buck-passing, procrastination, rational-
ization/denial and hypervigilance (hasty, panicky constricted selection of a
choice alternative).
There are several reasons for bringing together in a single analysis
these two different but related models. First, both models are grounded in
Coping Strategies 27
an examination of how stress impacts information processing and evalua-

tion, and emotional and behavioral responses. Both models refer to psy-
chological processes of cognitive appraisal of threats and challenges.
Lazarus and colleagues identify primary appraisal (What is at stake?) and
secondary appraisal (What can be done?), while Janis and Mann identify
the first stage in decision making as appraising the challenge (Are the
risks serious if I don’t change?). The dynamics of coping with a stressful
problem (Lazarus) sometimes forces the person to make hard choices
(Janis and Mann). An example is a person with an elderly mother whose
mental health is deteriorating and now faces the dilemma of hospitalizing
the parent or caring for her at home. There is interest in studying how
over time people facing such major stressful situations approach or avoid
tough decisions while adopting a variety of generic coping strategies to
alleviate their stress, such as prayer, meditation, alcohol, social support,
etc. For example, Folkman and Moskowitz (2004) comment that over-
dependence on escape strategies to alleviate stress will have a negative
impact on decision quality and outcomes.
A second reason for bringing the two models together in a single anal-
ysis is that concepts from the two models have been identified as similar
in function and meaning. For example, Lazarus and Folkman (1984,
pp. 152, 167, 178) point out that some aspects of problem-focused coping
(e.g., generating alternative solutions, weighing alternatives, choosing
among them, and acting) correspond to Janis and Mann’s concept of vigi-
lance and that some forms of emotion-focused coping—such as a prema-
ture decision to reduce distress—resemble Janis and Mann’s concepts of
avoidance (e.g., lack of vigilant search, selective inattention, selective for-
getting, distortion of the meaning of warning messages, and wishful ratio-
nalizations that minimize negative consequences) and hypervigilance
(e.g., obsessive fantasies, constricted cognitive functioning, and prema-
ture closure). Therefore there is an interest in examining the extent of
empirical overlap between key concepts in the two models.
A third reason for bringing the two models together is the interest in
examining the convergence and validation of different instruments and
approaches for measuring self-reported coping strategies (e.g., Folkman
& Lazarus’s [1988] Ways of Coping Checklist; Carver, Scheier, & Wein-
traub’s [1989] COPE Inventory; Frydenberg & Lewis’s [1993] Adolescent
Coping Scale) and instruments for measuring self-reported decision-cop-
ing patterns (e.g., Mann, Burnett, Radford, & Ford’s [1997] Melbourne
Decision Making Questionnaire). We would expect similarity in responses
to instruments measuring stress-coping strategies and decision-coping
patterns, but that remains to be tested and demonstrated. Importantly,
there is a need to examine the relationship between concepts from the
two models that have not been associated previously. An example is the
relationship, if any, between the coping strategy of social support/refer-

ence to others (Lazarus, 1966) and key decision-coping patterns such as
vigilance on the one hand and buck-passing on the other (Janis & Mann,
1977).
A personality variable likely to be associated with coping strategies and
decision-coping patterns is self-efficacy (Argyropoulou, Sidiropoulou-
Dimakakou, & Besevegis, 2007; Creed, Prideaux, & Patton, 2005; Ferrari,
Nota, Soresi, & Frydenberg, 2007; Mann & Friedman, 1999). Self-efficacy
refers to beliefs in one’s own abilities to increase levels of motivation, to
activate cognitive resources, and to take the necessary action to exert con-
trol on the demands of a task (Bandura, 1997). The constructs of coping
strategy, decision-coping pattern, and self-efficacy are considered impor-
tant during adolescence also for their connections with personality.
As regards the relationship between personality and coping strategies,
for example, less adaptive coping strategies are associated with personal-
ity disorders (Shiner, 2009), depressive symptoms (Merlo & Brian, 2007)
and conduct disorders (Kalpokiene, & Gudaite, 2007). Connor-Smith and
Flachsbart (2007) conducted a meta-analysis in which they analyzed rela-
tionships between the Big Five personality traits and coping in a sample
of 124 journal articles published between 1980 and 2004. They found a
small to moderate relationship between personality and coping. Specifi-
cally, the meta-analysis revealed (a) extraversion and conscientiousness
are associated with problem-solving and cognitive restructuring (b) neu-
roticism is associated with problematic strategies like wishful thinking,
withdrawal, and emotion-focused coping and (c) extraversion is related to
support seeking.
As regards the relationship between personality and decisional-coping
patterns, conscientiousness, extraversion and low neuroticism consistently
relate to increased information-seeking and decidedness (Lonsury,
Hutchens, & Loveland, 2005; Reed, Brunch, & Hasse, 2004) whereas
high identity foreclosure is strongly correlated with low openness to infor-
mation (Clancy & Dollinger, 1993). Other studies show that adolescents
with depression make decisions in an impulsive way (Kyte, Goodyer, &
Sahakian, 2005) and that adolescents with an internal locus of control are
more likely to use a competent decision-making style than an avoidant or
dependent style (Mann, Harmoni, & Power, 1989; Scott & Bruce, 1995).
As regards the relationship between personality and self-efficacy, low
levels of self-efficacy are generally accompanied by high levels of trait
anxiety/neuroticism, anxiety disorders and depressive symptoms (Muris,
2002). Page, Monroe, and Haase (2008) reported that higher neuroticism
is associated with lower self-efficacy and higher extraversion and consci-
entiousness are associated with higher self-efficacy in career decision
making.
THE PRESENT STUDY
In the study reported in this chapter we bring together two models of

coping, Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) theory of stress and coping and
Janis and Mann’s (1977) conflict theory of decision making. The two
models are related in their focus on psychological (emotional) stress, cog-
nitive appraisal, and in the analysis of strategies used for dealing with
stressful situations and problems. They differ in that Lazarus and Folk-
man were concerned with the broad spectrum of stressful situations and
made no claims for the superiority of particular strategies for coping with
stress, whereas Janis and Mann were concerned only with conflictful deci-
sions and postulated the superiority of vigilant problem solving over
avoidant and evasive strategies for dealing with the stress of tough deci-
sions. Surprisingly, little attempt has been made in the psychology litera-
ture to examine the conceptual and empirical links between strategies for
coping with problems and decision making.
In consideration of the role played by self-efficacy beliefs as a marker
of personality in adolescence, we decided to include this variable which
relates to confidence in one’s own abilities in the analysis and examine its
relationship with coping strategies and decisional-coping patterns.
Coping and Decision Making in Adolescence
Skinner and Zimmer-Gembeck (1997) reviewed the research literature

on the development of coping. They observe it has proven surprisingly
difficult to realize a developmental agenda for the study of coping despite
widespread agreement that development shapes every aspect of how peo-
ple deal with stress. Nevertheless, there is a substantive body of literature
on adolescent coping and the ways to measure it (see Compas, Connor-
Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001; Frydenberg, 2008).
In this study we focus on adolescence. During early to mid adolescence
there are many personal worries and struggles with painful choices per-
taining to school, employment, and family relations. By focusing on ado-
lescents we have the opportunity (unlike with adults) to examine how they
cope on a more clearly limited but compelling set of stressors and deci-
sions/problems that affect most, if not all. The very public nature of these
problems and the availability of evidence of how adolescents cope, or fail
to cope, make it easier to study and collect data on their coping strategies
(Friedman & Mann, 1993; Frydenberg, 2008; Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993;
Mann & Friedman, 1999). Also, in adolescence there is a wide range of
differences in ability to cope with stress and make careful decisions and
this provides an opportunity to examine characteristic styles of coping

and decision-coping patterns.
Frydenberg and Lewis (1993) identified 18 distinct strategies adoles-
cents use when dealing with major concerns. The strategies were classified
into three principal styles: dealing with the problem (renamed productive
coping, Frydenberg & Lewis, 1996a), reference to others, and nonproduc-
tive coping (ignore the problem, wishful thinking, self-blame). An exam-
ple of productive coping is to work at solving the problem to the best of
one’s ability. An example of reference to others is to ask a professional or
expert for help. An example of nonproductive coping is to wish for a mir-
acle to happen. Our assumption is that while situational factors, such as
stressfulness of the situation, time pressure, and capacity to exert control
have an effect on coping strategies and decision patterns, there are also
characteristic habitual coping strategies and decision patterns that most
people tend to use when faced with problems and difficult choices.
Accordingly, we will administer two instruments, one an extension of
Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) work developed for the adolescent context
—The Adolescent Coping Scale (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993), and the
other a self-report inventory for measuring decision-coping patterns—
The Melbourne Decision Making Questionnaire (Mann, Burnett, Rad-
ford, & Ford, 1997). The Melbourne Decision Making Questionnaire
measures tendencies to approach decision problems carefully (vigilance)
versus tendencies to avoid or escape decision problems (procrastination,
rationalization, buck-passing, impulsive choice). Both instruments take a
dispositional (trait-like, stylistic) approach to measure self-reported cop-
ing strategies and decision-coping patterns.
Self-Efficacy During Adolescence
Self-efficacy beliefs play an important role during adolescence. When

teenagers have to make decisions about their future, low efficacy beliefs in
their academic and social abilities contribute to avoidance behaviors,
depression, anxiety, poor school achievement and other behavioral prob-
lems (Bandura, Pastorelli, Barbaranelli, & Caprara, 1999; Smith & Betz,
2002). Low self-efficacy has a negative influence on the teen’s school
experience and may lead to dropping out of school. Dropping out of high
school reduces adolescents’ choice opportunities and career development
(Bonino, Cattelino, & Ciairano, 2005; Torres & Solberg, 2001). Con-
versely, high self-efficacy and the ability to manage different school tasks
provide the resources to deal with the challenges involved in school-to-
school and school-to-work transition (Pinquart, Juang, & Silbereisen,
2003).
Low efficacy beliefs in one’s own decisional abilities are also associated
with high levels of school-career indecision. Nota and Soresi (1999) found
that approximately 12% of Italian middle school students had high levels
of indecision, were unsure about their future, and had below- average self-
knowledge, decisional abilities and self-confidence. Similarly, low-efficacy
beliefs in the ability to succeed, making poor choices about the future,
and reporting little support when choosing were associated with the ten-
dency to become noninvolved in education (Bonino, 2005; Soresi, Nota,
& Ferrari, 2005).
AIMS OF THE STUDY
The study aims to examine the correspondence between coping styles

identified in the stress-coping literature (e.g., Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993;
Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) and coping patterns identified in the decision
conflict literature (Janis & Mann, 1977). The study also aims to test the
hypotheses that the productive coping style is correlated with the vigi-
lance coping pattern and that the nonproductive coping style is corre-
lated with the avoidance and hypervigilance decision-coping patterns.
Another aim is to examine the relationship between the reference to oth-
ers coping style and the various decision-coping patterns. While reference
to others (seeking advice, obtaining feedback) could indicate vigilance, it
could also be symptomatic of buck-passing and procrastination, two
avoidant decision-coping patterns.
Deniz (2006) tested the relationship between the coping strategies and
decision-making patterns of a sample of 492 university students in Turkey.
He administered the Melbourne Decision Making Questionnaire (Mann,
Burnett, Radford, & Ford, 1997) together with a Coping with Stress Scale
(Türküm, 2002). The Coping with Stress scale has three subscales
comparable to Frydenberg and Lewis (1993): problem-focused coping,
seeking social support, and avoidance. Deniz found a significant positive
relationship between problem-focused coping and vigilance (r = .31, p
<.001), between seeking social support and vigilance (r = .11) and a small
negative correlation between avoidance coping strategy and vigilance (r =
-.04). In general all correlations were modest, suggesting an overall weak
relationship between stress coping strategy and decision-coping pattern.
The size of correlations in Deniz’s study provides a benchmark for
assessing the strength of findings from our study.
Last, we will examine the empirical relationships between coping strat-
egies, decision-making patterns and self-efficacy. Three main hypotheses
guide the study.
Hypothesis 1. That self-reported general coping strategies and

decision-coping patterns will be positively related; specifically (1a)
that tendencies toward problem-focused coping and vigilance are
positively related and (1b) that nonproductive coping strategies
and avoidance/escape coping patterns (procrastination, buck-pass-
ing, hypervigilance) are positively related.
Hypothesis 2. That self-reported coping strategies for dealing with a

specific problem identified by the adolescent and decision-coping pat-
terns will be positively related. Specifically (2a) that problem-
focused coping and vigilance are positively related and (2b) that
nonproductive coping and avoidance/escape coping patterns are
positively related.
We will also test the relationship between the coping strategy of refer-
ence to others (seeking social support) and the coping patterns of vigi-
lance and avoidance/escape.
Hypothesis 3. That self-reported general coping strategies and

decision-coping patterns will be related to self-efficacy beliefs; spe-
cifically (3a) that tendencies toward problem-focused coping, vigi-
lance and self-efficacy beliefs are positively related and (3b) that
nonproductive coping strategies, avoidance/escape coping patterns
(procrastination, buck-passing, hypervigilance) and self-efficacy
beliefs are negatively related.
METHOD
Participants
Participants were 566 students (298 girls, 268 boys) enrolled in high
schools throughout Italy (124 from Northern Italy and 442 from Central
Italy). Participants were drawn from the first 4 years of Italian high schools:
first year (14-year-olds; 172 students); second year (15-year-olds; 151 stu-
dents), third year (16-year-olds; 65 students); fourth year (17-year-olds;
178 students). The average age of the student sample was 15.52 years (SD
= 1.23). Most students (72%) came from middle class families, while 15%
and 13% were from lower and upper class income families respectively.
Design and Procedure

The students were administered a battery of instruments in group test-
ing sessions as part of their school-based vocational guidance activities.
Questionnaires administered included coping strategies (Frydenberg &

Lewis, 1993), decision-coping patterns (Mann, Burnett, Radford, & Ford,
1997), and self-efficacy (Nota, Ferrari, & Soresi, 2005). The measures
were administered in the classroom by psychologists who informed stu-
dents that they would be sent a personalized report at the end of the
study. The order of questionnaire administration was varied randomly in
each classroom.
Measures
The Melbourne Decision Making Questionnaire (MDMQ; Mann, Bur-
nett, Radford, & Ford, 1997) comprises four scales with a total of 22
items: vigilance (6 items, e.g., “When making decisions I like to collect
lots of information”); buck-passing (6 items, e.g., “I prefer to leave deci-
sions to others”); procrastination (5 items, e.g., “I put off making deci-
sions”); and hypervigilance (5 items, e.g., “I feel as if I am under
tremendous time pressure when making decisions”). The response format
is a 3-point scale with 1 (not true for me), 2 (sometimes true) and 3 (true for
me). Alpha reliabilities for the four scales have been found satisfactory .80,
.87, .81, and .74 respectively (Mann et al., 1997). The MDMQ has been
used in cross-cultural studies of differences in decision-making coping
patterns (Mann et al., 1998). The MDMQ has been translated into several
languages: Japanese, Chinese (Mandarin), Spanish, and Turkish. The
Italian translation of the MDMQ was carried out by two psychologists,
while the back-translation was carried out by an English translator.
A series of confirmatory factor analyses on the Italian data provided
support for the four scales identified by Mann et al. (1997). The Italian
data yielded adequate internal reliability estimates for this study (i.e., vig-
ilance was .67; buck-passing was .78; procrastination was .65; and hyper-
vigilance was .61) (Nota & Soresi, 2000a).
The Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS; Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993) is a 79
item self-report inventory for measuring coping strategies. There are two
forms: a general form, which measures how the adolescent copes with
concerns in general, and a specific form, which measures responses to a
particular self-nominated concern. The items assess 18 distinct coping
strategies. The ACS has been translated into Spanish, French and Slove-
nian and used in numerous studies of adolescent coping (e.g., Fryden-
berg, 2008). The Italian translation of the ACS (Ferrari, Nota, Soresi, &
Frydenberg, 2007) was carried out by two psychologists, while the back-
translation was performed by an English translator.
The ACS general form comprises 18 scales which are generally
referred to as strategies. Based on Frydenberg and Lewis’ categories
(1993) and the Italian validation of ACS (Ferrari, Nota, Soresi, & Fryden-
berg, 2007) coping strategies were classified in three categories. The first
encompasses a productive coping style, which is comprised of items that
relate to engaging in problem solving, working hard, using positive think-
ing, and participating in physical recreation. The second category is iden-
tified as coping activities that engage others including seeking social
support, turning to spiritual guidance, and receiving professional help.
Finally, there is the nonproductive coping style identified by wishful
thinking, not coping, ignoring the problem, blaming, and worry. The
alpha indices of internal consistency for the scores for the coping activi-
ties comprising these scales range from .81 to .86 (Lewis & Frydenberg,
2002) and from .61 to .85 for the Italian adaptation (Ferrari, Nota, Soresi,
& Frydenberg, 2007). Thus, coping “styles” refers to combinations of cop-
ing strategies rather than fixed traits.
The ACS specific form measures the person’s self-reported ways of cop-
ing with a problem they nominate. The instructions for the form state:
Students have a number of concerns or worries about things such as school,

work, family, friends, the world and the like. Which is the main concern for
you in terms of your life? Please describe your main concern, very briefly, in
the space below.
Following this request are directions for the next part of the form:
Below is a list of ways in which people of your age cope with a wide variety of
concerns or problems. Please indicate by marking the appropriate box, the
things you do to deal with the particular concern or worry you have just
described.
The 18 scales then follow.

The ACS specific form classifies the main concerns nominated by
respondents into 11 categories: school achievement (e.g., fear of failing,
being unable to prepare for tests); personal achievement (e.g., not being
able to get what is wanted); interpersonal relationships (e.g., lack of
friendships or peer acceptance); family relationships (e.g., being afraid of
disappointing parents); career choice (e.g., finding the right job); gender
relationships (e.g., unreturned love); low self confidence (e.g., fear of
making mistakes); worry about the future; social abilities (e.g., not talking
to Others); and worrying about health. There is a final category of other
to cover any other specific problems. The ACS specific form was com-
pleted by 186 boys and 201 girls in the Italian sample.
Two independent judges (the second and the fourth authors) classified
the problems reported by the students into the 11 categories identified in
the ACS specific form. An agreement index was computed between the
classifications made by the two judges (agreement index: number of
agreements/number of agreements + number of disagreements). This

value was calculated to be 90%. Only the classifications on which agree-
ment was reached were included in the analyses.
The questionnaire “How much confidence do I have in myself?” (Nota,
Ferrari, & Soresi, 2005; Soresi & Nota, 2002) was used to measure self-
efficacy. This measure was developed from the work of Taylor and Betz
(1983) and Solberg et al. (1994). This 20-item self-report instrument asks
participants to rate on a 5-point scale how much each statement describes
their usual way of thinking and behaving (1 = does not describe me at all; 5
= describes me very well). A series of exploratory and confirmatory factor
analyses provided support for a 4-factor structure, accounting for 51.8%
of the total variance (Nota, Ferrari, & Soresi, 2005). The 20 items gather
information on: confidence in one’s own ability of decision making (7
items; e.g., “If others knew me better they would say I am one who
strongly believes in his/her decisional abilities”), confidence in one’s own
ability of emotional self-control (6 items; e.g., “I can manage my emotions
in an efficacious way”), confidence in one’s own ability of completing tasks
and activities (3 items; e.g., “If I can’t solve a problem the first time I try, I
tend to give up”), and confidence in one’s own ability for dealing success-
fully with different activities and situations (4 items; e.g., “I am so sure of
my abilities that sometimes I like to devote myself to very difficult
things”). Scale scores were obtained by summing item responses for each
of the four factors, after reversing the scores of negatively worded items.
Nota, Ferrari, and Soresi (2005) reported coefficient alpha values for the
four factors of .84, .74, .72 and .77, respectively.
RESULTS
Table 2.1 shows the mean item scores of boys and girls on the three cop-
ing styles, the four decision-coping patterns and the four self-efficacy
beliefs. Productive coping was the most strongly reported coping style and
vigilance was the most strongly reported decision-coping pattern.
Confidence in one’s own ability of completing tasks and activities was the
most strongly reported self-efficacy belief. There were noticeable differ-
ences between boys and girls in self-reported coping styles, decision cop-
ing patterns and self-efficacy beliefs. Girls reported greater use of
vigilance (2.63 vs. 2.50), F (1, 564) = 16.38, p = .001 and hypervigilance
(2.12 vs. 1.95), F (1, 564) = 21.21, p = .001, than boys. Boys reported
greater use of productive coping strategies than girls (3.54 vs. 3.43), F (1,
564) = 4.40, p = .04. Girls reported greater use of reference to others
(2.70 vs. 2.60), F (1, 564) = 6.73, p = .01, and nonproductive coping than
boys (2.80 vs. 2.61), F (1, 564) = 15.32, p = .01. Boys reported higher
confidence in one’s own ability of emotional self-control (3.13 vs. 2.85),

F(1, 255) =11.58, p = .001, and girls reported higher confidence in one’s
own ability of completing tasks and activities (3.96 vs. 3.65), F (1, 255) =
8.07, p = .005.
The ACS analysis shows that all three major coping styles were moder-
ately correlated (range from r = .13 to r =.21), whereas the MDMQ anal-
ysis shows (as expected) that vigilance tendencies correlated negatively
with buck-passing (r = -.19) and procrastination (r = −.13) and hypervigi-
lance (r = −.14).
The Relationship Between Stress Coping Styles and

Decision-Coping Patterns
We will examine the data treating coping style as the independent
variable and decision coping as the dependent variable. As Table 2.2
shows, consistent with Hypothesis 1a, productive coping was significantly
correlated with vigilance (r = .40, r = .29 for boys and girls respectively).
This replicates Deniz’s (2006) finding. Consistent with Hypothesis 1b,
Table 2.1. Mean Scores on Decision-Coping Patterns,

General ACS (Short Form) Coping Strategies and Self-Efficacy Beliefs
Boys Girls
(n = 268) (n = 298)
M SD M SD
Decision-Coping Patterns
Vigilance 2.50 .41 2.63 36
Buck-passing 1.66 .45 1.63 .51
Procrastination 1.63 .39 1.60 .41
Hypervigilance 1.95 .43 2.12 .44
Coping Strategies
Productive coping 3.54 .64 3.43 .60
Reference to Others 2.57 .62 2.70 .54
Nonproductive Coping 2.61 .53 2.80 .55
Self-Efficacy Beliefs (confidence)*
in ability of decision making 3.40 .78 3.24 .73
in ability of emotional self-control 3.13 .62 2.85 .65
in ability to complete tasks and 3.65 .91 3.96 .82
activities
in ability to deal successfully with 3.34 .22 3.16 .73
different activities and situations
Note: *Self-efficacy belief scores are from a subsample of participants (Boys n =115, Girls
n = 141)
nonproductive coping was significantly correlated with the decision-

avoidance patterns of buck-passing (r = .30, r = .25 for boys and girls
respectively) and procrastination (r = .24, r = .36 for boys and girls
respectively). Nonproductive coping was significantly correlated with
hypervigilance (an impulsive, panicky decision pattern) (r = .29, r =.42 for
boys and girls respectively). Our findings show an association between
general coping styles and decision-coping patterns, but as the correlations
are modest, while the two forms of coping overlap they are clearly separate
constructs.
Gender Differences in Patterns of Correlation

We made no prediction about differences between boys and girls in
strength of relationship between coping style and decision-coping pat-
tern. But we found some differences. The relationship between produc-
tive coping style and vigilance was generally stronger for boys than for
girls (r = .40, versus r = .29). The association between the nonproductive
coping style and avoidance/escape decision-coping patterns was stronger
for girls than for boys (e.g., buck-passing, r = .25, versus r = .30, procras-
tination, r = .36, versus r = .24, and hypervigilance, r = .42, versus r =
.29 respectively). There was a gender difference in how the reference to
others strategy relates to decision-coping patterns. Significant correla-
tions for girls between reference to others and vigilance (r = .21) and pro-
crastination (r = −.13) suggests that adolescent girls who seek the advice
and support of others when they have a problem tend to be more vigilant,
Table 2.2. Correlations Between ACS (General)

Short Form Coping Strategies and Decision-Coping Patterns
(Boys n = 268, Girls n = 298)
ACS Coping Strategies
General General General

Productive Coping Reference to Others Nonproductive
Decision- Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Coping patterns
Vigilance -.40** .29** .06 -.21** −.01** −.09**
Buck-passing −.18** −.30** −.04 −.06** −.30** −.25**
Procrastination −.22** −.31** −.01 −.13** −.24** −.36**
Hypervigilance −.13** −.27** −.04 −.06** −.29** −.42**
Note: ** p < .01 * p < .05

and are not decision-avoidant. This was not found for boys (r = .06 and r
= −.01).
The Relationship Between Coping Style for Specific

Problems and Decision-Coping Patterns
So far we have reported significant but modest associations between

coping strategies and decision-coping patterns when measured by a scale
that asks for responses for coping with life problems in general. But dif-
ferent problems may evoke rather different coping strategies and deci-
sion-coping patterns as a function of the un/controllable nature of the
situation (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004), prior knowledge, and access to
helpful resources. We therefore tested whether the coping strategies used
to deal with specific identified concerns are related to decision-coping
patterns (hypotheses 2a and 2b). This offers a further test of the relation-
ship between coping strategies and decision-coping patterns because
some concerns might have a clear decision-making requirement (e.g.,
career choice and study options, and in addition responses to self-nomi-
nated concerns might be more precise and differentiated).
Our data for testing hypotheses 2a and 2b are taken from a sub-sample
of 186/268 boys (69%) and 201/298 girls (67%) who completed the ACS
Specific Form by nominating a particular problem from a list of 10. Table
2.3 shows data for the four most frequently specified problems given by
the 186 boys and 201 girls who completed the ACS Specific Form. The
most frequently specified concerns were school achievement (92 boys, 40
girls), interpersonal relationships (26 boys, 66 girls), family relationships
(9 boys, 32 girls) and social abilities (11 boys, 18 girls) followed by per-
sonal achievement, worry about the future, and gender relations. The
gender difference shows boys are more concerned with instrumental
achievement and girls are more concerned with relationships and accep-
tance.
These data are consistent with findings from other Italian adolescent
studies, which indicate that female students, compared to male students,
have greater social difficulties, lower levels of assertiveness, higher social
discomfort and lower self-efficacy beliefs (Nota, 1999). In addition, the
Italian studies show that girls are less self-determined in challenging
parental tendencies to limit their choices and opportunities (Ferrari,
Nota, & Soresi, 2004; Soresi, Nota, & Ferrari, 2005), and also that they
experience fewer school difficulties (Bonino, Cattelino, & Ciairano,
2005). The data are also consistent with Israeli studies of adolescents’ con-
cerns (Friedman & Mann, 1993) and an Australian study of adolescent
concerns (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1996b). We also analyzed for age differ-
Table 2.3. Weighted Correlations Between Coping Strategies

Across Four Specific Adolescent Concerns
and Decision Coping Patterns (Boys n = 138; Girls n = 156)
ACS Coping Strategies (Specific Concerns)
Specific Specific Specific
Productive Coping Reference to Others Nonproductive
Decision-Coping Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Patterns
Vigilance −.28** −.23** −.06 .15** −.05 −.07**
Buck-passing −.09** −.26** −.12 −.17** −.01 −.33**
Procrastination −.09** −.34** −.01 −.06** −.05 −.47**
Hypervigilance −.07** −.19** −.12 −.04** −.11 −.49**
Note: ** p < .01 * p < .05
ences on the assumption that the problems of greatest concern tend to

change from early to late adolescence, but we found only relatively minor
differences. We also tested for consistency between responses to the ACS
general and the ACS specific forms. There was a high degree of consis-
tency in response across the two forms (e.g., productive coping (.59; .79),
reference to others (.72; .79) and nonproductive coping (.73; .87) for
males and females respectively.
Summary of Strategies and Patterns
We would expect that in response to specific concerns there could be a

substantial difference in reported coping styles and how they relate to
decision-coping pattern. For example, adolescents who nominate inter-
personal problems as their main concern might use reference to others as
their prime coping style and as we have seen (see Table 2.2) reference to
others is modestly correlated with vigilance in girls but not in boys. We
began by checking whether the specific main concern identified by the
adolescent was associated with differences in coping strategies and deci-
sion-coping patterns. We checked for example whether adolescents who
identify school achievement as their main concern report greater problem
focus or score higher on vigilance than, say, adolescents who nominated
interpersonal relations or health as their main concerns. Small differ-
ences were found in reported coping strategies and patterns across con-
cerns, but nothing of significance. Accordingly, we aggregated the data
across the four main concerns identified by the sample and computed
weighted correlations to test hypotheses 2a and 2b (see Table 2.3).
As Table 2.3 shows, consistent with hypothesis 2a, productive coping
(dealing with the problem) was significantly correlated with vigilance (r =
.28, r = .23 for boys and girls respectively). This replicates the results for
general coping strategies. Consistent with hypothesis 2b, nonproductive
coping was significantly correlated with buck-passing (r = .33), procrasti-
nation (r = .47) and hypervigilance (r = .49) for girls, but not for boys.
Productive coping was also negatively correlated with buck-passing (r = -
.26), procrastination (r = -.34) and hypervigilance (r = -.19) for girls, but
not for boys. We have not replicated the results found for boys for general
coping strategies. There was a significant negative correlation for girls
between reference to others and buck-passing (r = -.17) but again not for
boys. The finding reinforces the result for coping strategies in general
that adolescent girls who seek the advice and support of others are not
decision avoidant. In general, the data on coping with specific concerns
yielded weaker correlations with decision-coping patterns than data from
the general coping responses. This is consistent with the idea that in deal-
ing with their most stressful current concern the adolescents may be using
a wide array of coping actions, some productive, some nonproductive.
Overall, the correlations were modest suggesting two separate but related
types of coping process. The strongest relationship was between produc-
tive (problem focus) coping and vigilance indicating they are complemen-
tary processes, which is consistent with Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984)
assumption that some aspects of problem-focused coping correspond to
Janis and Mann’s concept of vigilance (also evident in Deniz’s (2006) find-
ings for a Turkish university student sample).
Our data for testing hypotheses 3a and 3b pertaining to the role of
self-efficacy are taken from a subsample of 114/268 boys (43%) and 141/
298 girls (47%) who completed the ACS, the MDMQ and the self-effi-
cacy instrument. Tables 2.4 and 2.5 show that self-efficacy in decision-
making ability is significantly and similarly related to both vigilance and
productive coping. The relationship with self-efficacy is almost identical
for boys and girls – r =.36, r =.37 between self-efficacy and vigilance
and r =.42, r = .38 between self-efficacy and productive coping. In
sum, self-efficacy, a personality related construct, is reliably connected
with self-reported tendencies to vigilant decision-making and produc-
tive-coping strategy. Conversely, lower self-efficacy beliefs regarding
decision making were associated with avoidance/escape decision-coping
patterns (Table 2.4) and nonproductive coping strategies (Table 2.5)
especially for girls.
Table 2.4. Correlations Between Decision Coping Patterns and

Self-Efficacy Beliefs (Boys n =115, Girls n = 141)
Self-Efficacy Beliefs
Confidence in
Confidence in One's Own Ability
Confidence in One’s Own of Dealing
One’s Own Ability of Successfully With
Confidence in One’s Ability of Completing Different
Own Ability of Emotional Self- Tasks and Activities and
Decision Making Control Activities Situations
Decision- Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
coping patterns
Vigilance −.36** .37** −.30** −.04** −.16* −.28** −.40** −.18**
Buck-passing −.25** −.36** −.12** −.14** −.21* −.32** −.01* −.24**
Procrastination −.22** −.23** −.18** −.18** −.17* −.18** −.02* −.17**
Hypervigilance −.06** −.21** −.08** −.36** −.20* −.15** −.20** −.19**
Note: ** p < .01 * p < .05
Table 2.5. Correlations Between Self-Efficacy Beliefs and

General ACS (Short Form) Coping Strategies
(Boys n =115, Girls n = 141)
Self-Efficacy Beliefs
Confidence in Confidence in
Confidence in One’s Own One’s Own Ability
Confidence in One’s Own Ability of of Dealing
One’s Own Ability Ability of Completing Successfully With
of Decision Emotional Self- Tasks and Different Activities
Making Control Activities and Situations
ACS Coping Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Strategies
Productive Coping −.42** −.38** .38** −.23** −.15 −.21** −.36** −.22**
Reference to Others −.18** −.10** .01 −.07** −.01 −.01** −.14** −.07**
Nonproductive −.05** −.21** .07 −.40** −.19* −.26** −.07** −.16**
Note: ** p < .01 * p < .05
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
We postulated that general stress-coping strategies and decision-coping

patterns are related but not identical processes. We found a link between
the two processes when measured by responses on instruments measuring
general coping strategies and decision-coping patterns in a sample of

adolescents (hypothesis 1) and also when tested by responses to specific
personally identified concerns (hypothesis 2). We also replicated Deniz’s
(2006) main finding of a significant positive correlation between problem
focus coping and vigilance. We found decision-making style and problem
coping strategies are both significantly and similarly related to self-effi-
cacy (hypothesis 3).
The relationship between productive coping (problem focus) and vigi-
lance decision-coping pattern—a systematic information processing
approach for dealing with problems—was as expected. There was also a
substantial relationship between nonproductive coping strategy and pro-
crastination and hypervigilance (panicky, escape-driven response) respec-
tively. The positive relationship between the reference to others coping
strategy and vigilance and the negative relationships with procrastination
and buck-passing suggest that reference to others is essentially a produc-
tive response to stress in adolescence. However the relationship was found
only for girls. An implication of this finding is that adolescent girls rely
more than boys on peer group support and advice from others; girls who
are socially isolated may be especially vulnerable when facing difficult
problems. Another implication is that adolescent boys—much like adult
males—do not seek advice and social support as an intrinsic part of vigi-
lant decision making. A reluctance to refer to others may make them vul-
nerable in some problem areas.
The magnitude of the relationships between coping strategies and
decision-coping patterns differed for boys and girls but there was little
systematic difference across specific concerns. The fact that correlations
between coping strategies and decision-coping patterns were small to
moderate indicates that coping strategies and decision-coping patterns
are related but distinct concepts.
A worthwhile issue to explore in future research is the priority of cop-
ing strategy or decision-coping pattern as a precursor to behavior in
stressful situations where a decision is necessary. One possibility is that the
coping strategies adopted by the adolescent drive the decision-coping
pattern used to make (or not make) a choice. Another possibility is that
the dominant decision-coping pattern drives the coping strategies used to
deal with the specific problem. Yet another possibility is that both coping
strategy and decision-coping pattern are driven in parallel by a third fac-
tor, such as experience, emotional intelligence, and self-efficacy, or a com-
bination of factors. A longitudinal study that traces over time how
adolescents cope with stressors and make (or avoid) decisions produced
by a difficult personal problem or situation is indicated.
Clearly there are many factors that determine the expression in adoles-
cence of coping strategies and decision-coping patterns used in response
to problems. Habitual patterns of coping with problems and decision

making are only one factor. The seriousness of the threat or problem, per-
sonality factors such as resilience and dependency, mood and emotional
swings, time pressures, knowledge and competence, are also bound to
have an impact over time and from problem to problem.
Gender differences in the pattern of correlations underline the impor-
tance of examining coping strategies and decision-coping patterns sepa-
rately for boys and girls.
There is practical importance in elucidating the relationships between
stress-coping strategies and decision-coping patterns to assist adolescents
to use productive coping and become better decision makers. When ado-
lescents are taught how to use problem-focused productive coping strate-
gies for dealing with their concerns (e.g., difficulties with study, bullying,
and family conflicts) they are encouraged to be more proactive and reflec-
tive in their responses and adapt better to outcomes (Frydenberg, 2008).
When adolescents are asked to frame their problems in terms of decisions,
choices and alternatives we invite them to take responsibility and make a
considered response. “What can I do to understand the underlying prob-
lem? Who should I talk to? What are my options? What should I do next?
Why am I afraid to make a decision?” The language of decision making
invites adolescents to attend to problems and how best to respond to
them. Adolescents who are taught vigilant decision making (e.g., the
GOFER methodology, Mann, 2002; Mann, Harmoni, & Power, 1988) are
encouraged to use a systematic, step-wise approach to dealing with prob-
lems. Coping with problems and making effective decisions are comple-
mentary practices. Experienced teachers and counselors can use either
process as the starting point for enhancing competence and problem solv-
ing strategies during adolescence.
Self-efficacy beliefs correlate positively with productive coping and with
vigilant coping pattern style and negatively with nonadaptive patterns.
Gender differences show girls have lower self-efficacy beliefs, higher non-
productive coping strategies and greater buck-passing, procrastination,
and hypervigilance tendencies than boys, although it must be pointed out
the gender scale score differences are more statistically significant than
psychologically significant. However, the results suggest some girls are
more at risk of avoidant and escape coping strategies and patterns and
would benefit from specific training programs aimed to recalibrate their
confidence and reinforce their vigilant and productive coping behaviors.
There are several interventions for building self-efficacy among ado-
lescents like The Best of Coping (Frydenberg, & Brandon, 2007), aimed
to strengthen coping strategies; GOFER (Mann, 2002; Mann, Harmoni,
& Power, 1988) aimed to encourage adaptive decisional patterns; and
“First commandment: I believe in myself … also because it is in my
interest” (Nota & Soresi, 2000b) aimed at boosting confidence in deci-

sional abilities, abilities to persist, and abilities to manage emotions. The
“I believe in myself ” intervention comprises a set of didactic units that
can be used in schools administered by specially trained teachers (Fer-
rari, Nota, Soresi, & Frydenberg, 2007; Nota, Soresi, Solberg, & Ferrari,
2005).
The three constructs—problem coping strategies, decisional-coping
patterns and self-efficacy—are inter-connected in a system of cognitive-
personality variables associated with facing up to and dealing with diffi-
cult problems and dilemmas. Strength in one or more of coping strate-
gies, patterns or beliefs is likely to be expressed to some extent in the
other behaviors. Taking the three constructs into consideration in com-
munity and school settings can be important to identify adolescents at
risk, assist in problem areas, and design specific interventions to improve
the coping strategies and patterns of adolescents and their sense of self-
confidence and competence. The intellectual project to bring together
productive coping strategy, vigilant coping pattern and self-efficacy in
decision making is consistent with work on balanced personality and
career development as suggested by Jin, Watkins, and Yuen (2009).
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34.
CHAPTER 3
IMPLICIT THEORIES
OF PERSONALITY PREDICT
MOTIVATION TO USE
PROSOCIAL COPING
RESPONSES AFTER BULLYING
IN HIGH SCHOOL
D. S. YEAGERDavid Scott
AND A. Yeager and Adriana S. Miu
S. MIU
Previous research has found that implicit theories of personality—or beliefs

about whether people can change—can predict adolescents’ responses to
conflict in high school (Yeager, Trzesniewski, Tirri, Noelkenainen, & Dweck,
in press). But no research has shown that these implicit theories can shape
adolescents’ motivation to use prosocial coping strategies in response to vic-
timization, even though this type of productive confrontation may be a cru-
cial ingredient for the success of antibullying programs. Study 1 (N = 199)
used a survey to measure adolescents’ implicit theories and found that they
predicted the motivation to use prosocial confrontation. Study 2, an experi-
ment (N = 93), addressed the causal direction of this relationship among
students attending a large, urban public high school in New York City by
shifting students’ mindsets toward an incremental theory, or the belief that
people can change. Results showed that learning an incremental theory led
to an increased desire to use prosocial confrontation to cope with bullying,
suggesting that implicit theories can have important effects on motivation

pp. 49–66
50 D. S. YEAGER and A. S. MIU
to cope productively with peer conflict. Limitations and applications to edu-

cational settings are discussed.
Victimization, exclusion, rejection and bullying in high school are difficult

to cope with for any adolescent, yet individual differences in how adoles-
cents interpret these events can predict whether they respond positively
or negatively in the face of these challenges.
For example, when adolescents hold more of an entity theory of per-
sonality, believing that people like “bullies” or “jerks” are fixed and
unchangeable, they seek more vengeful coping strategies. They tend to
see the world in terms of “good guys” and “bad guys” and predict that
their current status as a victim will continue to last long into the future
(Yeager, Trzesniewski, Tirri, Noelkenainen, & Dweck, in press; cf. Chiu,
Dweck, Tong & Fu, 1997; Loeb & Dweck, 1994; Rudolph, 2010). But
when adolescents hold more of an incremental theory of personality—or
a belief in the potential for change—they are more likely to forgive and
seek prosocial solutions to social problems because they believe that those
efforts will yield positive results (Yeager et al., in press; see also Kammrath
& Dweck, 2006, or Rattan & Dweck, 2010, for related research on adults).
The present research focuses specifically on the role of implicit theories
in promoting adolescents’ motivation to confront transgressors in a posi-
tive and corrective way, called prosocial confrontation. Prosocial confron-
tation in the present research includes responses such as voicing one’s
concerns, standing up for oneself, or trying to educate the perpetrator
about the damage of his or her actions (for a related discussion of coping
responses such as “focus on solving the problem” or “social action” see
Frydenberg, 2010).
The Importance of Learning Skills to Respond to Bullying
Recent incidents of planned violence and suicide in schools have

turned the public’s eye toward the troubles adolescents have when coping
with bullying and victimization. Although these highly violent retaliations
are unpredictable and exceedingly rare, they may stem from a much more
common phenomenon: victimization and rejection in school and the
desire to use fantasies of revenge afterward in order to make oneself feel
better (Leary, Kowalski, Smith, & Phillips, 2003; Vossekuil et al., 2002; for
a review, see Borum, Cornell, Modzeleski, & Jimerson, 2010).
When incidents of victimization continue unabated, they can take their
toll on adolescent victims in many ways besides actual violent behavior, such
as an increased likelihood for a lifetime of anxiety or other internalizing
Implicit Theories of Personality 51
symptoms (for reviews see Hawker & Boulton, 2000; McDougall, Vaillan-
court, & Hymel, 2009). But not all adolescents are overcome by the stress
of peer victimization. Many are resilient. And, importantly, positive coping
strategies that promote such resilience can be taught, especially through
programs that teach social and emotional learning (for an overview, see
Greenberg et al., 2003), coping skills (Frydenberg, 2010) or similar com-
petencies. Thus, the present research seeks to complement these ongoing
efforts to promote positive coping strategies in response to victimization by
investigating adolescents’ motivation to use prosocial confrontation.
Prosocial Confrontation in Response to Bullying
A great deal of research suggests that confrontation, when used wisely

and broadly, is essential for stopping cycles of victimization. Interventions
aiming to prevent or reduce the prevalence of bullying and peer victim-
ization in schools have had mixed results, with many showing no effects
(for meta-analyses, see Merrell, Gueldner, Ross, & Isava, 2008; Smith,
Schneider, Smith, & Ananiadou, 2004; or Vreeman & Carroll, 2007; for
reviews, see Swearer, Espelage, & Napolitano, 2009; Swearer, Espelage,
Vallaincourt, & Hymel, 2010). Interestingly, they almost never decreased
bully-victim problems among high school adolescents (Berger, 2007). In
fact, these interventions often yield effects in the opposite direction. In
one German study, an intervention significantly increased bullying in high
schools (Hanewinkel, 2004), and similar results have been found in other
countries (DeSouza & Ribeiro, 2005; see also Berger, 2007).
When such interventions are effective, however, it is often because the
school culture has been changed, such that bystanders “call out” bullying
when they see it and become active participants in the creation of a safe
school environment (Swearer, Espelage, & Napolitano, 2009; Vaillan-
court, Hymel, & McDougall, 2003; e.g., Aboud & Miller, 2007; Frey et al.,
2009; Orpinas & Horne, 2006; Salmivalli, Karna, & Poskiparta, 2010; Ste-
vens, Van Oost, & De Bourdeaudhuij, 2000; Marini et al., 2001; Norwich
& Kelly, 2004). It is interesting to note that high school students are much
less likely than younger students to prosocially confront bullying behavior
(Trach, Hymel, Waterhouse, & Neale, in press), perhaps leading to the
ineffectiveness of some interventions. Active bystander involvement is
important because incidents of victimization are spurred on by the inac-
tion or encouragement of peers, and halted by the disapproval of peers
(Craig & Pepler, 1995; 1997; Salmivalli et al., 1996). This is especially
because a great deal of school-based victimization occurs in locations
where teachers are not present or available to intervene, but peers are
(Craig & Pepler, 1997; Vaillancourt et al., in press).
The lack of prosocial confrontation among high school students may

be a contributing factor to the ineffectiveness of previous antibullying
interventions in this age group. Thus, increasing high school adolescents’
motivation to spontaneously use prosocial confrontation may be one key
component in interventions aiming to reduce bullying. However, very lit-
tle research has been conducted on exactly how the motivation to con-
front others prosocially can be increased.
It is important to note that, at first glance, it may appear unwise to pro-
mote prosocial confrontation as a coping strategy in response to peer vic-
timization. After all, adolescents who bully others pose a real threat to
victims—a threat that may be increased when the victim stands up for
himself or herself. Of course, any intervention in a school should teach
adolescents to only use confrontation when it is wise to do so.
IMPLICIT THEORIES PREDICTING COPING RESPONSES
Implicit theories of personality may provide a promising window for

increasing the motivation to confront peers prosocially. Previous research
on implicit theories has illuminated their role in determining how people
cope with setbacks in the academic (Blackwell, Trzesniewski, & Dweck,
2007; Hong, Chiu, Dweck, Lin, & Wan, 1999; Robins & Pals, 2002) and
social (Beer, 2002; Erdley, Cain, Loomis, Dumas-Hines, & Dweck, 1997;
Loeb & Dweck, 1994) domains. It has also investigated how children and
adults judge others who fail or transgress (Chiu et al., 1997; Erdley &
Dweck, 1993; Gervey et al., 1999; Levy & Dweck, 1999; Levy, Stroessner,
& Dweck, 1998; see also Plaks, Stroessner, Dweck, & Sherman, 2001).
Implicit Theories of Intelligence
For example, Blackwell et al. (2007) found that when adolescents held
an entity theory about their intelligence—believing that their intelligence
is fixed—they tended to respond to setbacks in more unproductive ways
than those who held an incremental theory (e.g., giving up or considering
cheating). In contrast, when adolescents held an incremental theory—the
idea that intelligence is malleable—they tended to bounce back more
readily after failures, viewing greater effort as the means to surmount the
obstacle. Moreover, when adolescents were taught an incremental theory,
they achieved more in the face of continued challenges (Blackwell et al.,
2007; see also Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002; Good, Aronson, & Inzlicht,
2003; cf. Mueller & Dweck, 1998).
Implicit Theories of One’s Own Personality
Analogous findings come from studies of coping with peer rejection or

socially challenging situations. For example, Erdley et al. (1997) found
that when children were confronted with social rejection, those who held
an entity theory about their personality were more likely to view the social
rejection as evidence of their inability to make friends. As a result, they
held goals that predicted defensive and helpless responses to failure. In a
related series of studies with shy college students, Beer (2002) found that
those with an incremental theory were more likely to choose to enter chal-
lenging social situations and to persevere in mastering them. Thus, hold-
ing an incremental vs. an entity theory can predict how individuals
respond to personal challenges and setbacks.
Implicit Theories of Others’ Personalities
People can have implicit theories about other people’s traits as well,
and these have been shown to predict how readily they label other people
and how they respond to others’ wrongdoing. Specifically, research has
shown that both children (Erdley & Dweck, 1993; Levy & Dweck, 1999)
and college students (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997; Chiu et al., 1997; Ger-
vey et al., 1999; Levy et al., 1998) who hold an entity theory about others’
personalities are more judgmental and punitive when they evaluate a
wrongdoer. That is, after learning about a transgression, they are more
likely to indict the target’s moral character (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997;
Chiu et al., 1997; Erdley & Dweck, 1993; Levy & Dweck, 1999) and to levy
harsher punishment compared to those holding an incremental theory
(Chiu et al., 1997; Erdley & Dweck, 1993; Miller, Burgoon, & Hall, 2007).
In contrast, those with an incremental theory are more likely to suggest
discussion, education or rehabilitation (Chiu et al., 1997).
In another study, college students responded to a scenario in which
they were victims of others’ wrongdoing (Loeb & Dweck, 1994). The
authors found that entity theorists were significantly more likely than
incremental theorists to wish harm to the others and to endorse
revenge, whereas the incremental theorists were more likely to seek to
educate and forgive them. It is interesting to note that the entity theo-
rists, in addition to harboring ill will, were also more likely to feel bad
about themselves and to plan fewer active, constructive responses to
help themselves (see also Rudolph, 2010, for how implicit theories can
shape children’s aggressive and depressive symptoms in the context of
peer victimization).
Implicit Theories of Personality Predict

Responses to Conflict
Yeager et al. (in press) applied this research to investigate the role of
implicit theories of personality in predicting ninth- and 10th-grade ado-
lescents’ vengeful responses to peer conflicts. In three studies conducted
with very different samples, adolescents who said that they thought peo-
ple cannot change also endorsed more violent retaliation after conflicts
that happened in the past. Consistent with attribution theory and previ-
ous research (e.g., Erdley & Dweck, 1993), analyses revealed that an entity
theory was related to labeling the peer a “bad person,” and that this char-
acter attribution in turn predicted vengeful desires. An entity theory was
also related to negative feelings about the self, which is consistent with the
explanation that those with more of an entity theory predict that their vic-
timization is diagnostic of their status as a “victim” or a “loser,” and thus
they subsequently predict that their life will always be marked by rejection
and victimization. These studies demonstrated that implicit theories were
differences between people that, when left unaltered, set up a meaning
system that framed how adolescents interpreted events in the social
world. But can implicit theories themselves be changed?
No previous study had shown that high school adolescents’ implicit
theories could be changed, leading to a reduction in the desire for ven-
geance toward peers. Therefore, a final study in Yeager et al. (in press;
Study 3) experimentally induced an incremental theory by asking adoles-
cents in an experimental group to read a scientific paragraph endorsing
the belief in the potential for change. A control group read a neutral arti-
cle that did not discuss the potential for change. Results showed that ado-
lescents learning an incremental theory reported a reduced desire to seek
revenge after hypothetical conflicts, and did so due to a reduction in
shame, hatred, and the desire to use vengeance as way to make them-
selves feel better (Yeager et al. in press).
THE PRESENT INVESTIGATION
To date, however, it is unknown whether an incremental theory of person-

ality plays a role in adolescents’ motivation to confront transgressors in a
prosocial way. Intuition suggests that it might; if adolescents believe a
bully cannot change, they may not think that expressing their grievances
to that person will do much good. But if they believe bullies have the
potential for change, they may predict that their efforts will be more
effective. Some experiments have suggested as much among adult partic-
ipants (e.g., Chiu et al., 1997; Rattan & Dweck, 2010).
Therefore, Study 1 first sought to establish a correlational relationship

between implicit theories and prosocial confrontation. Next, in Study 2
we experimentally induced an incremental theory of personality using a
targeted scientific article, and measured whether adolescents’ prosocial
coping strategies after a hypothetical incident of bullying were increased.
In Study 2’s experiment, adolescents were randomly assigned to read
or not read an article explaining that science shows how and why people’s
personalities (especially people labeled “bullies”) can be changed. Next,
all participants were given an identical scenario of bullying to read, asked
to write an open-ended response of their thoughts and feelings about the
incident, and finally asked to indicate how much they would have felt like
responding in various vengeful or prosocial ways.
STUDY 1
Method
About half of the ninth- and 10th-grade students were invited to partic-
ipate in a survey about “peer relationships,” and 87% returned consent
forms and assented. In total, N = 199 ninth and 10th graders from a mid-
dle-class Catholic high school in Oklahoma participated in this explor-
atory, cross-sectional questionnaire study. Participants were 50% female,
were primarily of European descent (70% White, 11% Hispanic/Latino,
and 11% Native American) and were mostly Catholic (72%).
Students were given an online survey lasting approximately 30 minutes
during school time. After completing the survey, they were debriefed and
thanked for their participation.
In this preliminary study, we created three original items measuring a
domain-specific implicit theory about whether bullies and victims are
types of people who cannot be changed. These items asked participants to
agree or disagree with statements such as: “There are two types of people:
Bullies and their victims.” The items were averaged into a single measure,
with higher values reflecting an entity theory (α =.63). Implicit theories
were used as a continuous measure in analyses.
To measure prosocial confrontation responses to conflict, participants
read a hypothetical incident of bullying and then wrote an essay response
to the question: “What would you feel like doing?” Using a hypothetical
incident allowed us to have more control over the nature of the transgres-
sion than we had with the recalled incident (e.g., Loeb & Dweck, 1994).
The stimulus scenario was:
One day you found out that two acquaintances from your grade saw you make
a fool out of yourself at school. At first you tried to ignore them, but over the
next few weeks they called you a “loser” every time they saw you. Now they
make fun of what you’re wearing and they spread rumors about you to your
friends. It keeps happening every single day. EVERY day. Finally, now they’re
threatening to make fun of you on Myspace and Facebook.
Note that the scenario was not only written to evoke strong feelings of
victimization, but also to leave open the possibility that bullies could
change their minds about future actions. In the scenario, the bullies had
not yet fully completed their plan; they were threatening to perpetrate
more harm. Thus, it was plausible for participants to predict that proso-
cially confronting the bullies might yield changes for the better.
Participants gave a variety of responses, but we limited our focus to
prosocial responses. Responses were coded into violent or prosocial cate-
gories by two trained research assistants who were blind to participants’
answers to other questions (κ > .85 for each category). Codebooks were
created after examining a randomly-selected subset of the responses and
ascertaining that the categories were appropriate. In the prosocial con-
frontation category (17% of the total responses) were statements about
educating the bullies about the consequences of their actions, presumably
to change their ways (“I would want to approach them and reason a little;”
“Tell them that they are being really immature and just to get over it”;
coding: 1 = Mentioned prosocial confrontation; 0 = Did not). The remaining
statements were coded as behaviors other than confrontation (or as con-
frontational responses that were not clearly prosocial) and were not the
focus of the present study. These included statements such as “Bashing
their heads in,” “I would feel like not talking to these people and not
being around them,” “Changing schools,” or “I would feel like crying.”
Results and Discussion

In line with our hypothesis, we found that adolescents endorsing more
of an entity theory had a lower probability of saying they would try to con-
front the bully in a prosocial way. An entity theory was significantly associ-
ated with fewer prosocial confrontation responses (OR = .60, SE = .12, p
< .05). This effect was independent of other correlates and was not mod-
erated by control variables.1
STUDY 2
Study 2 extended the results of Study 1 by conducting an experiment . It
also tested whether the pattern observed in Study 1 generalized to a
group of low-income, diverse students attending an inner-city school.
The incremental theory message used in the present study was adapted
from previous articles that have been used with adults (Rattan & Dweck,
2010), and differed from that used in Yeager et al. (in press) in two impor-
tant regards. First, the incremental theory message in Yeager et al. (in
press) taught the participant that he or she, the “victim,” was not a fixed
type of person, in addition to teaching that the “bully” could change. In
that study, the incremental message reduced the feeling of shame associ-
ated with the thought that one’s label as a “loser” or “victim” would last
forever, and it was the reduction in shame in particular which led to the
reduction in the desire for vengeance. The present study, however, only
focused on the perpetrator, and not the self. Therefore, it would not be
predicted to affect either the shame associated with victimization or the
desire for vengeance. And so the present study highlights the effects on
prosocial confrontation.
Second, the incremental message in Yeager et al. (in press) empha-
sized the possibility that people can change, but did not explain the mech-
anism by which people change the type of person they are. Because
previous research has found that the motivation to use prosocial con-
frontation is increased only when participants understand the process by
which personality is changed (e.g., Rattan & Dweck, 2010), Study 2’s
incremental theory article explained more exactly how and why people
can change.
Method
Half of the 10th-grade students at a public high school in New York

City were invited to participate in this study, and 42% (N = 93) obtained
parental consent, assented, and participated. Participants were 55% male
and 45% female, and ranged in age from 15-17. They were racially and
ethnically diverse: 34.9% were Asian or Asian American, 34.9% Hispanic/
Latino, 16.3% African American, and 10.5% were White (almost all of
whom were first generation immigrants from Europe). Participants were
mostly mid- to low-achieving in the classroom and nearly all were from
low-income families and were eligible for free or reduced price lunch.
Participants completed the survey via the Internet in the school’s com-
puter lab, ostensibly as a part of a “reading comprehension task.” Half of
participants (the incremental group) were randomly assigned to read an
incremental theory induction article purportedly from Psychology Today.
The point of the article was to convince the participant that people can
change, and in particular to describe the mechanism by which personality
change can happen. The article began by describing a grown-up person
(matched to participants’ gender) who met an old high school bully who
had changed and became nonaggressive since high school. The article
noted that in looking back on life, the bully felt bad about the things he or
she had done in high school.
Next, the article described how the protagonist was puzzled by this
encounter and sought out scientific evidence that explained how this
bully’s personality might have changed. Each paragraph was designed to
teach the participant that although it may be difficult for people to change
important things about themselves, it is always possible for them to do so.
For example, one paragraph discussed research experiments concluding
that bullies became less aggressive after extended peer intervention pro-
grams, in part because the bullies learned how to deal with problems in a
positive way. Another section explained that teenagers’ brains are still very
malleable, and that “change is always possible, even if it takes a long time,
as long as people have experiences that change the way they see the
world.” The knowledge that personality change can start even after only
one new experience was intended to motivate adolescents’ desire to use
prosocial confrontation as a coping strategy.
The other randomly selected half of participants (the control group)
did not read the incremental article. Instead, they agreed or disagreed to
a list of statements about whether bullies and victims are fixed entities,
such as “You can’t change people who are jerks in high school” or “There
are two types of people, bullies and their victims.” These questions were
used as a control group instead of an entity theory article due to ethical
concerns with teaching an entity theory. Finally, all participants were
thanked for their time and debriefed.
After either reading the article or responding to the items, all partici-
pants were asked to read the same hypothetical incident of bullying as
used in Study 1. Further, to measure the desire to use prosocial coping
after victimization, participants were asked “Honestly, how much would
you feel like doing each of these things to the acquaintance in the previ-
ous story?” and then were given a list of replies, as in previous research
(Yeager et al., in press). Two items measured the desire to use prosocial
coping responses after the bullying incident: “helping them to act better
in the future” and “helping them see that what they did was wrong,” and
were rated on a fully labeled 7-point scale (1 = Not at all; 7 = Extreme
amount). The items were combined by taking their unweighted mean, M
= 3.21, SD = 1.79, with higher values corresponding to more prosocial
coping. The resulting scale had acceptable internal consistency (α = .71).
Results and Discussion

Randomization was effective. Assignment to the incremental or control
group was independent of sex, χ2(1, N=86) = .047, ns, race, χ2(3, N =
4.5
3.5
3
Prosocial Coping
2.5
1.5
0.5
0
Incremental
Note: White = Incremental theory group; Black = Control group.
p < .05.
Figure 3.1. Motivation to use prosocial coping strategies after a bullying incident
as a function of experimental condition.
83) = 2.50, ns, grades in school, χ2(3, N = 86) = 2.11, ns, and mother’s
education, χ2(5, N = 85) = 1.83, ns.2 In addition, as predicted, we found
that the incremental article increased the willingness to use prosocial cop-
ing strategies, relative to those who read the control article (incremental M
= 3.69, SD = 1.82; control M= 2.51, SD = 1.48), t (91) = −3.41, p < .01, d
= .71. In a 2 (incremental condition: incremental vs. control) x 2 (sex:
male vs. female) analysis of variance (ANOVA), there were significant
main effects of experimental condition, F(1, 82) = 10.75, p < .01, and sex
(females were more likely to prosocially confront than males), F(1, 82) =
5.71, p < .05, but not a significant interaction with sex, F(1, 82) = 2.03, p
= .16—although there was a (nonsignificant) trend toward a stronger
effect for girls than for boys. Lastly, in a 2 (incremental condition: incre-
mental vs. control) × 2 (sex) × 2 (race: Black vs. non-Black) ANOVA, we
found that there was no moderation by race. Thus, overall, the incremen-
tal theory increased the motivation to use prosocial coping strategies, and
this effect was not moderated by either sex or race.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
The present study began with the premise that adolescents may not con-
front bullying if they do not think bullies can change. In effect, to the
extent that an adolescent believes bullies’ personalities are fixed, they
may not see the point of trying to change them. Two studies supported
this hypothesis.
Study 1 showed that holding more of an entity theory—or the belief
that people’s personal characteristics are unchangeable—was related to a
reduced motivation to use prosocial confrontation to respond to bullying.
It may be that adolescents with more of an entity theory of personality are
less sensitive to the effects of a school’s antibullying program because they
do not see the point in confronting those who are undeniably “bullies.”
Thus, individual differences in implicit theories of personality may reduce
the effectiveness of these programs.
Although this finding is important, it is not by itself helpful for inter-
ventions in education unless it can be shown that changes in implicit the-
ories can motivate students to use prosocial confrontation. Therefore,
Study 2 conducted a small pilot experiment to change adolescents’ mind-
sets toward more of an incremental view—the idea that people’s personal-
ities can change. This experiment showed that implicit theories could
have a causal impact on prosocial coping responses to bullying in high
school. This result is consistent with more extensive research showing pos-
itive effects of an incremental theory on other coping responses (Yeager et
al., in press) and may prove useful for the design of educational programs
in schools.
Importantly, the present research documented effects of implicit theo-
ries in a mostly White population of students (Study 1) and an ethnically-
diverse population of students (Study 2), testifying to the generalizabiliity
of these findings. This also extends work that has shown similar implicit
theories effects in a population of Finnish and U.S. high school students
(Yeager et al., in press).
Limitations
Nevertheless, the present research is subject to some important limita-

tions. First, we did not measure actual behavior, but instead we measured
the motivation to use prosocial confrontation and vengeance in response
to a peer bullying. So it is not certain that the present study would gener-
alize to actual behavior. However, similar studies conducted by Rattan and
Dweck (2010), have found a relationship between implicit theories and
actual behavioral prosocial confrontation after conflicts, and so it is possi-
ble that the present study’s findings would generalize to prosocial con-
frontation in the real world.
Next, the effect of teaching incremental theories through reading a
passage may not have lasted beyond the experimental session. However,
implicit theories can be more permanently changed, and these changes
have been found to last for months in an intervention study (Blackwell et
al., 2007). Future research is needed on how to teach an incremental the-
ory of personality in a lasting way in schools.
It is also possible that the reality of the difficulty of personality change
may be discouraging for some students if bullies do not immediately
change. Similarly, if victims learn the incremental theory and take the
responsibility for changing bullies, they may blame themselves when oth-
ers do not change. Furthermore, if victims see bullies as malleable and not
“bad people,” victims themselves may begin to think that they are picked
on because they deserve the negative treatment. Therefore, interventions
in real schools should be careful to teach that personality change is diffi-
cult, but always possible, that it is not the victim’s responsibility to change
the bully, and that victimization is not deserved.
Lastly, we should also be strategic about how potential interventions
are applied. If most of the faculty and staff at a school hold more of an
entity theory of personality, it could undermine the effect of any interven-
tion. For example, Murphy and Dweck (2009) found that if an entity the-
ory pervades in the environment, it affects the person, regardless of which
theory he or she holds. Therefore, an optimal intervention might change
the culture of the school or the classroom, or at least create the impres-
sion of the pervasiveness of the incremental theory, to provide an environ-
ment that encourages an incremental mindset. Despite this finding,
interventions targeting only individuals can still have effects, as other
interventions have shown success even if the incremental theory was
taught in only a few classrooms and not throughout the school (e.g.,
Blackwell et al, 2007).
CONCLUSION
As peer conflicts and school violence become more prevalent, it has

become increasingly important to understand ways in which victims can
confront conflicts prosocially and reduce bullying behavior. The correla-
tional and experimental studies reported here represent one step toward
establishing a link between implicit theories of personality and motivation
to use prosocial confrontation after peer conflicts. Our findings suggest
that adolescents’ overall beliefs in the potential for changes may affect
their predictions of how successful confronting behavior will be, and
teaching an incremental theory of personality can increase victims’ moti-

vation to use prosocial confrontation after bullying. This finding may
increase the effectiveness of antibullying programs, because often only
students, and not teachers or parents, witness the more subtle relational
aggression in high school, so they have the most power to stop this behav-
ior by confronting. Further research is needed, though, to find ways to
equip adolescents with prosocial coping skills in real schools in ways that
have lasting effects on these important behaviors.
NOTES
1. Participants were asked to indicate the highest level of education their

mothers had received (coding: 1 = less than high school; 2 = high school
degree; 3 = some college; 4 = college degree; 5 = graduate degree [master’s, doctor,
lawyer, or PhD]). Participants also indicated what grades they usually made
in school (1 = D average or below; .6633 = C average; .3366 = B average; 0 =
A average), as well as their religion (1 = Catholic; 0 = non-Catholic). As
noted, these variables were not moderators of implicit theories effects on
prosocial confrontation and controlling for them had no noticeable effect
on implicit theories’ coefficient.
2. Some students did not provide data on these demographic variables.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research was supported by a Dissertation Support Grant from the

Stanford University School of Education, by funding from Dr. Carol S.
Dweck, at Stanford University, and by the Thrive Foundation for Youth.
The authors wish to thank Matthew E. Williams for his help collecting the
data. Correspondence should be addressed to David S. Yeager, 271 Jor-
dan Hall, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, 94107 (email: dyeager@
stanford.edu).
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CHAPTER 4
COPING STYLES AND ANXIETY

AMONG FEMALE VICTIMS
OF BULLYING
K. POYNTON AND E. FRYDENBERG
Katherine Poynton and Erica Frydenberg
Females who are victimized by their peers at school are likely to be anxious
and cope in nonproductive ways. In an attempt to identify those young
women who are at risk, and to determine how they can be best resourced to
cope, 352 female adolescents between the ages of 11 and 17 years from 4
secondary schools completed a self-report questionnaire which identified
frequency and type of bullying, coping styles, and level of anxiety. Results
indicated that female adolescents who are frequently victimized use more
nonproductive coping style, more reference to others coping style, and
experience higher levels of anxiety when compared with low victims. It was
also found that nonproductive coping style and associated strategies can
also be used to differentiate between high victims and low victims of bully-
ing. The outcomes of this study provide useful information for practitioners
that may assist in the identification of at-risk students, as well as the devel-
opment and implementation of effective programs for young females who
are victimized by their peers at school.
Adolescence is a stage when many young people are faced with a range of
life stressors, such as exposure to peer conflict and/or more extreme expe-
riences of bullying (Frydenberg, 2004). While these experiences are con-

pp. 67–90
68 K. POYNTON and E. FRYDENBERG
sidered a reality for a proportion of young people, it is their ability to

manage and cope with situations that elicit stress that is of importance
and has also become of interest to researchers (Frydenberg et al., 2003).
The ways that children and adolescents deal with stress can either reduce
or perpetuate the effects of adverse life experiences, in both the short-
and longer-term (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wad-
sworth, 2001). An inability to cope can result in more immediate emo-
tional distress and may also lead to the development of physical,
psychological, and mental health issues, including anxiety (Compas et al.,
2001; Frydenberg & Lewis, 2004). Anxiety can be construed as both an
outcome of bullying and a vulnerability where there is a genetic or per-
sonality disposition to being anxious. Alternatively, effective coping strat-
egies can enable an individual to deal with a range of life stressors in an
effective way, leading to more productive and positive outcomes (Phelps &
Jarvis, 1993).
Coping Styles and Bullying in Females
A growing body of literature has focused on identifying the coping

strategies used by victims in response to incidents of bullying, however,
comparisons between the range of studies has proven to be somewhat
challenging due to the different ways coping has been conceptualized and
the inconsistencies in research findings. This may suggest that further
research into this area is warranted. Overall, the findings tend to indicate
that victims of bullying use an emotion-focused coping style (Phillips,
Lodge, & Frydenberg, 2006). This style of coping traditionally includes
strategies that an individual may use to try and regulate the emotional
responses experienced in relation to a stressful situation or problem
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). While victims of peer aggression adopt a vari-
ety of coping strategies, passive and avoidant methods are more com-
monly used including behaviors such as, withdrawal, seeking ways to
escape, keeping to self, and ignoring the problem (Rigby, 2002; Smith,
2004). There is also evidence to suggest that victims engage in self blame,
often seeing themselves as being responsible for the bullying (Rigby,
2002).Other strategies include more assertive and aggressive responses,
such as fighting back and swearing (Camodeca & Goossens, 2005). These
various strategies that are more commonly used in response to experi-
ences of bullying generally reflect negative and maladaptive ways of cop-
ing (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1999; Hunter & Boyle, 2004). There is also
evidence within the literature that suggests coping styles can differ by
gender with girls more likely to use internalizing strategies (such as,
becoming upset, worrying, crying, feeling sorry for self) while boys are
Coping Styles and Anxiety Among Female Victims of Bullying 69
more likely to use externalizing methods of coping (such as, taking it out
on others, yelling and cursing out loud, getting mad) when they are bul-
lied (Bijttebier & Vertommen, 1998).
While it is apparent from previous research that many instances of bul-
lying go unreported and victims often do not seek help, there is also con-
trary evidence which suggests that victims will seek the social support of
others such as, a friend, parent, teacher, or counselor when bullied (Rigby,
2002; Smith, Talamelli, Cowie, Naylor, & Chauhan, 2004). Findings from
previous research indicate that seeking social support appears to be
dependent upon a number of factors including, the victim’s gender, age,
and the type of bullying that is experienced. Findings suggest that young
people are less likely to seek social support as they grow older (Hunter,
Boyle, & Warden, 2004). Also, those who are persistently bullied have
been found to use significantly less social support in comparison to peers
who are bullied less frequently (Hunter et al., 2004). However, contrary to
these reported trends, there is also evidence to suggest that victims do
seek support from others, with girls tending to use this coping style and
viewing it as a more effective strategy than boys (Hunter et al., 2004).
Given the inconsistencies reported, this may be an area requiring further
research.
Various studies have been conducted to investigate the range of coping
strategies used by young people in response to bullying experiences. A
study by Naylor, Cowie, and Del Ray (2001) aimed to assess coping strate-
gies employed by young people who had been bullied at school, investi-
gating the effects of age and gender on utilization of coping strategies.
Data were obtained from a sample of 324 students attending secondary
schools throughout the United Kingdom using a survey method. Results
indicated that the most common coping strategy reported by victims was
to tell someone such as an adult, parent, friend, or peer about the bully-
ing. Gender comparisons indicated that girls were more likely to use this
coping response than boys, and this difference became more apparent
with age. The next most common coping strategy used by victims was to
ignore and endure the problem which reflected responses such as, put up
with the bullying, try to forget about it, bottle it up, do not listen, hope it
would stop, and have a good cry. Use of this coping strategy was found to
be similar among both girls and boys. Other coping strategies used to a
lesser extent included physical/verbal retaliation, manipulation of the
social context (such as, staying close to other students, avoiding bullies,
absenteeism), admit to not coping, planning revenge, and taking no
action. A greater proportion of girls admitted that they were not coping
with being bullied when compared with boys, although this finding was
not significant.
Another study of Danish children aged 9-13 years investigated the cop-
ing strategies that were used by young people in relation to their age,
gender, and bully-victim status (Kristensen & Smith, 2003). Bully-victim
status and coping strategies were measured by self-report. Results indi-
cated that, overall, the most common coping strategy reported was self
reliance/problem solving, followed by distancing and seeking social sup-
port. The least preferred coping strategies were internalizing and exter-
nalizing. However, a more refined analysis indicated gender differences
among victims with girls reportedly using significantly more seeking
social support coping style and internalizing strategies in comparison to
boys. Seeking social support was characterized by behaviors such as, get-
ting help from a friend, seeking advice from family members and others,
and talking to teachers whereas internalizing strategies were character-
ized by becoming upset, worrying, crying, and feeling sorry for self.
Owens, Daly, and Slee (2005) also conducted a study that aimed to
investigate the experience of victimization and conflict resolution strate-
gies used by adolescents. A sample of 591 students completing Years 8
and 9 (means ages 13.3 and14.3 years) in an Australian secondary school
completed a questionnaire that measured victimization and conflict reso-
lution strategies. Findings indicated that girls who were victimized
reported using significantly higher levels of compromise (such as, trying
to reason, listening, trying to understand, compromise, smooth things
over), obliging (such as, putting needs of other(s) first, apologizing, giv-
ing to the other person), and avoidance strategies (such as, walking away,
clamming up, holding feelings inside, remaining cool and distant, avoid-
ing talking about it) in comparison to boys. Participants who were fre-
quently victimized also reported higher levels of overt anger.
Overall, the literature indicates a pattern of results which suggest that
young females who are victimized by their peers are more likely than
young males to report using seek social support/reference to others cop-
ing style, internalizing strategies, and avoidant strategies when faced with
situations of confrontation and stress. While seeking the support of others
may be viewed as a more positive and functional approach to incidents of
bullying, of particular concern is the consistent finding that females also
tend to use a nonproductive style of coping in such situations, as reflected
in internalizing and avoidant behaviors. It has been established that mal-
adaptive coping strategies reflect an inability to cope effectively with
problems, additionally, this style of coping has been linked with adverse
consequences for young people, such as anxiety. Therefore, further evi-
dence in relation to coping strategies most commonly used in response to
bullying at school is of significance and particularly relevant to the contin-
ued development of effective interventions and skill development among
this select group of young people.
Anxiety and Bullying Among Females
There is a growing body of evidence which indicates a significant rela-

tionship between bully victimization and psychological maladjustment
among young people, including anxiety. While a number of studies have
focused on addressing the question of whether there is an association
between a range of psychological factors and the experience of victimiza-
tion for both children and adolescents, few have focused specifically on
anxiety symptomotology. Overall, findings from previous research indi-
cate that young people who are frequent victims of bullying are more anx-
ious and exhibit more internalizing symptoms than nonvictims, with this
pattern of results being evident across a number of countries including,
Australia, United States of America, Canada, United Kingdom, Italy, Fin-
land, and Ireland (Baldry, 2004; Craig, 1998; Hodges & Perry, 1999;
Kaltiala-Heino, Rimpela, Rantanen, & Rimpela, 2000; O’Moore, 2000;
Salmon & Smith, 1998). In some cases, victims have been categorized as
falling within the subclinical and clinical range for anxiety (Espelage &
Holt, 2001). Previous research has also found that girls who have been vic-
timized are more likely to experience internalizing symptoms and
increased levels of anxiety in comparison to boys, and that exposure to
frequent victimization is also more likely to have a serious impact upon
the psychosocial adjustment of girls as they progress into later life (Grills
& Ollendick, 2002).
Anxiety disorders have been found to be one of the most prevalent dis-
orders in young people (Castellanos & Hunter, 1999). There are a num-
ber of identified factors which can contribute to the development of an
anxiety disorder including, biological, psychological and environmental
factors (Jones & Frydenberg, 2004). Biological factors refer to a genetic
predisposition to developing an anxiety disorder, which may be affected
by an individual’s personality and temperament (Jones & Frydenberg,
2004). Anxiety, as a trait, is generally considered to be a personality con-
struct which is reflected in an individual’s proneness to anxiety (Bensi &
Giusberti, 2007; Eysenck, 2000). Psychological factors refer to an individ-
ual’s cognition and learning processes, whereas, environmental factors
may include a range of life experiences such as, parenting style, family
conflict, separation/divorce, death within the family, family size, socioeco-
nomic status, and parental psychopathology which may also affect an
individual (Jones & Frydenberg, 2004).
While anxiety is a necessary and normal part of life, some individuals
experience responses where the anxiety has become pathological, causing
significant distress and preventing them from functioning normally
(Jones & Frydenberg, 2004). The individual may experience anxiety
symptoms even when there is no apparent threat or danger evident
(Jones & Frydenberg, 2004). Common symptoms experienced by victim-

ized young people who are anxious include crying, sadness, shyness, with-
drawal, insecurity, nervousness, intense worry, panic, poor concentration,
neglect by peers, somatic complaints, sleep difficulties, and physical ill-
ness (Rigby, 2002). Furthermore, there is also evidence to suggest that
anxiety among victims can also be linked to use of avoidant and nonpro-
ductive coping strategies, as well as the development of depression (Jones
& Frydenberg, 2004).
Experiences of anxiety may arise in a variety of circumstances for vic-
tims of bullying. Reports have shown that more specific situations which
may lead to anxiety for victims include anticipation of bullying experi-
ences, direct episodes of bullying, and exposure to situations where they
will be evaluated by their peers (Rigby, 2002; Slee, 1994). While bullying
has been identified as a precursor to anxiety, there is also evidence to sug-
gest that victims may already exhibit an anxious vulnerability which
makes them more likely to experience attacks from others (Grills & Ollen-
dick, 2002). A negative cycle may develop where young people who are
anxious may be at higher risk of victimization, and repeated victimization
may in turn continue to heighten levels of anxiety (Grills & Ollendick,
2002). As the bullying and victimization continue over time, feelings of
anxiety increase (Craig, 1998). Therefore, anxiety and internalizing
behaviors may contribute to, as well as result from victimization from
peers (Hodges & Perry, 1999). Regardless of the antecedents, however,
the experience of victimization and anxiety has significant consequences
for the affected individual. A range of studies have been conducted to
investigate the relationship between peer victimization and anxiety in
adolescents, some of which will now be summarized and discussed.
A report prepared by Hawker and Boulton (2000) investigated the rela-
tionship between peer victimization and psychosocial maladjustment in
young people from infancy through to adolescence. Using a meta-analysis
of findings from previous research papers published between 1978 and
1997, the researchers evaluated the results which focused on the relation-
ship between these two variables, as well as other areas of maladjustment.
Findings from the meta-analysis indicated that victims of peer aggression
suffer a significant level of psychological distress, including anxiety. A
broad range of studies have shown that anxiety is positively related to
peer victimization, with this finding dating back as far as the original
works of researcher Dan Olweus (1978). Many of the authors that were
cited as part of the study had made the assertion that victims of bullying
are typically more fearful and anxious. Gender comparisons were con-
ducted as part of this study to ascertain if this pattern of results differed
for males and females.
In a further study conducted by Bond, Carlin, Thomas, Rubin, and

Patton (2001), the researchers aimed to establish if there is a relationship
between recurrent peer victimization and the onset of self-reported anxi-
ety and depression symptoms among teenagers. Using a large-scale sam-
ple of 2,559 secondary students from Australia, a self-report inventory was
administered to the students when they commenced Year 8 (mean age 13
years) and again 12 months later when the students had completed Year
9. Of particular interest is the finding from this study that any occurrence
of victimization, frequent or infrequent, was significantly associated with
self-reported symptoms of anxiety. It was also found that history of victim-
ization was a strong predictor of the onset of anxiety symptoms among
participants, in particular adolescent females.
An additional study examined the relationship between peer victimiza-
tion, global self-worth and anxiety in a sample of American students aged
11 to 13 years (Grills & Ollendick, 2002). A total of 279 adolescents com-
pleted a survey used to measure the variables of interest. The results indi-
cated that there was a significant positive correlation between
victimization and anxiety. The researchers also found that girls reported
significantly higher levels of anxiety symptoms than boys. This study pro-
vided additional support for the relationship among peer victimization
and anxiety in young people, particularly females.
Given the overall nature of the research findings that relate to the asso-
ciation between bully victimization, coping style, and anxiety for female
adolescents, it was considered appropriate to conduct a study which
focuses primarily on these specific factors. To the researchers knowledge,
very few studies have previously considered this combination of variables
among this specific population group. Collectively, the literature indicates
that female adolescents who are frequently victimized by their peers tend
to utilize more reference to others coping style, a more nonproductive
style of coping and experience higher levels of anxiety symptomotology.
Given the extent to which bullying has been reported as a significant issue
within schools across the globe, and the implications that such experi-
ences can have for adolescent females in particular, it was considered that
further research and empirical evidence in relation to this area was war-
ranted and may contribute to an increased understanding of the modifi-
able factors associated with bullying and victimization.
AIMS OF THE RESEARCH
The aim of this study is to assess certain aspects of how female adolescents
cope with bullying at school and the implications that such experiences
can have for their psychosocial adjustment and well-being, in particular
anxiety levels. This study will investigate and compare the styles of coping
used by female participants categorized as high- and low-victims of bully-
ing. This study will also investigate and compare the levels of anxiety
experienced by participants. It was hypothesized that participants who
experience a high level of bully victimization will report using less solving
the problem, more reference to others coping style, and more nonproduc-
tive coping style in comparison to low victims. In addition, it was hypoth-
esized that participants who experience a high level of bully victimization
will also report higher levels of anxiety than those categorized as low vic-
tims. Furthermore, this study also examined the role of each of the study
variables (coping styles, coping strategies, and anxiety) in discriminating
between high victims and low victims of bullying. It is expected that the
outcomes of this particular study will provide further confirmation and
evidence to support current trends emergent within the literature, as well
as shed light on how best to assist young female victims of bullying.
METHOD
Participants in this study included 352 female adolescents from four sec-
ondary schools located throughout the Melbourne metropolitan region.
The participants were aged between 11 and 17 years (M = 13.73, SD =
1.17). Although predominantly born in Australia (83.5%), participants
were identified as being from a range of cultural backgrounds, namely
Australian, British, Asian, Pacific Islander, European, African, and North
American. Students who participated in the study were enrolled in Years 7
to 10 with the distribution being as follows; 29.3% in Year 7, 36.4% in Year
8, 15.3% in Year 9, and 19% being in Year 10. All participating schools
were approached by a research group who were collecting data for a
larger investigation into how young people cope with school bullying, of
which this was a part, and expressed an interest in taking part in the
study. Letters were subsequently sent home to the parents of all the partic-
ipants explaining the aims of the study and a consent form was provided
for completion. The students whose parents provided written informed
consent were invited to participate in the study by completing a written
questionnaire.
A questionnaire titled the “About Me and School Questionnaire” was
developed based on existing inventories and background theory. This
questionnaire was designed and used to provide a measurement of each
of the variables assessed in this study, including bullying experience (fre-
quency and type of victimization), coping styles, and psychosocial adjust-
ment (in particular anxiety). Items relating to demographic data were also
included to obtain information about the participant’s gender, age, coun-

try of birth, and ethnicity/cultural identity.
Items measuring the frequency and type of bullying were developed by
the researchers based on theoretical knowledge and current literature. A
5-point Likert scale was used to measure the frequency of bullying as fol-
lows: never, less than once a term, several times a terms, about once a week, and
every day. A total of nine items were used to provide a measure of physical
bullying, social bullying, and verbal bullying. Items that measured physi-
cal bullying included; “You were hit or kicked” and “Your belongings were
stolen/damaged.” Items that measured social bullying included; “Nasty
stories were spread about you” and “You were left out of games or
groups.” Items that measured verbal bullying included; “Someone called
you names” and “You were threatened by someone.” After completing the
nine items, participants were also asked to describe a recent bullying inci-
dent by answering three questions outlining what had happened, how
they felt when the incident occurred, and what they did to deal with the
situation. These items provided further qualitative data in relation to the
participant’s bullying experiences.
The Adolescent Coping Scale-short form (ACS; Frydenberg & Lewis,
1993) was used to provide a measure of participants’ coping styles. The
short version of the ACS consists of 18 items which each reflect a specific
coping response. Participants were asked to rate how often they use each
of the coping responses listed on a 5-point Likert scale that included
never, a little, some, often, and a lot.
Responses were then combined accordingly to provide a measure of
the three coping styles which include; solving the problem, comprising of
items focus on solving the problem, work hard, invest in close friendships,
seek to belong, focus on the positive, seek relaxing diversions, physical
recreation; reference to others, comprising of items seek social support,
social action, seek spiritual support, seek professional help; and nonpro-
ductive coping, comprising of items worry, wishful thinking, not cope,
tension reduction, ignore the problem, self blame, keep to self. Higher
scores indicate a greater use of that coping style. Examples of items used
to measure each of the three coping styles included: “Work at solving the
problem to the best of my ability” (solving the problem), “Talk to other
people about my concern to help me sort it out” (reference to others), and
“Worry about what will happen to me” (nonproductive coping).
After recording their responses to the 18 items, participants were also
asked to describe what else they did to cope when they had worries and
concerns, other than those listed in the previous items. This open-ended
item was included to collate further qualitative data in relation to the par-
ticipant’s coping responses. The ACS has established score reliability and
validity (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1996).
The seven anxiety items from the distress subscale of the Weinberger
Adjustment Inventory (WAI; Weinberger, Feldman, & Ford, 1989) were
selected and used to measure this variable. Participants were asked to rate
how much they agree with each statement on a 5-point Likert scale that
included strongly disagree, disagree, neutral, agree, and strongly agree. High
scores on this subscale indicate high levels of anxiety. Examples of items
measuring anxiety were; “I spend a lot of time thinking about things that
might go wrong,” “I worry too much about things that aren’t important,”
and “I get nervous when I know I need to do my best (on a job, team,
etc).” The WAI is also an instrument which has established reliability and
validity (Weinberger, 1996; Weinberger & Schwartz, 1990).
Independent-samples t-test analyses (two tailed) were used to compare
mean scores for the high victim and low victim groups on each of the fol-
lowing variables: solving the problem coping style, reference to others
coping style, nonproductive coping style, and anxiety (see results section
below for definitions of variables). Discriminant analysis was used to
determine how coping style, coping strategy, and anxiety measures com-
bined to discriminate participants into the groups of high victim and low
victim.
Prior to conducting the analyses, participants were grouped into one of
two categories depending upon their experience of bullying and level of
victimization. These categories included high victim and low victim. 14.8
% of females in the sample population reported a high level of bullying
experience and were classified as “high victims” (n = 52). On average,
they reported being bullied several times a term, weekly and/or daily. The
remaining 85.2% of females reported no experience or a very low level of
bullying experience and were classified as “low victims” (n = 300). They
reported being bullied never or less than once a term on average. These
statistics are consistent with what has been previously reported in the liter-
ature in relation to frequency of bullying experiences among adolescent
populations within Australia (Rigby, 2007).
RESULTS
Summary of Descriptive Statistics
Data were first analyzed using SPSS (Version 16.0 for Windows) to
obtain descriptive statistics for the study variables. Information relating to
these variables is summarized throughout this section of the report. Data
were also initially screened for missing data, normality, presence of outli-
ers, and violations of main assumptions.
Percentages of types of bullying experienced were calculated to high-

light the most common forms of bullying reported by the participants in
the sample group (N = 352). On the physical scale of bullying, 8.5% of
participants had been hit or kicked, and 20.1% had their belongings dam-
aged or stolen. On the social scale of bullying, 21.7% of participant’s had
nasty rumors spread about them, and 23.6% had been excluded from
games or groups. On the verbal scale of bullying, 31.6% of participant’s
had been teased, and 7.1% had been verbally threatened. In summary,
teasing was the most common form of bullying reported by participant’s
followed by social exclusion, rumors, and damage to belongings respec-
tively.
Independent-Samples t-Test Analyses
A series of four independent-samples t-test analyses (two-tailed) were

used to compare mean scores for the high victim and low victim groups
on each of the following variables: solving the problem coping style, refer-
ence to others coping style, nonproductive coping style, and anxiety. Pre-
liminary assumption testing for normality, presence of outliers, and
homogeneity of variance indicated no serious violations. The Levene’s
test for equal variances was found to be not significant for the four sepa-
rate analyses (p > .05). Therefore, there was no significant difference
between the variances of the groups for each analysis and equal variance
estimates were used when interpreting the test results (Kinnear & Gray,
2004). A summary of the test results is provided in Table 4.1.
Results indicated that the high victim group scored higher for the vari-
able “solving the problem coping style” (M = 3.04, SD = .67) when com-
Table 4.1. Results of Independent-Samples t Tests

Comparing High-Victim and Low-Victim Groups
on Coping Styles and Anxiety (N = 352)
High Victims Low Victims
(n = 52) (n = 300)
Variables M SD M SD t (350)
Solving the problem 3.04 .67 2.93 .78 −.96
Reference to others 2.47 .81 2.17 .64 −2.99*
Nonproductive coping 3.10 .87 2.37 .79 −6.08**
Anxiety 3.40 .46 3.17 .50 −3.07*
**p < .05. *p < .01 (two-tailed).

pared with the low victim group (M = 2.93, SD = .78), however, this
difference was not significant t (350) = −.96, p > .05. For the variable “ref-
erence to others coping style”, the results indicated that there was a signif-
icant difference between mean scores for the two groups t (350) = −2.99, p
< .01 with the high victim group scoring significantly higher on this vari-
able (M = 2.47, SD = .81) when compared with the low victim group (M
= 2.17, SD = .64). The value of Cohen’s d = .41, indicating a small effect
size (Kinnear & Gray, 2004). The results also indicated that there was a
significant difference between mean scores for “nonproductive coping
style” for the two groups t (350) = −6.08, p < .001 with the high victim
group scoring significantly higher on this variable (M = 3.10, SD = .87)
when compared with the low victim group (M = 2.37, SD = .79). The
value of Cohen’s d = .88, indicating a large effect size (Kinnear & Gray,
2004). There was also a significant difference between mean scores for
“anxiety” for the two groups t (350) = −3.07, p < .01 with the high victim
group scoring significantly higher on this variable (M = 3.40, SD = .46)
in comparison to the low victim group (M = 3.17, SD = .50). The value
Cohen’s d = .48, indicating a small-medium effect size (Kinnear & Gray,
2004).
Discriminant Analyses
Two direct discriminant analyses were conducted to determine which of

the study variables could be used to reliably predict bullying experience
and level of victimization. The independent variables (predictors)
included; solving the problem coping style, reference to others coping
style, nonproductive coping style, anxiety, and the individual coping strat-
egies measured by the ACS-short form. The dependent (grouping) vari-
able for each analysis comprised of the categories high victim (n = 52)
and low victim (n = 300). Preliminary assumption testing was conducted
for normality, univariate and multivariate outliers, linearity, multicol-
linearity, and singularity with no serious violations noted. Inspection of
Box’s M for the two separate discriminant analyses indicated that the
assumption of homogeneity of variance-covariance could be assumed in
both instances, p > .001 (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001).
The first direct discriminant analysis included the three coping styles
(solving the problem, reference to others, and nonproductive coping) and
anxiety as the independent variables. The dependent variable was catego-
rized into high victim and low victim. As there were only two groups, one
discriminant function was identified which accounted for all of the
between-groups variance. Using Wilks’ λ, the discriminant function was
found to be highly significant (eigenvalue = .117; χ² = 38.64; df = 4; p <
Table 4.2. Partial Correlations Between Total Victim

Groups and Solving the Problem Coping Style,
Reference to Others Coping Style, Nonproductive
Coping Style, and Anxiety (N = 352)
Variables Total Victim Groups**
Solving the problem .011
Reference to others .071
Nonproductive coping .253*
Anxiety .052
*p < .001 (two-tailed). **categorical variable (1 = low victim, 2 =

high victim).
.001). The resulting canonical correlation coefficient for the function was
0.32. Resulting group centroids were as follows, high victim = .821 and
low victim = −.142 suggesting that the function discriminates between the
two groups. Results indicated that several predictors correlated with the
discriminant function. The discriminant function correlated most highly
with nonproductive coping style (r = .948), accounting for 90% of the
variance in Function 1. This relationship was found to be significant when
all other variables were controlled for (see Table 4.2 for results of the par-
tial correlation).
While anxiety (r = .478) and reference to others coping style (r = .467)
also correlated with the discriminant function, accounting for 23% and
22% of the variance in Function 1 respectively, these associations were not
found to be significant (see Table 4.2 for results of partial correlations).
Therefore, nonproductive coping style was identified as one predictor
that could be used to determine group membership, distinguishing
between high victims and low victims of bullying.
The second direct discriminant analysis included the eighteen individ-
ual coping strategies (as measured by the ACS- short form) as the inde-
pendent variables. The dependent variable was categorized into high
victim and low victim. As with the prior analysis, one discriminant func-
tion was identified as there were only two groups which accounted for all
of the between-group variance. Using Wilks’ λ, the discriminant function
was found to be highly significant (eigenvalue = .173; χ² = 54.45; df =
18; p < .001). The resulting canonical correlation coefficient for the func-
tion was 0.38. Resulting group centroids were as follows, high victim =
.997 and low victim = −.173 suggesting that the function discriminates
between the two groups. Results indicated that, of the eighteen predic-
tors, the three that were found to load positively and correlate most
highly with the function included: self-blame (r = .646; 42% of variance
explained), ignore the problem (r = .630; 40% of variance explained),

and worry (r = .562; 32% of variance explained). These coping strategies
are predominantly reflective of the nonproductive coping style and typify
individuals classified within the high victim group who experience a high
level of bully victimization. Three of the predictors were found to load
negatively with the function and, although the correlations were not high
it was considered worth noting the pattern of results. The predictors that
were found to load negatively with the function included: focus on the
positive (r = −.215; 4% of the variance explained), seek social support (r
= −.053; 0.3% of variance explained), and work hard and achieve (r =
−.033; 0.1% of the variance explained). These particular coping strategies
are indicative of solving the problem coping style and are considered
more typical of individuals from the low victim group who experience
lower levels of bully victimization.
DISCUSSION
The focus of this study was to investigate the experiences of adolescent

females who are victims of bullying at school, with a particular emphasis
on considering how they cope with these situations and the implications
that this can have for their psychosocial adjustment. Results indicated
that female adolescents who are frequently victimized use more nonpro-
ductive coping style, more reference to others coping style, and experi-
ence higher levels of anxiety when compared with low victims.
Furthermore, the findings suggest that of these three key variables, non-
productive coping can be used to differentiate between high victims and
low victims. A more refined analysis highlighted the specific coping
responses which can be used to determine group membership, predomi-
nantly strategies that reflect a nonproductive style of coping. Through
identifying the key factors that are characteristic of female victims it was
anticipated that, in addition to working toward reducing the prevalence
of bullying among adolescent females, practitioners may also be able to
consider the most appropriate ways to assist victims cope more effectively
with the significant challenges they face.
Preliminary analyses indicated that a significant minority of female
adolescents surveyed reported being bullied frequently at school, with
14.8 % of the sample population being classified as high victims of bully-
ing. This statistic is consistent with more recent reports within the litera-
ture relating to frequency of bullying experiences among adolescent
populations, particularly within Australia, further highlighting that this is
a significant issue for schools to be addressing (Rigby, 2007). The results
also indicated that the most common form of bullying experienced by the
participants was being verbally teased which is also consistent with previ-
ous research (Rigby, 2002). Other forms of bullying that were commonly
experienced by the participants included social exclusion, spreading
rumors, and damage to personal belongings. Previous research has found
that females are more likely to use more indirect forms of bullying, such
as social exclusion and spreading rumors, particularly when they are tar-
geted by other females which parallels the findings for the sample popu-
lation of this study (Rigby, 2002). An unexpected finding was that females
reported experiencing damage to their personal belongings, a form of
bullying that is more physically aggressive in nature and has previously
been found to be less common among females (Rigby, 2002).
Coping Style and Bully Victimization

Among Female Adolescents
The hypothesis that young females who experience a high level of

bully victimization will report using less solving the problem coping style
in comparison to low victims was not supported by results from this study.
Previous research suggests that female adolescents and victims of bullying
more commonly report using coping strategies that are dysfunctional and
maladaptive in nature, therefore, it was expected that they would report
using less solving the problem coping style (Frydenberg, 2004; Hunter &
Boyle, 2004; Olafsen & Viemero, 2000). However, this general pattern of
results was not supported by the findings of this current study.
Results from this study provided support for the hypothesis that female
adolescents who experience a high level of bully victimization will report
using more reference to others style of coping in comparison to low vic-
tims. Reference to others coping style has been characterized by strategies
that involve sharing the problem with others and turning to others for
support such as, friends, family and professionals (Frydenberg & Lewis,
1993). While there have been some inconsistencies in previous research
findings which relate to victims seeking the support of others, there has
been evidence in a number of studies to suggest that young people, in
particular female adolescents, are more likely to seek social support, talk
to others about their bullying experiences, get help, and seek advice from
others (e.g., Kristensen & Smith, 2003; Naylor et al., 2001; Owens et al.,
2005). It has also been well established that, by nature, girls are more
likely to turn to others and seeks support during times of stress. Results
from the current study provide support for this pattern of results suggest-
ing that female adolescents who are frequently victimized will seek the
support of others to assist with their problems.
The finding relating to young females turning to others and seeking

support when they are bullied can be considered positive and encourag-
ing. Knowing that young females have the awareness, and are willing to
share their problems with others may lead to more effective interventions
and enable people to assist those being victimized by their peers more
readily. It has been suggested that this style of coping may be reflective of
what is expected from young females as it is considered more socially
acceptable for them to seek support and talk about their concerns with
others, therefore, creating an environment where they feel comfortable to
approach others with their problems (Rigby, 1999). Seeking support from
others may also be reflective of the implementation of antibullying poli-
cies and programs within schools. Many schools now create an ethos
where students are encouraged and educated to talk to others and seek
help when they are being bullied, therefore, this response may be becom-
ing more evident and advantageous for young people, in particular
females (Rigby, 2002, 2007). The more awareness that there is within
schools of the seriousness of bullying and associated problems, the more
likely students will be to initiate action to stop it (Rigby, 2007).
While seeking support from others should be viewed as an important
strategy and in no way be discouraged, adopting this style of coping may
also be reflective of more avoidant behaviors among victims. Young
females who seek the support of others may be experiencing a sense of
insecurity, dependency, and a lack of belief in their own ability to deal
with the situation (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1999). They may be seeking the
support of others in the hope that others will be able to solve the problem
for them, rather than being responsible for managing the situation effec-
tively for themselves. Therefore, in addition to embracing their ability to
seek out support from others, educators and practitioners also need to
look at ways of empowering young females and developing their skills in
using more productive strategies to cope with experiences of bullying, as
well as building resilience among those victimized (Frydenberg et al.,
2004). Further research which aims to explore young female’s purpose
and motivation for utilizing a reference to others style of coping, in addi-
tion to the effectiveness and outcomes this has for addressing their expe-
riences of bullying at school could be particularly useful.
The hypothesis that young females who experience a high level of bul-
lying victimization will report a more nonproductive style of coping in
comparison to low victims was also supported by the results of this study.
Nonproductive coping style has been characterized by using avoidant
strategies associated with an inability to cope (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993).
This finding is consistent with what has been reported in the literature
previously, where negative and maladaptive coping strategies are
reported as the most commonly used responses to bullying (Hunter &
Boyle, 2004; Olafsen & Viemero, 2000). Young people who are victimized
by their peers are more likely to use avoidant and internalizing methods
of coping (Bijttebier & Vertommen, 1998; Kumpulainen et al., 1998;
Rigby, 2002; Smith, 2004). Previous studies focusing on the coping
responses used by adolescent females also reported more maladaptive
strategies such as, ignoring and enduring the problem, internalizing,
obliging others, and avoiding the problem (for example, Kristensen &
Smith, 2003; Naylor et al., 2001; Owens et al., 2005). Findings from this
current study provide further support for a more nonproductive style of
coping among female adolescents who are frequently victimized by their
peers.
While this finding is not particularly surprising, it raises a number of
significant concerns for young females who are victimized. Results indi-
cate that this particular population group may lack the skills and ability to
manage problematic situations and respond to incidents of bullying in an
effective way. Of further concern is the link between nonproductive cop-
ing and the development of psychological problems and maladjustment,
including anxiety (Compas et al., 2001; Frydenberg & Lewis, 2004). Utili-
zation of this style of coping has been associated with a range of adverse
outcomes for young people which may also continue into later life. In
addition, it has also been found that use of nonproductive coping can
impact negatively upon more positive strategies employed by the individ-
ual, creating what has been termed a “washing out” effect (Frydenberg &
Lewis, 2004). For example, in this study it was found that adolescent
females are reportedly using more reference to others coping style, how-
ever, heightened use of nonproductive strategies may be impacting upon
and reducing the effectiveness of these support seeking strategies. How-
ever, it should be noted that the determination of cause and effect was
beyond the scope of this research and this could be explored further in
future studies.
Given these results and the potential impact that use of a nonproduc-
tive style of coping can have for female adolescents who have been victim-
ized, it is essential that practitioners focus on appropriate interventions
which aim to reduce and minimize the use of such strategies. There is
empirical evidence to suggest that appropriate interventions can be effec-
tive in reducing reliance on maladaptive coping strategies while simulta-
neously increasing frequency and effectiveness of more productive coping
responses (Frydenberg et al., 2004; Frydenberg & Lewis, 2004). There-
fore, it is important to provide young people with an opportunity to
develop their skills in these areas so that they are able to respond to inci-
dents of bullying in more effective ways.
Anxiety and Bully Victimization Among Female Adolescents
Results from this study supported the hypothesis that female adoles-
cents who experience a high level of bully victimization will report higher
levels of anxiety than low victims. Anxiety symptoms were characterized
by experiencing negative thoughts, worry, nervousness, and becoming
upset by things. These results are consistent with previous research find-
ings that have identified an association between bullying victimization,
anxiety and internalizing symptoms, particularly for female adolescents
(e.g., Bond et al., 2001; Grills & Ollendick, 2002). It has been suggested
within the literature that bullying may be a precursor to anxiety, however,
evidence also suggests that victims exhibit an anxious vulnerability that
makes them more likely to experience attacks from others. While causality
could not be determined from the results of this study, this finding high-
lights an important area to be explored in future research.
These findings also have significant implications for the development
and implementation of effective therapeutic interventions for young
females. There is evidence to suggest that the experience of anxiety, par-
ticularly at the clinical level, can have adverse affects for a young person
and significantly impact upon their daily functioning ( Jones & Fryden-
berg, 2004). Research also indicates that these adverse effects can con-
tinue into later life and may also be associated with the development of
other psychological problems, including depression (Bond et al., 2001;
Grills & Ollendick, 2002). Therefore, effective intervention is of utmost
importance for this group of young people and there is evidence to sug-
gest that anxiety can be treated effectively (Jones & Frydenberg, 2004). In
addition, given the association that has been identified between nonpro-
ductive coping and anxiety, it may also be appropriate to conclude that
interventions which are effective in developing coping skills and
resources, with the aim of young females being able to manage bullying
more effectively, may also be useful in reducing levels of anxiety.
Differentiating Between High and Low Victims

of Bullying: Key Characteristics
This study also aimed to assess the role of each of the study variables in
discriminating between high victims and low victims of bullying. The
results of the first discriminant analysis indicated that nonproductive cop-
ing style had the strongest association with group membership. The
results from the partial correlation indicated that this relationship was sta-
tistically significant when all other variables were controlled for. This
result is consistent with research findings previously discussed throughout
this report which indicate that female adolescents who are frequently vic-
timized report using more nonproductive coping and that this style of
response would be considered characteristic of female adolescents who
are frequently victimized. While anxiety and reference to others coping
style also appeared to be associated, partial correlations indicated that
this association was not significant.
Results from the second discriminant analysis indicated that a number
of coping strategies were associated with group membership. The strate-
gies that were found to have the strongest association included self-blame,
ignore the problem, and worry. This range of coping strategies were iden-
tified as being predominantly reflective of a nonproductive style of coping
and typify female adolescents who are frequently victimized by their
peers, as indicated by previous literature (Bijttebier & Vertommen, 1998;
Frydenberg, 2004; Kristensen & Smith, 2003). Although not significantly
associated, the strategies of focus on the positive, seek social support, and
work hard were found to load negatively with the function and reflect a
more productive and functional style of coping.
Overall, the discriminant function analyses were thought to provide
valuable insights into the distinctive features of the high victim and low
victim groups. It is anticipated that knowledge of the characteristics that
typify female adolescents who are frequently victimized can further assist
educators and practitioners to identify students who are potentially at-
risk, and consider more effective ways of assisting this group of young
people.
Limitations of the Study and Suggestions

for Future Research
There are a number of limitations associated with this current study

that should be considered and have also shed light on areas for future
research. Firstly, information was obtained using self-report measures
which may have lead to some bias and misrepresentation in the responses
provided. Future studies may consider alternative methods of data collec-
tion from a range of other informants, such as peers, teachers or family
members. Qualitative research and interviews with informants may also
enable researchers to obtain and elicit more detailed information. Of par-
ticular interest would be gathering further information as to whether par-
ticipants are implementing the coping styles and strategies they report to
be using, and how effective the various coping strategies are in response
to the bullying experience. In relation to seeking social support, it may be
of interest to researchers to further explore who female adolescents are
turning to when they are being bullied, what have been the outcomes of
seeking support, and does seeking support from others assist with the cir-
cumstances and benefit the individual being victimized. Second, the issue
of determining causality was considered beyond the scope of this particu-
lar study. An important area for future research may be to explore the
nature of the relationships between bullying, nonproductive coping, and
anxiety. An issue to be considered may be the question of whether bully-
ing leads to nonproductive coping and anxiety, or vice versa. Finally, it
may be of interest to researchers to consider a longitudinal study of the
relationship between bullying experience and psychosocial adjustment
with the aim of further establishing the long-term effects of peer victim-
ization. A study of this nature may also assist in determining whether per-
sonality factors, such as trait anxiety are apparent and impact upon an
individual’s susceptibility to the experience of bullying.
CONCLUSION
Based on the findings of this study, it was concluded that nonproductive

coping style, reference to others coping style, and anxiety are all impor-
tant factors that can be linked with the experience of bully victimization
among adolescent females. Females who are frequently victimized are
more likely to use a nonproductive coping style. Evidence from this study
also suggests this group of young people are more likely to use reference
to others coping style and seek the support of others, although the effec-
tiveness of this coping style has come into question. Furthermore, female
victims of bullying have also been found to experience higher levels of
anxiety. When considering the factors which are characteristic of young
females who are bullied, it was found that nonproductive coping style can
be used to differentiate between high victims and low victims. A more
refined analysis highlighted the specific coping responses that can be
used to distinguish between high victims and low victims including, self-
blame, ignore the problem, and worry which are predominantly strategies
that reflect a nonproductive style of coping.
The outcomes of this study are considered particularly useful and pro-
vide additional information that can be applied within a practical setting.
Increased knowledge of the factors and characteristics that are associated
with frequent victimization among females may potentially assist practi-
tioners in identifying at-risk students within the school context. It is also
hoped that the outcomes of this study can assist in the development and
provision of effective prevention and intervention programs for young
females with the aim to assisting them to develop more effective ways of
coping with experiences of bullying and anxiety symptomotology. Consid-
ering that bullying has become widely recognized as a significant and
enduring problem within schools, as well as the adverse effects that this
can have for young female victims, it is imperative that effective interven-
tions are developed and maintained in an attempt to prevent these prob-
lems persisting into the future.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The authors would like to acknowledge the valuable contribution of Dr.

Charles Poole and Dr. Jodie Lodge to this study. Correspondence con-
cerning this publication should be addressed to Associate Professor Erica
Frydenberg, Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of
Melbourne, Victoria, 3010. Email: e.frydenberg@unimelb.edu.au.
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CHAPTER 5
UNDERSTANDING
ADOLESCENT RISK
TAKING BEHAVIOR
Exploring the Motivations, Personalities

and Coping Styles of Young People
in a School-Based Population
Nicola Cogan and Matthias Schwannauer
Adolescence can be a challenging developmental period, often character-

ized by experimentation, impulsivity, curiosity, and uncertainty, making it
heightened potential for risk taking behavior. A large scale cross-sectional
study of a school based population (n = 407) was employed to test the rela-
tions between personality (telic and paratelic dominance), coping style (i.e.,
productive, nonproductive and reference to others) and engagement in
health risk behaviors (i.e., violence, sadness and suicidality; substance mis-
use and physical inactivity). Analysis indicated that adolescents with high
scores on negativistic dominance strongly predicted engagement in health
risk behaviors. Adolescents with high scores on productive coping style and
reference to others and low scores on nonproductive coping style were less
likely to engage in health risk behaviors. Coping style was found to mediate
the relationship between state dominance and violence, sadness and suicid-
ality, while a mediation effect was not found for substance misuse or physical

pp. 91–110
92 N. COGAN and M. SCHWANNAUER
inactivity. Clinical and health promotion interventions would benefit from

tailoring messages to reflect the processes linking personality, coping styles
and health risk behaviors among young people. Interventions that promote
adaptive outlets for positive risk taking behaviors and emphasise the impor-
tance of productive coping skills may be more likely to reduce adolescents’
engagement in health compromising behaviors.
INTRODUCTION
Why do young people take risks? Why do they take chances with their
health and well being, and even their lives? One of the most fascinating
aspects of adolescent behavior is the paradox between the actions young
people choose versus the actions that would appear to be in their own
best interests (Boyer & Byrnes, 2009). Not only does it prevent young
people from acting in ways that may be deemed “socially acceptable” but
it can actually encourage behavior that could lead to dangerous and/or
fatal outcomes (Eaton et al., 2006). It has been well documented that ado-
lescents partake in potentially health compromising behaviors such as
drug and alcohol misuse (Miller, Naimi, Brewer, & Jones, 2007), unpro-
tected sex (Siebenbruner, Zimmer-Gembeck, Egeland, 2007), gang vio-
lence (Cepeda, & Valdez, 2003), dangerous dieting (Rafiroiu Sargent,
Parra-Medina, Drane, & Valois, 2003), running away (Thrane Hoyt, Whit-
beck, & Yoder, 2006), delinquent acts (Hewitt, Regoli, & Kierkus, 2006)
and self harm (Best, 2006). Rising concern over the well-being of young
people has generated substantial research and policy interest in such
behaviors and in the social contexts in which they learn the roles and
responsibilities often assumed as they make the transition to adulthood
(Castellanos & Conrod, 2006).
Although there has been increasing interest in the U.K. concerning the
different types of risk taking behaviors young people engage in (Hewitt et
al., 2006), the majority of studies in this field stem from the United States.
While young people partake in a wide range of risk taking behaviors, the
leading causes of morbidity and mortality among young people and
adults are related to six categories of priority risk taking activities: behav-
iors that contribute to injuries and violence; tobacco use; alcohol and
other drug use; sexual behaviors that contribute to unintended pregnancy
and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV infection; unhealthy
dietary behaviors; and physical inactivity (Olshen, McVeigh, Wunsch-
Hitzig, & Rickert, 2007). These behaviors are frequently interrelated and
often are established during childhood and adolescence and extend into
adulthood (Busseri Willoughby, & Chalmers, 2007). Adolescents who ini-
Adolescent Risk Taking Behavior 93
tiate risk behaviors at an early age frequently have poorer health later on
in life, lower educational attainment, and less economic productivity than
their peers (Warren et al., 1997). Early initiation of such behaviors is asso-
ciated with longer periods of risk taking in later adolescence (Zakrajsek &
Shope, 2006) and may also be a predictor for health risk behavior in
adulthood (Dryfoos, 1998).
At the same time, risk taking and experimentation may be develop-
mental hallmarks of typical adolescent behavior (Steinberg, 2010). Such
exploration is part of young people’s need to discover new sensations and
conditions, and to master progressively those situations that are poten-
tially detrimental to their health (Michaud, 2006). Risk behaviors can
have adaptive benefits with regard to the development of independence
and survival without parental protection (Ponton, 1997). It can also help
foster independence in adolescents and is a means of identity formation
(Le Breton, 2004).
An increasing body of research has explored the processes underlying
adolescent engagement in risk taking behaviors which are central to
adaptive or maladaptive paths of development (Magar & Phillips, 2008).
The constructs of sensation seeking (Brady & Donenberg, 2006), locus of
control (Crisp & Barber, 1995), self-regulation (Magar & Philips, 2008)
and decision-making processes (Harris, Duncan, & Boisjoly, 2002) have
contributed towards our understanding of the psychological factors and
predispositions which may underlie young people’s engagement in risk
behaviors. Nonetheless, they do not explain why young people may
respond differently to the same event on different occasions (Finfgeld,
Wongvatunyu, Conn, Grando, & Russell, 2003) and the paradoxical ways
in which adolescents make decisions regarding such behaviors (Keeler &
Kaiser, 2010).
The idea of dual and opposite phenomenological possibilities for
understanding engagement in health risk behaviors can be conceptual-
ized using the theoretical framework of reversal theory (Apter, 2007).
Reversal theory is a theory of personality, motivation and emotion that
focuses on the dynamic qualities of human experience to describe how a
person reverses between psychological states (Apter, 2001).
From this perspective, young people alternate between opposite psy-
chological states which are operative and entail distinctive motives, per-
ceptions, and emotions. Thus, different states represent opposite ways of
experiencing the same level of a particular psychological variable, such as
arousal (Frey, 1999). A switch or reversal from one state to the other may
be brought about under a variety of circumstances with the result that
people tend to switch back and forth between these states during the
course of everyday life (Apter, 1982).
A major way in which people differ from each other is in terms of the
innate bias they have to be in one state or other (Apter, 2005), the degree
of bias being referred to as state dominance. Dominance implies that
individuals will contingently reverse more easily into their dominant state,
and will satiate more slowly and become less easily frustrated in that state
(Apter, 2001). The concept of dominance differs from that of trait, in that
it suggests that one spends more time in a particular state yet can often be
in a nondominant state and experience that non-dominant state as fully
as someone for whom it is dominant (Rutledge & Tucker, 2007). The con-
cept of dominance allows for the self-contradictions individuals often dis-
play. An individual’s personality is not a permanent state but a reversing
tendency changing in accordance to the environment.
Coping in adolescence is a particularly relevant concept in health risk
behavior (Steiner, Erickson, Hernandez, & Pavelski, 2002) given that one
of the major changes in psychological functioning that occurs during this
developmental period is the expansion and diversification of ways of
dealing with stressors (Mullis & Chapman, 2000). In a variety of studies,
coping has been shown to make significant contributions to adolescent
adjustment and engagement in health risk behaviors (Printz, Shermis, &
Webb, 1999; Seiffge-Krenke & Klessinger, 2000). For example, alcohol and
drug use has been identified as a coping response to psychological strain
(Preston, 2006) as has coping with stress through escape behavior induced
by risk taking (Brady & Donenberg, 2006). Interestingly, in a study of
homeless young people, findings indicated greater use of a disengaging
coping style and high risk behaviors, past suicide attempts, and clinically
elevated levels of depressive symptoms and behavioral problems (Votta &
Manion, 2004).
Such research has indicated that coping mechanisms influence adoles-
cent engagement in risk taking (Steiner et al., 2002) and highlights the
importance of clinical interventions which promote adaptive coping strat-
egies, maintaining healthy behaviors, effective problem solving and stress
management techniques (Goodwin, 2006). In addition, coping styles have
been found to correlate with personality traits (Maltby, Day, & Barber,
2004). For example, maladaptive shame and avoidant coping styles are
associated with psychopathic and impulsive traits in a nonclinical adult
population (Campbell & Elison, 2005). This type of coping behavior has
also been linked to substance abuse in numerous studies (Bradizza, Reif-
man, & Barnes, 1999; Stewart, Zvolensky, & Eifert, 2001). Further work
exploring the relationship between coping styles and dispositional attri-
butes (in both males and females) in association with a wider range of
health risk behaviors would provide new insights into this fascinating area
of research.
THE STUDY
This study sought to examine how motivational factors and personality

attributes of young people who engage in health risk behaviors may be
mediated by the ways in which they cope with life stressors. A large scale
cross-sectional study of a school based population was adopted. Partici-
pants were approached and recruited via senior teaching staff across three
state secondary schools within an urban area in the City of Edinburgh,
Scotland. Senior teaching staff were sent information leaflets summariz-
ing the aims of the study and what participation would entail.
A purposive sample was obtained, whereby participants were selected
according to the following inclusion/exclusion criteria: (1) aged between
14 and 18 years old, (2) able to provide informed consent to their partici-
pation in the study, and (3) granted parental consent for their participa-
tion. Adolescents with drug and/or alcohol problems as a primary
diagnosis were excluded from the study. Selected participants were asked
to complete survey packs during personal and social development educa-
tion classes. The chief investigator met with senior staff and completed
two dissemination events at each of the schools whereby an introduction
to the study, information about completing the survey packs and distribu-
tion took place.
Survey Packs Used
The survey packs included several instruments to be completed by stu-

dents. First, students were asked demographic questions to collect the fol-
lowing information concerning their age, ethnicity, educational
background, physical and mental health. These date were obtained not
only for descriptive purposes, but to assess and as appropriate reduce the
influence of confounding variables. The packs also contained four instru-
ments, which are described below.
Youth Risk Behavior Survey

The Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS—modified) (Eaton et al.,
2005) targets those health behaviors that are considered risky, in that they
result in the most significant impacts on health, well being, and longevity.
These include behaviors that result in: (a) unintentional and intentional
injuries; (b) tobacco use; (c) alcohol and other drug use; (d) sexual behav-
iors that contribute to HIV infection, other sexually transmitted diseases
(STDs), and unintended pregnancies; (e) unhealthy dietary behaviors;
and (f) physical inactivity. Given that the YRBS was originally developed
with a US population, in order to improve the ecological validity of some
of the survey items, minor modifications were made to some of the lan-
guage used (i.e. replaced the word “behavior” with “behavior”). The reli-
ability of the scores gathered by the YRBS have been found to be high
over time (Meltzer, Silber, Meltzer, & DAngelo, 2005).
Telic Dominance Questionnaire

Telic dominance questionnaire (TDQ) (Murgatroyd, Rushton, Apter, &
Ray, 1978) was used to measure state dominance. It consists of three sub-
scales (i.e., arousal avoidance, planning orientation and serious-minded-
ness), each with 14 items, making 40 two items in total. The serious-
mindedness (SM) subscale measures the frequency with which a partici-
pant sees himself or herself to be engaged in activities whose primary
purpose is to achieve a goal beyond these activities, rather than activities
which are indulged in for their own sake. In other words, it is about how
frequently the participant is in a state of mind that is oriented to what he
or she sees as serious ends, rather than a state of mind oriented towards
the more playful enjoyment of ongoing sensations or skills. The planning
orientation (PO) subscale measures the frequency with which a participant
sees himself or herself to be involved in activities that require planning
ahead and an orientation to the future, rather than activities that are
more unplanned, spontaneous or oriented to the “here and now.” Finally,
the arousal avoidance (AA) subscale measures the frequency with which a
participant sees himself or herself to be engaged in activities that might
be expected to reduce arousal, rather than activities that might be
expected to increase it.
Each item consists of telic and paratelic alternatives and participants
are asked to choose the alternative they would normally prefer. A not sure
response is also included on each item. A total score on telic dominance is
also obtained. Previous work has substantiated that the subscales are sig-
nificantly related and that the scale satisfies reliability and validity
requirements (Murgatroyd et al., 1978).
Negativistism Dominance Scale

The Negativistism Dominance Scale (NDS) (McDermott, 1988a;
McDermott & Apter, 1988), also known as the Social Reactivity Scale, was
also used to measure state dominance. It is an 18 item measure consisting
of two seven item subscales which relate to different types of negativism
dominance (i.e., proactive negativism and reactive negativism) and four
“filler” items that are introduced to reduce the chance of response sets
occurring. The proactive negativism (PN) subscale measures the fre-
quency with which a participant indulges in negativistic or rebellious
behavior in order to provoke situations that are exciting and fun. It is
labelled “proactive” because it is about how frequently the participant sets
out to cause gratuitous trouble. The reactive negativism (RM) subscale

measures the frequency with which a participant reacts to disappoint-
ments and frustrations with feelings of resentment, and/or with vindictive
or vengeful behavior. It is labelled “reactive” because it is about the way in
which the participant reacts to certain kinds of situations.
Each item consists of rebelliousness and conformist alternatives and
participants are asked to choose the alternative they would normally pre-
fer. A not sure response is also included on each item. A total negativism
score can also be obtained. Both dimensions of rebelliousness have been
found to be predictive of different sets of psychological constructs. The
NDS has also been cross culturally replicated and has proved to be a valid
and reliable measure (McDermott, 1988).
Adolescent Coping Scale

The Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS) by Frydenberg and Lewis (1993)
was developed to measure a wide range of coping strategies used by ado-
lescents. The short version of the ACS was used to measure coping styles
commonly used by adolescents. The ACS identifies three different coping
styles (i.e., productive, nonproductive, and reference to others) which
encapsulate the different strategies adolescents adopt. The first of these,
reference to others, is characterized by turning to peers, professionals or
deities in a bid to cope with the concern. Reference to others coping style
is comprised of seeking social support, seeking spiritual support, seeking
professional help, and social action. The second of these, nonproductive
coping style, otherwise referred to as avoidance strategies, is empirically
associated with an inability to cope. The nonproductive coping style con-
sists of worry, investing in close friends, wishful thinking, seek to belong,
ignore the problem, tension reduction, keep to self, not coping, and self
blame. The final coping style is productive coping and is characterized by
strategies relating to solving the problem while remaining optimistic, fit,
relaxed, and socially connected. Productive coping is made up from the
strategies: solving the problem, focus on the positive, seek to belong,
physical recreation, seek relaxing diversions and work hard and achieve.
The three scales measuring coping styles each provide high internally
consistent and stable responses, with all reliability coefficients ranging
between 0.76 and 0.89 (Frydenberg et al., 1993).
Participant Characteristics
A total of 416 young people took part in the study, however, 9 respon-
dents were excluded (N = 407) as their survey packs were incomplete
(female n = 205; male n = 202). The age range1 of participants was 14-17
years old (m = 15.02, sd = .90). The distribution of gender across age

group was not found to be significantly different when analyzed using chi-
square test. Over three quarter of participants were of White Scottish ori-
gin (76.9%), followed by Pakistan (7.9%), other White (6.1%), other
(3.2%), Indian (2.2%), other Asian (2.2%) and Bangaladeshi (1.5%). All of
the young people resided in an urban area in the City of Edinburgh, of
which the majority had lived there all their lives (88.6%). Almost three
quarter of participants had yet to obtain educational qualifications
(71.4%), while almost a quarter had standard grades (22.9%) and a few
had higher grades (5.7%).
In terms of how young people described their health in general, the
majority stated good (32.5%), very good (37.9%) and excellent (15.3%), while
others stated fair (12.3%) and poor (2%). A significant difference was
found in terms of gender and general health (χ2 (1) = 5.24, p = .02) with
males being more likely to report being in excellent health compared to
females. Over a tenth of the participants (11.1%) reported that they expe-
rienced mental health problems (i.e., anxiety and depression), of which
almost two thirds (64.4%) had sought help from mental health services.
The distribution of age across those reporting having mental health prob-
lems and having sought help from mental health services were not found
to be significantly different when analysed using chi-square test. A signifi-
cant difference was found for gender and those having sought help from
mental health services (χ2 (1) = 6.64, p = .01) indicating that females
were more likely than males to seek help. However, no significant gender
difference was found for those reporting having mental health problems.
For the 8.6% of participants reporting that they experienced physical
health problems (i.e., asthma and diabetes), no significant difference was
found for age or gender.
THE FINDINGS
Health Risk Behaviors
Descriptive statistics were conducted to examine the prevalence of

health risk behaviors and chi-square analyses were performed to deter-
mine whether differences existed in terms of the sex and age of adoles-
cents. In support of previous work (Lowry, Wechsler, Galuska, Fulton, &
Kann, 2002; Miller et al., 2007; Peters, Kelder, Prokhorov, Yacoubian, &
Markham, 2005), adolescents engaged in a wide range of risky activities
that were potentially counterproductive to the maintenance of their
health and welfare. In terms of regular tobacco use (e.g., during past 30
days smoked less than 9 days), 8.8% of the young people regularly used
tobacco. No significant differences were found for sex or age and regular
tobacco use. Almost a quarter of the young people (22.3%) had used mar-
ijuana. While no significant difference was found in terms of sex, older
adolescents were found to be significantly more likely to use marijuana
compared to younger adolescents (χ2 (1) = 11.64, p = .001). Over a third
of the young people (38.6%) had engaged in binge drinking (e.g., during
past 30 days drank five or more drinks in a row in 2 hour period). While
no significant difference was found in terms of gender, younger adoles-
cents were significantly more likely to binge drink compared with older
adolescents (χ2 (1) = 10.98, p = .001). Almost a fifth of the adolescents
had used some form of hard drugs (18.7%), with males being significantly
more likely to have tried hard drugs compared to females (χ2 (1) = 4.43, p
= .03). No significant difference was found for age and hard drug use.
In terms of unsafe sex, 12.3% of the young people had engaged in sex
without a condom. While no significant difference was found for the sex
of adolescents, younger adolescents were significantly more likely to prac-
tice unsafe sex compared to older adolescents (χ2 (1) = 5.34, p = .02). Of
the 8% of the young people (8.1%) who reported that they had been in a
physical fight that required medical attention in the last 12 months, males
were significantly more likely to have been in a physical fight compared to
females (χ2 (1) = 3.12, p = .05). No significant difference was found for
age and being in a physical fight.
Almost a quarter of the young people (23.8%) stated that, in the past
12 months, they had felt sad or hopeless for a period of at least two weeks
that stopped them from doing usual activities. Females were significantly
more likely to report feeling sad or hopeless compared to males (χ2 (1) =
9.35, p = .002). No significant difference was found for age. In terms of
suicidality, 16% of the young people stated that they had seriously consid-
ered attempting suicide in the past 12 months, with females being signifi-
cantly more likely to have considered suicide compared to males (χ2 (1) =
6.28, p = .01). Eleven percent (11.1%) of adolescents reported that they
had made a suicide plan and 10.1% stated that they had attempted sui-
cide in the past year. Furthermore, 4.4% of adolescents had attempted
suicide during the past 12 months that resulted in injury, poisoning or
overdose that had to be treated by a doctor or nurse. No significant differ-
ences were found for sex or age and having made a suicide plan or
attempted suicide.
Of 8.1% of adolescents who were physically inactive (i.e., in last week
had not engaged in exercise for at least 20 minutes that made them sweat
or breathe hard), females were significantly more likely to be physically
inactive compared to males (χ2 (1) = 7.18, p = .007), however no signifi-
cant difference was found for age. Over a third of the adolescents (34.4%)
reportedly had unhealthy dietary intake (i.e., did not eat recommended
five fruit and vegetables a day). No significant difference was found in

terms of sex or age of adolescents. Over the course of the past week,
almost a third (31.2%) had not eaten any green salad, 12.3% had not
eaten any fruit and 11.3% had not eaten any vegetables.
Factor analysis using maximum likelihood extraction method and vari-
max rotation was performed to analyze interrelationships among the
individual health risk behavior variables to determine whether these vari-
ables could be explained by a smaller set of common underlying factors.
See Table 5.1. Three factors emerged explaining 38.68% of the total vari-
ance (see Table 5.1). The first factor, explaining 11.29% of variance in
scores with item loadings ranging .43 and .92 consisted of regular tobacco
use, binge drinking, marijuana use and lifetime hard drug use (substance
misuse risk factor). The second factor, explaining 18.82% of variance in
scores with item loadings ranging .35 to .84 consisted of violence, sadness
and suicide attempt (violence and mental health risk factor). The third factor,
explaining 8.56% of variance was physical inactivity (physical inactivity risk
factor). The other individual risk behavior variables were excluded from
further analysis.
Univariate and multivariate associations between state dominance,
coping styles and health risk behaviors were performed. Factorial
between-subjects ANOVAs were conducted to examine main effects and
interaction effects between the variables. Results were corroborated using
independent t-tests and post hoc analysis using Scheffe test to determine
the direction and magnitude of difference. Both Pearson’s correlations
and partial correlations were conducted to examine relationships between
the main variables, while controlling for possible confounding variables.
Multiple regression analyses were then used to assess the relative and
incremental contribution of independent predictor variables to explain-
ing the variance in the outcome variables (health risk behaviors).
Table 5.1. Items Loading for Each Factor and

Abbreviations Used in Testing of Hypotheses.
Factors Percent of
Extracted Items Included Variance Abbreviated Terms
Factor 1 Regular tobacco use; Binge drinking; Mari- 11.29 SUB.MISUSE
juana use and Hard drug use (substance mis-
use)
Factor 2 Violence (VIO); Hopelessness and sadness 18.82 VIO.SAD.SUI
(SAD);
Suicide attempt (SUI).
Factor 3 Physical inactivity (single item factor). 8.55 PHY.INACT
State Dominance and Health Risk Behaviors

Hierarchical linear regression analysis was used to examine the rela-
tionship between state dominance (telic and negativistic dominance) and
health risk behaviors. High scores on negativistic dominance strongly pre-
dicted those young people who were most likely to partake in health com-
promising risk taking, including substance misuse R2 = 0.18 (F4, 399 =
22.18, p = .001), significant predictors: age (β = .191, p = .001) and neg-
ativistic dominance (β = .380, p = .001); violence, sadness and suicidality
R2 = 0.07 (F4, 399 = 7.245, p = .001), significant predictors: total nega-
tivism score (β = .243, p = .001), total telic score (β = .104, p = .037) and
sex (β = .136, p = .006); and physical inactivity R2 = 0.03 (F4, 399 = 3.18,
p = .015), significant predictors: sex (β = .152, p = .003) and total nega-
tivism score (β = .100, p = .050). These findings provide supportive evi-
dence to previous work reporting that negativistic dominance may
increase a young person’s propensity to partake in dangerous risk taking
(Doherty & McDermott, 1997; O’Connell, Schwartz, Gerkovich, Bott, &
Shiffman, 2004).
State Dominance and Coping Styles

Factorial between-subjects ANOVAs were conducted to examine the
main effects for negativistic dominance, telic dominance and interaction
effects with coping styles. Adolescents with low scores on negativistic dom-
inance were less likely to use the nonproductive coping style (F37,
391 = 2.097, p = .004). This finding confirms earlier studies suggesting
that when negativistic dominance becomes extreme, maladaptive coping
occurs (Apter, 2005; O’Connell et al., 2004). Thus, it may be that negativ-
istic dominance is more associated with difficulties coping with feelings
produced by responding to what are perceived to be unjust or unreason-
able interpersonal requirements (Turner & Heskin, 1998). Furthermore,
higher scores on telic dominance were associated with greater use of ref-
erence to others (F37, 391 = 1.878, p = .005) coping style. It appears
logical that those young people who were more likely to be serious-
minded and plan their activities were also more inclined to seek help
from others in dealing with stress.
Coping Style and Health Risk Behaviors

Hierarchial linear regression was used to examine the relationship
between coping styles and health risk behaviors. Adolescents with high
scores on reference to others and low scores on nonproductive coping
style were less likely to engage in substance misuse R2 = 0.08 (F5, 391 =
7.002, p = .001), significant predictors: nonproductive coping style (β =
.242, p = .001) and age (β = .119, p = .015); violence, sadness and suicid-
ality R2 = 0.17 (F5, 391 = 15.20, p = .001), significant predictors: non-
productive coping (β = .400, p = .001) and reference to others (β = -.111,

p = .023); and physical inactivity R2 = 0.04 (F5, 391 = 2.868, p = .015),
significant predictors: sex (β = .126, p = .016) and nonproductive coping
(β = .121, p = .015). These findings provide supportive evidence for
research demonstrating that reducing engagement in nonproductive cop-
ing strategies may contribute towards the maintenance of healthy behav-
iors (Steiner et al., 2002) and highlights the importance of therapeutic
interventions which aim to broaden young people’s productive coping
repertoire (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2004; Goodwin, 2006). Furthermore,
greater use of such maladaptive strategies (e.g. self blame, avoidance,
keep problem to the self) has been consistently shown to be associated
with increased levels of dangerous risk taking (Brady & Donenberg, 2006;
Romero & Ruiz, 2007; Steiner et al., 2002), past suicide attempts (Groholt
Ekeberg, & Haldorsen, 2000; Meltzer et al., 2005) and problem behaviors
(Votta & Manion, 2004).
Mediation Model
Structural equation modelling was used to determine whether coping

styles mediated the relationship between state dominance and health risk
behaviors. Although this technique cannot confirm causality, it verifies if
the specified model is the best fit for the data (Ullman & Bentler, 2004). A
path diagram (see Figure 5.1) was used to pictorially represent the rela-
tionship between the main variables. In accordance with conventions for
diagrammatically presenting a path model (Bollen, 1989), the indepen-
dent variables (state dominance) occupy the left side of the diagram, the
dependent variables (health risk behaviors) on the right, and the mediat-
ing variables in the center.
The measured variable (physical inactivity) is a single item factor and is
presented by a rectangle. The factors (state dominance, coping styles,
substance misuse, and violence, sadness, and suicidality) which have two
or more indicators are represented by circles and relationships between
variables are indicated by lines. The direction of arrows shown in the dia-
gram give the predicted direction of the relationship between two vari-
ables. Lines which have one arrow represent the hypothesized direct
relationship between two variables, and the variable with the arrow point-
ing to it is the dependent variable. A line with an arrow at both ends indi-
cates an unanalyzed relationship, simply a covariance between the two
variables with no implied direction of effect.
Inspection of Table 5.2 indicates that the indices reflecting the model fit
accord with one another, which serves as an indication of the robustness of
the model. The comparative fit index (CFI) score was .896 and the root
V5
V4 V6
V8
.028 .999 .379
.257
.426 .532
F2 F3 V9
.687
.225
.360 V10
V3 .650
F1 V11
.125
.151
V7 .512
.746 V12
.547
.028
F4
.814
V13
.585
V15
V14
Key
Factors Variables Variables
F1 = State dominance V3 = Total negativism score V10 = Suicidality
F2 = Coping styles V4 = Productive coping V11 = Tobacco use
F3 = VIO.SAD.SUI V5 = Unproductive coping V12 = Binge drinking
F4 = SUB.MISUSE V6 = Reference to others V13 = Marijuana use
V7 = Total telic score V14 = Hard drug use
V8 = Violence V15 = Physical inactivity
V9 = Sadness and hopelessness (single item factor)
Figure 5.1. Path diagram of mediation model.
mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA) was .048 indicating that

the model was a good fit. Interestingly, inspection of the coefficients indi-
cates that coping style was found to mediate the relationship between state
dominance and violence, sadness, and suicidality, while a mediation effect
was not found for substance misuse or physical inactivity.
This finding adds new insight in this field of investigation, given that
the vast majority of studies have examined the association between cop-
ing, personality and health risk behavior independently (Frydenberg &
Lewis, 2004). A variety of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have
found that personality (Goodwin, 2006) and coping behavior make a sig-
nificant contribution to adolescent adjustment and engagement in health
Table 5.2. SEM Goodness of Fit Indices

Bentler-Bonett normed fit index .809
Bentler-Bonett non-normed fit index .854
Comparative fit index (CFI) .896
BOLLEN'S (IFI) fit index .900
McDonald’s mean (MFI) fit index .938
Root mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA) .048*
90% confidence interval of RMSEA .033, .062
risk behaviors (Printz et al., 1999). While attempts have been made to
explore mediation (Brady & Donenberg, 2006; Campbell, 2005) an effect
was not demonstrated. This may have been due to the limited range of
coping strategies explored in such research (coping to escape, shame cop-
ing), in contrast to the current study (productive, nonproductive, and ref-
erence to others coping styles).
It is interesting to note that a mediation effect was not found for sub-
stance misuse or physical inactivity. It could be argued that such risk activ-
ities may be more strongly associated with other possible mediators. For
example, studies indicate a high level of social disadvantage among
young substance users (Crome, 2004), including poverty and lack of com-
munity support structures (Brook, Brook, Gordon, Whiteman, & Cohen,
1990). Furthermore, early onset of alcohol and tobacco use, the major
predictors of further substance use, are greatly influenced by family
behavior (Crome et al., 2004). Similarly, physical inactivity and sedentary
lifestyles have been found to be heavily influenced by social (Brodersen,
2007), environmental (Hu, Li, & Colditz, 2003) and familial (Baba, Iwao,
Koketsu, Nagashima, & Inasaka, 2006) factors.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Extensive research has documented the growing prevalence of adolescent

health risk behaviors, such as tobacco use, alcohol and other substance
use, risky sexual activity, unhealthy dietary intake, physical inactivity, and
intentional and unintentional injury (Johnson & Malow-Iroff, 2008;
Olshen et al., 2007). Behavioral and lifestyle factors, typically involving
risk taking, constitute the major determinants of morbidity and mortality
among adolescents (Testa & Steinberg, 2010). While a large body of
research has explored correlates of health risk behaviors, few studies have
examined mediation models. This study tested a conceptual model
explaining how health risk behavior may be linked to personality utilizing
the underlying theoretical framework of Reversal theory (Apter, 2001).

The concept of state dominance (telic and paratelic), the tendency that a
young person has to be in one state or another over time, and subsequent
coping style behavior were examined. Coping style was found to mediate
the relationship between state dominance (negativistic and telic) and vio-
lence, sadness and suicidality. Although the data cannot determine a
causal relationship between such variables, it is proposed that at the very
least, state dominance and coping style should be considered as predic-
tors for engagement in health risk behaviors.
Any intervention or service development designed to prevent or
change adolescent involvement in health risk behaviors should be
founded on a clear idea of what is normative risk taking (Reyna & Farley,
2006). The findings from the current study suggest that clinical and
health promotion interventions would benefit from tailoring messages to
reflect the processes linking state dominance, coping styles and health
risk behaviors among young people. Such program may be most effective
by addressing the broader social and developmental context in which risk
taking occurs. Interventions that promote adaptive outlets for positive
risk taking and improving coping strategies may be more likely to reduce
health compromising behaviors (Conrod, Castellanos-Ryan, & Strang,
2010). Young people should also be encouraged to develop productive
coping skills given that the greater use of nonproductive coping was
found to be associated with higher levels of involvement in health risk
behaviors.
While additional research on the mechanisms linking state dominance,
coping styles and risk taking will be critical to uniquely tailoring interven-
tions to reduce the possible adversities associated with health risk behav-
iors, exploration of other mediation models may also prove useful. For
example, it would be interesting to consider the role of developmental
processes in which attachment with caregivers from birth shape young
people’s engagement in risk taking in ways that are adaptive or maladap-
tive (Allen & Land, 1999). Interactions in families of insecure adolescents
are often particularly problematic when young people strive for auton-
omy, creating tensions and conflict in family relationships (Allen, Kuper-
minc, & Moore, 1997). Adolescents who experience their parents as
insensitive and unavailable are at increased likelihood of depressed mood,
poor self-regard, and aggression and hostility toward others (Scharf, May-
seless, & Kivenson-Baron, 2004). Therefore, it would be intriguing to pur-
sue research to explore the relationship between attachment style, state
dominance, coping, and health risk behaviors
Clinicians, educators and other professionals working with young peo-
ple should be fully aware of the developmental and social context in
which adolescent risk taking takes place. Risk, risk taking, and risk behav-
ior are important and relevant topics for exploring in health education
classes. Unhealthy risk taking amongst adolescents need not be random,
uncontrollable, or inevitable. Instead, many factors that contribute to an
adolescent’s propensity to engage in such behaviors are modifiable.
Rather than researchers, service providers and policymakers actively
“degrading” the potential positive aspects of risk taking behaviors, by
excessively focusing on negative outcomes, increased effort should be
exerted into supporting and encouraging young people to make calcu-
lated and safe decisions about such behaviors. The challenge is to channel
adolescent risk taking into positive, health-enhancing experiences and to
provide realistic alternative options to destructive behaviors. Risk taking
is essential for positive growth and maturation and it allows for discovery
and establishment of personal identity.
Young people’s future trajectories, their health and well being, as well
as their educational, vocational and social achievements are likely to be
influenced by their personality attributes and the ways in which they cope
with life stressors. Importance should be placed on allowing young people
to understand the relationship between personality, coping and engage-
ment in health risk behaviors and for parents, teachers and health care
professionals to develop a comfort level for talking about such issues with
young people.
NOTE
1. For the purpose of the analysis, age was dichotomized into 14/15 years
(younger adolescent) & 16/17 years (older adolescent).
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CHAPTER 6
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN

POSITIVE DEVELOPMENT
DURING THE TRANSITION
TO ADULTHOOD AND
EDUCATION, TEMPERAMENT,
AND PERSONALITY
Meredith O’Connor,
M. O’CONNOR, Ann
A. SANSON, Sanson,
AND and Erica Frydenberg
E. FRYDENBERG
Schools provide a key source of the skills and competencies that aide young
peoples’ successful adaptation. Hence, this chapter aims to identify poten-
tial school-based targets for interventions that promote positive adaptation
in young people as they make the transition to adulthood. Personality is
associated with both educational outcomes and positive adaptation, and
hence the role of personality will also be examined. The sample consisted of
1,158 participants in the Australian Temperament Project, a large longitu-
dinal community-based study that has followed young people’s psychosocial
adjustment from infancy to early adulthood. Recently, a multidimensional
model of positive development (at 19-20 years) has been developed that
includes the dimensions of social competence, life satisfaction, trust and tol-
erance of others, trust in authorities and organizations, and civic action and
engagement. Using hierarchical multiple regression analyses, we examined
the contribution of temperament, personality, and educational experiences
across childhood and adolescence to positive development during the tran-

pp. 111–130
112 M. O’CONNOR, A. SANSON, and E. FRYDENBERG
sition to adulthood. The findings point to school-based targets for interven-

tions to promote positive development in young people.
Emerging adulthood describes the period from the late teens to the early
20s, when young people are typically moving out of the school system and
undertaking new pursuits such as tertiary study or full-time employment,
and is characterized by extensive variability and role exploration, without
clear normative expectations (Arnett, 2000). It has been described as a
window of opportunity for positive change in life course trajectories (Mas-
ten, Obradovic, & Burt, 2006), as well as a period in which the incidence
of risk behaviors and mental health problems is relatively high (Kessler &
Walters, 1998). The capacity of young people to successfully take up adult
roles as they transition to adulthood is of great importance to individuals,
communities, and societies. Yet, as noted by Masten et al. (2004), “inter-
vening to foster the conditions for positive change during the transition
to adulthood requires a more solid base of knowledge than presently
exists” (p. 1092). It is therefore important to identify antecedent factors
which promote successful development during this transition period, and
which may provide targets for intervention (Tanner, 2006).
Positive development has been conceptualized in many different ways
by different theorists and researchers, but in general terms refers to the
positive aspects of human behavior (such as “assets” or “strengths”) and
successful developmental outcomes (such as being in employment). Using
structural equation modeling, a multidimensional model of positive
development was recently tested (Hawkins, Letcher, Sanson, Smart, &
Toumbourou, 2009) that incorporates perspectives on developmental
psychopathology (Cicchetti, 1984; Masten & Curtis, 2000), life course and
life span psychology (Lerner, 2006), and social capital theory (Whitley &
McKenzie, 2005). The model identifies five important domains of positive
development at 19-20 years, including social competence, life satisfaction,
trust and tolerance of others, trust in authorities and organizations, and
civic action and engagement, and has been shown to be a robust measure
of positive development during emerging adulthood.
Schools are a key source of the skills and competencies that can aide
young peoples’ capacity for successful adaptation as they traverse the path
to adulthood (Hamilton & Hamilton, 2009). They also play an important
role in facilitating young peoples’ feelings of connectedness (McGraw,
Moore, Fuller, & Bates, 2008), and can provide a valuable support net-
work (Zarrett & Eccles, 2006). Hence, adjustment to the school setting is
likely to provide a strong foundation for successful adaptation during the
transition out of secondary school to new roles and contexts. Further-
more, schools provide accessible and relatively stable sites within which to
Positive Development, Education, and Personality 113
locate interventions to promote well-being (Bond et al., 2007), and repre-

sent a common setting for children and adolescents, thus facilitating uni-
versal promotion-based interventions (Short & Talley, 1997). School-
based interventions to promote positive development are thus likely to be
both effective and practicable. However, few studies have examined the
role of educational experiences in promoting multidimensional positive
development over the transition to adulthood.
The relationship between school connectedness and positive develop-
ment has received little attention, with most studies examining strong
connections to school as a protective factor against problem behaviors
such as substance use. However, those studies that have been conducted
suggest that school bonding may be an important factor in promoting
positive development both concurrently and into early adulthood. For
example, McGraw et al. (2008) drew on an Australian school based sam-
ple and found that school connectedness was associated with well-being
during the final year of secondary school (mean age 17 years), and con-
tinued to have implications for well-being 1 year after leaving secondary
school. Carter, McGee, Taylor, and Williams (2007) examined data from a
longitudinal study of New Zealand children, and found that school
engagement was strongly related to both low levels of health compromis-
ing and high levels of health promoting behaviors during the transition
to adulthood. Similarly, Frydenberg, Care, Freeman, and Chan (2009)
found that emotional well-being (i.e., life satisfaction and positive affect)
was concurrently associated with school connectedness in adolescence.
School connectedness has also been associated with a range of other posi-
tive outcomes, such as optimism, self-esteem, and higher Grade Point
Average (Maddox & Prinz, 2003).
Most studies of academic competency have been concerned with
achievement as an outcome, and few have examined it as a potential ante-
cedent of positive development. Those studies that have investigated it as
a predictor again suggest that academic achievement in childhood and
adolescence may have lasting implications for positive development in
emerging adulthood. For example, Masten et al. (1995), drawing on data
from Project Competence—a U.S. sample of 205 children recruited from
two elementary schools in lower to middle-class neighborhoods—found
that academic achievement during childhood (ages 8-12 years) was a pow-
erful precursor of a construct labelled “competence” in emerging adult-
hood, which included competence in the academic, social, behavioral,
romantic, and employment domains. Obradovic and Masten (2007), also
drawing on data from Project Competence, found that adolescent aca-
demic competence (including academic achievement and school adjust-
ment) along with social competence, were unique predictors of
citizenship, a dimension of positive development, in emerging adulthood.
Temperament and personality are related to both educational out-

comes and positive development. Hence, it is important to consider the
role of temperament and personality when examining the relationship
between positive adaptation and education. Temperament is typically
seen as the “core” of aspects of developing personality, including affec-
tive, activational, and attentional dimensions (Sanson, Hemphill, &
Smart, 2002). Personality encompasses a broader range of factors, includ-
ing thought content, skills, habits, values, beliefs, and social cognitions.
Although later personality is relatively stable, temperament over child-
hood shows a substantial degree of change as the child interacts with their
environment, and hence may represent a potential target for intervention
itself (Shiner & Caspi, 2003). Interventions tailored to different tempera-
ment styles may also be particularly effective (Sanson et al., 2002).
Looking at the relationship between temperament and academic com-
petency, even as far back as the 1930s the temperament dimension of per-
sistence was recognized as an important factor in academic achievement
(Ryans, 1939). There is also growing consensus about the relationship
between personality and academic outcomes. For example, Noftle and
Robins (2007) reviewed the literature around personality and academic
achievement in secondary school and college. Looking across twenty stud-
ies, conscientiousness was a consistent predictor of better academic out-
comes. There was also some evidence that achievement shared a weak
negative association with extraversion and neuroticism, and a weak posi-
tive association with agreeableness and openness.
Temperament and personality also appear to be related to aspects of
positive development. For example, Smart and Sanson (2003) investi-
gated the antecedents of social competence, a dimension of positive
development, at 19-20 years. They found that the temperament factors of
reactivity, sociability, shyness, and persistence significantly predicted later
social competence. Drawing on data from Project Competence, Shiner
(2000) examined the relationship between personality traits at 8-12 years
and adaptive functioning (defined as academic achievement, rule-abiding
behavior, and peer social competence) 10 years later. Personality traits
including mastery motivation, conscientiousness, surgent engagement
(higher extraversion, expressiveness, and attention), and agreeableness,
were predictive of concurrent and later adaptive functioning.
THE CURRENT STUDY
The Australian Temperament Project (ATP) is a large scale longitudinal

community based study, which has followed the development of a cohort
of Australian children from infancy to emerging adulthood. The study has
collected a wealth of data across 14 waves from multiple informants,

including parents, teachers, and the children themselves.
Drawing on data from the ATP, the current study aims to provide insight
into possible education-based targets for interventions to enhance positive
development in emerging adulthood. The study builds upon previous
research by examining temperament, personality, and educational predic-
tors of positive development in emerging adulthood, using an empirically
tested, multidimensional construct of positive development in emerging
adulthood (Hawkins et al., 2009). By employing a hierarchical model, this
study examines the unique effects of educational factors on later positive
development, controlling for their mutual association with temperament
and personality. Few studies have had the capacity to examine the influence
of educational factors across both primary and secondary school on adult
well-being, and hence the current study also seeks to provide insight into
the relative salience of predictors during these different developmental
periods. Furthermore, gender was examined as a potential moderator of
the effects of educational factors on later positive development, thereby
providing an indication of whether different strategies to promote positive
development for young men and women may be necessary.
METHOD
Participants and Procedure
Participants were young people enrolled in the ATP, a longitudinal study

following the psychosocial development of a community sample from
infancy to adulthood. A representative sample of 2,443 infants was
recruited through selected maternal and child health centers across both
urban and rural areas in the State of Victoria, Australia, during a specified
2-week period in 1983. Fourteen waves of data have been collected over
the past 25 years from parents, primary school teachers, maternal and
child health nurses, and from the age of 11 onwards, the young people
themselves. The study has used a mail survey methodology in which ques-
tionnaires were mailed to participants (for further information, see Prior,
Sanson, Smart, & Oberklaid, 2000).
Participants in the current study were the 1,158 participants who com-
pleted the thirteenth survey at age 19-20 years, and thus had data on pos-
itive development in emerging adulthood. Questionnaire booklets were
mailed to participants, together with reply-paid, addressed envelopes in
which to return them. One round of postal reminders was undertaken,
and was followed by a second mail-out of questionnaires to nonrespon-
dents. Finally, a round of telephone reminders was undertaken. Partici-
pants were 647 females and 511 males, representing 77% of the young
people who were still enrolled in the study at 19-20 years.
Approximately two thirds of the cohort is still enrolled in the study
after 20 years. Attrition has been slightly higher in families experiencing
socioeconomic status (SES) disadvantage or among families with parents
not born in Australia. However, there are no significant differences
between the retained and nonretained subgroups on child characteristics
assessed in infancy, such as temperament style or behavior problems
(Ruschena, Prior, Sanson, & Smart, 2005). Hence, although attrition has
led to a slight under-representation of young people from families living
in socioeconomically disadvantaged circumstances, the study continues to
include children with a wide range of capacities and characteristics, and
attrition is unlikely to be a significant influence on the results.
MATERIALS
Positive Development
The measure used to assess positive development in emerging adult-

hood was developed by Hawkins et al. (2009) using AMOS 7.0 SEM con-
firmatory factor analysis (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL; Arbuckle & Wothke,
2006). This construct incorporates the five domains of “social compe-
tence,” “life satisfaction,” “trust and tolerance of others,” “trust in author-
ities and organizations,” and “civic action and engagement” that were
assessed by self-report at 19-20 years. Rates of missing data were very low
(average of 0.7%), and were estimated using the expectation-maximiza-
tion algorithm. All first order constructs loaded meaningfully on the sec-
ond order latent positive development construct (from .30 to .68), and all
second-order loadings were gender invariant. The second order construct
accounted for nearly half of the variance in the five first order constructs
and the model provided an excellent fit for the data (RMSEA = .05).
Using model-based imputation in AMOS on the final positive develop-
ment model, a latent factor score was computed and used as the positive
development outcome measure. The components of this score are
described below.
“Social competence” was assessed with three subscales derived from
Smart and Sanson (2003), including empathy (5 items, α = .78, e.g., “I
show my concern for others when they experience difficulties”), responsi-
bility (4 items, α = .72, e.g., “I can be relied on to do things right”), and
self-control (3 items, α = .60, e.g., “I can assert my opinion without argu-
ing or fighting”). Items were rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from
never to always.
“Life satisfaction” was measured by two subscales adapted from the

National Survey of Families and Households (Sweet & Bumpass, 2002),
including (a) satisfaction with achievement and life directions (3 items, α
= .83, e.g., “How satisfied are you with what you are accomplishing?”),
and (b) satisfaction with personal and social life (5 items, α = .75, e.g.,
“How satisfied are you with your social life?”). Items were rated on a 4
point scale from very satisfied to not at all satisfied.
“Trust and tolerance of others” was measured using three single items
derived from Stone and Hughes (2002) relating to trust in people in the
neighborhood, trust in Australians, and tolerance of different ethnic
groups (e.g., “Most people in your neighborhood can be trusted”). Rat-
ings were made on a 5-point scale from disagree completely to agree com-
pletely.
“Trust in authorities and organizations” was measured by three scales,
two derived from Flanagan and Longmire (1995) measuring trust in
authorities, and one from Stone and Hughes (2002) measuring trust in
organizations. The scales comprised (a) confidence in police (5 items, α =
.83, e.g., “How much confidence do you have in the police to treat every-
one fairly” rated on a 4 point scale from a great deal to none at all), (b)
confidence in the courts (5 items, α = .87, e.g., “How much confidence
do you have in the ability of the courts to impose fair sentences” rated on
the same scale), and (c) trust in organizations (8 items, α = .83), reflecting
confidence that various organizations/institutions can be relied on to act
in a fair or reasonable manner (e.g., government, the media), using a 4
point scale from not at all confident to very confident.
“Civic action and engagement” was measured by three scales derived
from Stone (2001) and Stone and Hughes (2002) tapping (a) participation
in community activities over the past year (10 items, α = .58, e.g., “In the
past 12 months how often have you attended a public meeting” rated from
not at all to 5 times or more), (b) participation in groups (9 items, α = .65, e.g.,
“sporting, recreation, or hobby groups” rated as yes or no to participation
in the last year), and c) donations to groups (9 items, α = .6, e.g., “church
groups” rated as yes or no to donations made in the past year).
Temperament and Personality
“Temperament and personality” was assessed using measures of tem-

perament drawn from both infancy and later childhood. Whereas temper-
ament in infancy appears to provide a “starting point” for the
developmental process, characteristics in later childhood reflect the
effects of interactions with social environments (Shiner & Caspi, 2003).
Temperament characteristics in infancy (at 4-8 months) were measured by
parent report using subscales from the short form of the Revised Infant
Temperament Questionnaire (Carey & McDevitt, 1978; Sanson, Prior,
Oberklaid, Garino, & Sewell, 1987). Items were rated on a 6-point Likert
scale from almost never to almost always. Approach was measured by seven
items (e.g., “The baby is shy (turns away or clings to mother) on meeting
another child for the first time”; α =.76). Activity was assessed according
to six items (e.g., “The baby moves about a lot (kicks, grabs, squirms) dur-
ing nappie-changing and dressing”; α =.57). Five items assessed irritabil-
ity (e.g., “The baby is fretful on waking up and/or going to sleep (frowns,
cries)”; α =.64). In later childhood (11-12 years), temperament was mea-
sured using parent reports on subscales of the School Age Temperament
Inventory (McClowry, 1995). Twelve items were used to assess negative
reactivity (e.g., “Gets upset when he/she can’t find something”; α = .91).
Approach was measured according to nine items (e.g., “Smiles or laughs
with new adult visitors at home”; α =.88). Persistence was measured by 11
items (e.g., “returns to responsibilities (homework, chores) after friends
phone or visit”; α =.91). Items were rated on a 5-point scale from never/
almost never to always/almost always.
Personality was measured by parent report at 15-16 years using the Five
Factor Personality Questionnaire (Lanthier & Bates, 1995), which includes
the dimensions of Extraversion (e.g., “How talkative do you think he/she
is?”; α =.70), Agreeableness (e.g., “How bossy do you think he/she is?”; α
=.78), Conscientiousness (e.g., “How organized do you think he/she is?”;
α =.80), Neuroticism (“How nervous do you think he/she is?”; α =.77),
and Openness to experience (“How artistic do you think he/she is?”; α
=.77). Each dimension comprised six items rated on a 5-point scale from
hardly at all to extremely.
Educational Factors
Educational competencies assessed in childhood included school read-

iness, which was measured at 5-6 years on an ATP devised scale (α = .94)
that asked teachers to rate 13 items (e.g., “following instructions”) on a 5-
point scale from very well to considerable difficulty. Academic competence
was rated at 7-8 years using the academic competence subscale from the
Interpersonal Competence Scale (Cairns & Cairns, 1984). This subscale
included two items: teachers rated the child’s mathematical and spelling
abilities according to whether they were very good, so-so, or not good (α =
.73). At 11-12 years, teachers rated the academic competence subscale
from Gresham and Elliot’s (1990) rating system. Teachers were asked to
rate the student on nine academic skills (e.g., “reading skills”), according
to a 5-point scale where 1= lowest 10%, 2 = next lowest 20%, 3 = middle

40%, 4 = next highest 20%, and 5 = highest 10% (α = .94).
Turning to measures during secondary school, at 12-13 years the child
themselves rated their school adjustment on the ATP School Problems
Scale (α = .74). Ten items (e.g., “understanding the work in class”) were
rated on a 4-point scale from no problem to big problem. Parents responded
to an adapted version of this measure at 15-16 years; the scale was short-
ened to include five items (e.g., “completing homework and assignments’)
rated on the same scale (α = .84). Teenagers responded to the Short form
of the ACER School Life Questionnaire (Ainley, Reed, & Miller, 1984) at
15-16 years. Five items with the stem “My school is a place where …” were
used to assess each of the subscales, including positive affect toward
school (e.g., “I feel proud to be a student”; α = .86), relationships with
teachers (e.g., “teachers treat me fairly in class”; α = .83), school provides
prestige/status (“other people care what I think”; α = .81), long term rele-
vance of schooling (4 items; “The things I am taught are worthwhile
learning”; α = .81), and confidence in ability/success (e.g., “I have learnt
to work hard”; α = .82). Items were rated on a 4-point scale from definitely
agree to definitely disagree. School bonding was measured according to
O’Donnell, Hawkins, and Abbott’s (1995) School Bonding Scale, which
was completed by the teenager at 17-18 years. This scale comprised nine
items rated on a 5-point scale from always to never/almost never. An exam-
ple item includes “I look forward to going to school” (α = .88). School
problems were again assessed at 17-18 years by parent report (α = .82),
using the same scale described at 15-16 years. Equivalent National Ter-
tiary Entrance Rank scores, which are percentile rankings of students’
overall results in the final year of high school used in the admissions pro-
cess to tertiary education, were self-reported at 19-20 years (participants
who did not complete Year 12 were assigned a score of zero).
RESULTS
Two hierarchical multiple regression analyses were performed to examine
childhood and adolescent predictors of positive development in emerg-
ing adulthood. In all analyses, SES and gender were entered in the first
step to control for their effects. Dimensions of temperament (in the child-
hood model) and personality (in the adolescent model) were entered in
the second step, and educational variables were entered in the third step.
Finally, gender interactions were examined in the fourth step. Descriptive
statistics and intercorrelations between variables are available from the
authors on request. Missing data in the predictor variables averaged
13.28% and was handled using the expectation-maximization algorithm
method (Raghunathan, 2004).
Childhood (Infancy to 11-12 Years)

Overall, the childhood predictors accounted for 14.3% of the variance
in positive development in emerging adulthood, which was significant
(F(14, 1143) = 13.63, p < .001). Higher levels of SES and being female
predicted higher levels of positive development at each step (see Table
1.6). When temperament dimensions were entered in the second step,
negative reactivity predicted lower positive development, whereas persis-
tence predicted higher positive development, with both of these dimen-
sions remaining significant in the proceedings steps. None of the
educational variables examined significantly predicted positive develop-
ment. However, a significant interaction was observed between gender
and school readiness in the fourth step (see Figure 1.6). Whereas school
readiness was unrelated to later positive development for boys (r = .07,
n.s.), school readiness was of significantly greater relevance for girls (r =
.20, p < .001).
Adolescence (12-13 to 17-18)

Overall, the set of adolescent predictors explained nearly one third
(29.7%) of the variance in positive development in emerging adulthood
(F(27, 1130) = 18.23, p < .001). As in the childhood model, female gen-
der and higher family SES were significant predictors of higher positive
development (see Table 2.6). In the second step, when personality factors
were entered, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness were all
observed to predict higher positive development, and neuroticism pre-
dicted lower positive development. Once all predictors were entered in
the third step, only agreeableness and neuroticism remained significant.
Of the educational variables, strong relationships with teachers, feeling
that school provided status, bonding to school, and higher achievement
during the final year of schooling were all associated with higher positive
development during the transition to adulthood. In contrast, school prob-
lems during the transition to secondary school predicted lower positive
development. No significant gender interactions were observed, and
hence the fourth step was removed from the analysis.
DISCUSSION
The results revealed a number of temperament, personality, and educa-

tional antecedents of multidimensional positive development in emerg-
ing adulthood. Being female and from a higher SES background were
consistently related to higher positive development. Children who were
Table 6.1. Hierarchical Linear Regression Predicting Positive

Development in Emerging Adulthood From Temperament
and Educational Factors in Childhood
Variable B SE B β
Step 1
Gender .312 .043 .206**
SES .124 .018 .194**
Step 2
Gender .257 .043 .169**
SES .101 .018 .158**
Approach (infancy) .003 .030 .003
Reactivity (infancy) −.031− .030 −.030
Irritability (infancy) .015 .025 .018
Approach (11-12 years) .054 .031 .050
Negative reactivity (11-12 years) −.127− .033 −.118**
Persistence (11-12 years) .141 .032 .137**
Step 3
Gender .244 .044 .161**
SES .095 .018 .149**
Approach (11-12 years) .056 .031 .052
School readiness (5-6 years) .039 .024 .052
Academic competence (7-8 years) .013 .027 .017
Step 4
Gender .245 .044 .161**
SES .096 .018 .150**
Approach (11-12 years) .058 .031 .053
School readiness (5-6 years) −.027− .034 −.035
School readiness (5-6 years) * Gender .133 .048 .123**
Academic competence (7-8 years) * Gender −.013− .054 −.012
Academic competence (11-12 years) * Gender −.003− .008 −.020
R2 = .08 for Step 1 (p < .001); ∆R2 = .05 for Step 2 (p < .001); ∆R2 = .01 for Step 3 (p =
.06, ns); ∆R2 = .01 for Step 4 (p = .04).
* = p<.05. ** = p < .01.
0.25
0.2
0.15
Positive development at 19-20 years
0.1
0.05
Gender
Female
0 Male
122
-0.05
-0.1
-0.15
-0.2
low med high
School readiness at 5-6 years
Note: High and low values on the predictors correspond to 1 standard deviation greater than and less than sample means,
respectively.
Figure 6.1. The relationship between school readiness and positive development for males and females.
Table 6.2. Hierarchical Linear Regression Predicting Positive

Development in Emerging Adulthood From Personality
and Educational Variables during Adolescence
Variable B SE B β
Step 1
Gender .312 .043 .206**
SES .124 .018 .194**
Step 2
Gender .285 .043 .188**
SES .122 .017 .191**
Extraversion .086 .041 .070*
Agreeableness .161 .036 .138**
Conscientiousness .137 .035 .123**
Neuroticism −.113− .039 −.093**
Openness −.040− .036 −.033
Step 3
Gender .238 .041 .157**
SES .058 .018 .092**
Extraversion .033 .038 .027
Agreeableness .111 .034 .096**
Conscientiousness .037 .035 .033
Neuroticism −.119− .036 −.098**
Openness −.045− .033 −.037
School problems (12-13 years self-report) −.162− .068 −.068*
School problems (15-16 years parent rated) .055 .061 .034
Positive affect toward school (15-16 years) .011 .031 .014
Relationship with teachers (15-16 years) .086 .027 .114**
School provides prestige (15-16 years) .069 .026 .092**
Long term relevance of schooling (15-16 years) −.006− .027 −.008
Confidence in ability (15-16 years) .027 .031 .036
School bonding (17-18 years) .335 .043 .258**
School problems (17-18 years parent report) .064 .054 .043
Equivalent National Tertiary Entrance Rank score .002 .001 .078*
(Year 12)
R2 = .08 for Step 1 (p < .001); ∆R2 = .07 for Step 2 (p <.001); ∆R2 = .15 for Step 3
(p<.001).
* = p<.05. ** = p<.01.
persistent and low in negative reactivity, and girls who were higher in
school readiness, also tended to have higher positive development. In
addition, those who were high in positive development tended to be more
agreeable and less neurotic in adolescence, and in secondary school had

better relationships with teachers, felt that school was a place where they
had status, and had higher levels of school bonding and academic
achievement. In contrast, difficulties adjusting to the school setting dur-
ing the transition from primary to secondary school were predictive of
lower positive developmental outcomes.
A number of temperament and personality dimensions emerged as
significant antecedents of positive development. Negative reactivity (a
tendency to become distressed, especially when presented with novel
stimuli) and neuroticism (a personality trait characterized by a tendency
to experience negative emotions) were related to lower positive develop-
ment, consistent with previous research linking negative emotionality to
lower social competence and prosocial behavior (Eisenberg et al., 1996;
Rothbart, Ahadi, & Hershey, 1994), and decreased life satisfaction
(DeNeve & Cooper, 1998), which are important aspects of positive devel-
opment. Similarly, the temperament dimension of persistence, which
reflects a broader capacity for self-regulation, and the personality dimen-
sion of agreeableness, were related to higher positive development, con-
sistent with previous research linking these factors to social competence
and prosocial behavior (Eisenberg, 2001; Paterson & Sanson, 1999).
Agreeableness has also been associated with higher life satisfaction (Steel,
Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008).
Independently of the effects of temperament and personality, a num-
ber of educational experiences across childhood and adolescence also sig-
nificantly predicted positive development in emerging adulthood. School
readiness was related to later positive development for girls, but not for
boys. This is consistent with a large body of literature linking school read-
iness to a range of positive outcomes during adolescence and early adult-
hood, such as school adjustment and achievement, secondary school
completion, and social competence (Ramey & Ramey, 2004; Shonkoff &
Phillips, 2000). However, why school readiness should be more salient for
girls’ positive development than boys’ is a question that requires further
investigation. One possibility is that as boys’ school readiness and matura-
tion in the educational context is generally slower than girls’ (Prior,
Smart, Sanson, & Oberklaid, 1993), adjustment to the school context in
later primary or high school may have a greater impact on their positive
developmental outcomes.
A number of dimensions of school connectedness were associated with
higher positive development, including strong relationships with teachers
and feeling that school was a place where they had status in mid adoles-
cence, and school bonding in late adolescence. This is consistent with pre-
vious research, such as McGraw et al.’s (2008) study linking school
connectedness and later well-being. Attachment theory suggests that
strong attachments to school can facilitate the development of young peo-

ples’ identity and trust in others, making it possible for them to explore
their environment and adapt well to change. According to control theory,
young people who feel connected to school are also more likely to adopt
prosocial norms about appropriate behavior, which can help them to
avoid risky behaviors like substance use (Maddox & Prinz, 2003). How-
ever, this latter explanation remains deficit-focused and does not provide
a good account of why school connectedness should promote positive
functioning beyond the absence of problem behaviors.
Achievement in Year 12, as young people prepare to transition out of
secondary school, was also predictive of positive development. Academic
skills may be particularly important for healthy development in the con-
text of a knowledge economy, where important outcomes, such as employ-
ment, require increasing levels of competency (Lewis, White, & Chandler,
2009). Looking at the results overall, however, achievement per se
appeared to be less relevant to positive development than how students
felt about their school, teachers, curriculum, and own progress.
The results also reveal that factors more proximal in time were the
strongest predictors of positive development in emerging adulthood.
Whereas childhood predictors accounted for 14.3% of the variance in pos-
itive development, adolescent factors explained a substantial 29% of the
variance. As Schulenberg, Sameroff, and Cicchetti (2004) observe,
although early experiences may be critical, influences on later function-
ing are likely to be mediated by later experiences.
A limitation of the present research that merits consideration is that we
did not measure and thus could not control for previous levels of positive
development. Hence, an alternative explanation for the current findings
is that these antecedents of positive development are themselves an out-
come of previous positive development. This issue highlights the need for
longitudinal data on positive development and well-being, and should be
addressed in future research. A further limitation of the current study is
that, given the exploratory nature of the study reported in this chapter, it
cannot reveal the mechanisms through which the variables identified as
important for positive development exert their influence. Rather, the cur-
rent study provides a basis for further research to explore these relation-
ships in greater depth.
Nevertheless, the current study provided a rare opportunity to exam-
ine the contributions of temperament, personality, and educational fac-
tors across childhood and adolescence to positive development in
emerging adulthood. It employed an empirically tested, multidimen-
sional construct of positive development in emerging adulthood, rather
than a single facet of this construct as in most previous research. The mul-
tiwave longitudinal data set allowed this question to be investigated over a
20 year period of time using data from multiple informants, including

parents, primary school teachers, and the children/adolescents them-
selves, reducing the effects of shared method variance. Furthermore, the
study provides an indication of the unique contributions of educational
predictors to positive development, beyond their shared relationship with
temperament and personality.
The findings have a number of implications for policy and interven-
tion. The importance of school readiness for girls’ positive develop-
ment suggests the need for early intervention strategies to establish
positive developmental trajectories. The results also strongly suggest
that school connectedness could be an effective intervention target to
promote positive development during the transition to adulthood.
School connectedness can be facilitated by promoting opportunities and
skills for school involvement (Maddox & Prinz, 2003). In the Australian
context, KidsMatter (http://www.kidsmatter.edu.au) and the Act Belong
Commit campaign (http://www.actbelongcommit.org.au) are examples of
evidence-based, whole-school initiatives aimed at promoting feelings of
connectedness and belonging in Australian school communities. Simi-
larly, the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning
(www.casel.org) in the United States, and Social and Emotional Aspects
of Learning (SEAL) in the United Kingdom also aim to address well-
being through social and emotional learning and increased connected-
ness.
We examined temperament, personality and educational predictors of
a multicomponent index of positive development in emerging adulthood.
This study demonstrates that competencies and experiences at school—in
particular how adolescents feel about their school, teachers, and work—
uniquely contribute to positive development as young people make the
transition to adulthood. The findings suggest a number of potential edu-
cation-based targets for intervention to promote positive development in
emerging adulthood.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The ATP study is led and managed by the Australian Institute of Family
Studies, and further information is available from the ATP website
(www.aifs.gov.au/atp). We wish to acknowledge the work of Professors Mar-
got Prior and Frank Oberklaid, along with other collaborators who have
contributed to the Australian Temperament Project. We would also like to
sincerely thank the participating families for their loyal support of the
study. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Ann Sanson, Department of Paediatrics, The University of Melbourne,

Royal Children’s Hospital, Flemington Road, Parkville, Australia. Email:
annvs@unimelb.edu.au.
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PART II
PERSONALITY, STRESS, AND COPING AMONG ADULTS
CHAPTER 7
OPTIMISM, EMOTIONAL
SUPPORT, AND DEPRESSION
AMONG FIRST-YEAR
UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
Implications For Psychological Functioning

Within The Educational Setting
M. ANDREWS, M. AINLEY,
Melina AND
Condren E. Esther
and FRYDENBERG
R. Greenglass
First-year university students frequently report experiencing depression,

and their educational experience and academic performance are negatively
impacted by their distress. Optimism and emotional support were examined
as predictors of depression in sixty-eight first-year university students. Stu-
dents responded to an Internet survey twice, separated by a two-month
interval. Optimism and emotional support were used to predict depression
over time using two mediation models. Model I used optimism at Time 1 as
the initial variable, emotional support at Time 2 as the mediator, and
depression at Time 2 as the outcome. The relation between optimism and
depression was partially mediated by emotional support. In Model II the
mediator and the outcome were reversed, and depression did not mediate
the relation between optimism and emotional support. Together, these
results support a step-by-step process wherein greater optimism leads to

pp. 133–151
134 M. CONDREN and E. R. GREENGLASS
greater emotional support, and greater emotional support leads to lower

depression. Practical and theoretical implications of these findings are dis-
cussed.
OPTIMISM, EMOTIONAL SUPPORT, AND

DEPRESSION AMONG FIRST-YEAR UNIVERSITY STUDENTS:
IMPLICATIONS FOR PSYCHOLOGICAL FUNCTIONING WITHIN
THE EDUCATIONAL SETTING
The transition from high school to college or university is stressful and

may have serious effects on psychological health. Stress has often been
linked with depression, either as a causal factor or as the product of a
third, common factor (e.g., Dyson & Renk, 2006). It is therefore not sur-
prising that first-year university students frequently report high levels of
depression. Depression in university students is associated with several
negative mental and physical health outcomes, and students’ educational
experience, including their academic performance, is negatively
impacted by their distress (e.g., Ruthig, Haynes, Stupnisky, & Perry,
2009). Therefore, it is important to identify and understand positive
internal and external resources that can help alleviate student distress.
One internal resource that may help students deal with stress is disposi-
tional optimism, a personality trait that leads individuals to expect good
outcomes in life (Scheier & Carver, 1985). An example of an external
resource that may be useful to students is emotional support, which has
frequently been linked to stress and coping (e.g., Cohen & Wills, 1985).
These resources can not only help students achieve their academic goals,
but can improve their psychological well-being during and after their aca-
demic careers.
STUDENT STRESS
College and university students report experiencing stress due to a wide

range of academic-related experiences, such as frequent evaluation (Step-
toe, Wardle, Plooard, Canaan, & Davies, 1996), time pressure (Chambel &
Curral, 2005), competition with peers, the need to form new social net-
works, pressure to make career choices, more frequent failure (Perry, Hall,
& Ruthig, 2007), homesickness (Willis, Stroebe, & Hewstone, 2003), stu-
dent debt (Ross, Cleland, & Macleod, 2006), poor teaching (Entwistle &
Tait, 1990), and balancing academic responsibilities with other domains
of life (Chow, 2007). Students report feeling more burdened by course-
work (including writing exams and completing assignments) and by
University Students 135
future job prospects than by other stressors in their lives, such as social
problems (Mikolajczyk, Maxwell, Naydenova, Meier, & El Ansari, 2008).
Among college and university students, certain groups may be more
vulnerable to stress than others. For example, female students report
greater stress due to daily hassles, familial and social relationships, and
financial concerns than male students (Brougham, Zail, Mendoza, &
Miller, 2009). International students may be more vulnerable to stress due
to the need to adjust to a new culture, the challenge of language barriers,
and greater financial demands (Mori, 2000). Students who are members
of minority groups also face additional stressors due to their minority stu-
dent status. For example, African American students face stressors related
to the campus climate (such as being unable to take courses related to
one’s racial and ethnic background), overt race-related prejudice, and
uncertainty about one’s own achievement abilities (Greer & Chwalisz,
2007). Sexual minority students also face additional stressors, such as feel-
ing unsafe on campus (Reed, Prado, Matsumoto, & Amaro, 2010) and
believing that roommates, other students, faculty and staff are treating
them unfairly because of their sexual orientation (Brown, Clarke, Gort-
maker, & Robinson-Keilig, 2004).
Another group that faces an increased risk of stress are first-year stu-
dents. The transition to college or university entails many important
changes in students’ lives. Many students move out of their parents’
homes when attending university and face loneliness, homesickness (Wil-
lis, Stroebe, & Hewstone, 2003), and a loss of social support from their
friends and family at home. Students must form new support networks as
they adapt to a new lifestyle, face unfamiliar and challenging academic
demands (Perry et al., 2007), and experience an increase in personal and
financial responsibility (Ross, Cleland, & Macleod, 2006). Students who
report a decrease in stress between their first and second semesters in uni-
versity also report improved academic, personal-emotional, and social
adjustment to university (Friedlander, Reid, Shupak, & Cribbie, 2007).
Stress in students adversely affects academic performance, and is the
most common health-related problem reported by students as a barrier to
their academic success (American College Health Association, 2006).
Higher levels of stress are associated with lower levels of success on exams
(Goldsmith & Albretch, 1993), less engagement with study materials
(Entwistle & Tait, 1990) less time spent studying (Chow, 2007), and fewer
successfully completed courses (Chambel & Curral, 2005). Students who
suffer from evaluation anxiety may be particularly vulnerable to stress
related to academic performance, and often have a reduced cognitive
capacity and exhibit shallow learning of course material as a result (e.g.,
Tobias, 1985; Spada, Nikčević, Moneta, & Ireson, 2006; Moneta, Spada,
& Rost, 2007).
Torsheim and Wold (2001) report that academic stress is related to

somatic complaints in adolescents, particularly among students with low
social support from their peers. Headaches, abdominal pain, backaches,
dizziness, and coexisting somatic complaints were all more common in stu-
dents suffering from higher levels of academic stress, and in students who
report low support from their classmates. Stress is also negatively associ-
ated with several healthy behaviors among students, such as eating healthy
food and avoiding junk food, getting enough sleep, and exercising regu-
larly (Hudd et al., 2000). In addition, students with low social support may
be at an increased risk of engaging in negative health behaviors when
under stress. In a study of exam-related stress, female students low in social
support showed increased smoking behavior prior to exams compared to
baseline measures, while the smoking behavior of students with high levels
of social support remained stable. In addition, when compared with base-
line measures, students of both sexes with low social support showed
increased alcohol consumption prior to exams while those with high social
support showed decreased alcohol consumption (Steptoe et al., 1996).
STUDENT DEPRESSION
Stress has often been associated with depression, and in a study by Dyson
& Renk (2006), college-related stress was found to be a significant predic-
tor of depression in students. Student depression has become a major
concern for postsecondary institutions, as high rates of depression are
often reported in college and university student samples (e.g., Eisenberg,
Gollust, Golberstein, & Hefner, 2007; Furr, Westefeld, McConnell, & Jen-
kins, 2001).
In a recent survey conducted at an American university, 13.8% of under-
graduate students and 11.3% of graduate students were identified as suf-
fering from a major depressive episode or other depressive disorder at the
time of the survey. In addition, over 40% of both undergraduate and grad-
uate students reported that their academic performance had been affected
by mental or emotional difficulties during the previous month (Eisenberg
et al., 2007). In a study examining 1,455 students at four universities, 53%
of respondents reported experiencing some form of depression over the
course of their post-secondary education (Furr et al., 2001). Furthermore,
similar rates of depression have been observed in college and university
students across the globe. Rates of postsecondary student depression rang-
ing from 21% to 47% have been reported in Turkey (Bayram & Bilgel,
2008), France (Bouteyre, Maurel, & Bernaud, 2007), Hong Kong (Wong,
Cheung, Chan, Ma, & Tang, 2006), Bulgaria, Poland, and Germany (Miko-
lajczyk, Maxwell, Naydenova, Meier, & El Ansari, 2008).
The effects of depression are varied and can be severe. Depression is

associated with various physical health outcomes in students, such as
higher levels of tobacco smoking (Lenz, 2004) and alcohol abuse
(Weitzman, 2004), lower levels of physical exercise (Vickers et al., 2003),
and increased rates of acute infectious illness (Adams, Wharton, Quilter,
& Hirsch, 2008). Depression in students has been linked to a wide range
of mental health outcomes, including increased suicide ideation (Furr et
al., 2001), lower levels of self-esteem (Dixon & Kurpius, 2008), and higher
levels of maladaptive perfectionism (Rice, Leever, Christopher, & Porter,
2006). Depression in college or university may also affect students’ future
career decisions. In a study by Rottinghaus, Jenkins, and Jantzer (2009),
depression was examined in relation to career decision making in 388
university students. Students who scored lower on depression were signifi-
cantly more likely to have chosen a future career path than their more
depressed counterparts.
Like stress, depression is also associated with students’ academic per-
formance. It is negatively associated with students’ commitment to con-
tinue pursuing their university degree, their cumulative grade point
average after their first year in university (Ruthig et al., 2009), and their
perceptions of academic success compared to other students (Mikolajczyk
et. al., 2008). In adolescents, depression is associated with a lower grade
point average and a larger decline in grade point average over time,
greater difficulty concentrating on school work, more strained relation-
ships with teachers and peers, and greater difficulty with self-directed aca-
demic tasks (Fröjd et al., 2008).
Student depression not only affects the students themselves, but it
may also affect their educational institution. Up to 53% of students
report experiencing some form of depression over the course of their
post-secondary education (Furr et al., 2001). This can tax the institu-
tion’s mental health providers, leaving them with less time and fewer
resources to devote to individual students. In addition, depression is
associated with students’ academic performance and commitment to
completing their degree (Ruthig et al., 2009). Depression may there-
fore contribute to failure and attrition rates. Depression also affects con-
centration, self-directed learning, and relationships with teachers (Fröjd
et al., 2008), limiting educators’ ability to connect with students and
teach effectively.
POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL RESOURCES
Given the negative consequences of stress and depression, a great deal of

research has focussed on identifying potential protective factors against
them, such as optimism, social support, perceived academic control

(Ruthig et al., 2009), motivation (Baker, 2004), problem-solving abilities
(Baker, 2003), a sense of belonging, and self-worth (Pittman & Richmond,
2008). This research reflects a growing trend in psychology to focus on
factors that promote well-being. The study of positive psychological
resources that allow individuals to thrive under difficult circumstances is
an important focus of the current positive psychology movement (for a
review, see Gable & Haidt, 2005).
The present chapter focuses on two such resources, optimism and emo-
tional support, and their role in alleviating depression. Both of these
resources are associated with many positive physical and psychological
outcomes (e.g., Calvete & Connor-Smith, 2006; Chang, 1998). In addi-
tion, optimism and emotional support have both been found to predict
lower levels of stress and depression over time in first-year university stu-
dents (Ruthig et al., 2009).
Optimism
Dispositional optimism, the tendency to anticipate the best and expect

good rather than bad outcomes in life (Scheier & Carver, 1985), is associ-
ated with several positive psychological outcomes. Individuals who pos-
sess this trait have a general positive outlook that is relatively stable across
time and varying contexts (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Optimism has repeat-
edly been found to be negatively associated with depression (e.g., Chang,
1998; Grote, Bledsoe, Larkin, Lemay, & Brown, 2007; Wong & Lim,
2009). In addition, it appears to play a role in the relation between stress
and depression in a wide variety of populations. For example, optimism
in pregnant women was found to moderate the relation between stress
and depression after childbirth (Carver & Gaines, 1987); optimism acts as
a buffer of stress on depression in financially disadvantaged women
(Grote et al., 2007), and it partially moderates the effects of stress on
depression in college students (Chang, 1998).
Emotional Support
One way in which optimism may lead to lower levels of depression is

through its relation with social support. Optimists have been found to
report greater levels of social support than pessimists (Park & Folkman,
1997), as well as greater increases in social support when they are under
stress (Dougall, Hyman, Hayward, McFeeley, & Baum, 2001). Although
this may be due in part to the adoption of an optimistic attitude regard-
ing one’s support network, it appears that optimism also leads to greater
increases in support over time (Brissette, Scheier, & Carver, 2002). Theo-
retically, optimism may lead to greater social support because it is a trait
that potential supportive others find attractive, or because it makes social
interactions more pleasant. Optimistic individuals may therefore gain
more new friendships, or they may more readily receive support from
their existing networks (Brissette et al., 2002).
Social support can be broken down into several categories. Instrumen-
tal support refers to tangible resources, such as financial assistance, mate-
rial resources, and necessary services. Informational support provides
assistance in terms of information needed for understanding and coping
with problems. Emotional support involves the communication of empa-
thy, acceptance, caring and esteem (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Although all
forms of social support can be beneficial, emotional support appears to
have particular importance for improved psychological outcomes in col-
lege and university students (Asberg, Bowers, Renk, & McKinney, 2008;
Calvete & Connor-Smith, 2006), and will therefore be one focus of the
present study.
Like optimism, social support has often been studied as a potential
protective factor against stress and depression (Cohen & Wills, 1985;
Smith, Fernengel, Holcroft, Gerald, & Marien, 1994). Social support is a
coping resource that individuals can draw on in times of stress, and it may
act as a buffer of stress, protecting people against the negative effects of
stressful events and experiences (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Studies examin-
ing physiological indicators of stress suggest that social support has an
attenuating effect on stress reactivity (Thorsteinsson & James, 1999). It
also appears to protect individuals against depression; individuals who
report greater levels of social support also report lower levels of depres-
sion (Smith et al., 1994), and emotional support has been found to reduce
the duration of depressive episodes (Wareham, Fowler, & Pike, 2007).
THE PRESENT STUDY
Given the frequent reports that both optimism and social support have
protective effects against stress and negative associations with depression
(e.g., Chang, 1998; Smith et al., 1994), they may be important resources
for student populations at risk of experiencing these negative outcomes.
The present study examines the mediating role of emotional support in
the relation between optimism and depression in university students. Stu-
dent stress and well-being were examined at two time points in 68 first-
year university students. Optimism was assessed at Time 1, and depres-
sion and emotional support from family and friends were both assessed at
Time 2, eight to ten weeks later.
Previous research suggests that optimism may lead to increased emo-
tional support (Brissette et al., 2002). In light of these findings, the
authors of the present study wished to examine the possibility that emo-
tional support acts as a mediator of optimism’s effects on depression. In
order to do this, two separate mediation models were tested. The first
model (Model I; see Figure 7.1) uses optimism (Time 1) as the initial vari-
able, emotional support (Time 2) as the mediator, and depression (Time
2) as the outcome.
This model alone is not enough to infer causation since emotional sup-
port and depression were both measured at Time 2. An alternative model
was therefore examined (Model II; see Figure 7.2) using optimism (Time
1) as the initial variable, depression (Time 2) as the mediator, and emo-
tional support (Time 2) as the outcome; that is, the mediator and out-
come from Model I were reversed. While mediation is expected in the
first model, it is not expected in the second model.
HYPOTHESES
Two mediation models are tested here to examine the relation between
optimism, emotional support, and depression. In Model I, it is expected
that emotional support (Time 2) will mediate the relation between opti-
mism (Time 1) and depression (Time 2). In Model II, it is expected that
depression (Time 2) will not mediate the relation between optimism
(Time 1) and emotional support (Time 2).
Emotional
Support
(Time 2)
Optimism Depression
(Time 1) (Time 2)
Figure 7.1. Mediation Model I.

Depression
(Time 2)
Emotional
Optimism Support
(Time 1) (Time 2)
Figure 7.2. Mediation Model II.
METHOD
Participants
Participants (N = 68) were undergraduate students at a large university

in Toronto, Canada. Participants were recruited through the university’s
research participant pool, and were awarded credit in an introductory
psychology course for their participation. They were asked to fill out an
online questionnaire twice, separated by an interval of 8 to 10 weeks. Par-
ticipants who did not complete both measures were excluded from analy-
ses. Ages ranged from 17 to 32, with a mean age of 18.78 years (SD =
2.34). The majority of participants were full-time students (92%) in their
first year of university (97%). They worked for pay between 0 and 30
hours per week, with an average of 11.47 hours (SD = 7.32), and studied
between 2 and 50 hours per week, with an average of 13.77 hours (SD =
9.82). Eighty-one percent of participants were female. Data were collected
in an Internet survey in which variables studied included optimism, emo-
tional support, and depression. A summary of participant demographics
can be found in Table 7.1.
Measures
Dispositional optimism was measured using the revised Life Orienta-
tion Test (LOT-R; Scheier, Carver, & Bridges, 1994), a 10-item measure
designed to examine the extent to which individuals focus on good versus
Table 7.1. Participant Demographics

Demographic Variable N Mean Standard Deviation
Age 68 18.78 2.34
Credits taken in current school year 68 28.24 3.63
Hours of work per week 37 11.47 7.32
Hours of study per week 68 13.77 9.82
Cumulative grade percentage1 46 75.01 7.79
Entrance average2 29 81.38 3.69
1
Students who had not yet received University grades did not answer this question.
2
Students who had already received University grades did not answer this question.
bad outcomes. Participants are asked to rate each item on a Likert-type

scale ranging from 0 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). A sample item is
“In uncertain times, I usually expect the best.” Six of these items assess
dispositional optimism, while the other four items serve as fillers. Higher
scores on the LOT-R reflect a greater tendency to expect more positive
versus negative outcomes. The LOT-R has a Cronbach’s alpha of .78, and
it is fairly stable across time (Scheier et al., 1994).
The perceived adequacy of emotional support from three different
sources (family, a significant other, and friends) was measured using the
Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS; Zimet,
Dahlem, Zimet, & Farley, 1988). This 12-item scale measures perceived
emotional support from family members, friends, and a significant other,
as well as total emotional support. In the present study, only total emo-
tional support was examined. Participants are asked to rate items such as
“There is a special person who is around when I am in need” on a scale of
1 (very strongly disagree) to 7 (very strongly agree). The MSPSS has been
found to have an overall Cronbach’s alpha of .88.
Depression was measured with the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (Dero-
gatis, Lipman, Rickels, Uhlenhuth, & Covi, 1974). A 10-item depression
subscale assessed how often participants experienced various symptoms
of depression in the past one or two weeks. Participants were asked to rate
how frequently they had experienced items such as “feeling lonely” and
“feeling hopeless about the future” on a scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4
(extremely often). The depression subscale has a Cronbach’s alpha of .88
(Derogatis et al., 1974).
Procedure
Participants filled out an online self-report questionnaire twice, sepa-
rated by an interval of 8 to 10 weeks. Time 1 was at the beginning of the
fall semester (late September or early October) and Time 2 was at the end
of the term (late November or early December). Participation was anony-
mous; a self-generated number was used to match participants’ responses
from Time 1 and Time 2. To ensure that participants would not forget
their subject code while keeping participation completely anonymous,
they were asked to generate a five-digit number consisting of their year in
university, the day of their mother’s birth, and their own birth month.
This assured anonymity when responses from Times 1 and 2 were
matched. The questionnaires at Time 1 and Time 2 were identical. While
several variables were included in both surveys, only the variables in the
mediation models are included here.
RESULTS
Correlations were computed among all three variables under study: opti-
mism at Time 1, emotional support at Time 2, and depression at Time 2
(see Table 7.2). A significant positive correlation was found between opti-
mism at Time 1 and emotional support at Time 2, r = .53, p < .05. Signif-
icant negative correlations were found between optimism at Time 1 and
depression at Time 2 (r = -.26, p < .05), and between emotional support at
Time 2 and depression at Time 2, r = -.33, p < .05. These results confirm
that the three variables are interrelated. In order to examine the relations
between these variables more closely, two mediation models were tested.
Testing for Mediation: Model I

According to Baron and Kenny (1986), three regression equations must
be calculated in order to establish mediation. First, the initial variable must
be correlated with the outcome. This is shown using a regression equation
where the initial variable predicts the outcome. Second, the initial variable
must be correlated with the mediator. This is shown using a second regres-
sion equation where the initial variable predicts the mediator. Third, the
Table 7.2. Descriptive Statistics and Correlations of Study Variables

Study Variables N Mean SD 1 2 3
1. Optimism (Time 1)1 68 20.18 4.65 − .53* −.26*
2. Total emotional support (Time 2)2 68 3.86 0.89 - −.33*
3. Depression (Time 2)3 68 19.78 5.08 −
*p < .05
1, 2, 3
Higher scores indicate higher levels of optimism, emotional support, and depression
mediator must affect the outcome. This is shown using a regression equa-
tion with both the initial variable and the mediator as predictors of the out-
come. A Sobel test (Sobel, 1982) is then used to test the significance of the
indirect effect of the initial variable on the outcome via the mediator.
In Model I we examined emotional support as a mediator of optimism
on depression. That is, optimism at Time 1 was the initial variable, emo-
tional support at Time 2 was the mediator, and depression at Time 2 was
the outcome. The first regression equation examined the relation between
the initial variable (optimism at Time 1) and the outcome (depression at
Time 2). This relation was found to be significant, b = -.26, p < .05. The
next step is to find a significant relation between the initial variable (opti-
mism at Time 1) and the mediator (emotional support at Time 2). Regres-
sion results indicated that this relation was also significant, b = .53, p <
.05. The third step is to find a significant relation between the mediator
(emotional support at Time 2) and the outcome (depression at Time 2)
while controlling for the initial variable (optimism at Time 1). Results
showed that emotional support at Time 2 was a significant predictor of
depression at Time 2 (b = -.27, p < .05) when controlling for optimism at
Time 1. In addition, when controlling for emotional support at Time 2,
optimism at Time 1 was no longer a significant predictor of depression at
Time 2, b = -.12, p > .05.
A Sobel test was conducted to test the statistical significance of the indi-
rect effect of the initial variable on the outcome through the mediator.
This effect was significant, z = -2.49, p < .05. Thus, emotional support at
Time 2 was a partial mediator of the relation between optimism at Time 1
and depression at Time 2. For a summary of these regression analyses, see
Table 7.3.
Testing for Mediation: Model II
Since emotional support and depression were both assessed at Time 2,

a causal relation between the two variables cannot be inferred. Thus, an
alternative mediation model (Model II) was tested, in which the mediator
and the outcome of Model I were reversed. In Model II, we examined
depression as a mediator of optimism on emotional support. That is, in
the new model (Model II), optimism at Time 1 is the initial variable,
depression at Time 2 is the mediator, and emotional support at Time 2
becomes the outcome. It was reasoned that if emotional support is a
mediator of optimism on depression, as hypothesized, one would not
expect the same results if the mediator and the outcome were reversed, as
in Model II.
Table 7.3. Regression Outcomes for Model I

Mediation Steps Predictor(s)
Step 1: Optimism (Time 1) predicting to Optimism (Time 1)1

depression (Time 2) β = -.26, t (68) = -2.22, p < .05
R2 = .07, F (68) = 4.94, p < .05
Step 2: Optimism (Time 1) predicting to Optimism (Time 1)
emotional support (Time 2) β = .53, t (68) = 5.05, p < .05
R2 = .23, F (68) = 25.48, p < .05
Step 3: Emotional support (Time 2) and Emotional support (Time 2)
optimism (Time 1) predicting to depression β = -.27, t (68) = -1.96, p < .05
(Time 2) Optimism (Time 1)
R2 = .12, F (68) = 4.49, p < .05 β = -.12, t (68) = -.89, p > .05
1
Higher scores indicate higher levels of optimism
2
Higher scores indicate higher levels of total emotional support
Once again, the model was examined using the approach outlined by
Baron and Kenny (1986). The first regression equation showed that the
initial variable (optimism at Time 1) was a significant predictor of the out-
come (emotional support at Time 2), β = .53, p < .05. The second regres-
sion equation showed that the initial variable (optimism at Time 1) was a
significant predictor of the mediator (depression at Time 2), β = -.26, p <
.05. The third regression equation showed that when controlling for the
initial variable (optimism at Time 1), the mediator (depression at Time 2)
was a significant predictor of the outcome (emotional support at Time 2),
β = -.21, p < .05. The third regression also showed that when controlling
for the mediator (depression at Time 2), the initial variable (optimism at
Time 1) remained a significant predictor of the outcome (emotional sup-
port at Time 2), β = .47, p < .05. A Sobel test showed that the indirect
effect of the initial variable on the outcome through the mediator was not
significant, z = 1.75, p > .05. These results show that depression was not a
mediator of optimism on emotional support. For a summary of these
regression analyses, see Table 7.4.
DISCUSSION
This research was conducted to inquire into the ways in which optimism
and emotional support reduce depression in first year university students.
A model was put forth in which emotional support was seen as a mediator
of optimism on depression. It was argued that emotional support is of
particular importance for improved psychological outcomes in college
and university students (Asberg et al., 2008; Calvete & Connor-Smith,
Table 7.4. Regression outcomes for Model II:

Outcome Emotional Support at Time 2
Mediation Steps Predictors
Step 1: Optimism (Time 1) predicting to Optimism (Time 1) 1

emotional support (Time 2) β = .53, t (68) = 5.05, p < .05
R2 = .23, F (68) = 25.48, p < .05
Step 2: Optimism (Time 1) predicting to Optimism (Time 1)
depression (Time 2) β = -.26, t (68) = -2.22, p < .05
R2 = .07, F (68) = 4.94, p < .05
Step 3: Depression (Time 2) and optimism Depression (Time 2)
(Time 1) predicting to emotional support β = -.21, t (68) = -1.96, p < .05
(Time 2) Optimism (Time 1)
R2 = .32, F (68) = 15.19, p < .05 β = .47, t (68) = 4.46, p < .05
1
Higher scores indicate higher levels of optimism
2
Higher scores indicate higher levels of depression
2006). Since the transition to university is a major life change for most
students, they are more likely to be vulnerable to stress and depression.
However, when students feel they have emotional support, they are less
likely to experience stress and depression, despite the major life changes
they are experiencing.
Previous research shows that both optimism and emotional support
predict lower levels of stress and depression over time in first-year univer-
sity students (Ruthig et al., 2009). In the present study, we explored the
relation between optimism, emotional support, and depression in more
depth, using two mediation models. In Model I, emotional support at
Time 2 partially mediated the relation between optimism at Time 1 and
depression at Time 2. In Model II, the mediator and the outcome were
reversed, and depression at Time 2 did not mediate the relation between
optimism at Time 1 and emotional support at Time 2. Taken together,
these results support a step by step process wherein greater optimism
leads to greater emotional support, and greater emotional support leads
to lower depression.
The variables in this study were not experimentally manipulated, and
it is therefore difficult to infer causality. However, because data were col-
lected at two time points, the results suggest that over time, optimism
affects emotional support and, indirectly, depression. Moreover, the fail-
ure to support the alternative mediation model supports a step by step
process in which emotional support acts as a mediator between optimism
and depression. Experimental research is necessary in order to verify this
theoretical model.
Future research should focus on exploring the relation between opti-

mism and emotional support. In the present study, optimism predicted
greater emotional support over time. The two variables are clearly closely
intertwined, but the exact nature of their relation remains unclear. It has
been suggested that greater optimism may lead to greater emotional sup-
port because it is an attractive trait that aids in support network formation
(Brissette et al., 2002). It is also possible that greater optimism leads to
the perception of higher quality social support, regardless of network size.
Planned interventions to improve student well-being should focus on
lowering the risk of depression both directly through increased emotional
support, and indirectly through learned optimism. The results of this
study suggest that emotional support is particularly important in protect-
ing students against depression. Interventions for student depression
should therefore focus on developing and maintaining supportive net-
works of family members and friends during the stressful transition to col-
lege or university.
According to our results, optimism affects emotional support. The rela-
tion between these two variables should be of great interest to researchers
planning on implementing interventions to improve students’ psycholog-
ical well-being. Dispositional optimism is a trait that is usually thought to
be stable over time (Scheier & Carver, 1985). However, research suggests
that an optimistic attitude can be learned (Gillham, Reivich, Jaycox, &
Seligman, 1995). Therefore, learned optimism interventions may be use-
ful for students who feel that the emotional support they receive from
family and friends is inadequate. To the extent that optimism can be
increased through learning, perceived emotional support should also
increase.
Interventions to alleviate student depression could greatly benefit stu-
dents as well as educators and educational institutions. Depression affects
students’ emotional, physical, and social well-being (e.g., Furr et al.,
2001). Reducing depression by increasing resources that protect against it
would greatly increase students’ quality of life. This, in turn, would allow
educators to teach more effectively, with more responsive and dedicated
students. Interventions to prevent and alleviate student depression could
therefore lead to lower failure and attrition rates, and a more productive
student body with higher levels of psychological well-being.
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CHAPTER 8
COLLEGE STUDENTS’
MEANING MAKING
FOLLOWING
SIGNIFICANT LOSS
C. L. PARK AND C. L. ESPOSITO
Crystal L. Park and Craig L. Esposito
Individuals differ greatly in the extent to which they use meaning making in
dealing with stressful events. Meaning making refers to the processes through
which people engage to reduce discrepancies between the meaning they
assign to a specific situation and some aspect of their global meaning. In
this chapter, we describe this meaning-making process in coping with loss
and present results of a study of college students who are dealing with a
recent significant loss. Results indicate that although there was little mean
change in meaning across a 1-month period, there were substantial individ-
ual differences. Further, a combination of coping strategies best predicted
subsequent situational and global meaning as well as perceived discrepan-
cies. We conclude with implications and applications of the meaning-mak-
ing model of coping with loss for future research and for college student
prevention and intervention efforts.
The college years are a time of substantial transition. Although much of

this change is positive, it is also often marked by loss and concomitant
grief. For example, college students may experience loss of the familiar,

pp. 153–176
154 C. L. PARK and C. L. ESPOSITO
the comforting, or the beloved, including moving from home, changing

or ending relationships, and, frequently, encountering bereavement,
often for the first time (Balk, Walker, & Baker, 2010). Loss experiences are
quite common and can be quite distressing (Gold et al., 2005). In addi-
tion, the distress and life disruptions that students experience following
significant losses can seriously interfere with their abilities to successfully
function academically as well as personally (Pennebaker, Mayne, & Fran-
cis, 1997). Thus, faculty, administrators, and others who work with college
students must be aware not only of the prevalence of losses amongst col-
lege students but also the disruptions such losses bring and the processes
through which students may recover (Neimeyer et al., 2008; Park, 2008).
The stress of loss is unique in that, unlike most situations with which peo-
ple must cope and for which active or problem-focused coping is often the
most effective approach (Aldwin, 2007), loss is less amenable to problem-
solving efforts. Rather, situations of loss require people to make internal
adjustments to their mental systems of beliefs and goals (Park, 2010; Parkes,
2003) to assimilate or accommodate the new facts regarding what has been
lost with their previous understanding of themselves and the world.
Interest in the processes through which individuals make these changes
to their internal models has grown dramatically in recent years (Park,
2010). One perspective on this issue is the meaning-making model, which
posits that recovering from a stressful event involves reducing the discrep-
ancy between the appraised meaning of the event and one’s global beliefs
and goals (Joseph & Linley, 2005). Meaning making refers to the pro-
cesses in which people engage to reduce this discrepancy, which involves
changing either the meaning they assign to the situation or to some
aspects of their global meaning. In this chapter, we describe this mean-
ing-making process in coping with loss, present results of a study of col-
lege students who were dealing with a recent significant loss, and discuss
implications of the meaning-making model of coping with loss for future
research and for interventions with college students dealing with loss.
The Meaning-Making Model
People are by nature meaning-making creatures, holding strong beliefs

about how things are and expectations about how they should be (Baumeis-
ter, 1991). People experience levels of negative emotions such as depres-
sion, anger, or fear following perceptions of major discrepancies between
how the world is and how they think it should be (Slattery & Park, in
press). The meaning-making model of coping describes this process of
restoring congruency. It proposes that two levels of meaning are involved
in reducing discrepancies following stressful situations: global meaning
College Students’ Meaning Making Following Significant Loss 155
and situational meaning. Global meaning refers to individuals’ general

orienting systems (Pargament, 1997). Situational meaning consists of ini-
tial appraisals of a particular situation as well as the processes by which
global and appraised situational meanings are revised and the outcomes
of these processes. The components of this meaning-making model are
depicted in Figure 8.1.
Meaning-making processes are notably varied across people and con-
sistent within them (Aldwin, 2007; Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). That is,
individuals have characteristic ways of understanding the world (global
meaning) and appraising the stressors that they encounter (situational
meaning). In addition, they tend to have consistent ways of coping with
stressful situations, akin to personality (Suls, David, & Harvey, 1996;
McCrae & Costa, 1986). Thus, global meaning can be viewed as a stable
aspect of personality that influences the basic ways that people under-
stand the world and determine the goals toward which they strive (Hig-
gins & Scholer, 2008; Koltko-Rivera, 2004). In addition, the types of
appraisals that people make of situations tend to be consistent across situ-
ations. Further, the types of coping in which they engage, although vary-
ing to some degree by situations, also has a substantial intra-individual
consistency (Aldwin, 2007; Carver & Scheier, 1999). Thus, global mean-
ing as well as perceptual and coping style are important individual differ-
ences to examine in understanding how students adjust to loss.
Global Meaning
Global meaning is a broadly encompassing entity comprised of beliefs,

goals, and sense of meaning in life (Park & Folkman, 1997). Global beliefs
are basic and often broad assumptions about the world, including whether
it is benevolent, predictable, and fair or just (Koltko-Rivera, 2004). People
also hold more personal beliefs—that is, whether they are lucky, good,
safe, or vulnerable and whether they have control or can change situa-
tions (e.g., Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Koltko-Rivera, 2004; Thompson & Jani-
gian, 1988). These beliefs help people interpret and make sense of their
lives and experiences.
Global goals are high-level ideals, states, or objects toward which peo-
ple work (Karoly, 1999). Commonly reported global goals concern rela-
tionships, intimacy, religion, and achievement (Emmons, 2003). Often,
people set and meet a series of short-term, concrete goals that help them
to meet their higher-level goals (see Austin & Vancouver, 1996, for a
review).
The third aspect of global meaning is the extent to which people expe-
rience a sense of meaning or purpose in life. This felt meaning or pur-
Global Meaning (Table 1)
* Beliefs (Table 1)
* Goals
*Sense of Life Meaning (Table 1)
Meaning-Making
Appraised Discrepancy? Yes Meaning Made (Table 2)
Coping
*Changes in Global Meaning
156
Meaning of (Table 3) *Positive reinterpretation

the Loss (Perceived *Changes in Appraised Meaning
* Religious
Violations) *Changes in Perceived Violations
*Acceptance
No
Loss Resolution
Figure 8.1. Meaning making model of loss.

pose has been referred to as the emotional aspect of global meaning

(Reker & Wong, 1988). A sense of meaningfulness is thought to derive
from the extent to which people see their actions as oriented or progress-
ing toward a desired future state or goal (Baumeister, 1991; Steger, in
press).
Situational Meaning
Situational meaning refers to meaning in the context of a particular

occurrence, and encompasses the meaning assigned to that situation
(appraised meaning), assessing discrepancies between appraised and
global meaning, meaning-making efforts to reduce these discrepancies,
and the end results of those efforts (meanings made) (see Figure 8.1).
According to the meaning-making model, people continuously assign
meanings to their daily lives, their own behaviors, and the situations that
they encounter. Thus, appraised meaning refers to the specific understand-
ing or significance that individuals assign to particular objects, relation-
ships, situations, or events.
Discrepancies occur when individuals assign meanings to situations that
violate their global beliefs (e.g., that the world is fair, but not getting a job
despite being the best candidate), goals (e.g., failing to be accepted to grad-
uate school, despite years of preparation), or purpose (e.g., the break-up of
a romantic relationship that was perceived as central to one’s future). Dis-
crepancies also arise when global beliefs or goals are in conflict with one
another (e.g., wanting to pursue one’s passion as a career but also wanting
to please one’s parents). Discrepancies are perceived as stressful; the greater
the discrepancy, the greater the distress (see Park, 2010, for a review), and
the distress resulting from these discrepancies motivates people to employ
a variety of coping efforts to alleviate it.
Meaning making may involve both unconscious and deliberate coping
attempts to incorporate stressful occurrences into preexisting cognitive
structures (e.g., Horowitz, 1992; McIntosh, Silver, & Wortman, 1993).
Unconscious, automatic meaning making may occur through repeated
exposures (often intrusive thoughts), which help people to arrive at a more
integrated understanding of the stressor (Clark, 1993; Greenberg, 1995).
Others describe meaning making as a type of coping, typically defined as
deliberate efforts to deal with a situation (e.g., Folkman, 1997; Tennen,
Affleck, Armeli, & Carney, 2000), the definition used in this chapter. These
theorists regard meaning making as an intentional process (e.g., Bower et al.,
1998). Such efforts have been categorized as emotion-focused, problem-
focused, and meaning focused (called either “meaning-focused coping” or
“meaning-making coping” in this chapter). Emotion-focused coping
involves efforts to alleviate distress aimed at the emotions themselves, such

as expressing one’s feelings or finding ways to distract oneself or deny prob-
lems. Emotion-focused coping alone tends to be a maladaptive strategy,
although when used in concert with other coping efforts can help individ-
uals to stay engaged in more adaptive coping efforts (Folkman & Moskowitz,
2004). Emotion-focused coping, by definition, does not reduce discrepan-
cies, which may be why it is generally associated with distress (Aldwin, 2007).
Problem-focused coping involves taking direct actions to reduce the dis-
crepancy by changing the conditions that create or maintain the problem
and is the type of coping typically considered most adaptive (Aldwin, 2007).
However, situations vary in the extent to which they are amenable to
problem-focused coping (e.g., Park, Armeli, & Tennen, 2004). In low con-
trol situations such as trauma and loss, meaning-making coping is consid-
ered to be particularly relevant and potentially most adaptive because
these situations are not amenable to direct repair or problem-solving
(Mikulincer & Florian, 1996). Meaning-focused coping refers to
approach-oriented intrapsychic efforts to reduce discrepancies between
appraised and global meaning. Meaning-focused coping aims to reduce
discrepancy by changing either the very meaning of the stressor itself
(appraised meaning) or by changing one’s global beliefs and goals; either
way, the goal is to improve the fit between the appraised meaning of the
stressor and global meaning.
Theorists and researchers have identified a variety of coping strategies
for reducing this discrepancy, including positive reinterpretation, accep-
tance, religious coping, emotional processing, and searching for meaning
or understanding (see Park, 2010, for a review). In a study of bereave-
ment, Folkman (1997) identified meaning-making coping as “(a) using
positive reappraisal, through which individuals find meaning by inter-
preting the situation in terms of deeply held values and beliefs; (b) revis-
ing goals and planning goal-directed problem-focused coping, which
fosters meaning in terms of a sense of purpose and control; and (c) acti-
vating spiritual beliefs and experiences, through which individuals find
existential meaning” (p. 1216).
Outcomes of the meaning-making process involve changes in global or
situational meaning. These changes are reflected in reappraised or trans-
formed meaning of the stressor, (e.g., Manne et al., 2009), revisions in
global goals (e.g., Thompson & Janigian, 1988), and restoration of a
sense of meaning in life (e.g., Janoff-Bulman & Frantz, 1997),
A TEST OF THE MEANING-MAKING MODEL

To explicitly test the meaning-making model in the context of loss, we con-
ducted a study to assess the extent to which meaning making (assessed as
both automatic meaning making and meaning-focused coping) predicted

subsequent changes in a number of situational and global meanings.
METHOD
Participants were 283 undergraduates (73% women, 91% White, mean
age of 18.67). Participants were recruited from the Participant Pool at the
University of Connecticut. Eligible students were those who reported that
they were dealing with a recent (< 6 mos.) “significant loss”. Participants
were assessed at two time points, 6 weeks apart. At Time 2, 166 returned
to complete measures of well-being.
Measures
Participants were asked to list their significant loss and to rate its signif-
icance on a scale from 0 (not at all) to 6 (extremely). Participants were also
asked how many months ago their loss occurred.
Automatic meaning making was assessed by intrusive thoughts (i.e., the
intrusions subscale of the Impact of Event Scale [IES; Horowitz et al.,
1979]). The IES intrusions subscale consists of 8 items asking participants
about the extent to which, in the past week, they experienced intrusive
thoughts of the loss (e.g., “I thought about it when I didn’t mean to”).
Each item was scored from 0 (not at all) to 3 (often); (α = .91). Meaning-
making coping was assessed with three subscales of the COPE (Carver,
Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989) (i.e., positive reinterpretation and growth,
acceptance, and religious coping). Each subscale consists of 4 items that
participants rated regarding the extent to which they have been using
that strategy with regard to their loss from 1 (not at all) to 4 (a lot). Sample
items are “Try to see it in a different light, to make it seem more positive”,
“Accept the reality of the fact that it has happened”, and “Try to find com-
fort in my religion or spiritual beliefs.” The COPE has demonstrated
good psychometric properties (Carver et al., 1989).
Perceived life meaning was assessed in this study with the existential Well-
Being Scale, which is composed of ten items (Paloutzian & Ellison, 1991).
The questions on this instrument assess the extent to which participants
find life meaningful (e.g., “I feel a sense of well-being about the direction
my life is headed in”) all scored from 1 (strongly agree) to 6 (strongly dis-
agree).
The study employed the Meaning Assessment Scale (MAS) (Park, Mills,
& Edmondson, in press) to assess participants’ (a) global beliefs, (b)
appraised meaning, and (c) discrepancy. Global beliefs for were assessed
by the following five items on the MAS: “In general, how fair do you think
the world is?” “In general, how much control do you believe God has in
the world?” “In general, how much control do you feel you have over your
own life?” In general, how much control do you think other forces have
over your life?” and “In general, how good and safe do you think the
world is?) all scored from 1 (not all) to 4 (very much). Appraised meaning of
the loss was assessed with the Situational Beliefs items from the MAS
(Park et al., in press), which is comprised of five items: “How fair or just
do you think the loss you experienced was?” “How much control do you
feel you had over the loss you experienced?” “How much control do you
feel other forces had over the loss you experienced?” “How much control
do you feel God had over the loss you experienced?” and “When you
experienced your loss, how good and safe did the world feel?” Each of
these items is scored from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much). Discrepancy was
the third component of the MAS used for this study. Discrepancy is
defined as the degree of difference between global and appraised mean-
ing that were assessed with the Beliefs Violation Questions and the Goals
Violations Subscale of the Park’s et al. scale. Participants were asked,
“When you think about how you felt before and after this loss, how much
does this loss violate …” and asked to rate each belief (“your sense of the
world being fair or just?” “your sense that other forces have control in the
world?” “your sense that God is in control?” “your sense of being in con-
trol of your life?” and “your sense that the world is a good and safe
place?”). The total of these items makes the first component used to cal-
culate for discrepancy. Participants also rated from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very
much) the extent to which “your loss interferes with your ability to accom-
plish each” of the follow 12 goals (companionship, social support and
community, spirituality, self-acceptance, physical health, inner peace,
financial security, educational achievement, achievement in my career,
creative or artistic accomplishment, athletic accomplishment, and inti-
macy). The goals subscale produces a total score which formed the second
component for calculating discrepancy.
RESULTS
Attrition
To examine whether participants who returned at Time 2 differed on
any study variables from participants who participated at only Time 1, a
series of t tests were conducted on all 17 outcome variables (Table 8.1, five
global beliefs, global sense of meaning, Table 8.2, five situational beliefs,
Table 8.3, five belief violations, one goal violation scale). No variables dif-
fered significantly between those who remained and those who dropped
out of the study (all ts < 1, 1.6, ps >.11).
Table 8.1. Global Meaning
Time 2 Outcome: In Time 2 Outcome: In Time 2 Outcome: In
Time 2 Outcome: In general, how much control general, how much control general, how much control Time 2 Outcome: In
general, how fair do you do you believe God has in do you feel you have over do you think other forces general, how good and safe Time 2 Outcome:
think the world is? the world? your own life? have over your life? do you think the world is? Sense of Life Meaning
Model 1 Model 1 Model 1 Model 1 Model 1 Model 1
Time 1 Variables B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p
Coping
Positive reinter- -0.06 0.07 -0.06 .446 0.04 0.09 0.03 .693 0.00 0.07 0.00 .954 0.07 0.08 0.07 .396 0.12 0.07 0.14 .097 -0.02 0.08 -0.02 .774
pretation
Acceptance 0.16 0.07 0.18 .031 0.03 0.09 0.03 .712 0.07 0.07 0.08 .341 -0.01 0.08 -0.01 .936 0.05 0.07 0.06 .446 -0.07 0.08 -0.08 .355
Religious -0.01 0.07 -0.01 .931 0.68 0.08 0.55 .000 -0.02 0.07 -0.03 .726 0.13 0.07 0.14 .086 -0.09 0.07 -0.11 .156 0.02 0.07 0.02 .768
Intrusive thoughts -0.10 0.08 -0.10 .226 -0.25 0.10 -0.17 .012 -0.03 0.08 -0.04 .668 -0.02 0.09 -0.02 .850 -0.05 0.08 -0.05 .507 0.10 0.09 0.09 .247
F(4,161) = 1.72 .148 F(4,159) = 18.62 .000 F(4,160) = 0.32 .866 F(4,161) = 1.09 .364 F(4,161) = 1.41 .233 F(4,161) = 0.62 .652
R2 Model 1 0.04 0.32 0.01 0.03 0.03 0.02
Effect size = R2/ 0.04 0.47 0.01 0.03 0.04 0.02
(1 - R2)
161

B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p
Coping
Positive reinter- -0.02 0.06 -0.02 .787 0.03 0.06 0.02 .606 0.02 0.07 0.03 .711 0.02 0.08 0.02 .814 0.09 0.06 0.11 .134 0.00 0.06 0.00 .994
pretation
Acceptance 0.11 0.06 0.12 .087 0.07 0.06 0.05 .213 0.04 0.07 0.05 .527 0.00 0.07 0.00 .999 0.02 0.06 0.02 .796 0.01 0.06 0.01 .839
Religious -0.01 0.06 -0.02 .828 0.18 0.06 0.15 .003 -0.03 0.06 -0.03 .648 0.14 0.07 0.15 .052 -0.07 0.06 -0.08 .232 0.03 0.06 0.03 .603
Intrusive thoughts -0.03 0.07 -0.03 .705 -0.09 0.06 -0.06 .143 -0.02 0.07 -0.02 .760 -0.03 0.08 -0.03 .710 0.04 0.07 0.04 .537 0.04 0.07 0.04 .576
Time 2 outcome @ 0.50 0.07 0.48 .000 0.75 0.05 0.75 .000 0.47 0.08 0.43 .000 0.37 0.08 0.35 .000 0.61 0.08 0.51 .000 0.50 0.06 0.57 .000
Time 1
F(5,160) = 11.53 .000 F(5,158) = 83.24 .000 F(5,159) = 7.59 .000 F(5,160) = 5.31 .000 F(5,160) = 12.74 .000 F(5,165) = 15.52 .000
R2 Model 2 0.26 0.72 0.19 0.14 0.28 0.33
Effect Size = R2/ 0.36 2.63 0.24 0.17 0.40 0.49
(1 -R2)
ΔR2 0.22 0.41 0.18 0.12 0.25 0.31
All predictor variables are Time 1; All outcome variables are Time 2.
Table 8.2. Appraised Meaning
Time 2 Outcome: How much
Time 2 Outcome: How fair Time 2 Outcome: How much control do you feel other Time 2 Outcome: How much Time 2 Outcome: When you
or just do you think the loss control do you feel you had over forces had over the loss control do you feel God had experienced your loss, how good
you experienced was? the loss you experienced? you experienced? over the loss you experienced? and safe did the world feel?
Time 1 Model 1 Model 1 Model 1 Model 1 Model 1
Variables B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p
Coping
Positive reinterpre- 0.25 0.09 0.22 .008 0.21 0.10 0.17 .047 -0.09 0.11 -0.07 .384 -0.08 0.11 -0.06 .466 -0.02 0.08 -0.02 .828
tation
Acceptance -0.07 0.09 -0.06 .431 -0.09 0.10 -0.07 .392 0.05 0.11 0.03 .676 0.01 0.11 0.01 .938 0.08 0.08 0.08 .317
Religious 0.11 0.09 0.10 .192 0.00 0.10 0.00 .977 0.04 0.10 0.03 .679 0.49 0.10 0.37 .000 -0.04 0.08 -0.04 .595
Intrusive thoughts -0.11 0.10 -0.08 .290 0.11 0.12 0.08 .338 0.28 0.12 0.18 .026 -0.18 0.12 -0.11 .146 -0.24 0.09 -0.21 .008
F(4,160) = 2.51 .044 F(4,160) = 1.67 .159 F(4,159) = 1.37 .247 F(4,159) = 6.58 .000 F(4,160) = 2.36 .056
R2 Model 1 0.06 0.04 0.03 0.14 0.06
Effect size= R2/ 0.06 0.04 0.03 0.17 0.06
(1 - R2)
162
Model 2 Model 2 Model 2 Model 2 Model 2

B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p
Coping
Positive reinterpre- 0.06 0.08 0.05 .468 0.04 0.08 0.03 .669 -0.07 0.10 -0.05 .496 -0.03 0.08 -0.02 .699 -0.05 0.07 -0.06 .470
tation
Acceptance -0.09 0.07 -0.08 .213 -0.09 0.08 -0.07 .268 -0.01 0.10 -0.01 .891 0.01 0.08 0.01 .868 0.03 0.07 0.03 .733
Religious 0.09 0.07 0.08 .188 0.02 0.07 0.02 .758 0.13 0.09 0.10 .155 0.20 0.08 0.15 .014 -0.02 0.07 -0.02 .807
Intrusive thoughts 0.06 0.08 0.05 .449 0.07 0.09 0.05 .455 0.08 0.12 0.05 .496 -0.07 0.09 -0.04 .458 -0.04 0.09 -0.03 .672
Time 2 outcome @ 0.61 0.06 0.63 .000 0.62 0.06 0.64 .000 0.45 0.07 0.45 .000 0.63 0.06 0.65 .000 0.47 0.08 0.45 .000
Time 1
F(5,159) = 23.21 .000 F(5,159) = 23.18 .000 F(5,158) = 8.87 .000 F(5,158) = 33.29 .000 F(5,159) = 9.38 .000
R2 Model 2 0.42 0.42 0.22 0.51 0.23
Effect size = R2/ 0.73 0.73 0.28 1.05 0.30
(1 - R2)
ΔR2 0.36 0.38 0.19 0.37 0.17
All predictor variables are Time 1; All outcome variables are Time 2.
Table 8.3. Violation of Views
Time 2 Outcome: How
much does the occurrence Time 2 Outcome: How Time 2 Outcome: How Time 2 Outcome: How Time 2 Outcome: How
of this loss violate your much does this loss violate much does this loss violate much does this loss violate much does this loss violate
sense of the world being your sense that other forces your sense that God is in your sense of being in con- your sense that the world is Time 2 Outcome: Goal
fair or just? have control in the world? control? trol of your life? a good and safe place? Violation
Time 1 Variables B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p
Coping
Positive reinter- 0.11 0.09 0.11 .210 0.08 0.08 0.09 .314 0.04 0.08 0.04 .642 0.08 0.08 0.08 .340 0.03 0.09 0.03 .763 0.05 0.05 0.08 .316
pretation
Acceptance 0.02 0.09 0.02 .821 -0.02 0.08 -0.02 .769 -0.04 0.08 -0.04 .640 -0.06 0.08 -0.05 .516 -0.02 0.09 -0.02 .840 -0.02 0.05 -0.03 .712
Religious -0.09 0.09 -0.08 .287 -0.02 0.08 -0.02 .809 0.01 0.07 0.01 .922 -0.07 0.08 -0.07 .359 -0.01 0.09 -0.01 .902 0.03 0.05 0.04 .573
Intrusive thoughts 0.18 0.10 0.14 .077 0.19 0.09 0.17 .042 0.06 0.09 0.06 .487 0.23 0.09 0.19 .016 0.14 0.10 0.11 .181 0.21 0.05 0.30 .000
F(4,160) = 1.79 .134 F(4,160) = 1.71 .151 F(4,159) = 0.28 .892 F(4,160) = 2.26 .065 F(4,160) = 0.57 .683 F(4,157) = 5.05 .001
R2 Model 1 0.04 0.04 0.01 0.05 0.01 0.11
Effect size = R2/ 0.04 0.04 0.01 0.06 0.01 0.13
(1 - R2)
163

B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p B SE Beta p
Coping
Positive reinter- 0.14 0.08 0.13 .086 0.08 0.08 0.08 .325 0.02 0.07 0.03 .726 0.10 0.08 0.10 .217 0.00 0.08 0.00 .964 0.04 0.04 0.07 .302
pretation
Acceptance 0.01 0.08 0.00 .947 -0.03 0.08 -0.03 .720 -0.04 0.07 -0.04 .563 -0.09 0.08 -0.09 .253 0.01 0.08 0.01 .852 0.01 0.04 0.01 .867
Religious -0.12 0.08 -0.11 .100 -0.02 0.08 -0.02 .834 -0.01 0.07 -0.01 .876 -0.03 0.07 -0.02 .734 0.00 0.07 0.00 .977 0.00 0.04 0.00 .984
Intrusive thoughts 0.02 0.09 0.02 .799 0.12 0.09 0.10 .207 0.07 0.08 0.07 .340 0.09 0.09 0.07 .340 0.00 0.09 0.00 .959 0.01 0.05 0.01 .875
Time 2 outcome @ 0.49 0.07 0.49 .000 0.23 0.07 0.24 .002 0.44 0.07 0.45 .000 0.37 0.07 0.40 .000 0.59 0.07 0.54 .000 0.61 0.07 0.59 .000
Time 1
F(5,159) = 11.52 .000 F(5,159) = 3.34 .007 F(5,158) = 8.17 .000 F(5,159) = 7.89 .000 F(5,159) = 12.97 .000 F(5,156) = 18.92 .000
R2 Model 2 0.27 0.10 0.21 0.20 0.29 0.38
Effect size = R2/ 0.36 0.11 0.26 0.25 0.41 0.61
(1 - R2)
2
ΔR 0.22 0.05 0.20 0.15 0.28 0.26
All predictor variables are Time 1; All outcome variables are Time 2
Description of Losses
Reported losses were primarily bereavement (30.2%), loss of relation-

ships (e.g., breakups) (25.7%), loss of friendship (15.8%), and leaving
home (14.3%). Mean time since loss was 3.43 months, and mean signifi-
cance of the loss was 4.57.
Description of Global Meaning Changes
To examine whether any of the 17 meaning variables changed from

Time 1 to Time 2, a series of paired t tests were conducted. Only two
meaning variables changed significantly, both global beliefs. Participants’
sense of the world as fair (t (166) = 2.21, p < .05, means = 2.34 and 2.47,
respectively) and sense of the world as good and safe (t (166) = 2.94, p <
.01, 2.28 and 2.43, respectively) both increased.
Multiple Regressions
A total of 34 multiple regressions predicting three categories of out-

come—global meaning (Table 8.1, five global beliefs and global sense of
meaning variables), appraised meaning—(Table 8.2, five situational
beliefs variables), and violation of views (Table 8.3, five belief violations
and goal violation scale variables)—were conducted. Each outcome vari-
able was predicted twice: without a baseline measurement of the outcome
variable in the regression equation (“Model 1”—the first panel in each
table), and including a baseline value of the outcome variable in the
regression (“Model 2”—the second panel in each table).
We examined each regression in two separate ways. First, which predic-
tors—coping (positive reinterpretation, acceptance, religious), intrusive
thoughts, and, in Model 2, Time 1 level of the Time 2 outcome—were
predictive of the Time 2 outcome variable? Secondly, we evaluated overall
model fit, since it is possible to have significant model fit even when none
of the individual predictors have a significant relationship with the out-
come variable. Because we are most interested in the relationship between
the predictor variables and the outcomes, we present the predictor vari-
able results prior to the model fit results for each regression.
Model 1 used Time 1 measures of the 3 meaning-making coping strat-
egies and intrusive thoughts to predict the Time 2 global beliefs, and
Model 2 added the Time 1 level of that global belief variable (effectively
assessing change in that belief) to predict the Time 2 level. For Model 1,
for example, YT2, = β + b1c1 + b2c2 + b3c3 + b4i + ei where YT2 equals
global belief at Time 2, and c1, c2, and c3 are the three coping strategies,
b1-5 (to include the coefficients in Models 1 and 2) are the regression coef-
ficients, i is the intrusive thoughts measure, and ei is the random subject
error.
In Model 2, YT1, global belief at Time 1, was added as a predictor of
the Time 2 variable, YT2, a format followed for all the regressions, such
that YT2, = β + b1c1 + b2c2 + b3c3 + b4i + b5YT1 + ei. Regressions were
performed in SPSS 18, with all the predictors but the Time 1 outcome
variable entered as a block, followed by the Time1 outcome variable to
allow estimation of the R2 and ΔR2.
The second regression models should not be considered a pre- or post-
design, inasmuch as the analysis is not a comparison of two groups before
and after a treatment, but reflects an inclusion of the outcome measure at
Time 1 to more fully control for baseline characteristics of subjects when
predicting their outcome measure at Time 2. As such, it reflects an
attempt to statistically match or equate similar subjects more fully before
predicting their Time 2 outcomes. We avoided the use of change scores
because we were not estimating a treatment effect and our assignment
model assumed that there was not a relationship between assignment and
the outcome. When the analyst has reason to believe that assignment and
outcome are unrelated, the pretest is more appropriate to use as a covari-
ate instead of the change score (Campbell & Kenney, 1999). Change
scores—subtracting the pretest from the posttest— removes the biasing
effect of selection in the posttest when there is reason to believe assign-
ment is related to the outcome (Campbell & Kenny, 1999).
Predicting Time 2 Global Beliefs

and Changes in Global Beliefs
To examine whether the three meaning-making coping strategies (pos-

itive reinterpretation, acceptance, or religious) and automatic coping
(intrusive thoughts) predicted Time 2 global beliefs for each of the five
global belief variables and changes in those beliefs, five multiple regres-
sion analyses employing two models each were conducted. Results are
shown in Table 1, first 5 columns. Looking at the independent variables’
success in predicting outcomes, meaning making with the loss was gener-
ally associated with higher levels of Time 2 global meaning outcomes, and
intrusive thoughts with lower levels of global meaning. Specifically, posi-
tive reinterpretation coping was predictive (p ≤ .10) of higher levels of
belief in goodness and safety of the world (p = .097), acceptance coping
was predictive of greater belief in the fairness of the world (p = .031), and
religious coping predicted both higher beliefs of God in control of the
world (p = .000) as well as higher beliefs of other forces in control (p =

.086). Intrusive thoughts were predictive (p = .012) of lower beliefs of
God in control of the world.
Evaluating which models overall were best at predicting students’ Time
2 global beliefs after their loss (Model 1, upper panel), meaning-making
coping strategies and intrusive thoughts significantly predicted (F(4, 159)
= 18.62, p = .000) extent of belief of God’s control (Table 8.1, column 2,
model 1). This model had an R2 of .32 and a relatively large effect size of
0.47. To calculate effect sizes, we used Cohen’s ƒ2, an effect size measure
for multiple regression defined as R2/(1 − R2), with effect sizes of 0.02,
0.15, and 0.35 deemed small, medium, and large, respectively (Cohen,
1988). The other models using Time 1 coping and intrusive thoughts
measures did poorly at predicting global beliefs at Time 2, with a very
small R2 for each of these models, explaining .04 or less of the variance in
the Time 2 global beliefs.
The addition of the Time 1 global beliefs to the models predicting the
Time 2 global beliefs (Table 8.1, lower panel, Model 2 regressions),
washes away most of the effects of the other predictor variables. The
effects for positive reinterpretation coping, acceptance coping, and intru-
sive thoughts disappear. Religious coping is associated with increased
belief in God’s control (p = .003) and of other forces in control (p = .052).
Unsurprisingly, the Time 1 level of global beliefs is significantly predictive
(p < .000) of the Time 2 global beliefs that individuals held, and all of the
models are now significant predictors of the Time 2 global beliefs. All of
the R2’s increased substantially from Model 1, with the largest change in
R2 for the model predicting the Time 2 level of belief of God in control
(column 2). This model had an R2 of .72, a ΔR2 of .41, and a meaningful
effect size of 2.63.
Predicting Time 2 Global Sense

and Changes in Global Sense

itive reinterpretation, acceptance, or religious) and automatic coping
(intrusive thoughts) predicted Time 2 global sense of life meaning (a com-
posite that was the mean of 5 subjective sense of meaning in life and
changes in global sense of life meaning) a multiple regression analysis
testing two models was conducted, which is also presented in Table 8.1.
Model 1 used the 3 meaning-making coping strategies and intrusive
thoughts variables to predict the Time 2 global sense of life meaning, and
Model 2 added the Time 1 level of global sense of life meaning variable
(effectively assessing change in global sense of life meaning).
The Time 1 coping and intrusive thoughts measures did not predict
Time 2 global sense of life meaning. However, when the Time 1 global
sense of life meaning variable is added to the regression to predict sense
of life meaning at Time 2 (Table 8.1, last column, lower panel), the model
becomes a very strong predictor of global sense of life meaning. The R2 of
.33 in Model 2 is associated with a large effect size of 0.49.
Predicting Time 2 Appraised Meaning

and Changes in Appraised Meaning

itive reinterpretation, acceptance, or religious) and automatic meaning
making (intrusive thoughts) predicted appraised meaning at Time 2 for
five different appraised meaning variables and changes in those
appraised meanings, five multiple regression analyses employing two
models each were conducted. Model 1 used the three meaning-making
coping and intrusive thoughts measures to predict the Time 2 appraised
meaning levels, and Model 2 added the Time 1 level of appraised mean-
ing (effectively assessing change in appraised meaning) (see Table 8.2).
In Model 1, positive reinterpretation coping was associated with
greater belief in fairness of the loss (p = .008) and greater belief that they
had control over the loss (p = .047), while religious coping was associated
with greater levels of belief in extent to which God had control over the
loss (p = .000). Intrusive thoughts were associated with greater belief that
other forces had control over the loss (p = .026) and less belief in the
safety of the world (p = .008).
In terms of overall model fit, the regression models employing Time 1
coping strategies and intrusive thoughts significantly (p ≤ .10) predicted
three of the students’ Time 2 levels of appraised meaning: fairness/just-
ness of the loss, (F(4,160) = 2.51, p=.044), God’s control over the loss
(F(4,159) = 6.58, p=.000), and extent to which the world felt good/safe
when the loss occurred (F(4,160) = 2.36, p=.056). These three models had
small to medium effect sizes of 0.06, 0.17 and 0.06, respectively.
Adding the Time 1 level of appraised meaning to the regressions
(Model 2) to predict appraised meaning at Time 2 washes away most of
the effects of the other predictor variables. The effects of positive reinter-
pretation coping and intrusive thoughts disappear, and only religious
coping predicts an increase for the belief in the extent to which God had
control over the loss (p = .014). Not surprisingly, the Time 1 level of each
of the appraised meaning variables was significantly predictive (p < .000)
of its Time 2 counterpart, and all of these models were significant predic-
tors of the Time 2 level of appraised meaning. All of the R2s increased
substantially, and all of the effect sizes were now moderate to large.
Predicting Time 2 Belief Violation

and Changes in Belief Violation
making (intrusive thoughts) at Time 1 predicted Time 2 belief violations for
five different meaning violation outcome variables and changes in those
meaning violation outcome variables, five multiple regression analyses each
testing two models each were conducted. Model 1 used the three meaning-
making coping strategies and intrusive thoughts measures at Time 1 to pre-
dict the Time 2 meaning violation, and Model 2 added the Time 1 level of
that meaning violation variable (effectively assessing change in that belief)
to predict the Time 2 level (see Table 8.3, first five columns).
In Model 1, intrusive thoughts positively predicted Time 2 beliefs that
the loss was unfair or unjust (p = .077), that no one was in control of the
loss (p = .042), and that one did not have control over the loss (p = .016).
The only model that significantly (p ≤ .10) predicted belief violation using
coping strategies and intrusive thoughts measures was the regression esti-
mating “How much does this loss violate your sense of being in control of
your life?” (F(4,160) = 2.26, p = .065). The effect size, 0.06, is small.
The addition of the Time 1 belief violation level to predict the Time 2
belief violation (Model 2 regressions, lower panel) washes away all of the
intrusive thought relationships with the belief violations outcomes. How-
ever, in this second step, positive reinterpretation coping (p = .086) and
religious coping (p = .10) became significantly predictive of increased
beliefs in the world being unfair and unjust. If events cause our view of
the world being unfair and unjust to increase, this is associated with less
religious coping and more positive reinterpretation coping. Not surpris-
ingly, the Time 1 levels of belief violation were significantly predictive (p
< .000) of their respective subsequent Time 2 belief violation outcomes,
and all of the models were now significant predictors of the Time 2 out-
come. All of the model R2s increased substantially, with effect sizes rang-
ing from 0.11 to 0.41.
Predicting Time 2 Goal Violation

and Changes in Goal Violation

making (intrusive thoughts) predicted Time 2 goal violation and changes

in goal violation, a multiple regression analysis employing two models was
conducted. Model 1 used the three meaning-making coping strategies
and intrusive thoughts to predict the Time 2 goal violation, and Model 2
added the Time 1 level of goal violation (effectively assessing change in
goal violation) to predict the Time 2 level (see Table 8.3, last column).
In Model 1, more intrusive thoughts were related to a greater sense at
Time 2 of goal violations (p = .001). In the Model 1 regression predicting
the extent to which the loss violated goals, coping strategies and intrusive
thoughts (p = .000) were significantly predictive (F(4,157) = 5.05, p =
.001). The effect size, .013, bordered on medium.
The addition of the Time 1 goal violation measures to predict the Time
2 goal violation outcomes (Model 2 regressions) washes away the intrusive
thought relationship with the goal violations outcome. Not surprisingly,
the Time 1 level of the outcome variable is significantly predictive
(p<.000) of the subsequent Time 2 goal violation outcome and the regres-
sion model remains a significant predictor of the Time 2 outcome (F(5,156)
= 18.92, p = .000). The model R2 increased substantially, and the effect
size was 0.61.
DISCUSSION
The present study highlights the utility of the meaning-making model for
understanding how discrepancies between appraised and global meaning
can be reduced over time in college students who are dealing with a
recent significant loss. Meaning-making coping strategies and automatic
meaning making (intrusive thoughts) were modestly related to global and
situational meaning and also to changes in those meanings over time (i.e.,
meanings made). Although the current study was conducted in a brief
time frame relative to the process of recovering from significant loss (Nei-
meyer et al., 2008), some shifts in meaning were reported by students
even in this interim. Further, those reductions in discrepancies appeared
to be driven, at least in part, by the meaning-making coping strategies
and the intrusive thoughts assessed in this study. The results of multiple
regression analyses indicated that all three aspects of meaning-making
coping assessed predicted some aspect of global meaning, appraised
meaning, and meaning violation. Religious meaning making appeared to
have the strongest effects. In particular, Time 1 religious coping was
related to greater belief in God as in control of the world, greater belief
that other forces have control over one’s life, and greater belief that God
was in control of the loss. Religious coping also predicted increases at
Time 2 for the same three beliefs, as well as a decrease at Time 2 in the
extent to which the loss violated the sense of the world being fair and just.
Acceptance coping was positively related to greater belief in the fairness
of the world, but not to change for any of the other meanings.
Positive reinterpretation coping was positively related to greater beliefs
in how good and safe the world is, to greater belief in how fair and just
the world is, and to a greater belief in control over the loss. Positive rein-
terpretation coping also predicted increases in appraisals of the extent to
which the loss violated the sense of the world as being fair and just.
In general, there was stability in global meaning, appraised meaning,
and perceptions of violation across the study’s s two time points. This sta-
bility is somewhat surprising, given that individuals might be expected to
experience some recovery over that time period entailing changes in
global and situational meaning as well as in perceived violations. How-
ever, although such changes were apparent, but in very small amounts,
these findings indicate that to a large degree, all three of these domains of
meaning operate in ways that might be expected of personality traits and
indeed to a large extent can be considered to be such (Higgins & Scholer,
2008; Norem, 1989). Future research is needed to better understand the
extent to which such individual characteristics change through the pro-
cess of coping with highly stressful events and the processes through
which they may shift.
This study has limitations that may account for the modest findings
and that curtail its ability to make definitive conclusions. These limita-
tions also suggest important directions for future research. As noted
above, only a relatively short time frame was captured here, and only two
assessment points were included. Ideally, studies should examine students
from early in the processes of recovering from loss and follow them over a
longer period of time to more thoroughly capture their meaning making.
Although difficult to conduct, prospective studies, where participants are
assessed prior to encountering loss, would allow a clearer view of how pre-
existing global meaning influences this process. That is, in this study, it is
possible that students’ views of the world and themselves were altered by
their experiences of loss (e.g., Schwartzberg & Janoff-Bulman, 1991) and
therefore already reflected change by the time of our first measurement.
In addition, this study only examined four types of meaning-making
(i.e., positive reinterpretation, religious coping, acceptance, and intrusive
thoughts), but there are many others that could be included in future
research (e.g., deliberative rumination, social comparison processes,
rededication to life goals; see Park, 2010). Future research should also
examine the extent to which changes in various aspects of meaning are
related to resolution of and adjustment to the loss (Park, 2008). Further,
examining the resources and characteristics of the students who are rela-
tively more and less able to make meaning of the losses they experience
will yield a better understanding of who is more likely to need assistance

and to perhaps identify more targeted interventions in the future that
promote resilience.
Suggestions for Those Working With College Students
These findings, and the meaning-making model of coping more gen-

erally, have important implications for those working with college stu-
dents. First, our work converges with other research documenting the
high levels of traumatic exposures (Frazier et al., 2009), losses (Gold et al.,
2005), and bereavement (Balk et al., 2010) that college students experi-
ence. These high levels of stressful experiences are well-known to person-
nel working closely with students, but may be a surprise to the students
themselves as well as their parents, given the stereotype of the carefree
college years pervasive in American culture (Dworkin, 2005).
The high prevalence of student loss experiences suggests that both
general efforts to bolster resilience among the student body and more tar-
geted therapeutic efforts for students with identified needs could be use-
fully pursued strategies for substantially reducing distress in the student
body (Balk, 2008). In terms of building resilience, it is important to note
that coping abilities tend to be trait-like in their consistency (Suls et al.,
1996). Thus, coping skills training programs are promising in teaching a
variety of coping skills (emotion-focused, problem-focused, and meaning
focused) that can be focused not only on a specific loss situation, but can
help students to learn to identify how, in different types of situations, dif-
ferent types of coping are most appropriate (Phillips et al., 2008). In addi-
tion, students may be encouraged to develop psychosocial resources that
will help to buffer stressors as they arise (Williams et al., 2009). Such skills
should help to prepare students for the inevitable stressors they will
encounter during college and beyond (Newman, 2005).
For students who have already experienced a loss, there is much to be
done. First, many students who have experienced significant loss do not
identify loss as an issue that may need attention, but rather simply con-
sider it part of their life story (Balk, 2008). Many such students may bene-
fit from greater awareness of on-campus resources that can help them to
achieve greater resolution of their loss. Because neither students nor col-
lege personnel may be fully cognizant of the impact of grief and the
ongoing processes of meaning making in which many students are engag-
ing, college personnel should consider needs assessments and outreach
programs, such as those described by Balk (2008). Such initiatives can
usefully raise awareness and lead to the implementation of better sup-
ports for students with loss experiences.
Students dealing with more acute loss-related crises will benefit from
college personnel who can help coordinate services to help them receive
necessary academic and personal support (Balk, 2008). While college
counseling and mental health programs may provide the most direct ser-
vices to students, a more integrated approach to promoting healing and
wholeness will involve many more campus units. For example, in discuss-
ing the need for more advanced and explicit training to help bereaved
students, Taub and Servaty-Seib (2008) emphasized that anyone working
closely with students (e.g., academic advisers, student organization advis-
ers, student affairs professionals, faculty, and residential advisors) would
benefit from a greater understanding of college students’ processes of
grief and recovery.
Importantly, Taub and Servaty-Seib (2008) proposed that outreach and
educational efforts take into consideration the context of normative
development. Because college students are at formative points in their
personal and professional lives, their losses and the ways that they make
meaning of them, become an important aspect of their maturation and
future selves. Viewed from this developmental perspective, efforts to help
students resolve the discrepancies wrought by their losses in the ways they
understand themselves and the world along with their broader sense of
meaning and purpose can be seen as a fundamental mission of higher
education.
NOTE
1. Because this study measured both global meaning and situational meaning
as well as the perceived discrepancies between them, a total of nine mean-
ing measures could have been employed (i.e., global beliefs, goals, and
sense of meaning in life; situational beliefs, goals, and sense of meaning in
life; and perceived violation posed by the loss on one’s beliefs, goals, and
sense of meaning in life), we measured only five of these types of meaning
in the present study to reduce participant burden and to employ only mea-
sures that have previously demonstrated good psychometric characteris-
tics.
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51, 437-442.
CHAPTER 9
IMPLICIT THEORIES OF
PERSONALITY, STRESS, AND
COPING OF CHINESE
NURSING STUDENTS
Joanne Chan Chung Yan
The study reported in this chapter explored the associations among implicit
theories of personality, stress, and coping of first-year Chinese nursing stu-
dents in Hong Kong. The results showed that compared to family stress and
interpersonal stress, academic stress was the most prominent for students
upon entry into the nursing program and after their first clinical placement.
Interpersonal stress increased as the program progressed. Students experi-
enced stress and coped in similar ways regardless of whether they held an
entity or incremental theory of personality. There was however, one excep-
tion, the more malleable students perceived personality to be, the more they
used religion to cope. In general, students most frequently used active cop-
ing, planning, and acceptance to cope. Implications for coping programs at
tertiary institutions are discussed.
The current study examined the associations among stress, coping, and
implicit theories of personality. Using a transactional framework of
coping, I focused on the interaction between individuals and their envi-
ronments, and investigated three important aspects of the stress process:

pp. 177–190
178 J. CHAN CHUNG YAN
sources of stress, stress, and coping (Pryjmachuk & Richards, 2007). Stress
is defined as “a relationship between the person and the environment
that is appraised by the person as taxing or exceeding his or her resources
and as endangering his or her well-being” (Folkman, 1984, p. 840).
Coping refers to “the cognitive and behavioral efforts made to master,
tolerate, or reduce external and internal demands and conflicts among
them” (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980, p. 223). Different researchers have dif-
ferent categorizations of coping strategies. In this study, Carver’s (1997)
categorization was utilized. Combining cross-sectional and longitudinal
data, this study explored associations among implicit theories of
personality, stress, sources of stress, and coping of first-year Chinese
nursing students in Hong Kong.
Implicit Theories of Personality, Stress, and Coping
An implicit theory pertains to ideas individuals possess about self,

other people, and the world (Dweck, Chiu, & Hong, 1995; Dweck &
Leggett, 1988). Implicit theories of personality refer to those notions
about personality which individuals use to interpret incoming informa-
tion (Chiu, Hong, & Dweck, 1997). When people face negative events,
their implicit theories influence their judgment, inferences, and reactions
(Dweck et al., 1995). When people interpret behaviors or outcomes in
terms of fixed traits they are understood as employing an entity theory,
while an incremental theory is evident when beliefs such as the malleabil-
ity of personal attributes are held (Dweck et al., 1995). Since the appraisal
of stress involves continuous evaluation of personal resources and
external demands, individuals’ implicit theories of personality are likely
to affect their evaluation and experience of stress.
Entity theorists tend to exhibit a helpless coping style, ineffective striv-
ing or even self-stigmatization (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Dweck et al.,
1995). For example, people who believed that romantic relationships are
destined tend to adopt avoidance coping strategies such as disengage-
ment to cope with relationship stressors (Knee, 1998). In contrast, indi-
viduals who believed that relationships are developed and cultivated
generally use more active coping and planning strategies (Knee, 1998). In
addition, incremental theorists have been found to have high persistence,
less helpless behaviors and more mastery-oriented coping as they
perceive high uncertainty which allows the possibility of change (Dweck &
Leggett, 1988; Dweck et al., 1995). Hong, Chiu, Dweck, Lin and Wan
(1999) found that compared to entity theorists, incremental theorists had
a higher tendency to take remedial action after unsatisfactory perfor-
mance.
Implicit Theories of Personality, Stress and Coping 179
Implicit Theories of Personality and Stress

in the Chinese Context
Chiu et al. (1997) suggested that entity and incremental theories appear
to be general worldviews that members of both individualistic and collec-
tivistic cultures develop in their interpretation of social experiences. Cul-
ture, however, influences individuals’ motivational and emotional
characteristics and affects how they perceive and manage stressors (Phillips
& Pearson, 1996). Members of collectivistic cultures (e.g., Chinese) are
viewed as experiencing stress differently compared to members of individ-
ualistic cultures (e.g., American). Supporting such argument are studies
that find Chinese students report lower stress than American students
(Crystal et al., 1994). Among collectivistic cultures, however, differences in
the experience of stress have been observed; for example, Chinese students
report higher stress than Korean and Japanese students (Kim, Won, Liu,
Liu, & Kitanishi, 1997). Therefore, understanding implicit theories of per-
sonality and cultural values may provide insight into the sources of stress for
individuals to explain such differences between cultures. Little is known
about implicit theories of personality and stress in collectivistic cultures and
this study will focus on the Chinese context.
Chinese culture emphasizes education, obedience to authority, and
filial piety (Gow, Balla, Kember, & Hau, 1996). Chinese students are
receptive towards parents’ and teachers’ demands and are highly
achievement-oriented (Gow et al., 1996). Parents, teachers as well as stu-
dents are all aware of academic competition (Stevenson & Lee, 1996).
Chinese students who perceived their parents as having high academic
expectation had more psychological distress than their counterparts
who perceived their parents as having low expectation (Crystal et. al.,
1994). Therefore, academic stress and family stress are likely to be
prominent for Chinese students. The emphasis of upholding social har-
mony (Goodwin & Tang, 1996) may also result in interpersonal stress
for Chinese students. Nevertheless, there is sparse research on the
sources of stress of Chinese students, including understanding on the
relationship among stress, coping, and implicit theories of personality
in the Chinese context.
Stress and Coping of Chinese Nursing Students
The current study focused on first-year Chinese nursing students in

Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, most nursing education programs that were
part of hospitals have been suspended and transferred to universities
(Chan, 2002). Therefore, most nursing students in Hong Kong as part of
their professional preparation, experience two major transitions (a) initial

university enrollment and (b) preparation for clinical placement in the
latter part of their studies (Deary, Watson, & Hogston, 2003). Nursing stu-
dents share potential stressors that other undergraduate students face
such as school, domestic and interpersonal demands (Ellard, Barlow, &
Mian, 2005). In a sample of Chinese nursing students, academic stress
was the strongest risk factor for psychological problems (Ni et al., 2010).
Watson, Deary, Thompson, and Li (2008) found that nursing students in
Hong Kong had higher levels of psychological morbidity and burnout at
the end of the first year of the nursing program compared to the time of
entry to the program. It is therefore important to understand how first-
year Chinese nursing students cope with stress.
The first goal of this study was to examine the associations among
implicit theories of personality, stress, and coping in Chinese nursing stu-
dents to fill the gap in research. The second goal was to understand the
sources of stress and coping strategies of Chinese nursing students which
is essential for tailoring prevention and intervention programs for stress
and coping.
METHOD
Participants and Procedures
Students were first-year Chinese nursing students in a university in

Hong Kong. Only data from Chinese students who completed both
questionnaires were retained. The final sample consisted of 157 students
with 58 male and 99 female. The mean age was 20.06 years (SD =1.26).
Students were invited to participate in the study during class at the
beginning of semester 1, upon entry into the nursing program (wave 1)
and at the beginning of semester 2, after their first clinical placement
(wave 2). Consent was obtained before they completed each question-
naire. Students completed measures of sources of stress at wave 1. At wave
2, students completed measures of implicit theories of personality, sources
of stress, stress and personality, and the Brief COPE.
Materials
The questionnaires were set in Chinese. Four questionnaires were used

to gather the study’s data (a) sources of stress, (b) stress and personality,
(c) implicit theories of personality, and (d) coping.
Students indicated their stress level from academic stress, family stress
and interpersonal stress on a 10-point scale from 0 (no stress at all) to 10 (a
lot of stress).
Students answered the three questions to measure their view of stress
and personality. The first question asked, “Are you a person who is suscep-
tible to stress?” on a 6-point Likert scale with 1 (very unsusceptible) to 6
(very susceptible). Students were also asked “Do you think the way a person
copes with stress is related to personality?” and “Do you think the stress
level a person experiences is related to personality?” on 6-point Likert
scales with 1 for totally unrelated to 6 for very much related.
Students indicated their agreement for eight statements about the mal-
leability of personality to assess the degree to which they held implicit
theories of personality (Kammrath & Dweck, 2006). Four statements were
used to represent incremental theories, for example, “All people can
change their most basic qualities.” Four statements were used to measure
entity theories, for example, “Everyone is a certain kind of person, and
there is not much they can do to really change that.” Students indicated
their response to all eight items on 6-point Likert scales with 1 for very
much disagree to 6 for very much agree. The implicit theories of personality
scale was used as a continuous variable with higher scores indicating
higher perceived malleability of personality (Ruvolo & Rotondo, 1998).
The Cronbach’s alpha was .79 in this study.
Students responded to the Brief COPE (Carver, 1997) which has 28
items that tapped coping strategies on a 4-point scale from 0 for I haven’t
been doing this at all to 3 for I’ve been doing this a lot. A sample item is as fol-
lows: “I’ve been taking action to try to make the situation better.” There
are 14 scales and each consists of two items. The scales include active cop-
ing (α = .82), planning (α = .83), positive reframing (α = .78), accep-
tance (α = .63), humor (α = .78), religion (α = .93), using emotional
support (α = .92), using instrumental support (α = .88), self-distraction
(α = .55), denial (α = .64) , venting (α = .52), substance use (α = .86),
behavioral disengagement (α = .82), self-blame (α = .76) (Brief COPE, 28
items, Cronbach’s alpha= .78).
RESULTS
Upon entry to the nursing program (wave 1), students reported academic
stress (M = 6.45, SD = 1.71) as the most prominent stressor followed by
interpersonal stress (M = 4.68, SD = 2.13) and family stress (M = 4.31,
SD = 2.44). Academic stress was significantly higher than interpersonal
stress, t = 9.61, df = 156, p <.01 and family stress, t = 10.21, df = 156,
p<.01. There was no statistically significant difference between interper-
sonal stress and family stress. Academic stress was positively correlated
with family stress (r = .24, p<.01) and interpersonal stress (r =.30,
p <.01).
After the first clinical placement (wave 2), students shared that aca-
demic stress remained high (M = 6.31, SD = 1.70) followed by interper-
sonal stress (M = 5.05, SD =2.10) and family stress (M = 4.36, SD =
2.16). Academic stress was significantly higher than interpersonal stress, t
= 6.29, df =1 56, p <.01 and interpersonal stress was significantly higher
than family stress, t = -3.54, df = 156, p <.01. Compared to wave 1, only
interpersonal stress showed a significant increase in wave 2, t = -2.06, df
= 156, p <.05. Academic stress was positively correlated with family stress
(r = .18, p <.05) and family stress was positively correlated with interper-
sonal stress (r = .34, p <.01).
Overall, students did not show strong inclination towards endorsing
either entity or incremental theory of personality (M=3.45, SD=.54) and
as indicated in Table 9.1, the students most frequently used coping strate-
gies of active coping, planning, and acceptance. The coping strategies
that the students used least were substance use, denial and behavioral
disengagement.
With regard to the susceptibility to stress, students experienced stress
quite easily (M = 3.95, SD = 1.05). Students perceived that susceptibility
to stress was strongly related to personality (M = 4.83, SD = .83). Stu-
dents also perceived that coping was strongly related to personality (M=
4.86, SD = .73). Students’ susceptibility to stress and their academic stress
at wave 2 showed a significant positive correlation (r = .33, p <.01). The
more students perceived that personality was associated with the suscepti-
bility to stress, the more they believed coping was related to personality (r
= .55, p <.01). However, there was no significant correlation between
implicit theories of personality and sources of stress in both wave 1 and 2.
Implicit theories of personality had a significant positive correlation with
religion (r = .24, p <.01) and none of the other coping strategies. The
more malleable individuals perceived personality to be, the more they
would use religion to cope.
DISCUSSION
Stress and Sources of Stress
Results showed that first-year Chinese nursing students perceived

themselves to be quite susceptible to stress. They also perceived their sus-
ceptibility to stress as highly related to personality. Among the different
Table 7.1. Means and

Standard Deviations for Coping Strategies
N=157
Mean SD
Coping Strategies
Active coping 4.36 1.03
Planning 4.32 1.07
Acceptance 4.25 1.08
Using instrumental support 4.10 1.23
Positive reframing 4.06 1.29
Using emotional support 4.03 1.32
Humor 2.59 1.55
Religion 2.47 2.21
Self-distraction 4.07 1.20
Venting 3.22 1.29
Self-blame 3.05 1.46
Behavioral disengagement 1.76 1.27
Denial 1.52 1.26
Substance use .61 1.11
types of stressors, nursing students experienced the highest level of aca-

demic stress upon entry to the nursing program and after their first clini-
cal placement. After the first clinical placement, students reported a
significant increase in interpersonal stress compared to the beginning of
the first semester. This could be due to heightened peer competition as
the semester progressed and the experience of the first clinical place-
ment, for instance, entailed conflict with patients, colleagues and clinical
supervisors. Future research could investigate whether this interpretation
is valid.
After the first clinical placement, academic stress and family stress had
a significant positive correlation which is consistent with Chinese parents’
academic expectation of students. Chinese parents place high demands
and expectations on their children (Gow et al., 1996). Chinese students
do not merely perceive academic achievement as personal achievement,
but also as responsibility to the family. Family stress was also positively
correlated with interpersonal stress, implying that students might have
internalized family stress into interpersonal stress.
Personality and Coping
Students reported believing in a strong relationship between coping

and personality. This could indicate that personality affects students’
choice of coping strategies. A student who is extroverted, for example,
may be more likely to use emotional support whereas a student who is
optimistic may be more likely to use humor to cope. Though coping is
related to personality per se, the current study did not show that the mal-
leability of personality was related to coping strategies except for using
religion to cope. The current study, in particular, did not provide support
for the claim that individuals with fixed perception of personality would
show helpless coping (Dweck et al., 1995). In fact, overall, active coping
strategies were the most frequently used while denial and behavioral dis-
engagement, which are helpless coping strategies, were the least used.
This observation would fit with an explanation that individuals from a col-
lectivistic culture tend to make external attributions (Cheng, Lo, & Choi,
2010). Such explanation raises questions about the malleability of person-
ality in determining how an individual will cope with stress. In addition,
as the participants were nursing students who were being trained to
become helping professionals, they might not perceive themselves to be
helpless regardless of their perception of the malleability of personality.
Instead of perceiving a strong link between the malleability of person-
ality and coping, these Chinese students were inclined to perceive them-
selves “as an integral part of their social network, thus regarding their
behaviors as being influenced by the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of
others” (Cheng et al., 2010, p. 401) which may have lessened the impact
of the malleability of personality on coping. In the current study, it was
evident that students relied on their social network in coping as they had
a high tendency to use instrumental and emotional support in coping
which included getting emotional support, help and advice from others.
Moreover, according to Cheng et al. (2010), influenced by Confucian doc-
trines, Chinese are likely to appreciate stressful events and interpret them
as opportunities for personal growth. Consequently, acceptance of nega-
tive events is an appropriate response for these students. Support for this
claim was further evidenced as acceptance was the third most frequently
employed coping strategy by the students in this study.
The malleability of personality was positively correlated with using reli-
gion to cope. The more malleable students believed personality to be, the
more they used religion to cope. According to Carver, Scheier, and
Weintraub (1989), religion may provide emotional support or a means for
growth and positive reinterpretation. Futhermore, previous research has
found that Asian university students tended to use more strategies to con-
trol the self rather than change the environment (Tweed, White, &
Lehman, 2004). Traditional Eastern philosophies advocate coping by

changing the goal or mental structure of an individual and encourage
personal transformation to reassess the sources of stress (Cheng et al.,
2010). It is possible that the Chinese students in this study attempted to
cope by controlling the self or altering their goals, mental structures or
even personality, and religion served as a channel or support system that
facilitated the change in personality.
CONCLUSION
This is one of the first studies to examine the associations among implicit
theories of personality, sources of stress, and coping of first-year Chinese
nursing students. Most research on implicit theories of personality used
children with few exceptions (Chiu et al., 1997; Jones, Slate, Marini, &
DeWater, 1993; Kammrath & Dweck, 2006; Ruvolo, & Rotondo, 1998)
and this study added to the understanding of implicit theories of
undergraduate students.
This study also extended research on implicit theories of personality in
the Chinese context (see Chiu et al., 1997; Hong et al., 1999). Stress may
have a social origin, but the experience and appraisal of stress can be
highly personal and there is not one coping strategy that is equally effec-
tive in different cultures (Cheng et al., 2010). Understanding how
Chinese students view their personality and its association with stress and
coping will enable researchers and educators to tailor coping programs
with cultural sensitivity. Research has shown that faculty members have a
tendency to overestimate students’ stress level and reactions to stress
(Misra, McKean, West, & Russo, 2000). This study provided educators in
the Chinese context a better picture of the stress and coping of first-year
undergraduate students, especially nursing students who have to face
transition into university as well as clinical placement.
Limitations and Future Studies
This study used self-report measures and was not done anonymously.
Therefore, there might be the possibility of social desirability biases.
Although there is no evidence that students claimed to endorse incremen-
tal theory for social desirability biases (Chiu et al., 1997; Dweck et al.,
1995), the possibility of social desirability could not be eliminated from
other measures such as sources of stress and coping strategies.
The present study only included quantitative data. Future research can
include qualitative data, for example, from interviews to enrich the
understanding of stress and coping of nursing students. The current anal-

yses on stress and coping were correlational and do not imply causation.
In addition, longitudinal data were obtained only on sources of stress, not
on coping, making it difficult to determine the effectiveness of students’
coping strategies upon the entry of the nursing program. Future studies
should include longitudinal data of both stress and coping to determine
the impact of coping on stress. Furthermore, the students were all from
one nursing school which limited the generalizability of the results.
Future research should recruit Chinese students from different nursing
schools.
Since the results showed that interpersonal stress increased across the
semesters, future research is needed to identify the different sources of
interpersonal stress for nursing students such as conflict with patients,
colleagues, peers, teachers, and clinical supervisors. Future research can
also investigate the role of social support and health promotion habits in
relation to stress and coping of Chinese nursing students.
Implications
Nursing students face different sources of stress with academic stress

being the most prominent. Teachers and school counselors can design
programs that focus on helping students cope with academic stress which
may include time management, study strategies, coping skills, and study
groups. In response to the heightened stress from interpersonal relation-
ships, teachers can foster a collaborative learning environment that less-
ens competition among students and encourages students to support
each other.
Prior to clinical placement, it would be beneficial to identify nursing
students who are at risk of depression or anxiety and provide them with
counseling and teach them coping skills (Shikai, Shono, & Kitamura,
2009). In preparation for clinical placement, workshops on communica-
tion skills and stress management are essential. As students begin clinical
placement, they will interact with new clinical supervisors, doctors,
nurses, patients and the families of patients. These are all potential
sources of interpersonal stress. Having good communication skills and
conflict resolution strategies can facilitate students to establish harmoni-
ous relationship with various parties. Research has shown that Hong Kong
nursing students indicated that their actual hospital learning
environment was less than ideal in several areas such as student
involvement, personalization and teaching innovation (Chan & Ip, 2007).
Teachers and clinical supervisors can work together to improve the hospi-
tal learning environment to facilitate a better clinical placement

experience for students.
Informing nursing students of the sources of interpersonal stress that
nurses generally face, including death and dying of patients, demands
from patients and their family, conflicts with physicians and lack of sup-
port from mentors (Gray-Toft & Anderson, 1981a, 1981b; McCranie,
Lambert, & Lambert, 1987) can prepare students psychologically for the
challenge ahead. Teachers and clinical supervisors can also establish men-
tor programs for nursing students to provide them with support. If tutors
could understand and acknowledge the stress and sources of stress of stu-
dents, students may be able to lower their stress (Hamill, 1995).
Understanding the stress of nursing students and designing
prevention and intervention programs to help them cope are pivotal
because nursing students tend to experience a higher level of stress
throughout the nursing program. Moreover, as nursing students will
eventually assume a role in health education, they need to have a good
understanding of stress and coping to deal with the demands from work
and act as a role model in health promotion. Nurses who do not uphold
optimal health practices will fail to become health exemplars which may
dampen their effectiveness in health promotion. (Haughey, Mathewson-
Kuhn, Dittmar, & Yow-Yu, 1992). Nurses in Hong Kong, for example, had
a low rate of regular exercise which puts their health at risk and also
affects their role as health educators (Callaghan, Ma, & Fung, 1997).
Encouraging nursing students to adopt health practices would enhance
not only their coping with stress but also prepare them to become profes-
sionals who are role models for health promotion.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
Special thanks to Wong Kit Yi, Tong Tsz Ki, and Lam Kong Fung for their
assistance in the study. This book chapter is supported by departmental
grants from The Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong
Polytechnic University, and The Nethersole School of Nursing, The Chi-
nese University of Hong Kong.
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CHAPTER 10
RELATIONSHIPS OF BIG FIVE

TRAITS AND COPING
MECHANISMS WITH COLLEGE
GRADE POINT AVERAGE
Gretchen M. Reevy
This chapter explores Big Five personality traits and engagement and dis-
engagement coping as predictors of college grade point average (GPA). It
was predicted that conscientiousness and engagement coping would corre-
late positively, and disengagement coping negatively, with GPA. Correla-
tions between personality/coping mechanisms and GPA were predicted to be
higher for freshmen than for other class levels (sophomore, etc.). It was
expected that one or more coping mechanisms may mediate the relation-
ship between conscientiousness and GPA. Results in the sample of 169 stu-
dents revealed that conscientiousness and openness correlated with GPA for
freshmen and agreeableness correlated with GPA for the total sample. Plan-
ning correlated positively and behavioral disengagement and denial corre-
lated negatively with GPA. Planning mediated the relationship between
conscientiousness and GPA for freshmen. Because coping mechanisms are
teachable, intervention may focus on teaching new college students the cop-
ing mechanism planning, and on encouraging students to engage with their
schoolwork and place trust in persistence, rather than giving up when faced
with perceived failure.

pp. 191–216
192 G. M. REEVY
Diverse factors contribute to college achievement. Cognitive ability has

long been recognized as an important determinant of college perfor-
mance. For instance, Lounsbury, Sundstrom, Loveland, & Gibson (2003)
report a .40 correlation between IQ and college course grade. However,
cognitive ability does not fully account for the individual differences in
achievement in college, and thus, researchers have sought additional
explanatory factors. A primary noncognitive factor that has caught the
attention of researchers is personality.
The consideration and investigation of personality as a predictor of
college achievement has a long history. Webb (1915) described a construct
“w,” will power. Intelligence theorist and statistician Spearman (1927)
later proposed that, along with his own construct “g” (general intelli-
gence), “w” was an important component of cognitive ability. Beginning
in the 1960s, Harrison Gough and colleagues, utilizing the California Psy-
chological Inventory (CPI) as a measure of general personality, found that
many of the CPI personality traits, including responsibility, intellectual
efficiency, achievement via conformance, achievement via independence,
tolerance and others, correlated with both high school and college grade
point average (GPA; e.g., Gough, 1964; Gough & Lanning, 1986). More
recently, researchers have investigated “Big Five” personality traits as
potential correlates of college GPA. Experts on the Big Five (e.g., Funder,
2001; McCrae & John, 1992) claim that the personality trait model
encompasses nearly all personality traits, and is an efficient, organized
trait taxonomy.
The Big Five traits are extraversion (sociability, positive emotions),
neuroticism (negative emotion), conscientiousness (task-orientation),
agreeableness (interpersonal warmth, trustingness), and openness to
experience (creativity, intellectual interests, adventuresomeness, openness
to new experiences). Among the Big Five traits, at the college level, con-
scientiousness consistently predicts GPA at low to moderate levels (mean r
= .26; Noftle & Robins, 2007) and agreeableness and openness often pro-
duce low positive correlations with GPA (mean r = .09 and .05, respec-
tively, Noftle & Robins, 2007).
COPING AND GPA
Establishing relationships between Big Five traits and GPA is helpful, but
it tells us little about what an individual is actually doing to produce a high
GPA. Coping mechanisms are described more concretely than is personal-
ity and can reveal what a person is doing, thinking, or feeling. Coping
mechanisms, the “constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to
manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as
Relationships of Big Five Traits 193
taxing or exceeding the resources of the person (Lazarus & Folkman,

1984, p. 141),” are also potentially changeable and teachable. For
instance, Frydenberg (2008) describes several intervention programs in
which awareness about adaptive and maladaptive coping mechanisms
have been taught to adolescents. Contrariwise, personality traits are sta-
ble, internal dispositions that are resistant to change.
A large number of coping mechanisms have been identified by many
researchers. At least 100 category schemes exist (Skinner et al., 2003).
One model distinguishes between engagement (active, approach-ori-
ented) and disengagement (avoidant) coping (e.g., Compas, Connor-
Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001). Engagement coping
includes proactive (sometimes called “active”) coping, which involves
attempts to change the stressful or challenging event, planning, and seek-
ing social support, and/or a movement toward (engagement with) one’s
thoughts and emotions. Disengagement coping means a movement away
from the stressor and/or one’s thoughts and emotions, and includes, for
example, giving up, doing things to distract oneself, and denial.
Historically, leading coping scholars such as Lazarus and Folkman
(1984) have argued that any particular coping mechanism is not uni-
formly “good” or “bad;” rather, context of the situation determines
whether a particular coping response is helpful for a certain stressor.
However, more recently, researchers (e.g., Skinner, Edge, Altman, & Sher-
wood, 2003) have pointed out that consistent use of specific coping mech-
anisms tends to be associated with negative outcomes in the long run, and
conversely, consistent use of others predicts positive outcomes over time.
Skinner and colleagues label some coping mechanism as “bad news,” for
use of these mechanisms tends to impede people’s development as func-
tional copers and can even produce immediate negative consequences.
Examples include use of rumination, social withdrawal, and helplessness
as coping methods. For instance, use of rumination can increase level of
depression in the immediate present (Nolen-Hoeksema, 1998), and inter-
fere with the learning of more constructive coping mechanisms. “Good
news” ways of coping, which involve engaging with the stressor (e.g.,
problem solving, planning) or with one’s emotions or thoughts (e.g., seek-
ing social support, positive reinterpretation), are associated with personal
development and the building up of resources such as self-confidence,
perceived control, and self-reliance. In this framework, broadly speaking,
disengagement coping mechanisms may be “bad news” and engagement
coping mechanisms may be “good news.”
The current research investigated the conjoint influence of personality
and coping mechanisms on GPA. Coping mechanisms were conceived as
potential mediators of the relationship between personality traits and
GPA, meaning that coping mechanisms were viewed as potentially help-
194 G. M. REEVY
ing to explain the mechanism whereby personality traits correlate with

GPA. For instance, since conscientiousness correlates with many engage-
ment coping mechanisms (e.g., Connor-Smith & Flachsbart, 2007),
engagement coping mechanisms may operate as mediators in the rela-
tionship between conscientiousness and GPA. If a coping mechanism
indeed mediates the relationship between a personality trait and GPA,
this finding would be helpful in at least two ways: (1) It would provide a
better understanding of the relationship between the personality trait and
GPA. (2) It may suggest that it would be fruitful to teach that particular
coping mechanism to students.
Predicting College GPA for Different Academic Class Levels
In a recent meta-analysis of the Big Five and academic performance,

Poropat (2009) showed that particular Big Five traits predict GPA better
for some people than for others. For instance, age moderates the relation-
ship between agreeableness and academic performance, emotional stabil-
ity and academic performance, and openness and performance. Poropat
also discusses the limited research on academic class level as a moderator
variable and recommends further investigation of academic class level.
His meta-analysis investigated relationships between each of the Big Five
traits and academic performance across primary education (grades 1
through 6), secondary education (Grades 7 through 12, also known as
junior high school and high school), and tertiary education (college or
university). Poropat found that, for each of the Big Five traits except con-
scientiousness, correlations with academic performance decreased from
primary to secondary level and from primary to tertiary level. (For
instance, for agreeableness, the sample weighted correlation (ρ) with aca-
demic performance was .30 at the primary level, .05 at the secondary
level, and .06 at the tertiary level). Additionally, correlations between
openness and academic performance decreased from secondary to ter-
tiary level. Results for conscientiousness were unique: correlations
between conscientiousness and academic performance were consistently
low to moderate (e.g., .25) at primary, secondary, and tertiary levels; there
was no change in the magnitude of correlations across academic class lev-
els. The results for each of the Big Five traits other than conscientiousness
is consistent with results found for intelligence: Jensen (1980) reported
that as academic class level rose from primary education to tertiary, corre-
lations between intelligence and academic performance decreased.
Poropat (2009) reports on explanations that other researchers have
provided for why academic class level moderates the relationship between
either personality and academic performance or intelligence and aca-
demic performance (with academic performance usually operationalized

as grades in individual classes or as total GPA). One explanation is that
educational tasks and measurements become more diverse at higher lev-
els of education (Tatar, 1998). Therefore, grades and GPA may not repre-
sent consistent constructs across academic class levels; grades or GPA may
represent performance on exams, performance on term papers, class par-
ticipation, group work, and so forth, or any combination of these or oth-
ers, and likely represents a larger subset of different types of
measurements at higher academic class levels. Another explanation is a
statistical artifact: restriction of range. As academic class level increases,
individuals who possess low levels of traits that are helpful for academic
performance (e.g., intelligence) tend to drop out of school. When a range
of a variable is restricted in such a way, it is difficult to achieve a high cor-
relation (or sometimes any correlation) with another variable, even if a
true relationship exists between the range-restricted variable and the
other variable (that is, a correlation would be evident if the entire range of
the variable was present in the data analysis).
The current study, which utilizes college students (“tertiary” students),
investigates associations between personality and GPA across college lev-
els (i.e., freshman (first year), sophomore (second year), junior (third
year) and senior (fourth year)), and coping mechanisms and GPA across
college levels. Examining correlations between personality traits and GPA
and coping mechanisms and GPA across college levels will be largely
exploratory. However, correlations between cognitive traits such as IQ and
GPA are higher for college students than for graduate students (e.g., Sed-
lacek, 2001), partly due to restriction of range of both the cognitive traits
and GPA; those individuals with lower IQs typically do not continue on to
graduate school, and thus the lower range of IQ is not present among
graduate students. An analogous event could be occurring in college—
higher IQ individuals may persist through the upperclassman years of
junior and senior, whereas those with lower IQs may drop out of college
during freshman or sophomore years. If personality and/or coping vari-
ables predict GPA in college, restriction of range may also occur for these
variables among the upperclassmen. Thus, correlations between person-
ality and/or coping and GPA may be highest for freshmen. Additionally,
freshmen and to some extent sophomores take different types of classes
than do juniors and seniors. Specifically, freshmen enroll in “general edu-
cation” classes such as introductory math, introductory English, and gen-
eral science courses; they enroll in classes representing a wide variety of
topics, including some topics about which each individual student may
have very little interest. Contrariwise, upperclassmen primarily enroll in
courses in their major. Compared to freshmen and sophomores, they are
likely to have more interest in their courses and may feel more committed
196 G. M. REEVY
to these courses that are more closely related to their chosen careers. Pos-
sessing traits such as conscientiousness and constructive (i.e., engage-
ment) coping mechanisms such as planning may be more helpful for
freshmen and sophomores than for upperclassmen because these traits
and coping mechanisms could compensate for the relatively less intrinsic
interest and motivation that we might expect that freshmen and sopho-
mores may have for courses outside of their majors. If correlations
between GPA and particular traits or coping mechanism are higher
among freshmen and sophomores than among upperclassmen, this may
suggest that interventions that would involve teaching coping mecha-
nisms should occur early, if possible, prior to college entry.
Based on the prior research and reasoning discussed above, the follow-
ing hypotheses were tested: (a) Conscientiousness, and possibly agree-
ableness and/or openness, will correlate positively with GPA, (b)
Engagement coping will correlate positively, and disengagement nega-
tively, with GPA, (c) Correlations between Big Five traits and GPA, and
coping mechanisms and GPA, will be highest for freshmen, and (d) One
or more coping mechanisms will mediate relationships between Big Five
traits and GPA.
METHOD
Participants
One hundred sixty-nine people (55 men, 114 women) participated. Par-
ticipants were students taking psychology courses in 2009 and 2010 at Cal-
ifornia State University, East Bay, a medium-sized, public university in an
urban area in the San Francisco Bay Area. Age of participants ranged from
18 to 53 with a mean of 21.4 years. Participants were ethnically diverse:
28.8% Asian American or Asian, 20% Chicano(a)/Latino(a), 18.8% Euro-
pean American or European, 14.7% African American or African, 14.7%
biracial or multiracial, and 3% “other” or did not report an ethnicity. Par-
ticipants reported family incomes ranging from under $20,000 (27.1%) to
over $100,000 (13.5%). The sample consisted of 30 freshmen, 68 sopho-
mores, 41 juniors, 27 seniors, and 3 students who did not report their aca-
demic class level. Results of a crosstabs analysis indicated some association
between academic class level and sex of participant, with a greater number
of men than expected among sophomores and juniors and a greater num-
ber of women than expected among freshmen and seniors (χ²= 8.02, p =
.05, two-sided). Academic class level correlated significantly with age (r =
.44, p <.001). Academic class level did not correlate significantly with
income (r = −.05, p = .53). The study was approved by the Institutional
Review Board at California State University, East Bay.
Measures
College GPAs were obtained from university records. Additionally, par-

ticipants completed two scales. The COPE Scale (Carver, Scheier, & Wein-
traub, 1989) measures 15 coping mechanisms: active coping, planning,
suppression of competing activities, restraint coping (waiting till the right
time), seeking instrumental support, seeking emotional support, positive
reinterpretation and growth, acceptance, turning to religion, venting,
denial, behavioral disengagement (giving up), mental disengagement,
alcohol and drug disengagement, and use of humor. The COPE scale
includes 60 items; each scale is assessed by 4 items. Examples of items
include “I get upset and let my emotions out,” “I admit to myself that I
can’t deal with it, and quit trying,” and “I make a plan of action” Items are
rated on a four-point scale: 1 = I usually don’t do this at all, 2 = I usually do
this a little bit, 3 = I usually do this a medium amount, and 4 = I usually do this
a lot. Scores on each scale range from 4 to 16. The COPE scale possesses
acceptable reliability and validity; Carver Scheier and Weintraub (1989),
utilizing a sample of 978 reported alphas ranging from the .60s to .90s for
all of the scales except mental disengagement, with an alpha of .45.
To identify engagement and disengagement coping strategies, a prin-
cipal components factor analysis, varimax rotation, was conducted on the
COPE variables. Results are presented in Table 10.1. The factor analysis
produced four factors with eigenvalues greater than one. Variables were
determined to compose the factor if the factor loading was greater than
.45, since the sample size is 150 or greater and less than 200 (Hair, Black,
Babin, Anderson, & Tatham, 2006). For the first factor, six variables loaded
at the .45 level or greater: planning, active coping, acceptance, suppres-
sion, growth, and use of humor. Factor one was labeled Engagement. Four
variables loaded on the second factor: emotional support, instrumental
support, venting, and religious coping. The second factor was labeled
Support. Three variables loaded on the third factor: behavioral disen-
gagement, denial and mental disengagement. The third factor was
labeled Disengagement. Two variables loaded on the fourth factor, alco-
hol and drug disengagement, which loaded negatively, and restraint cop-
ing, which loaded positively. This factor was labeled Personal Control. To
reduce the total number of analyses, and since this chapter focuses on
engagement and disengagement coping, only those nine variables which
loaded on the engagement or disengagement factors were included in the
data analyses: planning, active coping, acceptance, suppression, growth,
use of humor, behavioral disengagement, denial, and mental disengage-
ment.
The NEO-PI-F (Costa & McCrae, 1992) was used to measure Big Five
traits. The NEO-PI-F consists of 240 items, such as “I like to have a lot of
198 G. M. REEVY
Table 10.1. Factor Loadings for Exploratory Factor Analysis With

Varimax Rotation of the 15 Variables of the COPE Scale
Variable Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4
Planning .798 .110 −.288 .124
Active coping .777 .090 −.267 −.013
Acceptance .677 −.042 .054 −.075
Suppression .613 .198 .116 .105
Growth .593 .209 −.004 .430
Humor .463 −.317 .317 −.062
Emotional support .141 .836 .094 −.019
Instrumental support .266 .783 .158 .048
Venting −.051 .705 .277 −.259
Religious coping −.030 .555 −.227 .302
Behavioral disengagement −.158 .064 .840 −.030
Denial −.029 .072 .758 .051
Mental disengagement .021 .073 .553 −.026
Substance use .060 .127 .115 −.798
Restraint coping .316 .163 .337 .574
people around me, “I rarely experience strong emotions” and “I often

enjoy playing with theories and abstract ideas.” Respondents rate each
item on a five-point scale: strongly disagree, disagree, neutral, agree or strongly
agree. Scores on each of the Big Five scales range from 0 to 192. Costa and
McCrae (1992) report alphas ranging from .86 to .95 for each of the five
scales. The NEO-PI-F manual (Costa & McCrae, 1992) includes a volume
of data demonstrating validity of the measure.
RESULTS
Descriptive Statistics
Data were screened for missing data, presence of outliers, and viola-
tions of assumptions for planned statistical tests. For the NEO-PI-F, the
questionnaires of nine people appeared to represent random responding
(Costa & McCrae, 1992) and were excluded from analyses, resulting in a
sample size of 160 for each of the Big Five variables. For the COPE scale
nine people failed to complete the entire scale, resulting in a sample size
of 160 for each of the coping variables. Means and standard deviations
for each of the variables for the total sample, and for freshmen, sopho-
mores, juniors, and seniors are presented in Table 10.2. In order to deter-
mine if restriction of range of study variables occurred for higher
academic class levels as compared to lower ones, with the expectation that
higher class levels may lack low scores on study variables, ANOVAs were
conducted and data were visually inspected. Planned comparison ANO-
VAs were conducted to compare mean scores of freshmen on each of these
variables to the average scores of sophomores, juniors, and seniors. For
GPA, the planned comparison which utilized a test that does not assume
equal variances across the different levels of the factor (academic class
level) failed to reveal a significant difference (t = −1.32, p = .10, one
tailed). The omnibus ANOVA for GPA revealed no significant differences
between the four classes in general, and thus no post hoc comparisons
were conducted to compare other pairs of means. Based on an inspection
of the data, GPA was more variable (higher standard deviation) for fresh-
men than for the other three classes. However, as noted above, this differ-
ence was not statistically significant.
Means for Big Five traits are compared to college age normative data
as reported by Costa and McCrae (1992). Scores for each of the scales in
the normative sample are 96.3 for neuroticism, 121.2 for extraversion,
116.8 for openness, 113.5 for agreeableness and 114.5 for conscientious-
ness. The current sample is slightly lower in neuroticism (M = 93.11) and
agreeableness (M = 110.34) and higher in conscientiousness (M =
117.52), and highly similar in extraversion (M = 119. 63) and openness
(M = 116.47). Results of the planned comparison ANOVAs investigating
the possibility of restriction of range, comparing freshmen to other classes
on Big Five traits, revealed no significant differences. Additionally, the
omnibus ANOVAs for each of the Big Five traits revealed no significant
differences, and thus, no post hoc tests were conducted. Furthermore,
based on an inspection of the means and standard deviations of Big Five
traits for the different academic class levels, it appeared that the range of
Big Five traits did not become restricted as students progressed through
college.
Carver, Sheier, and Weintraub (1989) report college norms for COPE
scales. Norms on each of the scales are 11.89 for active coping, 12.58 for
planning, 9.92 for suppression, 12.40 for growth, 11.84 for acceptance,
6.07 for denial, 6.11 for behavioral disengagement, and 9.66 for mental
disengagement. Carver et al (1989) did not report a norm for humor. The
current sample is highly similar to the normative sample in active coping
(11.77), planning (12.49), suppression (10.36), growth (12.95), accep-
tance (11.80), denial (6.13), behavioral disengagement (6.34), and quite
(although less) similar in mental disengagement (10.39). Planned com-
parison ANOVAs comparing freshmen to other classes on each of the nine
Table 10.2. Means and Standard Deviations for Big Five Traits, Coping Mechanisms, and GPA
Total (N=169) Fresh (n=30) Soph (n = 68) Jun (n = 41) Sen (n = 27)
Variable M* SD* M* SD* M* SD* M* SD* M SD
GPA 2.89 0.64 2.72 0.87 2.91 0.63 2.96 0.58 2.96 0.41
Neuroticism 93.1 20.6 99.2 17.4 89.4 18.8 91.0 24.5 97.3 21.0
Extraversion 119.6 18.7 118.9 19.8 119.1 18.6 121.1 17.9 119.7 19.7
Openness 116.5 16.5 118.1 14.5 115.3 16.4 115.4 16.8 119.2 19.4
Agreeableness 110.4 18.3 112.0 19.4 110.6 18.6 107.6 18.5 113.3 15.3
Conscientiousness 117.5 18.4 115.4 15.8 120.4 17.4 116.0 21.9 116.7 18.1
Engage (Factor) 68.9 9.9 68.2 8.8 70.9 8.3 67.0 11.2 68.6 11.9
200
Disengage (Factor) 22.9 5.1 21.7 5.4 23.1 5.0 23.8 5.4 21.7 4.6
Planning 12.5 2.4 12.1 2.5 12.7 2.1 12.4 2.6 12.3 2.8
Active coping 11.8 2.3 12.2 2.1 12.0 2.0 11.4 2.6 11.1 2.6
Acceptance 11.8 2.6 11.9 2.6 12.5 2.2 11.0 2.7 11.3 2.8
Suppression 10.4 2.7 10.5 2.2 10.8 2.0 9.8 2.3 10.0 2.6
Growth 12.9 2.3 12.6 2.2 13.2 2.2 12.7 2.5 12.8 2.3
Humor 9.4 3.2 8.7 2.9 9.5 3.3 9.4 3.1 9.7 3.5
Denial 6.1 2.2 5.6 2.0 6.2 2.4 6.6 2.2 5.5 1.5
Mental disengage 10.4 2.4 10.0 2.2 10.6 2.4 10.4 2.6 9.9 2.4
Behavior disengage 6.3 2.1 6.0 2.2 6.2 1.9 6.7 2.3 6.2 1.9
Note: fresh = freshmen, soph = sophomore, jun = junior, sen = senior.

coping mechanisms, and for the two broad factors, engagement coping
and disengagement coping, revealed no significant differences. Omnibus
ANOVAs for each of the coping mechanisms and for the two broad factors
revealed no significant differences, except in the case of acceptance (F =
3.12, p = .028). A post-hoc LSD test showed that sophomores scored
higher than juniors in acceptance (mean difference = 1.48, p = .004).
Inspection of the means and standard deviations across class levels pro-
vided no significant evidence that ranges of any of the variables became
restricted as students progressed throughout college.
Correlation and Multiple Regression Analyses
Correlations between GPA and both personality and coping variables,

for the total sample and for freshmen, sophomores, juniors, and seniors
are presented in Tables 10.3, 10.4 10.5, 10.6, and 10.7. Correlations were
determined to be significant at an alpha level of .05, one-tailed. For the
full sample, results revealed significant positive correlations between GPA
and both agreeableness (r = .13, p =.05) and planning (r =.16, p =.031)
and negative correlations between GPA and behavioral disengagement (r
= −.17, p = .026) and the broad coping factor, disengagement (r = −.15,
p = .032). For freshmen, GPA correlated significantly and positively with
conscientiousness (r = .34, p = .035) openness (r = .34, p = .035) and
planning (r = .51, p = .003) and negatively with two coping mechanisms:
denial (r = −.32, p = .045), and behavioral disengagement (r = −.33, p =
.045) and with the broad coping factor, disengagement (r = −.33, p =
.046). For sophomores, GPA correlated significantly and negatively with
extraversion (r = −.24, p = .033), humor (r = −.24, p = .045) and the
broad coping factor, engagement (r = −.21, p = .028). For juniors, GPA
correlated significantly and positively with acceptance (r =.38, p <.01).
For seniors, GPA did not correlate significantly with any of the personality
traits or coping mechanisms.
Multiple regressions were conducted to determine if academic class
level moderated the relationships between Big Five personality traits or
coping mechanisms and GPA. In these analyses, cases of missing data
were excluded listwise. Academic class level was treated as a quantitative
variable: freshman was coded as 1, sophomore as 2, junior as 3, and
senior as 4. Sixteen regressions were conducted: one each for each of the
Big Five traits, the nine coping mechanisms, and the two broad coping
factors (engagement and disengagement). Each regression was hierarchi-
cal, with GPA as the Y variable. There were two steps. The first step
included the personality or coping variable (e.g., neuroticism) and the
variable, academic class level. The second step included the same two
. Table 10.3. Correlations Between GPA, Personality, and Coping Variables for the Total Sample
Variable 1# 2# 3# 4# #5# 6# 7# #8 9# 10# 11# 12# 13# 14# 15# 16#
1. GPA 1***
2. Neurot −.01* 1***.
3. Extra −.12* −.31†. 1**.*
4. Open .13* −.02.* −.27†. 1****
5. Agree .13* −.07.* −.13*. .25†. 1**#
6. Consci .06* −.50†. −.37†. .05# .22# 1***
7. Engage .03* −.42†. −.28†. .13# .08# .39†. 1**
8. Diseng −.15* .31†. −.21# −.13# −.08# −.40†. −.06 1**v.
9. Plan .15* −.38†. −.32†. .14*. .11# .48†. .79† −.24# 1***
202
1. Active .04* −.37†. −.22# .08# .05# .42†. .73† −.24# .63† 1**#
11. Accept .05* −.14*. −.05# .04# .04# .18*. .67† −.01# .44† .38†. 1**#
12. Suppr −.09* −.18*. −.15*. −.06# .04# .29†. .61† .08# .43† .46†. .26# 1***
13. Grow −.01* −.38†. −.26†. .14*. .24# .29# .67† .00# .54† .35†. .38†. .29† 1**.*
14. Humor −.01* −.21# −.11# .14*. −.16*. −.04# .53† .13*. .17* .20# .21# .11* .20# 1***
15. Denial −.10* .20# −.11# −.24# −.16*. −.20# −.02* .76†. −.16* −.12# −.07# .13* .01# .15* 1*#*
16. MenDis −.08* .18*. −.06# .10# .06# −.28†. .00* .71†. −.08* −.10# .03# .05* .06# .05* .21# 1***
17. BehDis −.16* .34†. −.33†. −.18*. -.08# −.43†. −.13* .81†. −.32† −.33†. .02# −.01* −.07# .12* .55†. .34†
*p <.05, one tailed, #p <.01, one tailed, †p <.001, one tailed.

Note: Neurot = neuroticism, Extra = extraversion, Open = openness to experience, Agree = agreeableness, Consci = conscientiousness, Engage =
engagement coping (broad factor), Diseng = disengagement coping (broad factor), Plan = planning, Active = active coping, Accept = acceptance,
Suppr = suppression, Grow = growth, MenDis = mental disengagement, BehDis = behavioral disengagement.
Table 10.4. Correlations Between GPA, Personality, and Coping Variables for Freshmen
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
1. GPA 1
2. Neurot .19 1
3. Extra .16 −.19 1
4. Open .34* −.06 .25 1
5. Agree .05 −.09 .35* .33* 1
6. Consci .34* −.24 .46# .24 .09 1
7. Engage .19 −.28 .41* .07 .34* .26 1
8. Diseng −.33* .35* −.16 .34* .11 −.51# .01 1
9. Plan .51# −.15 .54# .26 .36* .51# .74† −.26 1
203
10. Active .22 −.14 .32* .24 .21 .44* .75† −.2 .62† 1
11. Accept .13 0 −.06 −.45# .03 .07 .42* .07 .27 .2 1***
12. Suppr −.22 .06 .33* −.17 .13 .02 .59# .3 .24 .53# .17 1**
13. Grow −.12 −.50# .32* .02 .35* .12 .70† .13 .46# .36* .07 .24 1
14. Humor .16 −.28 .1* .32* .17 −.15 .48# .02 .14 .14 −.2 .11 .45# 1**
15. Denial −.32* .37* −.06 −.3 .16 −.37* .12 .92† −.2 −.07 .1 .41* .13 −.10 1
16. MenDis −.17* .18 .05 −.19 .15 −.40* −.08 .78† −.21 −.18 −.17 .21 .08 −.01 .61† 1
17. BehDis −.33* .33* −.37* −.36* −.03 −.49# 0 .81† −.25 −.24 .24 .16 .12 −.04 .71† .81†
*p <.05, one tailed, #p <.01, one tailed, †p <.001, one tailed.

Table 10.5. Correlations Between GPA, Personality, and Coping Variables for Sophomores
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
1. GPA 1
2. Neurot .07 1
3. Extra −.24* −.41† 1
4. Open .07 .06 .23* 1
5. Agree .14 −.03 .11 .25* 1
6. Consci −.05 −.43† .25* −.06 .27* 1
7. Engage −.24* −.35# .21 .11 −.02 .36# 1
8. Diseng −.12 .32# −.21 .00 .01 −.32# .02 1
9. Plan −.14 −.29* .19 .12 .10 .51# .70# −.23* 1
204
10. Active −.13 −.42† .12 −.02 −.01 .43† .60† −.27* .51† 1
11. Accept −.15 −.06 −.06 .03 −.14 .16 .55† −.03 .32# .22* 1
12. Suppr −.14 −.01 .02 −.09 −.06 .27* .58† .20 .35# .22* .11 1
13. Grow −.07 −.25* .23* .12 .21 .17 .54† .10 .43† .17 .17 .13 1
14. Humor −.21* −.19 .09 .16 −.14 −.09 .63† .18 .09 .17 .2 .35# .12 1
15. Denial −.08 .20 −.06 −.07 −.07 −.12 .09 .76† −.12 −.12 −.03 .17 .16 .18 1
16. MenDis −.06 .12 −.10 .11 .12 −.17 .05 .65† .01 −.13 .00 .2 .10 .00 .13 1
17. BehDis −.14 .40† −.31* −.07 −.03 −.43† −.13 .78† −.44† −.39† −.03 .04 −.05 .23* .53† .24*
*p <.05, one-tailed. #p <.01, one-tailed. †p<.001, one-tailed.
Table 10.6. Correlations Between GPA, Personality, and Coping Variables for Juniors
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
1. GPA 1
2. Neurot −.15 1
3. Extra −.21 −.24 1
4. Open .07 −.15 .2 1
5. Agree .22 −.09 −.04 .31* 1
6. Consci .02 −.62† .47† .05 .14 1
7. Engage .25 −.36# .34* .1 −.07 .36# 1
8. Diseng −.04 .36# −.29* −.15 −.1 −.36# −.11 1
9. Plan .23 −.32* .30* .06 −.19 .37# .85† −.21 1
205
10. Active .15 −.33* .31* .00 −.1 .39# .80† −.31* .74† 1
11. Accept .38# −.10 .02 .19 .08 .03 .75† .04 .49† .44# 1
12. Suppr .07 −.20 .23 −.06 .00 .31* .50† .00 .43# .54† .11 1
13. Grow .16 −.37# .30* .09 .17 .37# .70† −.08 .56† .39# .57† .24 1
14. Humor .05 −.19 .26 .12 −.21 .07 .57† .08 .36# .26* .48† −.10 .22 1
15. Denial −.03 .27* −.16 −.38# −.27* −.18 −.09 .71† −.21 −.20 −.14 .15 −.15 .14 1
16. MenDis −.02 .21 −.05 .27* .08 −.28* .06 .69† .03 −.09 .19 −.08 .12 .06 .1 1
17. BehDis −.04 .35* −.45# −.25 −.06 −.34* −.22 .86† −.30 −.43# .02 −.05 −.17 −.02 .55† .40#
Table 10.7. Correlations Between GPA, Personality, and Coping Variables for Seniors
Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
1. GPA 1
2. Neurot −.01 1
3. Extra −.15 −.43* 1
4. Open .05 .03 .48# 1
5. Agree .16 −.17 .14 −.02 1
6. Consci −.06 −.58# .50# .11 .40* 1
7. Engage −.10 −.72† .40* .25 .22 .52# 1
8. Diseng −.11 .43# −.24 −.02 −.38* −.68† −.18 1
9. Plan .04 −.74† .43# .19 .32 .57# .88† −.35* 1
206
10. Active .08 −.57# .33 .23 .23 .44# .81† −.06 .66† 1
11. Accept −.10 −.45# .29 .26 .32 .50# .87† −.11 .71† .61† 1
12. Suppr −.07 −.60† .23 .07 .15 .47# .73† −.28 .70† .58# .61† 1
13. Grow −.14 −.46# .34 .40* .32 .43* .78† −.26 .74† .53# .71† .61† 1
14. Humor .10 −.18 .07 .01 −.09 −.05 .34 .22 .04 .27 .27 −.09 .02 1
15. Denial .24 .14 −.34 −.27 −.47# −.35* −.17 .60† −.11 .10 −.22 −.16 −.23 0.15 1
16. MenDis −.21 .47# −.07 .14 −.20 −.60† −.25 .84† −.41* −.10 −.10 −.30 −.28 0.14 0.19 1
17. BehDis −.14 .34* −.26 −.03 −.28 −.63† .00 −.86† −.25 −.04 .04 −.10 −.08 0.27 .37* .60†
Table 10.8. Step 2 of Regressions Testing for Class Level

as a Moderator of the Relationships Between
Personality/Coping Variables and GPA
β̂ Class β̂ Personality/ β̂ Interaction
Predictor R2 R2 Change Level Coping Term
Neuroticism 0.13 .00 .122 .151 −.168
Extraversion 0.17 .00 .114 .009 −.143
Openness 0.21 .02 .121 .449** −.349
Agreeableness 0.17 .00 .111 .090 .046
Conscientiousness 0.19 *.02* .103 .444* −.405*
Engagement factor 0.13 .00 .111 .191 −.170
Disengage factor 0.16 .01 −.151 .340 −.432
Planning 0.24 *.02* .100 .524** −.405*
Active coping 0.14 .00 .120 .189 −.136
Acceptance 0.13 .00 .121 .110 −.041
Suppression 0.16 .01 .103 −.270 .240
Growth 0.11 .00 .112 −.051 .041
Humor 0.11 .00 .112 .023 −.043
Denial 0.23 **.04** .149 −.600** .534**
Mental disengage 0.14 .00 .112 −.144 .068
Behavior diseng. 0.24 *.02* *.130* −.498** .358*
*p < .10. **p < .05.
variables as the first step, and also the interaction term (personality/cop-
ing multiplied with academic class level). Academic class level is deter-
mined to be a moderator variable if the interaction term contributes
significantly to the regression in the second step. The enter method was
used for the regression. Results of these regressions are presented in Table
10.8.
β̂
At step 2, the change in R2 and betas for predictor variables were

determined to be significant at an alpha level of .10. Out of the 16 regres-
sions, interaction terms were significant for 4. The interactions between
conscientiousness and class level (β̂ =-.405, p <.10), planning and class
level (β̂ = −.405, p <.10), denial and class level (β̂ = .534, p < .05), and
behavioral disengagement and class level (β̂ = .358, p <.10) significantly
predicted GPA, indicating that conscientiousness, planning, denial, and
208 G. M. REEVY
behavioral disengagement each better predicted GPA at lower academic

class levels (e.g., for freshmen), than at higher academic class levels (e.g.,
for seniors). An additional interaction term was close to significance: the
interaction between openness and academic class level predicted GPA
with a p value of .13. Thus, utilizing multiple regression to test for aca-
demic class level as a moderator variable produced similar results to those
that were produced through inspecting correlations between personality/
coping and GPA separately for each academic class level, as described
above. Out of the six correlations that were significant for freshmen only
(not for other academic class levels), four of these relationships were sig-
nificant in the multiple regressions and one (openness) approached sig-
nificance. Only the broad factor, disengagement, was not significant when
tested through multiple regression.
In sum, Hypothesis 1, which predicted that conscientiousness and pos-
sibly agreeableness and openness to experience would correlate with GPA
was partially supported. Agreeableness correlated with GPA in the full
sample and conscientiousness and openness correlated in the freshman
sample. Hypothesis 2, which predicted that engagement coping strategies
would correlate positively with GPA and disengagement strategies would
correlate negatively with GPA was partially supported: Planning corre-
lated positively with GPA for both the total sample and for freshmen and
acceptance correlated positively with GPA for juniors. Behavioral disen-
gagement and the broad factor, disengagement correlated negatively with
GPA for the total sample and for freshmen. Denial correlated negatively
with GPA for freshmen. Additionally, Hypothesis 3, which predicted that
correlations between personality and GPA and coping mechanisms and
GPA would be highest for lower classes (e.g., freshmen), was partially sup-
ported.
Mediation Analyses
Several mediation analyses were conducted. In these analyses, cases of

missing data were excluded listwise. As described by Kenny (2009), partial
mediation exists under the following conditions: (1) The initial variable
(in this case, a Big Five variable) is correlated with the outcome (in this
case, GPA). This association (correlation) should be determined through
regressing the outcome on the initial variable; (2) The initial variable is
correlated with the mediator (in this case, a coping mechanism). This
association should be determined through regressing the potential medi-
ator on the initial variable; and (3) The mediator affects the outcome.
Under this condition, the outcome should be regressed on both the initial
variable and the mediator, while controlling for the initial variable. Fur-
ther, the amount of mediation is defined as the amount of decrease in the

effect that the initial variable has on the outcome variable when the medi-
ator is considered. A Sobel test can be conducted to establish that this
decrease (partial mediation) truly exists; the decrease is different from
zero. An additional step, step four, determines if full mediation exists: 4)
To show that the mediator completely mediates the relationship between
the initial variable and the outcome, the effect of the initial variable on
the outcome while controlling for the mediator should be zero.
As Kenny (2009) describes, it is not necessary that the correlations
mentioned above in steps one through three be statistically significant; all
that is required is that the correlations are different from zero. However,
since the mediation analyses in the current study are largely exploratory,
to be conservative, the researcher investigated the possibility of partial or
full mediation only when all correlations described in steps one through
three were statistically significant.
For the full sample, since the only significant correlation between one
of the Big Five traits and GPA was the correlation between agreeableness
and GPA, the agreeableness-GPA relationship was the only relationship
investigated for mediators. The only two coping mechanisms that were
correlated with GPA for the full sample were planning and behavioral dis-
engagement. Since neither of these coping mechanisms was correlated
with agreeableness, it was determined that it would not be useful to statis-
tically test any coping mechanisms as mediators of the agreeableness-GPA
relationship. For sophomores, extraversion correlated with GPA. Two cop-
ing mechanisms were correlated with GPA for sophomores: humor and
the broad factor, engagement. Since neither of these coping mechanisms
was correlated with extraversion, it was determined that it would not be
fruitful to statistically test either humor or engagement as potential medi-
ators of the extraversion-GPA relationship for sophomores.
For freshmen, both conscientiousness and openness to experience cor-
related with GPA. The coping mechanisms that correlated with GPA for
freshmen were planning, behavioral disengagement, denial, and the
broad factor, disengagement. Among these three coping mechanisms and
the broad coping factor, openness to experience correlated only with
behavioral disengagement (r = −.36, p = .029) and the disengagement
factor (r = −.34. p =.025). Neither behavioral disengagement (Sobel test:
t = 1.31, p =.19) nor the disengagement factor (Sobel test: t = .98, p
=.33) significantly mediated the relationship between openness to experi-
ence and GPA. Conscientiousness correlated significantly with planning (r
= .51, p = .003), behavioral disengagement (r = −.49, p = .003), denial (r
= −.37, p = .025) and the disengagement factor (r = −.51, p = .003).
Planning significantly mediated the relationship between conscientious-
ness and GPA (Sobel test: t = 1.96, p <.05). Neither behavioral disen-
210 G. M. REEVY
Table 10.9. Mediation Analysis Steps

for the Relationship Between Conscientiousness,
Planning, and GPA for Freshmen
Step X Y β p
1 Conscientiousness GPA .34 .07
2 Conscientiousness Planning .51 .005
3 Conscientiousness GPA .11 .57
4 Planning GPA .45 .03
gagement, denial nor the disengagement factor significantly mediated

the relationship between conscientiousness and GPA (Sobel tests: t =
1.59, p = .11; t = .98, p = .33; and t = .81, p = .42, respectively). Refer to
Table 10.9 for mediation steps for the relationship between conscientious-
ness, planning, and GPA. Note that in step one, conscientiousness signifi-
cantly predicted GPA. In step 2, conscientiousness significantly predicted
planning. In step 3, planning significantly predicted GPA when conscien-
tiousness was controlled for. In this step, when establishing mediation, it
is not necessary that the initial variable (in this case, conscientiousness),
significantly predict the outcome (in this case, GPA). Because one coping
mechanism significantly mediated the relationship between a Big Five
trait and GPA, Hypothesis 4 was partially supported.
DISCUSSION
Since two of the three disengagement coping mechanisms, behavioral dis-

engagement and denial, and the broad disengagement factor correlated
negatively with GPA (behavioral disengagement and the disengagement
factor for both the full sample and freshmen, and denial for freshmen),
disengagement coping, in which individuals fail to engage with stressors
or even actively resist engagement, may indeed be “bad news” for the
individual who is attempting to cope with the challenge of college course-
work. These results suggest that college students may be taught that this
avoidant approach to college coursework is not constructive, and con-
versely, engaging in opposite behaviors and attitudes may be more help-
ful. Behavioral disengagement fundamentally means giving up; students
could be taught the value of persistence in coursework. Anecdotally, as a
college professor who has taught socioeconomically and ethnically diverse
students for many years, I encounter students who come from families
who do not necessarily support the students’ aspirations to attain a col-
lege degree. These students may easily be discouraged. I have frequently

told students that many people who succeed in college had failures in the
beginning, and chose to persevere. I tell these discouraged students to
trust in themselves and trust that hard work pays off. Additionally, denial
appears to be unconstructive. This result, like the result for behavioral
disengagement, suggests that it may be helpful if a counselor or mentor is
available to talk with and emotionally connect with students, especially
new students (freshmen), in order to encourage the students to be
engaged in their college studies. Typically, college is a situation in which
students are more “on their own” than they were in high school. Some
students may feel abandoned, alienated, and unable to problem-solve by
themselves. This lack of support may lead to disengagement. Conversely,
if the university has a system that provides adequate support and practical
advice, the student may choose to engage rather than disengage.
While disengagement may be “bad news,” aspects of engagement may
be “good news” for success in college. In the current study, engagement
coping mechanisms included engaging in constructive actions (behav-
iors)—these are the coping mechanisms active coping, planning, and sup-
pression of competing activities—and engagement with one’s own
emotions and thoughts—these are the coping mechanisms acceptance,
growth, and humor. The behavioral engagement coping mechanism,
planning, correlated positively with GPA for freshmen, juniors, and
seniors; the correlation between planning and GPA for freshmen in par-
ticular was quite high (r =.55). These results are consistent with a com-
mon sense notion, that teaching college students to plan may help them
to attain a high GPA. Furthermore, since this effect is strongest for fresh-
men, it may be advisable that students be taught how to plan immediately
upon entry to college, or preferably, before they enter college.
Although engaging with one’s own thoughts and emotions (i.e., utiliz-
ing the coping mechanisms growth, acceptance, and humor) is likely to be
helpful in many life contexts such as coping with grief or with trauma
(e.g., Park, 2010), it is not clear that this type of engagement is particu-
larly helpful for attaining a high college GPA. In the current study, an
emotional/cognitive engagement mechanism correlated positively with
GPA only once, for one academic class level (the coping mechanism,
acceptance, for juniors), and another emotional/cognitive engagement
mechanism—humor—correlated negatively with GPA for sophomores.
Earning high grades involves task-oriented behaviors for which high lev-
els of emotional development may not be necessary. Further research is
needed to determine whether the results in the current study replicate,
and to determine the degree to which certain types of emotional develop-
ment are necessary for good academic performance in college.
212 G. M. REEVY
Agreeableness was the only Big Five factor that predicted GPA in the
full sample. In prior studies, agreeableness predicted most strongly in pri-
mary and secondary school rather than college (i.e., tertiary school; e.g.,
Poropat, 2009). Poropat explains that agreeableness is associated with
people-pleasing; agreeable people are cooperative. In the educational
context, they cooperate with the teachers and conform to the expectations
of the institution. Possibly, agreeableness may tend to affect behavior in
educational contexts as long as the student can think that s/he is making
an emotional connection with the instructor, and thus, agreeableness may
affect grades as long as class sizes are sufficiently small. Large class sizes
may explain, at least partially, why agreeableness often does not predict
performance in college at the level that it predicts performance in pri-
mary and secondary school. However, at California State University, East
Bay, class sizes are relatively small compared to most public universities in
the United States (e.g., many class sizes are 25-40), and therefore, stu-
dents may believe that they can please their professors by behaving in
pleasant, conforming ways. Perhaps conveniently, being pleasant and con-
forming means attending class, and perhaps reading course materials and
studying adequately, and plays a part in preparing oneself reasonably well
for course examinations and other course assignments.
In many prior studies, conscientiousness predicted college grades (e.g.,
Noftle & Robins, 2007). The current study produced this result, but for
freshmen only. It is important to note that, in prior studies, results were
typically not analyzed separately by academic class level, and thus, it is
unknown whether the correlation between conscientiousness and grades
was relatively higher for freshmen or for any other class level. In any case,
it appears that conscientiousness is helpful for good performance in col-
lege, and as discussed in prior literature reviews or meta-analyses (e.g.,
Noftle & Robins, 2007; O’Connor & Paunonen, 2007; Poropat, 2009), it
makes sense that the achievement striving and self discipline that are
aspects of conscientiousness would positively affect college performance.
Given that conscientiousness is a known correlate of college perfor-
mance, the question arises regarding mechanism: Through what mecha-
nism does conscientiousness impact college GPA? In the current study,
one mechanism has been revealed, the coping mechanism, planning.
Many of those who are conscientious also engage in planning, and plan-
ning directly impacts GPA. At least one other study has revealed another
mediator. Conard (2006) found that class attendance operated as a medi-
ator of the relationship between conscientiousness and GPA (which was
self-reported in her study). Future research could investigate planning
and attendance in conjunction, to see the proportion of GPA that is
explained by these two types of behaviors (which are likely to be corre-
lated; future research could reveal the degree of correlation).
In the current study, openness to experience also predicted GPA,

although for freshmen only. In prior research (e.g., Poropat, 2009), open-
ness was associated with higher GPA at all levels of education, with corre-
lations highest for primary school, second highest for secondary school,
and third highest (still significant) for tertiary school (college). Poropat’s
findings are consistent with the current results that openness to experi-
ence correlates more highly for freshmen than for upperclassmen (and
the correlation is no longer statistically significant for upperclassmen).
Extraversion correlated negatively with GPA in the current study,
although for sophomores only (r = −.24). This direction of correlation is
consistent with research reviews including Poropat’s (2009), in which he
reports an average correlation between extraversion and academic per-
formance of −.01.
Although results in the current study indicated that generally, correla-
tions between personality/coping mechanisms and GPA are higher for
freshmen than for other academic class levels, it appears that restriction
of range of the personality and coping mechanism variables does not
account for these correlations. For instance, it is not the case that people
who are low in conscientiousness or who do not utilize planning discon-
tinue their college studies at a higher rate than people who are high in
conscientiousness or planning. As suggested in the introduction, it may be
the case that personality traits and coping mechanisms correlate more
highly with GPA for freshmen and sophomores because of the types of
courses that they take. Since freshmen and sophomores enroll in general
courses, often outside of their majors, personal characteristics such as
conscientiousness, planning, and persistence may be needed for high aca-
demic performance in order to compensate for a lack of intrinsic interest
or intrinsic motivation. Although results of the current study are consis-
tent with this explanation, no data exists which provides direct support
for this explanation (since the explanation was not directly tested). Fur-
ther research could test this explanation through measuring students’
interest in and commitment to their courses at the different academic
class levels.
Some shortcomings are associated with the current study. The sample
sizes for academic class levels are small, particularly for freshmen (n = 30)
and seniors (n = 27). A weak association exists between academic class
level and sex of participant, and a moderate association exists between
academic class level and age of participant. Additionally, very little data
was collected which may help to provide explanations for why academic
class level effects exist, including attempts to disentangle the effects of
academic class level from other variables, especially age. Data such as stu-
dent interest in college at different class levels and other information will
help to clarify whether and why personality and coping variables may cor-
214 G. M. REEVY
relate with GPA more highly at lower academic class levels. Also, media-
tors were studied in an exploratory fashion; all Big Five trait and coping
mechanisms combinations were considered as potential mediator rela-
tionships, and one combination was found to be significant. Although this
mediator relationship (planning mediating the relationship between con-
scientiousness and GPA) makes sense, it should be replicated.
CONCLUSIONS
Disengagement coping appears to negatively impact GPA whereas the

behavioral engagement coping mechanism, planning, positively impacts
GPA. Teaching planning and persistence (the opposite of behavioral dis-
engagement), and providing support so that students will be less likely to
slip into denial, may help students to achieve a higher GPA. It may be
most helpful to teach these skills very early in college, or prior to entry to
college, since coping mechanisms correlate most highly with GPA for
freshmen. Additionally, part of the mystery regarding the mechanism
through which conscientiousness leads to high GPA may be revealed in
the current study: conscientious people engage in planning, and plan-
ning is associated with higher GPA.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author would like to thank Dr. Mitchell Watnik in the Department of
Statistics at California State University, East Bay for providing statistical
advice. Additionally, the author’s laboratory class in Fall of 2009, Psychol-
ogy 4804, scored questionnaires, entered data, and conducted other
research tasks. Their assistance is much appreciated. The students were
Fatima Akbari, Deanna Baldock, Stephanie Clifford, LaShara Franklin,
Nicole Hughes, Amanda Maccario, Jeanette Norman, Justin O’Neill,
Vianney Ortiz Garcia, Maureen Roberts, Jocelyn Sanchez, Faiza Shaw,
Melissa Steward, and Miguel Trevino.
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CHAPTER 11
PERSONALITY TRAITS,
PREVENTIVE COPING,
AND SELF-CARE IN MASTER’S
LEVEL COUNSELOR TRAINING
M. M. MARKLE
MindaAND C. J. MCCARTHY
M. Markle and Christopher J. McCarthy
This chapter describes an exploratory study examining the interrelation-

ship of personality factors, stress-preventive coping resources, stress, and
select self-care health behaviors of counselor trainees from a convenience
sample of 42 master’s-level students enrolled in 1 of 3 clinical practicum
training levels. Participants completed the NEO-FFI, Preventive Resources
Inventory (PRI), Perceived Stress Scale (PSS), and a survey of physical, emo-
tional, and financial self-care factors. Counselor trainees reported less neu-
roticism and conscientiousness than the general population. Neuroticism
was associated with reported differences in counselor trainees’ preventive
coping resources at different practicum levels. Further, personality was a sig-
nificant predictor of coping resources, and financial concerns were identi-
fied as the top psychological stressor.
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Occupational stress related to mental health work has been treated super-
ficially in the literature, and a dearth of research exists on the preventive
coping resources, personality, and self-care factors that affect counselor

pp. 217–237
218 M. M. MARKLE and C. J. McCARTHY
trainees. Research has broadly shown that personality traits influence

health through life stress (Adler & Matthews, 1994), and licensed counsel-
ors with higher levels of perceived occupational stress have reported sig-
nificantly fewer coping resources (Sowa, May, & Niles, 1994). Further,
survey research data has indicated that more than 70% of licensed psy-
chologists reported experiencing one major life stress in a given year
related to financial, marital, relationship or personal distress (Pope &
Tabachnick, 1994). Therefore, it is hypothesized that understanding rela-
tionships between personality, stress-preventive coping resources, stress,
and self-care factors with counselor trainees may chart future research
directions and inform future research methodology about counselor
development. The theoretical foundation for the study will be presented
next, including a description of the constructs of personality, coping and
stress, and counselor self-care behaviors and attitudes.
Personality Traits
While different models of personality have been suggested and

debated for decades, consensus currently exists for the hierarchical Five-
Factor Model (FFM) of personality. The FFM is a model to explain indi-
vidual differences and the stability of personality traits over time (Boyle,
Matthews, & Saklofske, 2008; Costa & McCrae, 1992a, 1992b) as well as
lifestyle and quality of life (Allport & Odbert, 1936; Cohen & Willis, 1985;
Eysenck, 1952; Viswesvaran & Ones, 2000).
The FFM suggests that personality can be understood through a
higher-order factor structure of five traits, which include neuroticism,
extraversion, openness, conscientiousness, and agreeableness. Research
suggests, primarily from using the NEO-Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-
R; Costa & McCrae, 1992), that each of these five factors correlates with
distinct affective and behavioral characteristics. For example, neuroticism
is the factor most empirically correlated with negative emotional experi-
ences, somatic complaints, and negative health status (Costa & McCrae,
1992a, 1992b). Further, extroversion is the trait most correlated with
sociability and cheerful disposition, with openness most correlated with
intelligence, creativity, creative contributions, and divergent thinking
(Costa & McCrae, 1992a, 1992b). Additionally, research also suggests that
agreeableness marks fundamentally altruistic interpersonal tendencies
(Costa & McCrae, 1992a, 1992b), whereas conscientiousness is the per-
sonality trait related to organized, focused, and determined behaviors
that lead to academic achievement, and may serve as predictors of aca-
demic and later-life success (Digman & Takemoto-Chock, 1981; McCrae
& Costa, 1987).
Self-Care in Counselor Training 219
Further, personality trait research suggests that each of the higher-

order factors (i.e., neuroticism, extraversion, openness) best predict cop-
ing and behaviors. Research has shown that individuals high in neuroti-
cism tended to use hostile reactions and self-blame to cope with stressors
(Costa, Stone, McCrae, Dembroski, & Williams, 1987). Moreover, individ-
uals low in neuroticism traits may preferentially report positive emotional
experiences, or have positive self-report or self-referent bias, whereas
individuals endorsing high levels of neuroticism traits may exhibit selec-
tive attention in negative self-reference (Martin, Ward, & Clark, 1983).
The literature also suggests that while neuroticism marked immature and
escapist coping, extraversion was closest related to positive thinking and
self-discipline, and openness was related to humor and adaptive ways of
coping (Costa & McCrae, 1992a, 1992b). Of the other facets, conscien-
tiousness was related to mature coping patterns (Vickers, Kolar, & Hervig,
1989), and agreeableness was related to altruistic defenses (Costa &
McCrae, 1992a, 1992b). Since NEO-PI-R studies have illuminated how
personality factors may manifest in reaction to different stressors, a short-
form of the NEO-PI-R, the NEO Five-Factor Inventory (NEO-FFI; Costa
& McCrae, 1992b), was used in this study for graduate students involved
in counselor training, as the authors suggest that the NEO-FFI short-form
version is likewise designed to provide a robust personality assessment
across the five domains.
Stress-Preventive Coping Resource and Personality
Research has established that personality traits can influence self-care

through an individual’s response patterns, or an individual’s ability to
cope with life stressors (Costa & McCrae 1985; Costa, Fleg, McCrae, &
Lakatta, 1982). Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) transactional theory of
stress and coping is an established theoretical approach that provides an
adequate understanding of the relationship between personality traits,
coping, and self-care (McCrae & Costa, 1986a; Lazarus, 2006). Therefore,
it was used as a primary theoretical underpinning of this study.
Lazarus (2006) stated that stress refers to a conjunction of personal
characteristics and cognitive appraisals of environmental threat or harm.
The stress response is triggered by a person’s appraisal of the relationship
between encountered demands in challenging situations and his or her
capabilities to meet, mitigate, or alter these demands (Folkman & Laza-
rus, 1980, 1988a, 1988b). Coping strategies are defined as approach-
avoidance behaviors and defensive processes in response to the stressful
encounter, as well as cognitive and behavioral strategies that have both
problem-solving and emotion-regulating functions (Folkman, Lazarus,
Dunkel-Schetter, Delongis, & Gruen, 1986). Lambert, McCarthy, Gilbert,

Sebree, and Steinley-Bumgarner (2006) noted that the ability to use such
strategies is dependent on the possession of coping resources, which are
assumed to play a pivotal role in whether or not life events are perceived
as threatening. When resources are seriously challenged by life demands
(i.e., demands are perceived to exceed available resources for coping), the
body’s stress response is triggered (Hobfoll, 1988a, 1988b).
Given that chronic elicitation of the stress response can lead to a variety
of physiological, behavioral, and psychological stress symptoms (Sapolsky,
2004), one key to healthy living would be to prevent stress whenever pos-
sible (Lambert et al., 2006). In order to do so, adequate levels of coping
resources useful for prevention would presumably result in fewer threats
to one’s well-being, thereby reducing the occurrence of the stress response
(Matheny, Aycock, Pugh, Curlette, & Canella, 1986; McCarthy, Lambert,
& Brack, 1997). Therefore, a primary aim of this study was to better
understand the relationships between personality and preventive coping
resources, which may provide key information about an individual’s abil-
ity to reduce distress because personality and coping independently and
together influence an individual’s self-care (Carver & Flachsbart, 2010;
Conner-Smith & Flachsbart, 2007).
Understanding this relationship is important given research suggesting
that people tend to utilize different personality characteristics to cope
(McCrae, 1984). Lazarus suggested that a single transaction “rarely pro-
duces a crisis of dysfunction and distress,” and suggested that instead,
“recurrent” or “chronic” lifestyles are most likely the culprit, or may repre-
sent a “stable defect in the person-environment” relationships. More spe-
cifically, a person’s vulnerability to stress may therefore be dictated by
personality traits, which could lead to a “chronically” and “faulty appraisal
pattern” that thereby leads to ineffective coping (Lazarus, 2006, p. 272). In
other words, personality is thought to influence coping behaviors.
The above discussion of the relationship between personality and cop-
ing mainly refers to coping that takes place after a life demand has been
engaged, and Matheny et al. (1986) and Aspinwall and Taylor (1997) both
noted that most research and intervention models involve coping
resources for combating current stressors, and neglect the importance of
resources that might be used to prevent stress. As a result, researchers
Lambert et al. (2006) developed the Preventive Resources Inventory (PRI;
McCarthy, Lambert, Beard, & Dematatis, 2002) as an instrument that
could identify ways in which individuals can better identify, understand,
minimize, and avoid potentially harmful situations. The open question,
nevertheless, is whether personality factors are related to coping resources
that are preventive in nature.
Lambert et al. (2006) examined the relationship of a measure of pre-

ventive coping resources (as assessed by the PRI) and the NEO-FFI with
undergraduates. Lambert et al. found that NEO scales were not corre-
lated with any PRI scales at a level stronger than r = .253. Lambert et al.
did find weak positive correlations (.168 to .253) between the conscien-
tiousness scale and the PRI scales. Further, negative associations (−.094 to
-.205) were found between the neuroticism scale and the PRI scales (for a
more extended discussion, readers are referred to Lambert et al.).
Additionally, Cohen, Kamarack and Mermelstein (1983), suggested
that global measures of perceived stress, or the degree to which individu-
als perceived their lives as stressful, could provide researchers important
information about how stress affects behavioral and emotional processes
that lead to maladaptive stress responses. As a result, researchers devel-
oped a global measure called the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS; Cohen &
Williamson, 1988). Therefore, the PSS was also used in this study to mea-
sure global stress perceptions.
Counselor Training Self-Care

In population research, occupational stress studies have acknowledged
that multifaceted relationships exist between social, biological, and emo-
tional factors, and as a result, information about change mechanisms for
occupational health and well-being are “extremely complex and poorly
understood” (Levi, 1990). In the mental health occupational research, stud-
ies on counselor self-care have historically focused on professional reactions
to longer term client work, operationalized as “burnout” (long-term
exhaustion and loss of interest) (i.e., Ackerly, Burnell, Holder, & Kurdek,
1988; Clark, Murdock, & Koetting, 2009). Counselor research has also
explored “vicarious trauma,” or counselor-related emotional distress of
working with traumatized or abused patients (Harrison & Westwood, 2009)
that renders counselors “impaired” or reduced in their emotional resilience
in their clinical work. However, few studies have been replicated, and little
consensus exists on the longer-term burnout and vicarious trauma factors
that affect mental health professionals, and even less research exists on what
factors make counselors susceptible to those issues.
In parallel, counseling instructional materials have argued that both
personal and professional self-care are cornerstones to the mental health
profession (Hill, 2001; Kottler, 2003). Self-care physical, emotional, and
financial domains align with the American Psychological Association’s
advocated self-care activities, such as expectations-setting, personal psy-
chotherapy, exercise, nutrition, and financial planning (Baird, 2005). But,
historically, less attention has been paid to research that is oriented
toward promoting workers’ health, well-being, and personal development

as values in their own right (Pierce, Carkuff, & Berenson, 1967).
Further, research has suggested that mental health and counselor train-
ing programs insufficiently help trainees learn how to care for themselves
(Reamer, 1992). Some researchers have suggested that counselors have an
obligation to foster their own self-care, but they tend to focus more on
patient wellness than themselves, and do not apply the techniques that they
learn (O’Halloran & Linton, 2000; Kottler, 2003). Therefore, it appeared
worthwhile to explore the self-care behaviors of counselor trainees as they
participate in stages of clinical field training, or practica, to help take care
of others. We decided to examine physical, emotional, and financial self-
care domains, as inspired by the principles of beneficence and malfeasance
outlined by the American Psychological Association ethics code, which sug-
gest that psychologists must “strive to be aware of the possible effect of their
own physical and mental health on their ability to help those with whom
they work” (American Psychological Association, 2002, p. 3). It was specu-
lated that different practica training (i.e., Practicum 1, or the counselor
trainee’s first field placement, Practicum 2, or the second field placement,
and Practicum 3, or any third field placement) may influence self-care
behaviors based on advancements in training statuses.
OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND CONSTRUCTS
There were three central research questions. First, it was hypothesized

that between-group differences would exist between personality traits,
preventive coping resources, and global perceived stress for the three
studied levels of practicum training. Second, it was speculated that per-
sonality traits would be the best predictor of the level of preventive coping
resources, and third, it was hypothesized that counselor trainees may
experience problematic health behaviors and attitudes in domains of
physical, emotional, and financial self-care.
There were four key constructs of interest in this study. The first con-
struct was the personality factors of the counselor trainees, which were
operationalized through the FFM by facet scores on the NEO-FFI. The
second construct was the global, perceived stress of counselor trainees,
which was measured by the composite score on the PSS. The third con-
struct was the level of self-reported preventive coping resources of the
person, which was measured by the PRI. The fourth was the self-care
health behaviors and attitudes of the counselor trainees, defined by phys-
ical, emotional, and financial domains that were measured through survey
items that asked respondents to categorize the frequency of their exercise,
sleep, substance use, fast food intake, and participation in personal psy-
chotherapy, as well the perceived role of financial stress.
As mentioned, the goal of this exploratory study was to examine the
contribution of personality factors, perceived stress and preventive coping
resources to self-care behaviors with master’s level counselor trainees in
order to clarify if links exist between these factors. Understanding these
key characteristics may inform ongoing professional development and
future research methodology.
METHOD
Sample
A convenience sample of 42 of master’s-level counselor trainees was
obtained from one public and one private university in central Texas from
April to December 2009. Respondents were enrolled full-time or part-
time in two graduate-level classes, and were enrolled and participating in
a practicum placement at the time of the study based on their program
and degree requirements for licensed professional counselor training
(which required two practica) or licensed marriage and family training
(which required three practica). There were no additional exclusionary
criteria, and participants were reportedly generally in good mental and
physical health. The average age of participants was 34.67 years old (SD
= 9.4), and the sample was 88.1% female, 78.6% Caucasian, 9.5% His-
panic, 7.1% biracial, 2.4% African American, and 2.4% reported more
than two races. Thirty-three percent of respondents were married, 33%
were single, 11.9% reported living unmarried with a significant other, and
11.9% were divorced or separated. Approximately 52% were enrolled
part-time (less than nine credit hours), and 54.8% were participating in
their second or third practica. Interestingly, 61.9% reported counseling as
a second career.
Eighty-nine counselor trainees were eligible for participation. Forty-
two students initially agreed to participate, for a response rate of 47.2%.
However, 11 dropped out of the study before completing all the mea-
sures, for an attrition rate of 26.2%. Information was not collected on why
these participants dropped out of the study. Attrition rate was not tracked
with the study.
Procedures and Measures

Online survey links were emailed to a random sample of counselor
trainees. Participants were volunteers, and they were instructed that their
answers would be anonymous and not affect their status or training evalu-
ations. They were incentivized for their participation with the ability to
submit to a random drawing for a gift certificate to Amazon.com.
NEO Five-Factor Inventory

The NEO-FFI Adult Form S is a 60-item short form of the NEO-PI-R
instrument that measures five personality factors of Neuroticism (N),
Extraversion (E), Openness to Experience (O), Agreeableness (A), and
Conscientiousness (C) (Costa & McCrae, 1992b). Facet level reliabilities
range from .56 to .90 for self-report forms. Higher factor scores tend to
indicate greater endorsement of traits consistent with the respective
domain. Long-term test-retest reliability has been shown for the N, E, and
O domains and short-term test-retest reliability has been found with the
NEO-FFI, although, the authors note that NEO-FFI scales are not equiva-
lent to NEO-PI-R scales, and may result in lower reliability coefficients
(Costa & McCrae, 199b2). In the current study, the facet level Cronbach
alpha coefficients ranged from .50 to .85. A number of studies have dem-
onstrated evidence for the construct validity of the NEO-PI-R scores for
the five scales, relating to such constructs as psychological well being
(Costa & McCrae, 1984; McCrae & Costa, 1991), coping and defenses
(McCrae, Costa, & Busch, 1986; McCrae & Costa, 1991), and needs and
motivation (Piedmont, McCrae, & Costa, 1991, 1992).
Preventive Resources Inventory

The PRI is an 82-item self-report measure that asks respondents to
indicate their level of agreement with statements about personal habits
relating to the prevention of stress (McCarthy & Lambert, 2001). The
responses are on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to
“strongly agree” and ask participants to describe the extent to which spe-
cific stress-prevention related statements describe them. The total score,
Preventive Resources, is comprised of 60 items, and yields a coefficient
alpha of .949 (McCarthy et al., 2002).
Two studies aimed at investigating reliability and validity evidence for
the PRI were conducted by McCarthy et al. (2002), who conducted a fac-
tor analysis that lent support to the initial factor structure of the measure,
and Lambert et al. (2006), who added additional items and further
refined the scales. This research resulted in the current version of the PRI
with five facet scores in the areas of perceived control, maintaining per-
spective, social resourcefulness, scanning, and self-acceptance. The scales,
along with the Cronbach’s alpha from these two studies (McCarthy et al.,
2002; Lambert et al., respectively), are perceived control, the belief that
one can cope successfully with life demands and manage potentially
stressful situations (.909/.897), maintaining perspective, which refers to
attitudes and beliefs that keep stress-produced emotions at manageable
levels (.870/.873), social resourcefulness, the ability to draw upon a social

network as a buffer against life demands (.873/.822), self-acceptance, the
degree to which one can accept and overcome shortcomings, imperfec-
tions, and limitations in dealing with demanding life situations (.708/
.850). Finally, scanning was a newer scale added to the PRI by Lambert et
al., which refers to one’s perceived ability to recognize, anticipate, and
plan for demands and potential stressors (.861). Reliabilities for the total
Preventive Resources scale were found to be .949 and .996, respectively. In
the current study, the Cronbach alpha coefficients were perceived control
(.908), maintaining perspective (.818), social resourcefulness (.834, self-
acceptance (.916), and scanning (.831), and preventive resources, the total
score (.938).
Validity evidence for the PRI has been supportive, and previous
research has found hypothesized relationships between theoretically con-
sistent (McCarthy et al., 2002) and divergent constructs (Lambert et al.,
2006). To facilitate comparisons, PRI facet and total scores are converted
to T scores.
Perceived Stress Scale

The PSS (Cohen & Williamson, 1988) is a 10-item self-report that is
used to measure the global perception of stress. It asks respondents to
report the “degree to which situations in one’s life over the past month
are appraised as stressful” on a 5-point Likert scale, specifically “how
unpredictable, uncontrollable, and overloaded respondents find their
lives.” Cohen and Williamson (1988) state that the questions do not refer-
ence situational content, and are written at a junior high reading level;
therefore, the scale is perceived to be general in nature for any adult pop-
ulation group. Ratings are given on a 4-point Likert-type response scale
where 0 (never) and 4 (very often). The scale score is the sum of the 10
items. The PSS is not a diagnostic instrument, so there are no cut-offs,
and the authors suggest that researchers make within sample comparisons
between respondents. According to the authors, coefficient alpha reliabil-
ities have been shown to range from .67 to .86. In the current study, the
Cronbach alpha was .91. Cohen et al. (1983) assessed the concurrent
validity of PSS scores with two samples of college students and enrollees
in a smoking cessation program and found correlations ranging from .52
to .76 between scores on the scale and reported depressive and physical
symptomatology, social anxiety (a range of .37 to .48) and utilization of
health services (.20).
Self-Care Health Behaviors

The examiners constructed a 30-item self-care behavior inventory that
asked respondents to rate their overall health (excellent, good, fair, poor)
and mood (very happy, happy, neutral, sad, very sad), as well as the average
weekly frequency (last 30 days) of self-care activities in emotional and
physical domains (i.e., therapy participation, exercise frequency and
intensity, fast-food/junk food consumption, alcohol consumption, smok-
ing, recreational drug use, and sleep patterns). Respondents were also
asked to report factors related to financial self-care issues, such as school
loan debt amount and stress associated with financial planning.
Data Analyses
Preliminary checks were conducted to ensure there were no violations

of the assumptions of normality, linearity, and homogeneity of variance.
Because of the exploratory nature of the study, cases were analyzed using
both listwise and pairwise deletion. Correlations remained the same for
each sample set, and pairwise deletion was used to analyze results.
To answer the first research question, univariate analyses of variance
(ANOVA) were completed to analyze group differences (groups: Practi-
cum 1, Practicum 2, Practicum 3) in coping resources, perceived stress,
and personality traits. To answer the second research question, regression
analyses were completed for analyzing personality traits (i.e., neuroticism,
extroversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness) as predic-
tors of preventive coping resources, as well as to test the model of person-
ality traits and global stress as predictors of coping. Analysis of covariance
(ANCOVA) was conducted to analyze whether a certain personality trait
(i.e., neuroticism) had an effect on preventive coping resources after
removing the variance.
To answer the third research question, a cross-tab frequency analysis
was conducted to examine reporting of physical (i.e., health status, exer-
cise, alcohol consumption, and fast food choices), emotional (i.e., therapy,
mood, and substance use), and financial self-care domains (i.e., ranked
stressors, school debt, and funding sources). Chi-square and follow-up
descriptive analyses were also conducted.
RESULTS
Forty-two participants agreed to participate in the exploratory study; how-

ever, 11 participants opted to discontinue their participation at varying
points of the survey, and did not complete the study. Because the online
study method required each participant to provide a response to each
question before proceeding, sample size appears to decline toward the
conclusion of the survey. After attrition, statistical analyses represent the n
Table 11.1. Sample Means and Standard Deviations

for NEO-FFI, Perceived Stress Scale, Preventive Coping Resources
Sample Population
n=
NEO-FFI Personality Factors 31 Mean SD Mean SD
Neuroticism 17.20 7.08 19.07 7.68
Extroversion 30.29 6.86 27.69 5.85
Openness 33.55 4.07 27.03 5.84
Agreeableness 33.65 5.75 32.84 4.97
Conscientiousness 34.48 6.34 34.57 5.88
T Score*
n=
Preventive Resources Facets 33 Mean SD
Self-acceptance 49.80 8.84 — —
Scanning 53.81 7.35 — —
Social resourcefulness 49.76 10.49 — —
Perceived control 50.61 6.57 — —
Maintaining perspective 52.36 6.89 — —
PRI total score 51.14 8.26 — —
n=
Perceived Stress Scale 32 Mean SD
Total score 15.38 7.27 — —
*T scores from 40-60 are considered to be in the expected range.
of 42 for demographics, an n of 38 for self-care items, an n of 37 for the

PRI, an n of 33 for the PSS, and an n of 31 for the NEO-FFI Adult Form S.
The descriptive results for the NEO-FFI and PRI are reported in Table
1.11.
Group Differences in Personality

and Preventive Coping Variables
The first research question addressed whether practicum-level group

differences would exist for reported levels of personality traits, preventive
coping resources, and global perceived stress. When compared to the
NEO-FFI norms (see Costa & McCrae, 1992b for a review), counselor
trainees in the sample tended to report lower combined neuroticism and
conscientiousness traits mean scores (M = 17.20; SD = 7.08; M = 34.48,
SD = 6.34), and higher combined extroversion, openness, and agreeable-

ness traits mean scores (M = 30.29, SD = 6.86; M = 33.55, SD = 4.07; M
= 33.65, SD = 5.75) (see Table 11.2). There was a statistically significant
group difference between practicum level 1 and 2, for the personality trait
of neuroticism, F(2, 28) = 3.535, p<.05. Descriptively, practicum 1 stu-
dents reported a higher level of neuroticism than practicum 2 and 3 stu-
dents (M = 20.66; SD = 5.61). Further, descriptively, practicum 3
students reported lower levels of extroversion (M = 20.09; SD = 7.71)
than their counterparts in other practicum levels, although the group dif-
ferences were not statistically significant.
A one-way ANOVA was conducted to explore whether levels of preven-
tive coping resources differed as a function of practicum status (i.e, Practi-
cum 1, Practicum 2, Practicum3) as measured by the PRI. There were no
violations of assumptions, although the PRI data had a slight negative
skew. There were no overall group differences F(2, 33)=1.598, p>.05, and
counselor trainees reported slightly higher than average abilities to pre-
vent stress based on PRI total scores (T = 51.14; SD = 7.38). Counselor
trainees tended to report preventive coping resources in the expected
range for all five facets of self-acceptance, scanning, social resourceful-
ness, perceived control, maintaining perspective, as well as total preven-
tive resources. T scores ranged from the lowest score for self-acceptance (t
= 49.80, SD = 8.84) to the highest score for maintaining perspective (t =
52.36, SD = 6.89).
Correlations between personality traits and preventive coping
resources are reported in Table 11.2, with the highest positive relation-
ships between conscientiousness and all the PRI facet scores, and statisti-
cally significant correlations with social connectedness (r = .549, p = .01),
perceived control (r = .632, p = .01), maintaining perspective (r = .580, p
< .01), and total preventive resources (r =.713, p = .01 ), and inverse
relationships between neuroticism and facets of self-acceptance (r =
−.591, p = .01), perceived control (r = -.476, p = .01), maintaining per-
spective (r = -.476, p = .05), and total preventive resources (r = −.473, p
= .01). In sum, counselor trainees who reported higher levels of conscien-
tious traits also reported higher levels of preventive coping resources,
whereas counselor trainees who reported higher levels of neuroticism
tended to report lower abilities to accept and overcome shortcomings,
imperfections, and limitations in dealing with demanding life situations.
They also reported lower levels of beliefs for coping successfully with life
demands and manage situations that could potentially become stressful,
lowered abilities to remain flexible and open, and less total coping
resources to meet the demands of stressful experiences.
To explore these results further, we examined PRI T scores for practica
levels 1, 2, and 3. Students enrolled in Practicum 2 reported the highest
Table 1.2. Correlations Between PRI and Personality Factors

(Pairwise Deletion) (n = 31)
Total
Self- Social Perceived Maintain Preventive
Acceptance Scanning Connectedness Control Perspective Resources
N −.591** −.314− −.300 −.476** −.422* −.473**
E .431* .135 .493** .281 .399* .390*
O −.108 .047 −.021 .012 .062 .002
A .487 .210 .377* .331 .496** .427*
C .579 .752 .549** .632** .580** .713**
**Correlation is significant at .01 (two-tailed). *Correlation is significant at .05 (two-tailed)
levels of coping resources (t = 53.36; SD = 8.76), compared with Practi-

cum 1 students (t = 52.52; SD = 7.38) and Practicum 3 students (t =
47.75; SD = 8.51). The literature suggests neuroticism may be correlated
with self-referent bias (Martin, Ward, & Clark, 1983); therefore, to deter-
mine whether the coping resources could best be explained by different
reporting levels of neuroticism, we ran ANOVAs using neuroticism as a
covariate. Preliminary checks were conducted to ensure there was no vio-
lation of the assumptions of normality, linearity, and homogeneity of vari-
ance. Results suggested that after adjusting for neuroticism (neuroticism
= 17.29), there was a statistically significant difference, which accounted
for 30% of the variance in coping regardless of practicum status (R2 =
.30), F(1, 30) = 11.685, p = .002. These findings were consistent with the
inverse relationship between neuroticism and preventive coping resources
with the counselor trainees (r = -.472, p = .01). All practicum students
were comparable in terms of gender (88.1% female), race (78.6% Cauca-
sian), mood (71.5% reported being happy or very happy), and overall
health status (71.4% reported good or excellent health).
Personality Traits as Predictors of Coping Resources
For the second research question, it was predicted that personality

traits would be a statistically significant predictor of the level of preventive
coping resources. To test the relationship between preventive coping
resources and personality traits, regression analyses were used with PRI as
the dependent variable, and personality traits as the independent vari-
able. Results showed that personality traits were a significant predictor of
coping resources F(5, 30) = 9.429, p<.05, with personality traits account-
ing for 65% of the variance in coping (r2 = .65), and predictive relation-
ships for conscientiousness (β = .621), followed by openness (β = .214).

In other words, counselor trainees who reported to be more conscientious
and open to experiences appeared to be better at coping with and pre-
venting stressful experiences.
To assess the unique contribution of personality traits and global stress
to the prediction of preventive coping resources, multiple regression anal-
yses was used to examine how well perceived global stress and personality
traits would explain or predict preventive coping resources. Preliminary
analyses were conducted to ensure no violation of assumptions of normal-
ity, linearity, homoscedasticity, and independence of residuals. After all
variables were entered in the model, personality traits and global stress
together accounted for approximately 57% of the variance in preventive
coping resources (adjusted R2 = .57), F(6, 24) = 7.623, p < .05. Global
stress was a significant predictor of preventive coping resources, t (30) =
−2.671, p = .012. Holding personality traits constant, as endorsement of
perceived global stress increased, preventive coping was estimated to
decrease by .50 [95% CI: −.891, −.118]. Conscientiousness was also a sig-
nificant predictor of preventive coping resources, t (59) = 4.465, p < .05.
Holding all other variables constant, as conscientiousness increased, pre-
ventive coping was estimated to increase by .808 [95% CI: .431, 1.181].
Differences in Counselor Self-Care

It was hypothesized that negative associations would exist between
behaviors in physical, emotional, and financial self-care domains, more
specifically, that different problematic self-care behavior and attitudes
might be reported in relation to low exercise, high substance abuse, poor
food choices, unhappy mood, poor health, a lack of personal therapy, and
financial stress related to student loans and reported school debt.
After checking for assumptions, a chi-square test for independence was
conducted to examine the physical, emotional, and financial self-care fac-
tors of the counselor trainees, regardless of training level. Results indi-
cated a statistically significant difference regarding the self-care factor of
financial stress χ2 (8, 42) = 15.963, p < .05. To follow-up on these results,
an exploration of the descriptive statistics was conducted. Of the 42
respondents who completed self-care items, 45.3% strongly agreed or
agreed that finances were the largest psychological stressors during train-
ing, whereas 33.3% strongly disagreed or disagreed, and 21.4% were neu-
tral. Of those who did not report finances as the biggest stressor, open-
ended responses included, time management, relationship stress, outside
job performance stress, and grades. Approximately 76% of respondents
(76.2%) reported an income ranging from less than $15,000 to $54,900,
and a large majority of respondents (69%) reported funding their educa-
tion through a combination of student loans, credit cards, and part-time

or full-time work. Further, the average school loan debt across practica
statuses was reportedly $32,604.
The chi-square test for independence indicated no significant effects
among self-care variables in the domains of physical and emotional self-
care, which asked participants to rate their perceived overall health and
general mood, and indicate the frequency of behaviors with exercise, sub-
stance use, fast food, and participation in personal therapy. Therefore, a
descriptive frequencies analysis, which follows, was conducted to analyze
self-care behavior domains of emotional and physical self-care by total
respondents.
Of note, 71.5% reported their mood as very positive (very happy) or pos-
itive (happy). Only 13.2% of the total sample reported current regular,
weekly participation in individual psychotherapy. Approximately 32%
(31.6%) reported seeking therapy on a crisis or as-needed basis. Respon-
dents who did not indicate any participation in personal therapy were able
to select any perceived barriers to psychological self-care from a list of issues
that may personally apply to themselves, which included time, money,
health insurance tracking, not being able to find a good therapist, and no
personally perceived need. Of those who reported no current participation
in individual psychotherapy, 57.1% endorsed money as the biggest barrier
to participation, followed by time (31.0%), and no perceived need (26.2%).
Regarding physical self-care, a majority of counselor trainees rated
their current health status as excellent or good (71.5%). Of the total sample,
approximately 81% (81.5%) of respondents endorsed eating four or less
fast food meals a week. Regarding regular exercise weekly, 39.5%
reported 3 or more days and 47.3% reported 2 days. Approximately 60%
(60.5%) of respondents reported drinking alcoholic beverages 1 to 2 days
per week, and 10.5% reported drinking 3 days a week or more. Of those
who indicated that they drink alcohol, on those days, 47.4% indicated
that they average two drinks or less and 23.7% indicated that they drink
three or more. Almost 16% (15.8%) endorsed that they tend to increase
their average drinking due to school-related stress, whereas 7.9%
endorsed global, undefined stress. Fifty percent reported that they did
not drink alcohol to relieve stress. Of the respondents, 76.3% reported an
average of 6 or less hours of sleep a night, and 63.2% reported their per-
ceived sleep patterns to be normal.
DISCUSSION
In this study, we examined how personality traits, stress, coping resources,
and self-care behaviors might manifest with master’s-level counselor train-
ees.
A key finding of the study was that global perceived stress, when com-
bined with personality traits, explained as much as 57% of the variance in
reported coping resources. These results suggest that personality traits
may be related to how counselor trainees manage their perceived stress,
and further suggest that supervisors and faculty working with counselor
trainees could best serve student training needs by being aware of person-
ality trait differences related to stress perceptions and coping abilities.
Findings also indicated that counselor trainees who participated in the
study reported lower overall neuroticism and conscientiousness than the
general population, as well as higher extroversion, openness and agree-
ableness. There was a statistically significant difference in personality trait
of neuroticism from Practicum 1 to Practicum 2; results of descriptive
analysis suggested that Practicum 1 students tended to report higher levels
of neuroticism than other practicum students of advanced training. Also,
Practicum 3 students reported lower levels of extroversion than more
beginner practicum training statuses, although not statistically significant
across practica levels.
These results suggest that beginning practicum students who reported
more neuroticism may be experiencing less emotional stability, which the
literature suggests may tend to make them vulnerable to more psycholog-
ical distress and negative affective states like depression, fear, sadness,
embarrassment, guilt; further, based on the literature, these results sug-
gest that more advanced practicum students tended to report lower levels
of restraint, positive thinking, and social contact (Costa & McCrae, 1986,
1992). Another finding of the study was that all counselor trainees tended
to report themselves as possessing higher than average abilities to prevent
stress through coping resources. Descriptive results did suggest that there
were different reported levels of coping resources across practica, with
Practicum 2 students reporting the highest levels of coping resources, fol-
lowed by Practicum 1 students, compared to the lowest reported coping
resources in Practicum 3. After statistically controlling for neuroticism as a
covariate, the statistical analysis showed that neuroticism accounted for
the reported variation in coping resources. While it is unclear from the
study what environmental or training stage factors may be affecting
reported coping resources in Practicum 2 students, these results are con-
sistent with the literature, which suggests that neuroticism may provide a
self-referent bias, or those who tend to possess more neuroticism person-
ality traits also tend to have a distorted perception of coping abilities
(Martin et al., 1983). Further, these findings suggest that beginning coun-
selor trainees who endorse more neuroticism traits also tend to have
poorer coping abilities, although they may also be more reluctant to
report their perceived shortcomings and instead try to present their cop-
ing abilities in a positive light. Conversely, it is possible that more
advanced practica students who find practica stressors to be more man-

ageable may be more organized and persistent in their environments, and
be more willing to accurately report their coping abilities.
Study findings also suggested that counselor trainees tend to report
themselves as positively managing physical and emotional self-care,
although facing difficulties with financial self-care. More than 45% of
counselor trainees reported finances as the top psychological stressor dur-
ing counselor training, and there was a positive correlation between
higher levels of reported neuroticism traits and the reported dollar
amount of school debt. Further, a clear majority (69%) of counselor train-
ees reported funding their education through student loans, credit cards,
and outside jobs. Based on these findings, it is possible that faculty and
staff working with counselor trainees could consider more ways to help
improve access to scholarships, grants, government programs, and other
funding sources that may reduce the trainees’ reliance on school loans,
credit cards, and part-time and full-time work during counselor training.
Relative to other self-care domains, counselor trainees reported them-
selves to be generally experiencing positive or happy moods, exercising
regularly, limiting alcohol intake and fast food, and pursuing a perceived
normal number of hours of sleep per night. Future studies might look at
personality traits with continuous measures of health behaviors and any
positive self-referent bias.
One finding of interest relative to emotional self-care in the study was
that only 13.2% of the counselor trainees surveyed reported participating
in regular, weekly individual psychotherapy. The self-care literature sug-
gests that practitioners who are the most aware of themselves not only
tend to grow personally, but tend to be more emotionally resilient in their
counseling training and better empathize with client experiences,
whereas those who are not aware of their own needs or issues tend to be
the most adversely influenced by counseling work (Kottler, 2003; Baird,
2002; O’Halloran & Linton, 2000). It is possible that strong self-aware-
ness and perceived cost or health insurance barriers may account for this
reporting level. Nevertheless, future studies are encouraged to report and
control for self-awareness and self-referent bias when examining emo-
tional self-care variables because these factors may have a significant
impact on professional development.
The primary limitation of this study included the attrition rate and low
number of counselor trainees who completed the study (N = 31). Given
the smaller sample size in this study, it is unclear whether relationships
between coping and personality could be due to size or the nature of the
sample (counselor trainees as opposed to undergraduate students), or
both. Further research is warranted to better understand the overlap or
relationship between personality and preventive coping resources. Addi-
tionally, because of the convenience sample and exploratory nature of the

study, it is not possible to generalize results to counselor trainees.
Another possible limitation to the study was the categorical and corre-
lational nature of the findings. While it may be tempting to conclude that
no detrimental associations in self-care variables exist and that personal-
ity traits can account for perceived response bias in self-care and coping
deficits during counselor training, it should be noted that other equally
plausible explanations for the findings could exist, including specific
practicum stressors, program relationships, and other personal or envi-
ronmental stressors, all of which were beyond the scope of this study.
Future studies should examine specific training-related stressors to more
thoroughly examine these possible relationships. Similarly, future studies
could employ practicum supervisor ratings and other observational mea-
sures of counselor trainees’ professional development to better illuminate
how personality traits are expressed environmentally at different levels of
practicum training.
To our knowledge, this is the first study that examined the association
between counselor personality traits, coping resources, and self-care
domains. Results highlighted that personality traits, coping resources,
and self-care are related to counselor trainee practicum levels and possi-
bly linked with comfort in self-reference and perceived stressors related to
financial issues. In the future, faculty and supervisors conducting training
should be aware of ways to accentuate adaptive personality traits through
differing levels of practicum experiences that help counselor trainees
maximize their coping abilities and positive self-care behaviors during
counselor training.
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Educational and Psychological Measurement, 60(2), 224-235.
CHAPTER 12
“YOU ARE WHO YOU ARE”
A MIXED METHOD STUDY OF

AFFECTIVITY AND EMOTIONAL REGULATION
IN CURBING TEACHER BURNOUT
R. L. CARSON,Russell
S. PLEMMONS, T. Stefanie
L. Carson, J. TEMPLIN, AND H. M. WEISS
Plemmons,
Thomas J. Templin, and Howard M. Weiss
Burnout as an outgrowth of job stress can stem from individual attributes,

job features, and a new group of variables garnering attention by research-
ers - transactional factors. Through quantitative and qualitative means, the
study reported in this chapter examined the unique importance of affectiv-
ity (individual attribute) and emotional labor (transactional factor) to
teacher burnout that is independent from job demands and job resources
(job features). Cross-sectional survey data was assessed using 85 middle
school teachers from the Midwest region of the United States. Six of these
teachers, ranked as having low burnout, participated in follow-up individual
interviews. The major findings drawn from both sets of data were that
teacher burnout can be curbed by positive affective temperaments and the
emotion regulation strategy of deep acting. Additional evidence suggested
that teacher burnout might also be curbed by: the emotion regulation strat-
egy of authenticity, and the job features of less student discipline, adminis-
trative support, and good pay/benefits. Results provide strong grounds for
the consideration of teacher affectivity as a critical factor of teacher burn-

pp. 239–265
240 R. L. CARSON
out, and some support for the professional development of deep acting
strategies among negative affectivity teachers.
This chapter takes a unique perspective on personality and stress and

coping in education to examine the contribution of each to teacher burn-
out. As presented throughout this book, many education researchers uti-
lize the five-factor model (FFM; McCrae & John, 1992) to describe and
study personality. Similarly, the works of Hobfoll (1988) or Lazarus and
Folkman (1984) tend to dominate the stress and coping discussions in
education. We contend that personality and stress and coping scholarship
in education would gain both empirically and practically from under-
standing the integrative role of global trait affect characteristics (i.e.,
affectivity) and the regulation of emotional states (i.e., emotional regula-
tion). The education-specific stress variable we frame this investigation
around is teacher burnout.
BURNOUT: A SPECIFIC BY-PRODUCT OF JOB STRESS
Job stress is defined as the “relationship between the person and the envi-
ronment that is appraised by the person as taxing or exceeding his or her
resources and endangering his or her well being” (Lazarus & Folkman,
1984, p. 19). Burnout is regarded as a chronic, job-related tripartite
response syndrome, including dimensions of emotional exhaustion,
depersonalization and reduced personal accomplishment (Maslach,
Leiter, & Schaufeli, 2008), brought about by repeated, failed attempts to
cope with stressful work events or conditions (Schaufeli & Enzmann,
1998). Taken together, burnout is not a proxy for job stress, but rather a
distinct, negative outgrowth of prolonged job stress that is differentiated
by two important characteristics (a) individual attributes and (b) features
of a job (Schaufeli & Buunk, 2003). The current study further elaborated
on these two characteristics.
Individual Attributes of Teacher Burnout
Job stress does not automatically lead to burnout in everyone. There is

the possibility that certain individuals may endure stressful situations and
continue to function effectively in their job. For example, depending
upon an individual’s goals, needs, or beliefs, job stress might be perceived
as a much-needed motivator, challenge, or tension (Schamer & Jackson,
1996). Conversely, Pines (1993) argued that individuals who “feel their
Curbing Teacher Burnout 241
work is significant” (p. 38) have a greater propensity to burnout from

extensive job stress. Therefore, a key mediating aspect to the experience
of job stress, and eventual burnout, is the viewpoint (i.e., values and
expectations) employees bring to the workplace.
To date, the most consistent approach taken to study the relevant indi-
vidual-related features of burnout has been through the examination of
stable personality traits (Schaufeli & Enzmann, 1998), captured by the
popular FFM of openness to experience, conscientiousness, agreeable-
ness, extraversion, and neuroticism (Costa & McCrae, 1992; John, 1990).
In a recent meta-analysis of 115 empirical workplace studies, Swider and
Zimmerman (2010) found that all five personality traits together
explained a sizable portion (> 21%) of all dimensions of burnout, with
the strongest estimated mean true score correlations existing between
neuroticism and emotional exhaustion (.52), neuroticism and depersonal-
ization (.42), and extraversion and personal accomplishment (-.41).
Therefore, workers who are described as neurotic (e.g., anxious, insecure,
nervous) or as an introvert (e.g., passive, reserved, asocial) are more sus-
ceptible to feelings of burnout.
Similar findings, using the same FFM structure of personality, have
been observed with teacher burnout. Regardless of their school level or
nationality, the available research has clearly shown that teachers high in
neuroticism and introversion report higher scores of emotional exhaus-
tion and depersonalization, again with the most constant result being
between neuroticism and emotional exhaustion (Cano-García, Padilla-
Muñoz, & Carrasco-Ortiz, 2005; Kokkinos, 2007; Teven, 2007). The .27
average correlation effect size between personality traits and teacher
burnout from a 65-study meta-analysis by Montgomery and Rupp (2005)
further supports these findings, however some personality variables con-
sisted of traits beyond those categorized by FFM (e.g., type-A behavior). It
is important to note that other non-FFM personality factors (i.e., locus of
control, self-esteem, idealism) studies in relation to teacher burnout do
exist, but results are mixed and scattered at best (e.g., Byrne, 1999; Chan,
2003; Pierce & Molloy, 1990; Schwab & Schuler, 1986).
Dispositional Affect—Affectivity
A related and equally significant approach to understanding the indi-

vidual attributes of burnout, especially given the centrality of emotional
exhaustion (Lee & Ashforth, 1996; Taris, Le Blanc, Schaufeli, & Schreurs,
2005), is the affective disposition of a teacher, termed affectivity (Watson &
Clark, 1984). Affectivity is seen as a subjective, pervasive, and in many
ways a broad personality trait that describes the general tendency of a
242 R. L. CARSON
person to experience a particular type of emotion or to react to life events

in a particular way (Weiss & Kurek, 2003). This personality type variable is
frequently divided into two dimensions. Positive affectivity (PA) reflects the
extent to which an individual usually feels intense pleasant feelings such
as enthusiasm, alertness, and excitement, while negative affectivity (NA) is
characterized by a tendency to feel intense unpleasant feelings that
includes hostility, distress, and irritability (Watson, Clark, & Tellegen,
1988; Watson & Tellegen, 1985). PA is typically aligned with extraversion
(r = .64), and NA closely fits with neuroticism (r = .66) (Watson, David, &
Suls, 1999).
The belief is that PA and NA govern an employee’s work attitudes and
behaviors in relatively independent ways (Watson, 2000). Ng and Soren-
son’s (2009) meta-analysis supported this claim with findings that PA was
more strongly associated with reporting positively toned job characteris-
tics and contexts (e.g., promotional opportunities, job significance, job
autonomy) and favorable in-role performance and job commitment, while
those high in NA were more inclined to report job stressors (e.g., role con-
flict, work overload, interpersonal conflict) and exhibit withdrawal behav-
iors (e.g., absenteeism). Ng and Sorenson (2009) concluded that the
difference between the two may not only color the affective tone of one’s
perceptions and interpretations, but also shape their behavior approach
system. That is, high PA workers may be more likely to perceive and pur-
sue pleasure-seeking work situations, while high NA workers may be more
likely to highlight, yet shy away from, the negative work situations as a
means to alleviate their negative feelings.
A steady stream of organizational research has revealed that NA and
burnout, especially the emotional exhaustion dimension, are strongly cor-
related (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002; Brotheridge & Lee, 2003;
Grandey, Dickter, & Sin, 2004; Houkes, Janssen, de Jonge, & Bakker,
2003; Thoresen, Kaplan, Barsky, Warren, & DeChermont, 2003). On the
other hand, these same studies have shown that PA is most strongly asso-
ciated with the burnout dimension of personal accomplishment in the
workplace. Interestingly, the viability of these relationships has been
rarely considered in the education arena with teachers.
To our knowledge, only two studies have examined the specific con-
struct of affectivity in teachers or its relationship with teacher burnout.
Both investigated whether the relationship between work characteristics
and burnout was dependent upon (i.e., moderated by) teachers’ affectiv-
ity. Results failed to show that affectivity moderated any of the exam-
ined relationships, but rather that affectivity directly and strongly
influenced the burnout dimensions, albeit in relatively unique ways. The
first study with 374 full-time teachers found that NA had a positive
effect on emotional exhaustion over and above the work characteristic
effects of workload and social support (Houkes, Janssen, de Jonge, &

Nijhuis, 2001). The second study, performed solely with 330 high
school teachers, found that affectivity played a stronger role in predict-
ing all burnout dimensions than the work characteristic of emotional
support, however the independent contribution of affectivity was weak-
est for the dimension of emotional exhaustion (Kahn, Schneider, Jen-
kins-Henkelman, & Moyle, 2006). Unsupported moderation effects of
affectivity were also reported with newly appointed female teacher sam-
ples regarding the link between work characteristics and the outcome of
job satisfaction (Schonfeld, 1996, 2001). Together, these studies reiter-
ate that the relative importance of affectivity in predicting teacher burn-
out is still largely unclear.
JOB FEATURES OF TEACHER BURNOUT
Besides the accompanying individual (internal) features, burnout, as we

defined earlier, can also develop from the stress associated with particular
(external) features of the job. Job features can be physical, social or orga-
nizational, but the notion is that the stress produced from the presence or
lack of certain aspects of a job can elicit a burnout response, which over
the long haul may lead to damaging outcomes such as illness, absentee-
ism, and turnover (Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1996). Therefore, the two
sets of distinguishing features in any job that can predict burnout are (a)
the presence of job demands and (b) the lack of job resources. Job demands
are considered “things that have to be done” (Jones & Fletcher, 1996,
p. 34). Work overload (e.g., hours worked, amount and type of customer
contact), role ambiguity, and role conflict, and interpersonal conflict with
colleagues are some of the job demands related to burnout (Lee & Ash-
forth, 1996; Schaufeli & Buunk, 2003) and more specifically, teacher
burnout (Byrne, 1999; Cano-García et al., 2005; Goddard, O’Brien, &
Goddard, 2006; Kokkinos, 2007).
Generally speaking, resources refer to objects, characteristics, condi-
tions, or energies that are “valued by the individual” (Hobfoll, 1989,
p. 516). According to Hobfoll’s (1988) conservation of resources (COR)
theory, stress occurs when such resources are either: (a) threatened, (b)
lost, (c) or do not increase following an investment in them. Applied to
the workplace, burnout ensues from the prolonged realization of having
insufficient job resources to meet work demands. Examples of job
resources that can protect against the progression of burnout include
social support (i.e., supervisor, coworkers), job enhancement opportuni-
ties, participation in decision making, and job autonomy or feedback (Lee
& Ashforth, 1996; Schaufeli & Buunk, 2003). Similar job resources have
244 R. L. CARSON
been shown to prevent teacher burnout, as have perceived parental sup-

port and equity in the effort-reward transaction (Cano-García et al., 2005;
Goddard, et al., 2006; Grayson & Alvarez, 2008; Kokkinos, 2007).
TRANSACTIONAL FACTORS OF TEACHER BURNOUT
Rooted in Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) transactional model of stress,

individual- and job-related features are not merely independent contribu-
tors of burnout, but rather it is the dynamic, reciprocal mixture of the
two. That is, integral to the production of stress or burnout are the under-
lying conscious processes (i.e., perceptions, judgments, appraisals, feel-
ings) that lie between the comparison of existing demands and available
resources. In other words, demands are weighed against resources, and
when this evaluation results in a perceived imbalance in favor of
demands, burnout is likely to result. Insight into this interaction between
external/internal demands and resources can be obtained through what
Chang (2009) termed transactional factors. Some of the important trans-
actional factors shown to exist among teachers include teachers’ perceived
control of situations, perceptions of organizational leadership style, social
resourcefulness, efficacy beliefs, and perhaps most importantly with
regards to teacher burnout, appraisal of student misbehavior (see Chang,
2009; McCarthy, Lambert, O’Donnell, & Melendres, 2009).
What is important to take away from Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984)
approach is the recognition that demands and resources can also be inter-
nal, along with one’s response behavior known as coping strategies. The
two main functions of coping have been identified as: problem-focused cop-
ing, where the aim is to fix the problem that is causing the distress by
changing the situation or generating alternative solutions, and emotion-
focused coping, where the aim is on lessening the negative emotion elicited
by the problem (Lazarus, 2001). Both serve as complementary parts of a
coping process that is subject to personal and situational transactional
forces (Lazarus, 2006).
Emotional Labor
Based on the latter form of coping, we believe there is another transac-

tional factor: the management of emotion as part one’s job, termed emo-
tional labor. Based on the idea that human service occupations, such as
teaching, have organizationally-imposed emotional displays (i.e., “display
rules,” Goffman, 1959) prescribed to them (e.g., friendliness, sympathy,
patience; Parasuraman, Zeithaml, & Berry, 1985; Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987),
Hochschild (2003) is credited with conceptualizing emotional labor as the

self-monitoring process of shaping internal feelings that produce the
expected display rules “for a wage” (p. 7). Ashforth and Humphrey (1993)
expanded the emotional labor concept to also include the management of
the outward behavioral expression of emotion, in addition to actual inter-
nal feelings, that are consistent with organizational display rules. There-
fore, when service professionals get paid to manage the experience and
expression of emotions at work, they are thought to be involved in emo-
tional labor. As the form of emotion management that is exchanged for a
valued compensation, emotional labor is different than emotion work,
where the management of emotion occurs autonomously for one’s own
non-compensated benefit, such as, to alter other people’s feelings (Calla-
han & McCollum, 2002).
A key ingredient to emotional labor is the emotional dissonance. Akin to
cognitive dissonance, Hochschild (2003) described emotional dissonance
as the internal state of separation between felt and feigned emotions. In
work settings, this mismatch refers to the discordance between true feel-
ing and expressed emotion that meets the externally desired display
rules. According to Hochschild (2003), service professionals generally
employ one of two emotion regulation strategies to close the gap between
what they actually feel versus the positive emotional display expected of
them. Both influenced by Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical view of visible
demeanor, the first represents the manipulation of internal feelings that
will indirectly elicit observable change in expression via deep acting (i.e., try
to summon feelings that match display rules through refocusing attention
or reappraising the situation), and the second represents the direct man-
agement of external outward expression through surface acting (i.e., sup-
pressing true feelings or pretending in order to exude display rules).1
Both strategies require some degree of psychological effort; however,
research indicates that surface acting-related strategies are generally more
harmful to the well-being of individuals and organizations (e.g., greater
burnout and turnover intentions, lower job satisfaction and turnover
intentions) than deep acting-related strategies (Bono & Vey, 2005; Chau,
Dahling, Levy, & Diefendorff, 2009; Grandey, 2003; Totterdell & Hol-
man, 2003).
It is important to note that emotional labor does not always entail
emotional dissonance. Ashforth and Humphrey (1993) argued that
there are many cases when employees accomplish emotional labor
through a third strategy: authenticity, or the genuine experience and
expression of the expected emotional display. Confirmatory factor anal-
yses revealed that the expression of naturally felt emotions was, in fact,
a third and distinctly different means of emotional labor besides deep
acting and surface acting (Diefendorff, Croyle, & Gosserand, 2005).
246 R. L. CARSON
Although true feelings are displayed, it is believed that a degree of

exertion is involved in the genuine expression of expected emotion
because it requires deep internalization of the display rule demands
(Ashforth & Humphrey, 1993). There is some evidence to support this
reasoning relative to emotional exhaustion when the genuine emotion
expressed is negative (Glomb & Tews, 2004), but, generally, the expres-
sion of true feeling is associated with favorable job outcomes such as
greater job performance and satisfaction, and lower job alienation and
burnout (Adelmann, 1995; Kruml & Geddes, 2000).
Although educational theorists suggested some time ago that emo-
tional labor was a relevant, yet underemphasized, aspect of teachers work
(Connell, 1985; Nias, 1989), the management of emotion and emotional
display in teaching has been a fairly recent area of study (see Chang,
2009; Oplatka, 2009; Sutton & Wheatley, 2003; Zembylas, 2005). This
growing scholarship has addressed several issues, ranging from the socio-
cultural, moral, and political ties of emotion expression and experience
(Hargreaves, 2001; Oplatka, 2007; Zembylas, 2005, 2007) to the specific
types and situational determinants of teachers’ emotion regulation strate-
gies at school (Hargreaves, 2000; O’Connor, 2008; Sutton, 2007; Sutton,
Mudrey-Camino, & Knight, 2009; Winograd, 2003), with less concern
given to the potential implications of regulating emotions on teachers
(see Chang, 2009; Oplatka, 2009). Given that teaching is considered an
emotionally demanding practice (Hargreaves, 1998) and that emotional
exhaustion is the primary sign of burnout (Lee & Ashforth, 1996; Taris et
al., 2005), we contend that attention should be given to understanding
the implied link between emotional labor and teacher burnout. Initial
findings suggest that management of emotion at work is directly related
to burnout dimensions in teachers; relationships were positive for surface
acting-related strategies and negative for deep acting-related strategies.
(Näring, Briët, & Brouwers, 2006; Tsouloupas, Carson, Matthews,
Grawitch, & Barber, 2010; Zhang & Zhu, 2008).
A MIXED METHOD STUDY
As reflected in this chapter, teacher burnout is seen as a distinct negative

form of chronic stress that is rooted in emotional exhaustion and can stem
from both individual attributes and job features which are often examined
in isolation (Schaufeli & Buunk, 2003). We proposed two related determi-
nants of teacher burnout that have gone largely unnoticed and might pro-
vide unique insights into why certain teachers and emotion-based
processes garner burnout symptoms. First, the dispositional affect of
teachers appears to be an important individual attribute of burnout. Sec-
ond, the emotional labor process of teachers seems to be a relevant trans-

actional factor of burnout that integrates internal feelings and job-related
display demands. We believe both of these sources would extend the cur-
rent individual and job-related approaches taken to understand and com-
bat burnout (i.e., FFM, COR theory, Lazarus’ coping strategies),
especially those that focus solely on job features such as job demands and
job resources. Therefore, we conducted a mixed method study to examine
the unique importance of affectivity and emotional labor to teacher burn-
out that are separate from job demands and job resources. Quantitative
data were collected to identify the most salient variables of affectivity and
emotional labor that contribute to the prediction of the three burnout
dimensions independent of relevant job demands and job resources.
Qualitative data were used to substantiate and enrich the quantitative
findings with in-depth, personally-rich descriptions.
METHODS
Participants and Procedure
Participants were 85 full-time middle school teachers from 8 diverse

school settings (urban = 2, suburban = 2, rural =42) within a moderately
sized (population ~ 150,000 people) Midwest county in the United
States. Most participating teachers were female (n = 63), predominately
Caucasian (n = 84), and had completed or taken some graduate level
(75% master’s, 5% doctorate) work (n = 68). The mean age of the teach-
ers was 42 years (SD = 12.36) with a range of 22-64 years.
Quantitative data were collected one-time via a paper-and-pencil
questionnaire packet that adequately assessed (Brotheridge & Lee,
2003; Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1996; Watson, et al., 1988) and repre-
sented (Cano-García et al., 2005; Goddard et al., 2006; Kokkinos, 2007)
the variables of the study. Packets were distributed during a faculty
meeting, where teachers were asked to complete and return the survey
in a provided business reply envelope. In total, 290 questionnaire pack-
ets were distributed and 87 were returned (30% response rate). Two
packets were excluded from analysis because they were completed by
guidance counselors.
Afterward, qualitative data were collected via individual interviews
using stratified purposeful sampling (Patton, 2002). Six teachers who
ranked at the most extreme “low” end of the emotional exhaustion sub-
scale of the Maslach Burnout Inventory - Educators Survey3 (MBI-ES;
Maslach, Jackson, & Schwab, 1996)3 were asked and agreed to participate
in the interviews. Interviews were audiotaped, conducted after school, and
248 R. L. CARSON
followed a semi-structured interview guide. Questions were asked relative

to teachers’ everyday experience overall (e.g., Tell me about a typical
day?) and their emotional experiences specifically (e.g., Why might you
express positive or negative feelings on some days?). Clarification probes
were used as needed.
MEASURES
Teacher burnout was measured using the MBI-ES (Maslach, Jackson, &
Schwab, 1996). The MBI-ES measures the three dimensions of burnout –
emotional exhaustion (9 items; α = .90), depersonalization (5 items; α =
.68), and personal accomplishment (8 items; α = .79). The 22-item scale
asked participants to respond as to how frequently they experienced the
feelings in the statements on a scale of 0 (never) to 6 (every day) with a mid-
point of 3 (a few times a month). Sample items include “I feel like I’m at the
end of my rope” (emotional exhaustion), “I feel I treat some of my stu-
dents as if they were impersonal objects” (depersonalization), and “I feel I
am positively influencing other people’s lives through my work” (personal
accomplishment). The personal accomplishment scale was reversed
scored to align with Maslach et al.’s (2008) tridimensional conceptualiza-
tion of burnout.
Affectivity was measured using the Positive and Negative Affectivity
Schedule (PANAS) (Watson et al., 1988). The PANAS contains 20 items;
10 related to PA (i.e., enthusiastic, interested; α = .85) and 10 related to
NA (i.e., hostile, nervous; α = .81). Participants were asked to rate on a
scale of 1 (very slightly or not at all) to 5 (extremely) how often they generally
felt each descriptor.
The job demands assessed were several workplace characteristics such as
number of extra work roles (i.e., hall monitor, coach, club advisor, etc.),
average class size, hours spent teaching each day, and frequency of stu-
dent discipline problems each day. Discipline frequency was rated as a
perception on a scale of 1 (never) to 5 (always).
Perceptions of job resources were assessed via four items including, salary
and fringe benefits, promotional opportunities, administrative support,
and parental support, on a scale of 1 (very poor) to 5 (very good).
Emotional labor strategies were measured via the deep acting and sur-
face acting subscales of the Emotional Labour Scale (ELS) (Brotheridge &
Lee, 2003). Each three item measure was rated on a scale of 1 (never) to 5
(always) in response to the stem, “On an average day of work, how fre-
quently do you …” Sample items include “try to actually experience the
emotions that I must show” for deep acting (α = .76) and “resist express-
ing my true feelings” for surface acting (α = .79).
Data Analysis
Quantitative data analyses were conducted using IBM SPSS Statistics

18 software. First, bivariate correlations were calculated to determine the
significant affectivity, job demands, job resources, and emotional labor
variables associated with each burnout dimension that would be used in
subsequent analyses. Second, hierarchical linear regression analyses using
the stepwise procedure at each step were performed for each of the three
burnout dimensions to ascertain the specific study variables that contrib-
uted most to the prediction of teacher burnout. The same entering order
was used for each burnout dimension: significant affectivity variables
(block 1), significant job demands (block 2), significant job resources
(block 3), and significant emotional labor variables (block 44).
Qualitative data were analyzed via inductive analyses (Patton, 2002) to
capture a more detailed, personally-rich description of the relationships
that affectivity and emotional labor have with teacher burnout. Member
checks were conducted with all teachers. Pseudonyms were provided in
the reported data.
RESULTS
Descriptive Data
Compared to the normative tri-level burnout categorizations presented

by Maslach, Jackson, and Leiter (1996), our sample reported moderate
levels of emotional exhaustion (M = 2.44, SD = 1.21), and low levels of
depersonalization (M = 1.52, SD = 1.15) and reduced personal accom-
plishment (M = 1.11, SD = 0.76). The descriptive data for the remaining
study variables are presented in Table 12.1.
Participants generally reported desirable feelings for their job
resources. Means were well above the midpoint (i.e., 3.0) of the scale
response range on salary/fringe benefits, administration support, and
parental support. Simply put, teachers felt they worked in a supportive
environment filled with sufficient benefits and adequate pay. Conversely,
teachers reported that their opportunity for promotion was subpar, and
their average day at work consisted of relatively high amounts of student
discipline problems (job demand).
As for the study’s main variables, participants scored above the mid-
point on deep acting and slightly above on positive affectivity and surface
acting. This indicates that the sampled teachers had higher perceptions
on all of these subscales. Paired t tests confirmed that the teachers in this
study had more of a positive affective disposition than a negative affective
Table 12.1. Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations Between
Burnout Dimensions and Study Variables (N = 85)
Burnout Dimensions
Reduced
Emotional Personal
Variable M SD Exhaustion Depersonalization Accomplishment
Affectivity
Positive affectivity 2.70 0.55 −.35** −.29** −.47**
Negative affectivity 1.68 0.50 .61** .47** .38**
Job demands
Number of extra work roles 1.86 1.23 .18 .04 −.25*
Average class size 22.83 7.00 −.02 −.06 −.15
250
Hours spent teaching/day 5.24 1.36 −.12 −.13 −.20

Student discipline/day 3.52 0.91 .36** .13 .13
Job resources
Salary/fringe benefits 3.48 0.73 −.29** −.34** −.37**
Promotional opportunities 2.66 1.00 −.14 −.25* −.24*
Administrative support 3.61 1.05 −.30** −.31** −.16
Parental support 3.18 1.01 −.38** −.30** −.29**
Emotional labor
Deep acting 3.39 0.74 −.15 −.23* −.33**
Surface acting 2.71 0.74 .37** .22* .09
Note: Descriptive statistics for burnout dimensions are reported in narrative.

*p < .05. **p < .01.
disposition, t(84) = -22.81, p < .01, and generally engaged in more deep
acting than surface acting strategies at work, t(84) = -5.88, p < .01. In line
with these findings, it may be stated that the participating teachers
seemed to be positive natured people who dealt with their emotional
transactions at work by proactively adjusting their inward feelings.
Preliminary Analyses
Descriptive data and correlations between the burnout dimensions and

all study variables are reported in Table 12.1. As expected, PA was nega-
tively correlated with all burnout dimensions, while NA was positively cor-
related with all burnout dimensions. Moreover, the magnitudes of these
correlations indicate that a substantial relationship existed between nega-
tive affectivity and emotional exhaustion (r = .61, p < .01). Clearly, these
results imply that teachers with a negative affective disposition are in
more danger of burning out.
Regarding the emotional labor variables, deep acting was negatively
associated with depersonalization and reduced personal accomplishment,
and not correlated with emotional exhaustion. Positive correlations were
found between surface acting and the burnout dimensions of emotional
exhaustion and depersonalization, but not with reduced personal accom-
plishment. Similar to the affectivity variables, the strongest correlation
was between surface acting and the burnout dimension of emotional
exhaustion (r = .37, p < .01). As a whole, these findings imply that the
likelihood of experiencing burnout rises when surface acting strategies,
rather than deep acting strategies, are employed on the job.
Not reported in Table 12.1, but perhaps relevant to this study, were the
significant bivariate correlations between affectivity and emotional labor.
PA was negatively correlated with surface acting (r = -.38, p < .01), and
NA was positively correlated with surface acting (r = .28, p = .01). These
findings suggest that positive-natured teachers are likely to use an emo-
tion regulation strategy other than surface acting (maybe genuine expres-
sion), whereas negative-natured teachers will likely utilize the strategy of
surface acting.
Regression Analyses
Table 12.2. summarizes the results obtained from three separate hier-
archical regression analyses for each burnout dimension, where all signifi-
cant affectivity, job demands, job resources, and emotional labor variables
obtained from the bivariate correlations were entered as consecutive
Table 12.2. Summary of Hierarchical Liner Regression Analyses Using the
Stepwise Procedure for the Study Predictors of Burnout Dimensions in Teachers (N = 85)
Variable B SE B β t ΔR2
a
Emotional exhaustion
Step 1 − Negative affectivity 1.41 .20 .58 7.10** .38
Step 2 − Student discipline/day .39 .11 .30 3.61** .09
b
Depersonalization
Step 1 − Negative affectivity .83 .22 .36 3.83** .22
Step 2 − Salary/fringe benefits −.36 .14 −.23 −2.46* .07
Step 3 − Administrative support −.24 .10 −.21 −2.32* .04
252
Step 4 − Deep acting −.29 .14 −.19 −2.05* .03
Reduced personal accomplishmentc

Step 1 − Positive affectivity −.43 .13 −.31 −3.22** .22
Step 2 − Negative affectivityd .28 .15 .18 1.86 .05
Step 3 − Salary/fringe benefits −.27 .09 −.26 −2.93** .07
Step 4 − Deep acting −.24 .09 −.23 −2.57* .05
Note: Significant correlates from Table 1 entered as separate blocks in the following order: block 1 (affectivity),
block 2 (job demands), block 3 (job resources), block 4 (emotional labor).
a
F(2, 82) = 35.08, p < .01. b F(4, 80) = 11.06, p < .01. c F(4, 80) = 12.52, p < .01. dSignificant predictor in step 2
only.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
blocks. Although results uncovered the most salient predictors of each

burnout dimension, we were most interested in the relative contribution
of predictive affectivity and emotional labor variables independent of job
demands and job resources.
The emotional exhaustion model yielded negative affectivity and the
job demand of student discipline frequency as significant and positive
predictors, with negative affectivity accounting for the greatest variance
(38%) of teachers’ emotional exhaustion scores.
Depersonalization was best predicted by negative affectivity, the per-
ception of inadequate job resources in salary/fringe benefits and adminis-
trative support, and employing less deep acting strategies at work. Again,
the greatest amount of the variance (22%) in teachers’ depersonalization
scores was explained by negative affectivity, however deep acting also con-
tributed an additional 3% of the explained variance in depersonalization
above and beyond the included job resources.
Reduced personal accomplishment was mainly predicted by reduced
positive affectivity, constituting 22% of the explained variance, in addition
to perceiving the inadequate job resource of salary/fringe benefits and
employing less deep acting strategies. Negative affectivity did enter as a
significant positive predictor in step 2, constituting an additional 5%, but
became nonsignificant when entered in a model along with salary/fringe
benefits and deep acting. Deep acting’s contribution to the explained
variance in teachers’ personal accomplishment scores was another 5%
beyond the job resource of salary/fringe benefits.
Inductive Analyses
Three themes continually emerged among the inductive analysis of the

affectivity- and emotional labor-related descriptions among the inter-
viewed sample of low burnout teachers. The first two themes confirmed
the quantitative results that positive affectivity and deep acting are linked
with low levels of teacher burnout. The third theme offers further insight
into a result suggested by the quantitative data, that is, that a regulation
strategy beyond deep acting or surface acting has valuable potential for
curbing teacher burnout - authenticity.
Low Burnout Teachers as Positive-Oriented,

Composed Individuals
All six low burnout teachers emphasized the importance of happiness

in their daily functioning. For instance, Donna (English) said, “I think I’m
happy for the most part and I think my students probably perceive me as
254 R. L. CARSON
being a happy person.” Kenny (physical education/health) stated, “happy

is the way I almost always am, so that’s just kind of the way I do every-
thing.” Miles (physical education/health and Science) claimed, “normally
I’m a happy person and school doesn’t usually change that.” Ralph (Eng-
lish) described, “I’m not all jumping up and down and you know and that
type of happy, but I just feel inside I’m happy.” These data imply that the
daily experience of happiness at school for these teachers was a function
of an overriding happiness trait.
Furthermore, these same teachers preferred to express positive, but
temperate feelings in all work situations. To them, “being positive” or
“even-tempered” was an essential element of their teaching repertoire
and human nature. The teachers below clearly shared this outlook:
I think first of all it’s a personality thing. I’m pretty much a happy guy. So it
takes quite a bit to get me distraught or upset or anything like that. (Kenny)
I am a calm person and tend not to overreact…. Some of my colleagues do

reach boiling points but it takes a lot to ruffle me. (Sally, English)
I feel like I’m a pretty even keel person, not very much gets me too upset, at
least when it’s coming with dealing with the kids…. I mean I don’t get riled
up very much … because I’m usually in a pretty decent mood. (Jessica, spe-
cial education)
Low Burnout Teachers as Conscious and Regular Deep Actors

Data firmly showed that in order to “maintain a certain persona,”
which for these teachers meant displaying happiness and pleasure, they
realized they must regulate their emotions. The term of deep acting was
not used, but these teachers did describe this regulation to include the
conjuring up of positive emotions in order to display a positive outlook.
The following comment typifies this sentiment:
I truthfully, honestly believe that you are who you are, what you want to be. I
mean if you want to be grumpy, you can be grumpy. If you want to be happy,
you can be happy. Yes, there are factors that you can’t control … but you can
control how you feel…. You could create some kind of utopia, I guess, where
you had perfect administration, all the teachers got along, and the kids were
wonderful angels. But, that’s not reality and you can’t make that happen. I
can’t really think of a more tangible thing other than yourself that you could
change to improve your day. (Kenny)
To these teachers, this constant effort of summoning positive feelings

did not seem to be bothersome or detrimental, but rather, just something
that positively oriented teachers do. Therefore, maybe positive affectivity

teachers are more capable of deep acting. Kenny added:
I mean I think it does take a certain type of personality to want to be happy

all the time. If you wanted to be, you pretty much can, but it does take a cer-
tain personality to do that…. So, I think so much of it is your attitude.
Low Burnout Teachers as Authentic Expressers

These data were less predominant, but a few teachers did appear to
genuinely express their true feelings as a form of regulation. This strategy
was employed to ensure that feelings from a previous situation would not
linger on and ruin an upcoming situation or any opportunity for espous-
ing a positive demeanor. According to Donna, frustrating feelings can be
“put on the back burner” or “just chucked out altogether.” She tends to
“chuck it out altogether.” She elaborated:
I just address situations and then we move on. And I think the kids know
that. If they cross the line they know I’m going to call them on it, but I’m
not going to hold it over their heads and it’s not going to be poison for me.
It’s done, we’re past it, let’s move on…. So whatever happens, wherever it
happens, is where it stays.”
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this mixed method study was to examine the unique
importance of affectivity and emotional labor to teacher burnout, sepa-
rate from job demands and job resources. Through both quantitative and
qualitative means, two major findings were obtained. First, dispositional
affect is an important variable to consider as it contributed significantly to
teacher burnout. Results were very convincing and indicated that NA
teachers were at most risk for experiencing burnout, especially the emo-
tional exhaustion dimension, while PA teachers were more likely to expe-
rience low levels of burnout. These findings mirror similar relationships
found among multi-occupational samples (Houkes et al., 2001; Kahn et
al., 2006), provide some clarification for the importance of affectivity rela-
tive to job demands and job resources with teachers (Cano-García et al.,
2005; Kokkinos, 2007; Teven, 2007), and by extension, echo comparable
relationships revealed with teachers using the FFM traits of extraversion
and neuroticism (Ng & Sorensen, 2009; Watson, 2000). Being that NA
and PA are highly distinctive, independent dimensions of affect that gov-
ern perceptions and behaviors at work (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002;
Brotheridge & Lee, 2003), it appears that some teachers, based on these
personality-like factors alone, may simply be more vulnerable to experi-
256 R. L. CARSON
encing burnout than others. This finding clearly indicates that disposi-
tional affect, or the equivalent, should be at least considered in future
teacher burnout studies. A question that arises though is whether affectiv-
ity is truly a stable affect tendency in teachers; is there a chance that NA
teachers can become PA teachers? The emergence of positive psychology
literature and the promotion of work engagement as the positive pole of
burnout suggest there is hope for NA teachers (see Schaufeli, Leiter, &
Maslach, 2009). The second major finding does as well.
The second major finding from this study was that deep acting
emerged as a favorable strategy associated with lower feelings of teacher
burnout. Both quantitative and qualitative data supported this result, sug-
gesting that teachers may benefit from consciously trying to change emo-
tional states to match the positive outlook expected of teachers, or display
rules. This same stance has been reported with human service profession-
als at large (Brotheridge & Grandey, 2002; Brotheridge & Lee, 2003) and
by a growing number of empirical studies with teachers (Tsouloupas et al.,
2010; Zhang & Zhu, 2008). The fact the deep acting accounted for lower
burnout, albeit to a lesser degree, beyond dispositional affect and relevant
job resources substantiates our claim for the promise of emotional labor
as an important emotion-based transactional factor. The next step might
be to expand upon the variety of emotion regulation strategies teacher
employ (Sutton, 2004, 2007; Sutton et al., 2009) to disentangle the exact
kinds of deep acting strategies that thwart teacher burnout.
Conversely, based on extensive support for the deleterious effect of
surface acting on job burnout, especially the emotional exhaustion
dimension (Bono & Vey, 2005; Chau et al., 2009; Goldberg & Grandey,
2007; Grandey, 2003; Totterdell & Holman, 2003), it is less clear why sur-
face acting was only a positive correlate and not a significant predictor of
teacher burnout. Perhaps, affectivity and the job features included in this
study voided any possible effect that surface acting had on teacher burn-
out. Therefore, surface acting may be an important contributor to teacher
burnout, but not above and beyond the contribution of the general affect
tendency and job demands/resources of teachers. Further, ELS does not
decipher between the kinds of outward emotional expression produced
from emotional labor. Recent research has shown that acknowledging this
distinction can be critical. Detrimental teacher outcomes have found to be
associated with the down regulation of negative emotion (Sutton, 2007;
Sutton et al., 2009), or the combination of faking positive and negative
emotional expression (Barber, Grawitch, Carson, & Tsouloupas, in press).
Future research should continue to recognize the specific emotional dis-
plays tied to teacher emotional labor.5
There are additional findings that deserve mention. Qualitative results
seem to suggest that PA and deep acting together might be the best com-
bination for reducing teacher burnout. However, given that the correla-
tion between the two only approached significance in this study (p = .07)
and was non-significant in most other studies (Brotheridge & Lee, 2003),
it appears that not all PA teachers employ deep acting strategies. If teach-
ers can be taught effective strategies for regulating their moods (Totter-
dell & Parkinson, 1999), and teachers who experience positive emotions
at work are more skilled at regulating emotions (Brackett, Palomera,
Mojsa-Kaja, Reyes, & Salovey, 2010), then certainly PA teachers can be
trained how to become competent deep actors. It might behoove future
researchers to turn their attention to understanding how to develop
teachers’ emotion regulation competencies within the burgeoning area of
social and emotional learning (see Jennings & Greenberg, 2009).
Another suggested finding from the qualitative data was the occur-
rence of authenticity with low burnout teachers. Since the ELS does not
assess authenticity, it is difficult to draw meaningful conclusions from this
finding without the ability to triangulate with quantitative results. Related
organizational psychology literature offers some support for the benefi-
cial effects of authenticity on employees (Adelmann, 1995; Kruml & Ged-
des, 2000), but the available teacher-specific studies are limited and
mixed. Lack of authenticity did not predict burnout or job dissatisfaction
among Chinese college instructors (Zhang & Zhu, 2008), whereas emo-
tional consonance (another term for authenticity) was found to be a sig-
nificant negative predictor of burnout beyond surface acting or deep
acting in Dutch secondary teachers (Näring et al., 2006). Taken together,
it appears that authenticity has the potential to be another favorable strat-
egy for teachers to utilize when dealing with emotional labor, but clearly
additional research is needed.
Lastly, although job features were not the emphasis of this study, fre-
quent student discipline, low administrative support, and poor salary/
fringe benefits surfaced as significant predictors of teacher burnout. In
general, these findings provide empirical credence to the well-established
literature regarding student misbehavior as a primary job demand of
teacher burnout (see Chang, 2009; Tsouloupas et al., 2010) and a sup-
portive administration as a preventative job resource for teacher burnout
(Cano-García et al., 2005; Greenglass, Fiksenbaum, & Burke, 1994). How-
ever, improving teacher payment/benefits remains to be a contentious
public policy issue, and therefore it is not surprising that findings are
mixed regarding its impact on reducing burnout and turnover (Hanushek
& Rivkin, 2007; Jenaro, Flores, & Arias, 2007). We suspect teacher salaries
will remain in the public spotlight as a new era of “teacher accountability”
takes center stage (Dinan, 2009), and encourage researchers to continue
considering its relevance to teacher burnout.
258 R. L. CARSON
IMPLICATION FOR EDUCATION
Based on the study results, it appears that teacher burnout can be curbed
by two factors: a positive affective temperament, and the emotion regula-
tion strategy of deep acting. Since affectivity, as a stable personality struc-
ture in affect that pervades the types of experiences employees perceive
and pursue at work (Ng & Sorensen, 2009; Watson, 2000), was the promi-
nent factor emerging from this study, we directly frame our implications
around PA teacher and NA teacher issues, separately.
Since low burnout teachers appear to also have a positive affect ten-
dency, the first implication is clear—fill schools with PA teachers. PA
teachers seem to be highly involved employees (with several work roles)
who get along with others (including parents)6 and seem to genuinely feel
positive emotions over time in all work situations. To them, “being posi-
tive” is an essential element of their human nature. They demand it of
themselves and strive to instill it in others, including NA teachers. Admin-
istrators and teacher educators alike may consider assessing affectivity
information as a useful tool for the hiring process of beginning teachers
as well as the screening process for teacher candidates.
However, the real concern lies with NA teachers. Beyond teacher burn-
out, the possible ramifications of negative-oriented teachers can be pro-
found:
[Disgruntled] people often feel the need to blame someone else for their
own problems and for their failure to effectively cope with them. Ultimately,
the student becomes the target, feels the anger and withdraws. The negativ-
ity of these interactions breeds a consistent amount of stress which in turn
leads to burnout and then reinforces the feelings [of negativity]. Obviously,
this cycle must be broken before schools can improve the quality of educa-
tion. (Apetkar, 1984, p. 199)
The independent distinction between PA and NA does not necessarily

mean that both dispositions are direct opposites. NA teachers may feel
positive affective experiences, just like PA teachers may also have some
negative feelings. This notion is, in part, confirmed by the modest nega-
tive correlation found between PA and NA in this study and others (God-
dard et al., 2006; Näring et al., 2006). Therefore, the real question is how
can NA teachers be molded to experience more positive feelings at work?
We offer two possibilities.
First, rooted in positive psychology principles (Schaufeli et al., 2009),
build positive qualities in NA teachers by fostering work engagement
opportunities. Administrators and teacher educators can come to learn
what kinds of work activities are of most interest to NA teachers, and then
frame their job features in ways that promote these interests. High PA
workers may be more likely to perceive and pursue pleasure-seeking work

situations, while high NA workers may be more likely to highlight, yet shy
away from, the negative work situations as a means to alleviate their nega-
tive feelings. NA teachers may become attracted to these interesting work
situations because they induce positive feelings (Ng & Sorensen, 2009). As
a result, burnout feelings may give way to motivation, work engagement,
and more frequent positive emotions experienced at work.
Second, NA teachers might consider learning how to cognitively
change the way they think about negative work stimuli (or deep acting).
As this study suggests, this emotion regulation strategy might not alter a
teacher’s dispositional affect, but can offer some additional assistance to
curb burnout feelings beyond job resources. According to Sutton (2004),
teachers perform deep acting-related strategies by either refocusing their
attention on the situations that trigger positive emotions (i.e., student
learning, keep emotion diary to identify others) or diffuse negative emo-
tions (e.g., ignore it, think of a serene place), or by reappraising a nega-
tive stimulus before (via self talk) or after (e.g., calming down, talking with
colleagues) it occurs. Future efforts and interventions might test the train-
ability of these strategies among preservice and in-service teachers along
with their effectiveness in reducing teacher burnout. The development of
undergraduate courses in emotional health, professional development
workshops, or electronic training modules might be worthy avenues for
these endeavors.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research was supported by the small research grant program of The
Spencer Foundation (200500053). Portions of this chapter were submitted
for presentation at the 2011 annual meeting of the American Educational
Research Association in New Orleans, Louisiana.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Russell
L. Carson, Department of Kinesiology, Louisiana State University, Baton
Rouge, Louisiana, 70803-7101; rlcarson@lsu.edu
NOTES
1. Deep acting and surface acting overlap considerably with Gross’ (1998)
strategies of cognitive reappraisal (as well as attentional deployment) and
expressive suppression, respectively (Totterdell & Holman, 2003).
2. Based on statistics posted either on the school’s or state’s department of
education website.
260 R. L. CARSON
3. Emotional exhaustion was used as the delineating variable because of its

centrality to the burnout phenomenon.
4. Entering order is similar to like studies comparing individual, job, and/or
transactional variables of teacher burnout. Only significant correlates were
entered in each block in order to produce the most parsimonious models
given the sample size.
5. Glomb and Tews (2004) Discrete Emotions Emotional Labor Scale
(DEELS) is a good starting point but only includes the positive and nega-
tive emotional displays tied to surface acting and authenticity, and not
deep acting.
6. PA was positively correlated with number of extra work roles (r = .47; p <
.01) and parental support (r = .34, p < .01)
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CHAPTER 13
BUILDING INNER RESILIENCE

IN TEACHERS AND STUDENTS
L. LANTIERI , E.Linda Lantieri,
N. KYSE, Eden Nagler
S. HARNETT, AND C.Kyse,
MALKMUS
Susanne Harnett, and Charlotte Malkmus
Teachers face a variety of stresses in the workplace. Given the stresses that
they face and the relatively little support that they receive to address these
challenges, it is not surprising that many teachers respond in maladaptive
ways; by exhibiting common physiological, emotional, and behavioral man-
ifestations of stress; by creating climates of stress in their classrooms that in
turn negatively effect their students; or by leaving the profession altogether.
Likewise, students also experience stress in their educational environments
and may respond in maladaptive ways. Some teachers and students may be
more likely than others to respond negatively to the stress they experience
due to temperamental tendencies that put them at risk for maladaptive cop-
ing, while others may be more “stress hardy” or resilient. Research suggests
that the stress management or coping skills used by more resilient people
can be taught to those at risk, allowing them to learn to manage stress effec-
tively. This chapter describes the impacts of a transformational professional
development program for teachers designed to improve the stress manage-
ment skills of both teachers and their students thereby increasing their resil-
ience to ongoing stressors. Through a randomized control trial design, the
evaluation of the Inner Resilience Program (IRP) identified several statisti-
cally significant effects, including increased teacher mindfulness and rela-
tional trust, increased student autonomy in the classroom, decreased

pp. 267–292
268 L. LANTIERI , E. N. KYSE, S. HARNETT, and C. MALKMUS
student frustration, and improved overall wellness for students who were
identified as at risk to react maladaptively to stressful situations.
In the spring of 2002, the Inner Resilience Program (IRP), a project of

the Tides Center, was founded in response to the effects that the events of
September 11, 2001 had on schools in lower Manhattan. For educators in
the vicinity of the World Trade Center on that day, many of whom ran for
their lives, academic preparedness took a backseat to the question of
inner preparedness—the skills and resources that each individual and
school community had to access in order to remain calm and balanced so
they could make responsible decisions. The events of 9/11 and the period
following underscored the importance of acknowledging that teachers
need to be resilient—that is, to be equipped with better stress manage-
ment and coping skills so that they may provide the emotional support
their students so desperately need.
TEACHER RISK AND RESILIENCE
While the IRP was founded in response to 9/11, it quickly became appar-
ent to the program team that the need for better stress management and
coping skills is not unique to those who were directly impacted by 9/11. A
recent survey conducted in the United Kingdom by the National Associa-
tion of Head Teachers found that 40% of head teachers have been to a
doctor’s office for a stress-related problem within the last year (Anderson,
2010). In 2006, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported
that inner-city high school teachers are more likely to get an ulcer than
any other professional (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2006).
The evidence that teachers have an especially great risk of experienc-
ing stress may stem from the depersonalization and sense of isolation that
is common in the profession (Demarrais & LeCompte, 1999). The sched-
uling demands of the work day; the consecutive hours spent in their own
classrooms without peer interaction; the social, emotional, and academic
needs of so many students can all lead to a perception that the work of
teaching is never-ending in its expectations. Humphrey (1992) attributes
the increased stress level of teachers to several additional factors: the
large numbers of important decisions teachers must make in a single day;
the great level of public scrutiny that teachers face; the high risk for vio-
lence in many schools; and the level of emotional sensitivity needed to
respond to the emotional needs of students.
Building Inner Resilience in Teachers and Students 269
It is little wonder, then, that nearly half of all new teachers leave the
profession within the first 5 years (Ingersoll, 2003). Indeed, stress and
poor management of stressors are consistently rated as the main reasons
that teachers leave the profession (Darling-Hammond, 2001; Montgom-
ery & Rupp, 2005). Replacing teachers because of this attrition costs bil-
lions of dollars annually, and there are costs related to loss in teacher
quality and student achievement, which are particularly important to con-
sider given research that suggests teachers become most effective at
impacting students’ learning outcomes after 3 to 5 years of teaching
(Murray, 2005). Furthermore, attrition rates tend to be even higher in
low-income, inner city schools (Murray, 2005), where the students most
need experienced, high-quality teachers to close the achievement gap
and reduce pervasive social and economic inequities.
Teachers who do not leave the profession are at risk of burning out,
another serious problem. Burnout occurs when teachers have attempted
unsuccessfully to cope with stress over long periods of time (Kyriacou,
2001). It is a multidimensional construct that consists of emotional
exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment
(Maslach, Jackson, & Leiter, 1997) and can be tremendously destructive
to teacher-student relationships, classroom management, and the class-
room environment, as well as the health of individual students (Jennings
& Greenberg, 2009).
Of course, while teaching may be an inherently stressful profession, not
all teachers leave the profession or experience burnout; many even pros-
per. What is it that allows some teachers to thrive in such a stressful envi-
ronment while others either leave or burn out? Some researchers theorize
that certain temperamental characteristics may prepare some people to
handle stressful environments better than others. In their research,
Maddi and Kobasa (Kobasa, 1982; Maddi & Kobasa, 1984) used the term
“stress-hardy personality” to describe one that is able to cope with and
even thrive in the face of extreme stress. This personality is comprised of
three components: (a) commitment (having a sense of purpose), (b) con-
trol (being able to incorporate stressful events into one’s life plan), and (c)
challenge (responding to stress as an opportunity to grow) (Kobasa,
1982). These components of a stress-hardy personality bear strong resem-
blance to resiliency, which is a construct that has been researched in other
contexts and is the focus of the current study.
Notably, recent research suggests that people are capable of acquiring a
stress-hardy mindset, or a kind of resiliency, rather than seeing it as a
fixed, inborn trait. For example, in their qualitative study of resilient
teachers (i.e., teachers who persistently and successfully coped with
stress), Howard and Johnson (2004) found the following consistent fea-
tures among participants: a sense of agency, a strong support group, and
competence and a sense of achievement. Notably, they argue that these

are learned, rather than innate characteristics: “Apart from some specula-
tion about whether such qualities as patience might be innate, all our
teachers firmly believed they had learnt the strategies and dispositions
that made them resilient” (Howard & Johnson, 2004, p. 414). Practitio-
ners have also incorporated the idea that such resilience can be taught
(Brooks & Goldstein, 2003) and, indeed, it is the fundamental theory
underlying the development of the Inner Resilience Program. The multi-
ple components of the IRP are intended to directly increase participants’
strategies for stress management and coping skills, including providing
and receiving support among one another, thereby building teachers’
resilience. The goals of the program are such that no matter what temper-
amental traits participants enter into the program with, they leave with an
increased capacity to manage stress and an awareness of that capacity that
can be incorporated into their self-concepts.
STUDENT RISK AND RESILIENCE, AND CLASSROOM CLIMATE
When considering the impact of stress in the educational environment, it

is also important to acknowledge the stress that students experience. It is
not uncommon for children to experience such stressors in their everyday
lives as bullying, grade pressures, test anxiety, and conflicts with peers and
teachers (Carson & Bittner, 1994). According to the American Psychologi-
cal Association’s (APA) most recent Stress in America survey, not only are
today’s children more stressed than they have been in recent years by
things like school and their parents’ financial difficulties, their stress lev-
els are consistently underestimated by their parents (American Psycholog-
ical Association, 2009). Perhaps symptomatic of the amount of stress that
children experience, rates of early substance abuse and violence among
today’s children and youth are on the rise (Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, 2008; National Institute of Drug Abuse, 2009; U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). While all children
experience some levels of stress, not unlike adults, children may vary in
their vulnerability to the stress in their environments based on their par-
ticular temperaments (Carson & Bittner, 1994). Carson and Bittner sug-
gest that children who demonstrate positive characteristics of
temperament may have a wider range of responses to stressful life experi-
ences available to them, which may be seen as protective. Specific protec-
tive factors for children identified in the literature are similar to those for
adults, and include feeling connected to others, having a sense of control
and competence, feeling a sense of achievement, and having effective
social and problem solving skills (Howard & Johnson, 2004). On the
other hand, some children may have a more restricted range of responses
available to them. For example, Carson and Bittner (1994) argue that
children who manifest more negative temperamental characteristics (such
as negative quality of mood, poor adaptability to change, unpredictability
of behavior, and high intensity of reaction) may be “at risk” to react in
maladaptive ways to stressful situations. These children, Carson and
Bittner argue, are often responded to unfavorably by their peers and
teachers alike.
Teachers’ own stress levels provide an additional dimension to this
problem. Cheney and Barringer (1995) found that highly stressed teach-
ers may be reluctant to probe into underlying reasons for student misbe-
haviors and also tend to rely on a rigid focus on school rules when dealing
with problem behaviors (Cheney & Barringer, 1995). Furthermore, teach-
ers who suffer from burnout are less caring and sympathetic to their stu-
dents, have a lower tolerance for their mistakes and misbehaviors, are less
prepared for classes, and feel less committed and dedicated to their work
overall (Byrne, 1993; Jennings & Greenberg, 2009). The toxic interaction
of teacher and student stress can lead to the deterioration of the class-
room climate, with teachers and students aggravating each other’s nega-
tive reactions. For certain “at risk” students, this interactive relationship
can set in motion a self-reinforcing dynamic in which the child comes to
see him or herself as a poor student incapable of success.
THE PROMISE OF MINDFULNESS-BASED PRACTICES
There is growing evidence that engagement in contemplative practices

strengthens the brain functions that are responsible for emotion and
attention regulation, empathy and compassion, and resilience in the face
of life stress (Davidson et al., 2003; Davidson & Harrington, 2002; David-
son & Lutz, 2008; Kabat-Zinn, 2003; Lutz, Brefczynski-Lewis, Johnstone,
& Davidson, 2008; Lutz, Slagter, Dunne, & Davidson, 2008; Singer &
Lamm, 2009). Jon Kabat-Zinn, who founded the Stress Reduction Pro-
gram at the University of Massachusetts Medical School, first examined
the use of mindfulness practices with adult patients suffering from
chronic pain (Kabat-Zinn, 1990). He found that patients reported a
decrease in pain, an increased sense of well-being, and a decrease in
blood pressure. Davidson and colleagues (2003) have added to the
research about the benefits of teaching calming strategies to adults. Their
neurological research has demonstrated that meditation can increase the
grey matter in the brain, improve the immune system, reduce stress, and
promote a sense of well being (Davidson et al., 2003).
A mindfulness-based educational approach involves the introduction of

secularized contemplative practices in educational settings to support the
development of such skills in teachers and students alike (MLERN, 2010).
Several studies have examined the effect of mindfulness training in edu-
cation, with both adult and child participants. Shapiro, Schwartz, and
Bonner (1998) used a randomized control trial design to study the effects
of an 8-week meditation-based stress reduction program on premedical
and medical students. They found that even a short intervention, an 8-
week meditation-based stress reduction program, effectively reduced par-
ticipants’ stress and anxiety levels and increased their empathy toward
others. Similarly, Newsome and colleagues (2006) studied the effects on
counselors of a semester-long course entitled “Mind/Body Medicine and
the Art of Self-Care.” Counselors in this course engaged in meditation,
yoga, qigong, and conscious relaxation exercises. Counselors reported
reduced stress and improvements in their work with clients as a result of
the course. Likewise, Singh and colleagues (2006) studied the effects of a
12-week mindful parenting course for parents with autistic children. They
found that mothers not only reported additional satisfaction with their
parenting skills, but their children also demonstrated less aggression,
noncompliance, and self-injury after intervention. In a Vancouver study,
children who were taught a mindfulness practice were “less aggressive;
less oppositional toward teachers; more attentive in class; and reported
more positive emotions, including more optimism” than those who were
not (Schonert-Reichl & Lawlor, 2010). Smalley (2008) also reported posi-
tive results from teaching mindfulness practices to teenagers with atten-
tion deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). She found that learning
mindfulness practices reduced their anxiety and increased their ability to
focus.
There is evidence that teaching mindfulness-based techniques to indi-
viduals with temperamental tendencies toward negative emotional states
can be especially effective (Feltman, Robinson, & Ode, 2009). Recent
studies in the field of neuroscience have shown that attention and aware-
ness play a key role in people’s capacity to self-regulate (Feltman, Robin-
son, & Ode, 2009). For example, for children who tend to be highly
reactive, the capacity for self-regulation is impaired. Therefore, teaching
mindfulness strategies to these children, in particular, may help
strengthen self-regulatory skills and mitigate negative emotional out-
comes. To date, few rigorous studies have examined the effects of teach-
ing contemplative practices to educators for the purpose of stress
management. The current study used a rigorous randomized control trial
design and examined not only the effect of the program on teachers but
also on their classroom environments and on their students.
THE PRESENT STUDY

In 2007-2008, the IRP conducted a randomized control trial research
study in New York City (NYC) to examine the effect of the program on
participating teachers and their students.1 Teachers were randomly
assigned to treatment or delayed treatment (control) groups. Teachers in
the treatment group participated in the intervention (as described below),
while teachers in the control group did not receive any treatment during
the 2007-2008 school year, but were offered services during 2008-2009. It
was hypothesized that the intervention would positively impact teachers’
overall well-being (e.g., perceived stress, mindfulness, coping skills),
which, in turn, would have a positive impact on the climate of their class-
rooms and on their students’ well-being. It was further theorized that stu-
dents’ well-being would also be positively impacted by activities directly
geared for them, such as those in the Building Resilience from the Inside Out
curriculum module.
INTERVENTION
Teachers in the treatment group attended and participated in the follow-
ing activities: yoga classes, the Nurturing the Inner Life (NTIL) Series, a
residential retreat, and training and staff development on using a mind-
fulness curriculum. These activities were designed to support and rein-
force each other.
Treatment group members attended 11 weeks of yoga classes in fall
2007 and 16 weeks of classes in spring 2008. These 75-minute classes
were offered through the leadership of a skilled, certified yoga instructor.
Participants were introduced to a weekly yoga practice with a focus on
stress management and mind-body health. This provided the teachers in
the group a time each week to focus on themselves in an atmosphere of
safety and relaxation.
For the Nurturing the Inner Life (NTIL) Series, teachers who were
receiving treatment gathered for 2.5 hours monthly from October 2007 to
June 2008 to explore a variety of reflective approaches to help effectively
manage their stress. An atmosphere of warmth and collegiality was actively
cultivated as participants engaged in group dialogue, were taught various
contemplative practices, and recorded their thoughts and feelings in jour-
nals over the course of the series. Each session ended with a shared meal.
Third, treatment group members attended a fall weekend residential
retreat. The retreat was designed to honor the genuine need for rest and
rejuvenation while also introducing educators to practical strategies for
staying calm, strong, and creative within the turmoil and stresses of work
and life. Participants spent the weekend as a caring learning commu-
nity—morning yoga was offered; healthy meals were served; and psycho-
educational workshops on stress management, conflict resolution, and
grief were offered. Teachers were given opportunity for contemplative
practice, and each teacher was offered a body work session by a certified
body work practitioner, a reflection session with a mental health profes-
sional, and an opportunity to talk in large and small groups about the
meaning of their work as educators. Participants were able to take home
powerful and practical tools to continue the work they had begun.
To make a more direct and long-term impact on students, the IRP
worked with teachers to incorporate many of the project’s resiliency-build-
ing tools and techniques into the fabric of their classroom practices. The
program aimed to have the teachers spend the entire first semester of the
school year learning to nurture their own inner lives and then to help teach
what they learned to their students. In January 2008, treatment group par-
ticipants were trained in the use of the IRP’s K–8 curriculum, Building Resil-
ience from the Inside Out. This curriculum module is based on the book,
Building Emotional Intelligence: Techniques to Cultivate Inner Strength in Chil-
dren (Lantieri, 2008). The curriculum worked as a guide for teachers to help
their students learn to calm their minds and relax their bodies, so that they
could be more present for learning in the classroom. A CD that guides stu-
dents through various mindfulness and progressive muscle-relaxation prac-
tices accompanies the curriculum. Each teacher was assigned a staff
developer who made site visits2 to the teachers’ classrooms and provided
on-site support for implementing the lessons and helping teachers to pro-
vide an atmosphere in their classes for creating more caring and calmer
learning communities. Teachers were encouraged to explore all the lessons
in the curriculum module with their students and to find activities that
worked effectively with their class, and practice them daily if possible.
METHODS
Participants
Teachers were recruited to participate in the study through a variety of

methods, including flyers, advertisements in teacher newsletters, and e-
mails to the Inner Resilience community. Recruitment took place over the
course of 5 months prior to the start of the study. After 70 eligible teach-
ers had committed to the study, participants were randomly assigned to
treatment and control conditions. The final teacher sample (i.e., teachers
who completed both pre- and postsurveys) was comprised of 57 teach-
ers—29 in the treatment group and 28 in the control group—from ele-
mentary schools across four of the five NYC boroughs; with the greatest
Table 13.1. Demographic Composition

of the Teacher Sample by Group
Percent
Characteristics Category Treatment Control

Gender Male 3.4 0.0
Female 96.6 100.0
Age 21-30 44.8 53.6

31-40 34.5 17.9
41-50 3.4 14.3
51-60 3.4 7.1
Unknown 13.9 7.1
Ethnicity Hispanic 6.9 10.7
Black 6.9 7.1
White 48.3 50.0
Asian 6.9 3.6
Other/Mixed 3.4 3.6
Unknown 27.6 25.0
concentration coming from Manhattan. Within each study group, teach-

ers’ mean teaching experience was 5.6 years. Additional demographic
information for the teacher sample is included in Table 13.1.
The final student sample was comprised of 855 students—471 in the
treatment group and 384 in the control group. After exploring whether
there were statistically significant initial differences between groups, the
only difference that was found was that there was a higher percentage of
fifth-grade students in the treatment group (31%) than in the control
group (20%), and a higher percentage of third-grade students in the con-
trol group (37%) than in the treatment group (19%). Additional demo-
graphic information for the student sample is shown in Table 13.2.
Instrumentation
Teachers and students from the treatment and control groups com-
pleted a battery of surveys in the fall and spring of the school year. The
surveys were designed to tap participants’ perceptions of their own well-
ness, as well as their perceptions of the classroom climate. Wherever pos-
sible, published instruments with established score reliability and validity
were used in the study. Wellness surveys for teachers included measures to
assess their stress levels (i.e., Perceived Stress Scale [PSS]), coping skills
(i.e., Coping Inventory for Stressful Situations [CISS]), attention/mindful-
Table 13.2. Demographic Composition

of the Student Sample by Group
Percent
Characteristics Category Treatment Control

Grade 3 18.5 36.7
4 46.5 43.0
5 30.6 19.8
Other 4.4 0.5
Gender Male 53.6 46.9
Female 46.5 53.1
Ethnicity Hispanic 47.1 52.1
Black 7.4 24.0
White 13.8 12.8
Asian 31.4 10.9
Native American/Alaskan Native 0.2 0.3
Other English language learners (ELLs) 30.6 22.0
Special education 6.4 16.9
Free or reduced price lunch eligible 42.9 37.2
ness levels (i.e., Mindfulness Attention Awareness Scale [MAAS]), aware-

ness of body sensations and processes (i.e., Body Awareness Questionnaire
[BAQ]), extent of professional satisfaction (i.e., Maslach Burnout Inven-
tory – Educator Survey [MBI-ES] and Professional Quality of Life Scale
[ProQOL]), and the quality of their professional lives and relationships
with their colleagues (i.e., Teacher to Teacher Trust Scale). To assess the
extent to which the classroom climate was influenced, treatment and con-
trol group teachers and their students also completed versions of the
Classroom Climate Inventory in the fall and spring. Classroom climate
was examined in terms of the teacher’s leadership and management style
and the supportiveness of the environment. Student wellness was mea-
sured through a set of scales from the Early Adolescent Temperament
Questionnaire-Revised, Short Form (EATQ-R SF). Scales from the EATQ-
R SF for fifth-grade participants included those measuring aggression,
attention, depressive mood, fear, frustration, pleasure sensitivity, and per-
ceptual sensitivity. A modified version was created for third- and fourth-
grade students. This version was more developmentally appropriate and
included less complex wording, fewer overall items, and a 3-point (rather
than 5-point) response scale. Items for the third- and fourth-grade survey
were adapted from six of the original EATQ-R SF scales, including:
aggression, attention, depressive mood, fear, frustration, and perceptual
sensitivity. Table 13.3 presents key information about each of the instru-
ments utilized in this study.
Table 13.3. Instruments and Scales
N Total Score
Instrument Source Construct Items Item Scale Rangea Interpretation
Teacher Measures
Stress Likert Scale Locally developed Stress 1 1 for “Very low” 1-7 Higher scores indicate greater cur-
to 7 for “Very high” rent perceived stress.
Perceived Stress Scale Cohen, Kamarck, & Stress 10 b 0 for “Never” 0-40 Higher scores indicate greater per-
(PSS) Mermelstein (1983) to 4 for “Very Often” ceived stress.
Body Awareness Shields, Mallory, & Body Awareness 5c 1 for “Not at all true of 1-7 Higher scores indicate greater sensi-
Questionnaire (BAQ) Simon (1989) me” tivity to normal body processes &
to 7 for “Very true of me” sensations.
Coping Inventory for Endler & Parker Task-oriented coping 16 1 for “Not at all” 16-80 Higher scores indicate greater ten-
Stressful Situations (1999) to 5 for “Very much” dency toward task-oriented coping.
(CISS) Emotion-oriented cop- 16 1 for “Not at all” 16-80 Higher scores indicate greater ten-
277
ing to 5 for “Very much” dency toward emotion-oriented cop-

ing.
Avoidance-oriented 16 1 for “Not at all” 16-80 Higher scores indicate greater ten-
coping to 5 for “Very much” dency toward avoidance-oriented
coping overall.
Avoidance coping via 8 1 for “Not at all” 8-40 Higher scores indicate greater ten-
distraction to 5 for “Very much” dency toward avoidance-oriented
coping via distraction.
Avoidance coping via 5 1 for “Not at all” 5-25 Higher scores indicate greater ten-
social diversion to 5 for “Very much” dency toward avoidance-oriented
coping via social diversion.
Mindfulness Atten- Brown & Ryan Mindfulness 15 1 for “Almost always” 1-6 Higher scores indicate greater atten-
tion Awareness Scale (2003) to 6 for “Almost Never” tion to or awareness of what is occur-
(MAAS) ring in the present.
(Table continues on next page)
Table 13.3. (Continued)
N Total Score
Instrument Source Construct Items Item Scale Rangea Interpretation
Professional Quality Stamm (2005) Compassion satisfac- 10 0 for “Never” 0-50 Higher scores indicate greater com-
of Life Scale (Pro- tion to 5 for “Very Often” passion Satisfaction.
QOL) Burnout 10 0 for “Never” 0-50 Higher scores indicate greater burn-
to 5 for “Very Often” out.
Fatigue/secondary 10 0 for “Never” 0-50 Higher scores indicate greater
trauma to 5 for “Very Often” fatigue.
278
Maslach Burnout Maslach, Jackson, & Emotional exhaustion 9 0 for “Never” 0-54 Higher scores indicate greater per-
Inventory – Educa- Leiter (1996) to 6 for “Every day” ceptions of emotional exhaustion.
tor Survey (MBI-ES) Personal accomplish- 8 0 for “Never” 0-48 Higher scores indicate greater per-
ment to 6 for “Every day” ceptions of personal accomplish-
ment.
Depersonalization 5 0 for “Never” 0-30 Higher scores indicate greater per-
to 6 for “Every day” ceptions of depersonalization.
Teacher-to-Teacher Bryk & Schneider Relational trust 4 -2 for “Strongly Dis- -2-2 Higher scores indicate greater rela-
Trust Scale (2002) agree” tional trust among teachers.
to +2 for “Strongly
Agree”
Classroom Climate Developmental Stud- Student autonomy and 10 0 for “Never” 0-4 Higher scores indicate greater stu-
Inventory ies Center (2005) influence in the class- to 4 for “Always” dent autonomy and influence.
room
Classroom Supportive- 14 1 for “Strongly Disagree” 1-5 Higher scores indicate greater class-
ness to 5 for “Strongly Agree” room supportiveness.
Student Measures—5th grade
Classroom Climate Developmental Stud- Student autonomy and 10 0 for “Never” 0-4 Higher scores indicate greater stu-
Inventory ies Center (2005) influence in the class- to 4 for “Always” dent autonomy and influence.
room
Classroom supportive- 14 1 for “Strongly Disagree” 1-5 Higher scores indicate greater class-
ness to 5 for “Strongly Agree” room supportiveness.
Early Adolescent Capaldi & Rothbart Aggression 6 1 for “Almost always 1-5 on Higher scores on each indicate
Temperament Ques- (1992); Ellis & Roth- Attention 6 untrue” each greater aggression, attention,
tionnaire – Revised bart (2001) Depressive mood 6 to 5 for “Almost always factor depressive mood, fear, frustration,
Short Form (EATQ-R Fear 6 true” pleasure sensitivity and perceptual
SF) sensitivity.
Frustration 7
Pleasure sensitivity 3
Perceptual sensitivity 4
Student Measures—5th and 4th grade
Classroom Climate Developmental Stud- Student autonomy and 5 1 for “A little” 1-3 on Higher scores on each indicate
279
Inventory ies Center (2005) influence in the class- to 3 for “A lot” each greater student autonomy and influ-
room scale ence, and greater classroom sup-
Classroom supportive- 8 portiveness.
ness
Early Adolescent Capaldi & Rothbart Aggression 4 1 for “This is not at all 1-3 on Higher scores on each indicate
Temperament Ques- (1992); Ellis & Roth- Attention 5 like me” each greater aggression, attention,
tionnaire – Revised bart (2001) Depressive mood 3 to 3 for “This is a lot like factor depressive mood, fear, frustration,
Short Form (EATQ-R Fear 3 me” and perceptual sensitivity.
SF)
Frustration 5
Perceptual sensitivity 2
a
Total scale scores calculated as per original instruments via summing or averaging across items. bOriginal PSS instrument contains 14 items. cOriginal
BAQ instrument contains 18 items.
Additional analyses were conducted to explore possible links between

the intervention and academic achievement. These analyses examined
data on English language arts (ELA) and mathematics state achievement
test scores as well as average daily attendance (ADA) rates, to test whether
students in the treatment and control groups differed in their growth in
these areas from before the intervention was implemented through the
end of the intervention period. The analyses compared pre- and post-
gains across the two groups (treatment, control), where possible.
Analyses
To determine whether differences existed in the responses of treatment

and control teachers (and their students) from pre- to postsurveys, a series
of repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests were conducted.
In addition to testing for statistical significance, differences between the
groups over time were tested for meaningfulness; that is, whether the dif-
ferences have practical meaning. Effect size (here, Cohen’s d) was calcu-
lated by expressing the magnitude of the gains in terms of standard
deviation units. A gain of more than one third of a standard deviation
(i.e., an effect size of more than 0.33 or less than –0.33) was considered
meaningful.
RESULTS
Results of Between-Group Analyses

(Treatment Versus Control)
Repeated measures statistical analyses indicated that the program had

a statistically significant and meaningful impact for participating treat-
ment teachers (in comparison to control group teachers) on three teacher
wellness factors: reducing teachers’ stress levels (F = 6.592, p = .013),
increasing levels of attention and mindfulness (F = 8.879, p = .004), and
strengthening relational trust with colleagues (F = 4.374, p = .041). Sev-
eral of the comparative changes that did not reach statistically signifi-
cance but possessed moderate to large effect sizes included: stress as
measured by the Perceived Stress Scale (d = 0.33), body awareness (d =
0.35), emotion-oriented coping (d = 0.53), avoidance-oriented coping via
distraction (d = 0.36), and burnout (d = 0.40). These observations point
to areas for further study. Table 13.4 provides a detailed summary of the
results.
Table 13.4. Teacher Wellness Qualities Measured and Results
Treatment Group Control Group ANOVA Cohen’s
Wellness Quality Measured Scale Mean (SD) Mean (SD) (Time*Group) d
Stress Stress Likert Scale Pre = 5.12 (1.03) Pre = 4.61 (1.42) F = 6.592, 0.71
Post = 4.54 (1.36) Post = 5.11 (1.13) p = .013*
Stress PSS Pre = 22.89 (6.17) Pre = 22.48 (7.07) F = 1.470 0.33
Post = 17.43 (6.88) Post = 19.59 (6.00) p = .231
Body awareness BAQ Pre = 4.41 (1.03) Pre = 4.22 (0.98) F = 1.649 0.35
Post = 4.92 (1.04) Post = 4.37 (1.14) p = .205
Task-oriented coping CISS Pre = 55.93 (6.84) Pre = 58.75 (8.44) F = 1.142 0.29
Post = 58.21 (7.36) Post = 59.18 (7.15) P = .290
Emotion-oriented coping CISS Pre = 48.03 (9.26) Pre = 47.86 (9.62) F = 3.803 0.53
Post = 40.68(10.34) Post = 45.29 (11.40) p = .056
Avoidance-oriented coping CISS Pre = 52.71 (9.41) Pre = 48.68 (10.11) F = 0.244 0.13
Post = 52.43 (6.69) Post = 49.43 (10.57) p = .624
Avoidance-coping via distraction CISS Pre = 24.93 (5.47) Pre = 22.39 (5.99) F = 1.760 0.36
Post = 23.86 (5.01) Post = 23.00 (6.37) p = .190
281
Avoidance coping via social diversion CISS Pre = 18.89 (4.76) Pre = 17.75 (4.77) F = 0.279 0.14
Post = 19.64 (2.50) Post = 17.93 (5.44) p = .600
Mindfulness MAAS Pre = 3.64 (0.61) Pre = 3.74 (0.82) F = 8.879 0.81
Post = 4.20 (0.48) Post = 3.80 (0.84) p = .004*
Compassion satisfaction ProQol Pre = 35.93 (6.77) Pre = 33.70 (7.49) F = 0.284 0.14
Post = 35.29 (8.44) Post = 34.19 (8.66) p = .596
Burnout ProQol Pre = 28.61 (4.52) Pre = 26.89 (6.00) F = 2.147 0.40
Post = 24.21 (5.80) Post = 24.74 (5.40) p = .149
Fatigue/secondary trauma ProQol Pre = 18.93 (5.44) Pre = 16.96 (6.62) F = 0.030 0.06
Post = 15.57 (5.29) Post = 13.89 (4.91) p = .864
Emotional exhaustion MBI-ES Pre = 31.07 (8.93) Pre = 29.11 (12.24) F = 0.523 0.20
Post = 24.86 (12.18) Post = 25.15 (12.27) p = .473
Personal accomplishment MBI-ES Pre = 35.50 (7.61) Pre = 31.48 (9.50) F = 0.239 0.13
Post = 37.14 (6.29) Post = 34.15 (7.97) p = .627
Depersonalization MBI-ES Pre = 8.11 (6.17) Pre = 8.67 (6.82) F = 0.207 0.13
Post = 8.21 (7.34) Post = 9.59 (8.31) p = .651
Relational trust Teacher-to-Teacher Pre = 1.17 (0.86) Pre = 1.30 (0.75) F = 4.374 0.57
Trust Post = 1.27 (0.79) Post = 1.07 (0.75) p = .041*
*Indicates p < .05 based on results of repeated measures ANOVA tests.
Table 13.5. Classroom Climate Qualities Measured and Results

Classroom
Climate
Quality Treatment Group Control Group ANOVA Cohen’s
Measured Scale Mean (SD) Mean (SD) (Time*Group) d
Teachers’ Perspective
Student Classroom Pre = 2.07 (0.33) Pre = 1.91 (0.40) F = 1.161 0.29
autonomy Climate Post = 2.26 (0.53) Post = 2.02 (0.44) p = .286
and influence Inventory
Classroom Classroom Pre = 2.71 (0.47) Pre = 2.59 (0.59) F = 0.081 0.09
supportive- Climate Post = 2.79 (0.73) Post = 2.62 (0.59) p = .776
ness Inventory
Third- and Fourth-Grade Students’ Perspective
Student Classroom Pre = 1.66 (0.37) Pre = 1.64 (0.37) F = 24.310 0.41
autonomy Climate Post = 1.78 (0.42) Post = 1.60 (0.37) p < .001*
ness Inventory
Fifth-Grade Students’ Perspective
Student Classroom Pre = 1.51 (0.66) Pre = 1.88 (0.54) F = 0.098 <0.01
autonomy Climate Post = 1.45 (0.58) Post = 1.85 (0.51) p = .755
ness Inventory
Changes in classroom climate were assessed through the perceptions of

both participating teachers and their students. A series of repeated mea-
sures analyses were conducted. The results displayed in Table 13.5 indi-
cate that third- and fourth-grade treatment students’ perceptions of their
autonomy and influence in the classroom increased significantly from
pre- to posttest in comparison to the perceptions of third- and fourth-
grade control students (F = 24.310, p < .001). This comparative gain was
meaningful (d = 0.41). No significant differences were found between the
fifth-grade treatment and control group teachers on any of the classroom
climate measures; likewise, no differences were found between fifth-grade
treatment and control students on these measures.
Repeated measures statistical analyses indicated that third- and fourth-
grade treatment students experienced statistically significant reductions
in their frustration levels from pre- to posttest as compared to the third-
Table 13.6. Student Wellness Qualities Measured and Results

Wellness
Quality Treatment Group Control Group ANOVA Cohen’s
Third- and Fourth-Grade Students
Aggression EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.40 (0.42) Pre = 1.56 (0.53) F = 0.004 < 0.01
Post = 1.44 (0.43) Post = 1.60 (0.52) p = .949
Attention EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.77 (0.26) Pre = 1.73 (0.33) F = 0.362 0.06
Post = 1.76 (0.26) Post = 1.75 (0.30) p = .547
Depressive EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.68 (0.48) Pre = 1.75 (0.53) F = 1.142 0.09
mood Post = 1.68 (0.49) Post = 1.71 (0.53) p = .286
Fear EATQ-R SF Pre = 2.22 (0.45) Pre = 2.22 (0.51) F = 0.054 < 0.01
Post = 2.15 (0.51) Post = 2.14 (0.50) p = .817
Frustration EATQ-R SF Pre = 2.05 (0.47) Pre = 2.12 (0.47) F = 4.854 0.18
Post = 1.99 (0.47) Post = 2.15 (0.50) p = .028*
Perceptual EATQ-R SF Pre = 2.31 (0.57) Pre = 2.27 (0.59) F = 0.680 0.06
sensitivity Post = 2.36 (0.58) Post = 2.37 (0.57) p = .410
Fifth-Grade Students
Aggression EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.45 (0.84) Pre = 0.91 (0.71) F = 0.242 0.06
Post = 1.36 (0.80) Post = 0.78 (0.63) p = .623
Post = 3.02 (0.52) Post = 3.35 (0.48) p = .174
mood Post = 1.94 (0.74) Post = 1.79 (0.56) p = .301
Fear EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.92 (0.78) Pre = 1.97 (0.81) F = 0.308 0.06
Post = 1.62 (0.87) Post = 1.61 (0.74) p = .579
Frustration EATQ-R SF Pre = 2.42 (0.72) Pre = 2.15 (0.74) F = 0.062 < 0.01
Post = 2.28 (.74) Post = 1.99 (0.80) p = .803
Pleasure EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.84 (1.07) Pre = 2.38 (1.01) F = 0.011 < 0.01
and fourth-grade control students (F = 4.854, p = .028), though this dif-

ference was not considered meaningful as indicated by the computed
effect size (d = 0.18). No other statistically significant or meaningful dif-
ferences between treatment and control group students’ growth were
identified. Table 13.6 provides a summary of these results.
Statistically significant differences in 2008 ELA and mathematics
achievement were found between treatment and control group students in
Table 13.7. Student Academic Outcomes Results

Treatment Group Control Group ANOVA Cohen’s
Mean (SD) Mean (SD) (Time*Group) d
Average Daily Attendance (ADA)
Third grade Pre = 97.63 (3.16) Pre = 92.05 (6.35) F = 0.617 0.11
Post = 97.67 (3.40) Post = 92.50 (6.25) p = .433
Fourth grade Pre = 95.53 (4.05) Pre = 93.82 (6.09) F = 1.410 0.06
Post = 95.78 (4.16) Post = 94.48 (5.26) p = .236
Fifth grade Pre = 94.61 (5.96) Pre = 95.51 (4.08) F = 0.414 0.09
Post = 94.67 (4.88) Post = 95.86 (3.75) p = .520
New York State English Language Arts (NYSELA) Achievement Test – Scale Score
Third gradea 664.72 (22.36) 648.15 (35.17) t = 4.533 0.53
p < .001*
Post = 672.35 (39.35) Post = 655.87 (30.86) p = .685
Fifth grade Pre = 660.70 (31.26) Pre = 678.41 (40.91) F = 6.200 0.31
Post = 663.52 (21.89) Post = 690.40 (46.49) p = .013*
New York State Mathematics (NYS Math) Achievement Test – Scale Score
Third gradea 707.84 (32.51) 676.95 (30.026) t = 7.508 1.00
p < .001*
Post = 695.45 (40.44) Post = 676.75 (39.58) p = .507
Fifth Grade Pre = 678.96 (35.20) Pre = 704.52 (35.38) F = 0.191 0.06
Post = 679.15 (31.04) Post = 706.20 (35.97) p = .662

a
NYC students do not begin achievement testing until third grade; therefore, no preinter-
vention data are available for this outcome.
third-grade, with treatment students significantly outperforming control

group students (t239 = 4.533, p < .001 for ELA; t248 = 7.508, p < .001 for
math). These differences were also found to be meaningful (d = 0.53 and
d = 1.00, respectively). The analyses did not include initial differences in
achievement, however, as preintervention data were not available for
third-grade students.3 No other educationally meaningful differences
were found for other subject areas or grade levels, although a statistically
significant difference was found for fifth-grade ELA achievement, in the
direction opposite of that hypothesized.4 Table 13.7 provides a summary
of the academic outcome findings.
Results of Within-Group Analyses (Treatment Only)

In addition to testing for differences between treatment and control
groups, variations within the treatment group were examined so that dif-
ferential impacts of the intervention could be explored, including the
possibility that the intervention had a differential impact for students who
might be considered “high risk” in comparison to the rest of the sample.
These “high risk” students were identified through their scores on the
pretest (i.e., students who scored particularly high or low on measured
wellness5 factors as defined below) and, therefore, may be considered
temperamentally predisposed to responding maladaptively to stress. To
identify these students, the following procedure was followed: for all neg-
ative wellness factors (e.g., aggression, frustration, depressive mood), a
cutoff score of one standard deviation above the mean pretest score was
established. All treatment students with pretest scores above this cutoff
were identified as “high-risk” on that particular factor. For all positive
wellness factors (e.g., attention, perceptual sensitivity, pleasure sensitiv-
ity), a cutoff score of one standard deviation below the mean presurvey
score was established. All treatment students with pretest scores below this
cutoff were identified as “high-risk” on that particular factor.
Repeated measures analyses conducted to examine the equality of means
across “high-risk” status groups and time revealed that, in almost all cases,
significantly greater treatment effects were observed for the “high-risk”
treatment student group than for the non-high-risk group. For all measured
student wellness factors for third- and fourth-grade students and for five of
the six measured student wellness factors for fifth-grade students, “high-
risk” treatment students were found to have made significantly greater
gains from pre- to posttest than their non-high-risk treatment student
counterparts. Table 13.8 provides a summary of these findings.
It is important to consider two statistical phenomena that may poten-
tially limit the severity of these findings: regression to the mean and restric-
tion of range. The statistical phenomenon known as regression to the mean
states that if participants are assessed on two successive occasions, samples
far from the mean on the first occasion will tend to be closer to the mean
on the second occasion. In addition, at least some of the found difference
must be attributed to the issue of restriction of range associated with inten-
tionally selecting out students with high or low scores, as the restricted
range of scores allows little room to change in one direction.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Overall, this study provides important findings for the educational com-
munity. The results indicate that teachers perceived lower levels of stress
Table 13.8. Summary Table for High-Risk Analyses

Student
Wellness
Quality High-Risk Non-High-Risk ANOVA Cohen’s
Third- and Fourth-Grade Students
Post = 1.93 (0.53) Post = 1.37 (0.35) p < .001*
Post = 1.67 (0.27) Post = 1.78 (0.25) p < .001*
mood Post = 2.02 (0.54) Post = 1.62 (0.46) p < .001*
Post = 2.55 (0.35) Post = 2.10 (0.51) p < .001*
Post = 2.31 (0.43) Post = 1.92 (0.45) p < .001*
Perceptual EATQ-R SF Pre = 1.38(0.22) Pre = 2.51 (0.40) F = 67.554 1.59
sensitivity Post = 2.00 (0.61) Post = 2.44 (0.55) p < .001*
Fifth-Grade Students
Post = 1.95 (0.73) Post = 1.18 (0.73) p < 0.001*
Post = 2.77 (0.43) Post = 3.19 (0.52) p < .001*
mood Post = 2.69 (0.62) Post = 1.78 (0.66) p = .015*
Post = 2.56 (0.64) Post = 1.46 (0.80) p = 0.086
Post = 2.82 (0.74) Post = 2.14 (0.68) p = .002*
Sensitivity Post = 2.30 (0.85) Post = 2.55 (0.75) p < .001*
Pleasure EATQ-R SF Pre = 0.29 (0.32) Pre = 2.19 (0.85) F = 20.039 0.76
sensitivity Post = 0.94 (0.91) Post = 1.86 (0.96) p < .001*
after their participation in the program. Although the general stressful

external circumstances that initially caused the teachers who joined the
study did not change, teachers who participated in the program neverthe-
less experienced significantly reduced feelings of stress. Additionally, they
experienced increased mindfulness and improved relationships with col-
leagues. In effect then, one might argue that the teachers who partici-
pated in the program were able to adopt a more resilient mind-set by

learning to apply stress management strategies and coping skills to alter
their internal responses to environmental stressors, and to call on the sup-
port of colleagues when necessary. Given that one of the key reasons that
the teaching profession is so stressful is that teachers often are isolated,
the results that indicate that participants feel more connected to their col-
leagues are particularly promising. According to Murray (2005), the abil-
ity of new teachers to foster positive relationships with their students and
their colleagues can be the fundamental difference in whether they per-
sist in their teaching careers, and the most important factor for schools to
consider with regard to retention is the quality of the relationships
between new teachers and their colleagues. Evidence shows that teachers
who perceive a high level of relational trust with their colleagues may be
better equipped to manage their environment. Furthermore, Bryk and
Schneider (2002) found that schools that are high in relational trust are
more likely to make improvements in student achievement.
The present study also examined the impact of changes in teachers on
the climate of the classrooms and to the wellness of their students. There
is evidence that changes in the well-being of teachers can create classroom
environments in which students have more autonomy and influence.
This, in turn, can increase students’ sense of engagement, creating a
greater feeling of community in treated teachers’ classrooms. Further-
more, changes in the teachers, along with direct intervention through the
use of the curriculum, can reduce students’ levels of frustration. Although
these results are interesting and important to note, the brief nature of the
intervention may have impacted the magnitude of the findings. The
results indicate that the impact on classroom climate and on students’
wellness is not as vast as the impact on the teachers themselves. This may
be because the intervention for the teachers was stronger in both proxim-
ity and duration than for the students. Increasing the strength and, more
importantly, the duration of the intervention would likely increase the
impact that the program could have on teachers’ classrooms’ climate and
their students’ wellness.
The within-treatment analyses provided the most useful results with
regard to effectiveness of the program on specific populations. Analyses
comparing “high-risk” students to the rest of the treatment group suggest
that the most vulnerable students may gain the greatest benefits from the
program. That is, teaching strategies for better self-regulation to children
who are temperamentally highly reactive may be especially helpful to
them in counteracting maladaptive coping responses. These results for
students are consistent with previous research with adults, which found
that mindfulness-based practices are particularly successful at increasing
the capacity for positive coping in adults who have temperaments that
tend toward negative mind-states (Feltman, Robinson, & Ode, 2009).

These findings are important considering the difficulties these students
may face and the low rates of success they often have in school. Early
intervention with these “high-risk” children may indeed give them usable
strategies to more effectively cope with stress. In addition, the findings
support earlier research, which tells us that children with a wider range of
possible responses to stress have increased protective factors in the face of
trying life circumstances (Carson & Bittner, 1994).
Results of analyses of academic outcome data did not support a link
between the intervention and academic gains. No statistically significant
differences were found between groups on pre- and postgains in ELA or
math achievement test scores or in attendance rates. With such a short
intervention period, especially for program activities directly aimed at
students, academic impacts were not expected to be large. In general,
however, more research should be conducted on the relationship between
social emotional outcomes and academic outcomes.
Notwithstanding the multiple important findings, this study had a
number of methodological limitations. For instance, the study had limited
statistical power due to the sample size. Also, despite random assignment
of teachers to treatment condition, some initial differences existed
between the treatment and control group teachers and their students. It is
also necessary to note three possible limitations of the instrumentation:
(a) the teacher presurvey was retrospective (i.e., the effect of asking teach-
ers to think back to how they were feeling in the previous June when they
completed the presurvey), (b) all instruments were self-perception (i.e.,
self-report) surveys, and (c) the student survey used in this study was com-
prised of select sections of a published survey (that were altered in the
third- and fourth-grade version), rather than a complete battery. Finally, it
should be considered that the duration and strength of treatment may
need to be increased to see certain changes in student wellness across all
grades. That is, treatment may need to be introduced at the beginning of
the school year rather than midyear, and it may take more time for
changes in teachers’ wellness to reach the classroom and affect individual
students.
While this study provided interesting and important preliminary
results, much research remains to be done. For example, further research
is needed to examine whether increased strength and duration of treat-
ment would demonstrate greater impact. It is also important to explore
whether these results can be generalized to other groups of teachers,
including those outside of the NYC area. Future research also could
include preassessments of adults’ levels of resilience and could examine
the impact of the program on individuals who begin treatment with vary-
ing levels of resilience. Finally, as mentioned earlier, more research is
needed to examine the relationship between social emotional and aca-

demic outcomes for students.
Overall, this study found that engagement in contemplative practices
has positive effects on the health and well-being of teachers, that these
effects may extend to their students through direct and indirect interven-
tions, and that this impact may be especially pronounced for students who
are at risk of reacting to stress in ways that are destructive. Given the chal-
lenges teachers and students face today, mindfulness-based educational
practices hold promise to provide the space, time and skills needed for
building teachers’ resilience in the face of challenging experiences.
NOTES
1. Funded by the Fetzer Institute.

2. Teachers were offered two site visits by the trainer during the spring. In
some cases, only one visit was made
3. New York City students do not begin achievement testing until third grade.
4. This finding may be due to the larger proportion of identified English lan-
guage learners (ELL) in the treatment group (31%) than the control group
(22%).
5. Scale scores from EATQ-R SF.
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CHAPTER 14
PERSONALITY HARDINESS
AS A PATHWAY TO
RESILIENCE UNDER
EDUCATIONAL STRESSES
Salvatore R. Maddi
There has been increasing emphasis on resilience under stressful

circumstances, along with the attempt to understand why some people are
more resilient than others (Bonanno, 2004; Maddi, 2005). Most of the
emphasis has been on not losing one’s performance and health, despite the
stresses. But, there has also been some attention to not just surviving, but also
thriving under stress. A particular example of this is personality hardiness,
which has emerged as a pattern of learned attitudes and skills that helps in
turning stressful circumstances from potential disasters into growth
opportunities that enhance both performance and health (cf., Maddi, 2002;
Maddi, 2005). As this chapter emphasizes, assessment and training of
hardiness is especially relevant in the educational context, for both students
and teachers.
LIFE AS AN INHERENTLY STRESSFUL PHENOMENON
The conceptual framework for hardiness as the pathway to resilience

derives mainly from existential psychology (Frankl, 1960; May, Angel, &

pp. 293–313
294 S. R. MADDI
Ellenberger, 1958). In this approach, life is presumed to be an ongoing

stressful phenomenon, due to the continually changing, unpredictable,
and demanding developmental process. This process begins with our
being pushed out of our mother’s womb, and forced to begin breathing
for ourselves, in the cold, bright, noisy environment we had never antici-
pated. This experience was called the “birth trauma” by Rank (1929). As
part of this developmental period you try to understand and interact with
other people and the environment, without hurting oneself, despite being
mystified. But, you fail frequently, as you crawl around and bang into
things, feel too cold or warm, experience being overwhelmed or alone.
And, if these experiences make you cry, or express anger, you may be
silenced or chastened by others.
No sooner do you make some progress in dealing with this early pat-
tern of trauma, than you have to leave what had hopefully (through what
you have learned) become your safe-house, in order to go to school. What
this means is that, for many years to come, you will be engulfed by stresses
related to your formal and informal education. You cry when your mother
leaves you off at kindergarten, and you have to somehow interact with
other children, who do not have your interests at heart, a teacher, who
imposes rules and regulations on you, and a curriculum, which requires
that you keep learning new things all the time. And, even if you are fortu-
nate to find some friends, interact cooperatively with teachers, and get at
least reasonably good grades, as soon as you feel you have learned some-
thing, the situation changes again. Even if your family continues to live in
the same place, you will go from school to school, changing teachers,
friends, and curricula in the process.
These stressful school experiences continue through high school and
college, and become even harder to deal with, as you are increasingly sep-
arated from your parents and safe-house. Before you realize it, you have
reached the age wherein you are expected to begin considering what your
adult life will be like. You must seriously consider what kind of career, new
family, and role in society you will have. Shall you just have sex with any-
one who is attractive, or should you be using all your resources (including
sex) to find the right person to marry? Should you just take whatever job
is available to you, or struggle to find and prepare for the career that best
expresses your skills, values, and preferences? By this time, you are also
more responsible for your own consumer behavior. What brands of cloth-
ing, cars, food, beverages, and equipment should you buy, and how much
should you spend on these things? Should you just fit into society, or
determine the role that is best for you? And, how should you feel about
the reactions of your parents in all this? Needless to say, the period of
education in early adulthood is without doubt stressful.
Personality Hardiness 295
Nor, as time goes on, does the period of middle adulthood become less
stressful. If you marry someone, and start a family, before you know it, you
are struggling to help your children and spouse with their stressful cir-
cumstances. How can you be a good parent and spouse, and still keep try-
ing to find your own place in life? And, if you have difficulties in your
marriage, should you divorce, just have affairs, or is there some more con-
structive alternative? If you have not married, how do you face all the
issues of adulthood alone?
Moving on to later adulthood is hardly less stressful. By then, your
peers and members of your family of origin are showing signs of deterio-
rating health, or actually dying, to say nothing about the health problems
you may be having. You begin looking back on your life, and wondering if
it was a sufficient expression of your wishes, values, and capabilities. You
retire, and wonder what you should do with yourself, whether there really
is an after-life, and whether your struggle in life was all worth it.
And, as if the ongoing stressfulness of the natural developmental pro-
cess were not enough, the period of time and society in which we live may
well impose additional stresses on us. At the present time, there are sev-
eral megatrends increasing the stressfulness of everyday living, both while
going to school and beyond that. For example, we have experienced
breathtakingly fast technological advance, starting with computers, and
progressing through the internet and the telecommunications industry.
Whereas the upside of this megatrend has been much greater ability to
communicate, solve problems, and bring about new areas of functioning,
the downside is the difficulty for many people of participating in, much
less contributing to this technological advance. This stressful circum-
stance has been typified as pressure for social networking on the internet.
Another ongoing megatrend of our time is globalization. Its upside is
our greater knowledge of, and interaction with people all around the
world. But, the downside constituted by globalization to societies and
communities is the threat to their values of right and wrong, and to their
stability. Terrorism is one expression of this sense of threat, as some soci-
eties feel that the only way they can protect themselves from imposition
from more powerful societies is to undermine them in subtle ways, rather
than on the battlefield. And, less powerful members of the powerful soci-
eties may also be undermined, as globalization encourages companies to
outsource jobs to other countries where pay is lower. For that matter, even
relatively powerful members of the powerful societies may experience
increasing levels of stress. I did counseling several years ago with an
American venture capitalist who was increasingly stressed and anxious at
having to do business with people in other countries, whose values and
aims he did not know, and whom he would never even meet.
296 S. R. MADDI
In our time, another downside of rapid technological advance and

emerging globalization is the megatrend of mounting, worldwide compe-
tition. The days are over when we could carry on work within our own
country and its economy. Now, there is worldwide competition for the best
products at the best prices. The upside of this is that many foreign coun-
tries are participating further in our economy, not only by buying our
products, but also by contributing technological advances to our produc-
tion system. Ireland, India, and China, for example, have improved their
economies significantly in recent years by having their young workers
become expert in writing computer software programs and selling them
to us at competitive prices. The downside of all this is that some of our
companies (and their workers) are floundering, as they cannot lower their
prices and salaries enough to be whole. And, all this is happening in the
democratic United States at just the time when the pressure for equal
opportunities for women and minorities in the workplace has mounted.
The upside of this is less discrimination in the job market. But, the down-
side is decreased job security. An additional factor in increasing job inse-
curity is our aging population. As people live longer, they are retiring
from work at later ages than before, which is making it harder for younger
people to find the jobs they want.
Another megatrend being experienced now on a worldwide basis is
economic downturn. Crucial companies in the United States are being
subsidized, but there are still an increasing number of job losses and com-
pany foreclosures going on. This has led to less money being spent by
consumers, and the resulting further slowdown of businesses.
Needless to say, the trickle-down effect of these megatrends is impos-
ing stresses on individuals that add to the more natural stress of the devel-
opmental process. These days, companies are constantly reorganizing,
merging, closing down, and even starting up. As jobs and job security are
decreasing, company loyalty is down, and employers are hard pressed to
keep and attract the best staff, and bring out the best in their ongoing
staff.
In summary, the combination of ongoing developmental requirements,
and imposed megatrends, makes living a continual experience of stressful
changes that is quite consistent with the existential assumption that life is
by its nature a stressful phenomenon. As depicted in Figure 14.1, the
overall level of stress impacting you determines your level of strain, which
is your body’s general arousal level. The evolutionary basis for this phe-
nomenon harks back to when our immediate stresses tended to be larger
and more vicious animals confronting us, so we needed to immediately
increase the sugar in our bloodstreams, so that we could have the mental
and muscular capability to fight or run away (Cannon, 1929). Now, even
though our stresses tend to be more subtle and psychosocial than that, the
Figure 14.1. The Hardiness model.
strain response remains the same in nature. Typical signs of mounting

strain are rapid heart beat, stomach upset, muscular aches and pains,
headaches, irritability, impatience, depression, anxiety, and memory and
concentration loss. Also depicted in Figure 14.1 is the breakdown process
that takes place when strain levels are too intense and prolonged, a phe-
nomenon shown in the award-winning research of Selye (1976). In
humans, this breakdown process can undermine performance, health,
education, social relationships, and consumer behavior. Figure 14.1 fur-
ther indicates that these signs of breakdown will tend to take place along
the lines of our genetic weaknesses.
THE PHENOMENON OF RESILIENCE
Fortunately, there is also evidence that the degree of performance and

health deterioration under stress varies among individuals. This phenom-
enon of resilience involves at least surviving, but perhaps also thriving
under stress (Bonanno, 2004; Maddi, 2002). Important, as a pathway to
resilience, is the pattern of attitudes and strategies constituting hardiness
298 S. R. MADDI
that is emphasized in this chapter, and depicted in the rest of Figure 14.1.
The overall emphasis of hardiness is that trying to avoid and deny the
stresses one is experiencing leads nowhere. Instead, it is incumbent upon
people to recognize stresses clearly, and have the courage and strategies
to turn them from potential disasters into personal growth opportunities.
Hardy Attitudes as Existential Courage
As depicted in Figure 14.1, the three hardy attitudes (3Cs) are commit-
ment, control, and challenge, which together constitute existential courage
(Harvey, 2004; Maddi, 1998). If you are strong in commitment, you believe
that, however stressful things get, it is important to stay involved with the
people and events in your experience. It seems wasteful to let yourself
shrink into isolation and alienation. If you are strong in control, you believe
that, however stressful things get, it is important to keep trying to have an
influence on the outcomes going on around you. It seems wasteful to let
yourself sink into passivity and powerlessness. If you are strong in chal-
lenge, you believe that stressful circumstances are normal in living, and con-
stitute an opportunity to learn from your experiences, whether they are
positive or negative. It seems naïve to you to think that you are entitled to
easy comfort and security, in order for your life to be considered worthwhile.
These 3Cs of hardiness are considered to interact with each other to
produce the existential courage and motivation to do the hard work of
turning stressful circumstances to your advantage. You do not consider
life to be easy, and recognize that there are both successes and failures
along the way. Your emphasis is what you can do to facilitate your prog-
ress, and learn from what you do. Engaging in this facilitative process
leads you to be continually more convinced that life’s successes and fail-
ures are what you make of them, and that in this process you continue to
grow in wisdom and fulfillment (Maddi, 2002).
Hardy Strategies as Facilitators of Development
Figure 14.1 summarizes three hardy strategies that are useful is turning
stressful circumstances from potential disasters into growth opportunities.
All of them involve hard work, and that is why the courage and motivation
constituted by the hardy attitudes is important in bringing these strate-
gies into use (Maddi, 2002, 2004).
Further, as depicted in Figure 14.1, the most basic and direct of the
hardy strategies is hardy (problem solving) coping (Khoshaba & Maddi,
2004). This involves perceiving stresses accurately and fully, figuring out
what is the most advantageous thing to do under the circumstances, and

carrying out the resulting, decisive plan of action to resolve the stress and
improve one’s performance, health, and wisdom in the process. This
hardy coping is the most direct and effective way of decreasing stress and
strain levels, and hence, encouraging enhancement of performance and
health. In this, hardy coping is dramatically at variance with the more
regressive coping efforts that involve either denial and avoidance, or see-
ing oneself as the victim and striking back. At the mental level, neither
denial nor victimization leads to learning and wisdom. And, at the action
level, neither avoidance nor striking back improves one’s living.
Also important, though somewhat less direct, is the practice of hardy
(healthy) self-care, which moderates strain levels without directly resolv-
ing the stressful circumstances that produced them (Khoshaba & Maddi,
2004). As shown in Figure 14.1, this involves engaging in a healthy pat-
tern of relaxation, eating, and exercise that is most likely to keep strain
levels low enough to facilitate the hard work of hardy (rather than regres-
sive) coping, and help in avoiding breakdowns in performance and
health. The opposite pattern of unhealthy avoidance of or preoccupation
with stresses and strain is enhanced by “stress eating” of sweet and fatty
foods, not practicing ways to relax when needed, and avoiding physical
exercise, all of which continue the strain levels that are excessive enough
to discourage problem-solving coping efforts.
The other important hardy strategy shown in Figure 14.1 is socially
supportive interactions with significant others (Khoshaba & Maddi,
2004). In order to continue to deepen one’s relationships with people
important in your life, such as family members, friends, coworkers, neigh-
bors, and fellow members of your community organizations, you need to
engage with them in a mutual pattern of giving and getting assistance
and encouragement in solving the stressful circumstances of living. This
socially supportive pattern of interaction is quite different than interact-
ing with significant others by being destructively competitive (whether
overtly, or covertly), or stultifyingly overprotective, all of which let con-
flicts fester. After all, the message to significant others, if you are compet-
itive or overprotective, is that you are better than them. In contrast, trying
to be mutually assisting and encouraging instead sends the message that
you are together in dealing with life’s stresses.
IMPLICATIONS OF HARDINESS FOR

SCHOOL PERFORMANCE AND QUALITY OF LIFE
As indicated above, school is to be regarded as an inherently stressful phe-
nomenon for the students and teachers going through it. Students are
continually immersed in new experiences, as a way of requiring that they
300 S. R. MADDI
engage in new learning all the time. In this continual learning process,
students are always evaluated as to the effectiveness of their performance,
and in this way, often consider themselves in competition with each other.
Adding to the stressfulness of education is the process of graduating from
one school, and having to compete for admission to the next, higher-level
school. Needless to say, this process is also stressful as it involves reaching
at least tentative conclusions as to how this schooling process fits into and
will define one’s emerging career goals. All along, the interaction with
other students is not only who will do best in school, but also who one may
want to befriend or feel romantic toward, and how this will influence one’s
quality of life.
Teachers are also undergoing continual stresses, as they must try to
instruct their students, evaluate their performance, and help them in the
overall developmental process of growing up. In this complex process,
teachers are also evaluated by their supervisors and peers, all of whom
must continually try to improve their functioning as educators.
Students and teachers who are low in the existential courage consti-
tuted by the hardy attitudes will lack the motivation to do the hard work
of turning educational stressors from potential disasters into growth
opportunities. This insufficient hardiness will lead to denial and avoid-
ance. As to denial, students and teachers will fail to accept the inherently
stressful process of interacting with school as a constantly changing envi-
ronment aimed at enhancing what is learned. Rather, such students and
teachers will just accept what is happening in as conventional and unim-
portant a way as possible. Despite this attempt at denial, students and
teachers who are low in hardiness attitudes will nonetheless show signs of
strain (e.g., negative emotions, physiological arousal). As to avoidance,
students and teachers low in hardiness may distract themselves from the
inherent stressfulness of the educational process by engaging in adventur-
ous behaviors, such as alcohol or drug abuse, excessive spending, gam-
bling, dangerously fast driving, or sexual promiscuity. Even if they do not
function adventurously, students and teachers low in hardiness will
involve themselves in more conventional behaviors, such as TV watching,
to such extreme degrees that they are distracted from the stresses they
want to avoid. Thus, in school, students low in hardiness will learn less
well, and teachers low in hardiness will teach less well.
In contrast, students and teachers high in the existential courage of
hardiness will have the motivation to do the hard work involved in turn-
ing school stresses to advantage in the learning process. Specifically, they
will engage in Hardy (problem-solving) coping, Hardy (socially support-
ive) interactions with others, and Hardy (beneficial) self-care. As to cop-
ing, they will put each stress into a broader perspective, deepen their
understanding of it, and formulate and apply an action plan that can lead
to learning and growth. Because of this emphasis on problem-solving

coping, students and teachers high in hardy attitudes will show clear rec-
ognition of the stressful nature of the education process, but will not expe-
rience undermining strain levels (e.g., negative emotions, physiological
arousal). As to social interactions, they will identify existing conflicts with
others, and try to resolve them by engaging in a pattern of giving and get-
ting assistance and encouragement. As to self-care, they will not permit
themselves to give into “stress eating,” and will use relaxation and physi-
cal activity exercises regularly. This pattern of hardy attitudes and strate-
gies will maximize their awareness of, and learning from schooling
circumstances, and help them to see themselves as involved in interactive
rather than competitive activities, and keep their physical arousal at levels
consistent with these contemplative processes.
WHERE DOES HARDINESS COME FROM?
Although it is possible that the attitudes and strategies of hardiness have

some biological underpinning, it is much more likely that they are
learned (Khoshaba & Maddi, 1999; Maddi, 2002). When you are a young-
ster, what is important in hardiness development is how your parents and
other significant adults (e.g., teachers, relatives) interact with you. Specifi-
cally, it is important that your parents and significant adults encourage
you to recognize that life is an ongoing stressful phenomenon, and that
what is important is what you learn from your efforts to turn the stresses
to your advantage. In this, you must be encouraged to learn not only from
your successes, but failures as well. Parents need to persist in this process
of giving assistance and encouragement to their children, rather than
overprotecting, and/or punishing them (Khoshaba & Maddi, 1999;
Maddi, 2002).
This consistent parental approach of assisting and encouraging their
children to stay involved, try to turn stresses to their advantage, and grow
in the process, will lead to hardiness in the youngsters. This initially posi-
tive approach to schooling may well turn on teachers to helping these stu-
dents. As time goes on, these courageous attitudes and effective strategies
will help the youngsters continue to grow and develop. This is depicted in
Figure 14.1 by the arrows that link the hardy attitudes to the hardy strate-
gies going in both directions. By constituting courage and motivation, the
hardy attitudes facilitate the hard work of problem-solving coping,
healthy self-care, and supportive social interactions. But, it is also likely
that once you engage in problem-solving coping, healthy self-care, and
supportive interactions, the feedback that you get from these effective
activities will also enhance your hardy attitudes.
302 S. R. MADDI
It should also be mentioned that it is even possible that teachers may

be able to encourage the development of hardy attitudes and strategies in
young people whose parents did not help them in this way. After all, stu-
dents are involved in the educational system for many years, which is cer-
tainly time enough to help them on the path toward hardiness, even if
their parents did not do this. In order to do this, teachers would have to
be able to rise above the denial and avoidance behavior of low hardiness
students, and help them to change by believing in them, helping them to
accept the stressful nature of living, and dealing with it through problem-
solving, and socially supportive approaches.
INITIAL RESEARCH ON HARDY ATTITUDES AND STRATEGIES
The first demonstration of the power of hardiness was our twelve-year,

natural experiment at Illinois Bell Telephone (IBT) that began in 1975
and continued through 1987 (Maddi, 2002; Maddi & Kobasa, 1984). Each
year in this study, extensive psychological (e.g., interviews, questionnaires)
and medical (e.g., yearly physical examinations) data were collected on
450 managers. At the beginning of the study, the telephone industry was a
federally regulated monopoly, because cheap and reliable telephone ser-
vice was considered in the national interest. But, the United States gov-
ernment decided in 1981 to deregulate telephone service in order to
encourage the competition that has led to our present telecommunica-
tions and computer industry. The upheaval produced by the deregulation
on the companies (one of which was IBT) is still regarded as among the
greatest in corporate history. Examples of this stressful disruption at IBT
included a downsizing of close to 50% from 1981 to 1982, a major and
continual redefinition of job characteristics, and a virtual collapse of job
security. As one manager interviewed in 1982 put it, “I have had 10 differ-
ent supervisors in 12 months. They are in and out the door, and don’t
know what they’re doing. And, I don’t know what I’m doing.”
In the 6 years of the study following the deregulation, roughly two-
thirds of the IBT managers in the research sample were severely dis-
rupted, disoriented, demoralized, and showed health deterioration.
These problems showed up in increased “wear and tear” diseases (e.g.,
heart attacks, strokes), mental disorders (e.g., anxiety, depression), and
performance problems (e.g., violence in the workplace, divorces). But, in
contrast, the other third of the managers showed resilience by not only
surviving, but also thriving, with enhanced performance (e.g., rising to
the top of the heap, starting their own competitive companies) and health
(e.g., feeling greater enthusiasm and energy).
Scrutiny of the psychological data prior to the upheaval that differenti-

ated the managers who survived and thrived from those who were under-
mined by the upheaval supported the hypotheses concerning hardiness as
a pathway to this resiliency under stress. For example, prior to the
upheaval, all managers in the sample were asked, “What is it like to be a
manager in this company?” One manager who was subsequently resilient
had answered, “To be an accepted manager in this company you have to
have a bell-shaped head.” When asked what that meant, he pointed to a
several-volume work on his bookshelf that was published by the parent
company, AT&T. Then he said,
When a problem arises, you don’t think it through on your own. Instead,
you go to the index of these books by Ma Bell, and you are directed to the
part of the books you need to read, which reading tells you exactly what to
do. That’s what I mean by needing to have a bell-shaped head.
Interestingly enough, this manager felt much more energetic after the
upheaval, immersed himself in using his talent to figure out what needed
to be done in the chaotic environment, and rose to the top of his reorga-
nizing company.
The manager used as an example above was characteristic of those who
survived and thrived despite the upheaval. Specifically, the research mea-
sures showed that they were higher than those who deteriorated, follow-
ing the deregulation, in the hardy attitudes of commitment, control, and
challenge, and the hardy strategies of problem-solving coping, socially
supportive interactions, and effective self-care (Maddi, 2002; Maddi &
Kobasa, 1984). Clearly, the IBT data were quite supportive of hardiness
theorizing.
MEASUREMENT OF HARDY ATTITUDES
Since the IBT project, much research has been done on hardiness all
around the world (cf., Maddi, 2002; Maddi & Khoshaba, 2002). One set
of studies has to do with emerging measurement problems concerning the
hardy attitudes (cf. Funk, 1992). In particular, the first hardy attitudes
measure that was developed on working adults (Kobasa, Maddi, & Kahn,
1982), when used with undergraduates, sometimes showed insufficient
intercorrelations of the 3Cs to warrant considering a total score (Hull, Van
Treuren, & Virnelli, 1987; Funk & Houston, 1987). But, later versions of
the hardy attitudes measure seem to have corrected this problem (e.g.,
Maddi, 1997; Maddi, 2002, 2004; Sinclair & Tetrick, 2000). Another
problem is that the first hardy attitudes measure, which was heavily
304 S. R. MADDI
loaded with negatively worded items, appeared from its correlates that it
might be getting at little more than negative affectivity (Hull et al., 1987).
But, later hardy attitudes measures have balanced negatively with posi-
tively worded items. Although these later measures still correlate nega-
tively with indices of negative affectivity, the magnitudes are lower, and
many findings showing their construct validity as measures of existential
courage are available (e.g., Maddi, 2002, 2004; Sinclair & Tetrick, 2000).
Further, Maddi and Khoshaba (1994) have shown that the pattern of neg-
ative relationships between the revised hardy attitudes measure and the
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) scales of psychopa-
thology persists after negative affectivity has been controlled. This study
further showed that, although the hardy attitudes measure is negatively
correlated with neuroticism on the NEO-FFI measure of the five-factor
model of personality, it is also positively correlated with all four of the
other factors (i.e., extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and
openness to experience). Thus, recent hardy attitudes measures are more
than negative affectivity. Interestingly enough, all of the five factors
together only predicted about 25% of the variance of hardiness, suggest-
ing that the latter is not merely a combination of the five-factors as a
depiction of personality.
The most recent hardy attitudes measure, the Personal Views Survey,
third edition revised (PVS III-R), is an 18 item questionnaire showing ade-
quate reliability and validity (Maddi, Harvey, Khoshaba, Lu, Persico, &
Brow, 2006; Maddi, Harvey, Khoshaba, Fazel, & Resurreccion, 2009a;
Maddi & Khoshaba, 2001). This test has been translated into many for-
eign languages. All of the test items use a 4-point rating scale regarding
their personal relevance. Commitment, control, and challenge are each
measured by three positively, and three negatively worded items. Exam-
ples are, for commitment, “I often wake up eager to take on life wherever
it left off ” (positive indicator), and “It’s hard to imagine anyone getting
excited about working” (negative indicator); for control, “When I make
plans, I’m certain I can make them work” (positive indicator), and “Most
of what happens in life is just meant to be” (negative indicator); and for
challenge, “Changes in routine provoke me to learn” (positive indicator),
and “I am not equipped to handle the unexpected problems of life (nega-
tive indicator). Although copies of the PVS III-R are available to research-
ers, the Hardiness Institute, which publishes the test, does not release its
scoring algorithm. Hence, when the researchers administer the test, they
send the resulting item scores to the Hardiness Institute, which scores
them, and provides scale scores for commitment, control, challenge, and
total hardiness, along with relevant reliabilities.
FURTHER CONSTRUCT VALIDATION STUDIES OF

HARDINESS ATTITUDES AND STRATEGIES
Since the completion of the IBT project, there have also been many
construct-validation studies of the role of hardy attitudes in various
aspects of functioning. Many of these studies have used students in educa-
tional settings as the participants, though some have used working adults.
As expected, there is evidence that commitment, control, and challenge
are intercorrelated, but not redundant with each other (Maddi, 1994,
1997; Maddi & Khoshaba, 2001; Sinclair and Tetrick, 2000). In an experi-
ential sampling study (Maddi, 1999), undergraduate participants were
paged at random and asked to report the nature of their ongoing activi-
ties. Results showed a positive relationship between hardy attitudes mea-
sured earlier with the experiential sampling reportage of (1) involvement
with others and ongoing activities (commitment), (2) sense that experi-
ences had been chosen and were influenced by the participants (control),
and (3) the positive process of learning from the circumstances (chal-
lenge). In further studies, most of which used undergraduate participants,
the expected positive correlations have been found between hardy atti-
tudes and the hardy strategies of (1) problem-solving (rather than denial
and avoidance) coping (e.g., Maddi, 1999; Maddi & Hightower, 1999;
Madd et al., 2006, (2) socially supportive (rather than competitive or over-
protective) interactions with others (e.g., Maddi & Kobasa, 1984; Maddi,
Brow, Khoshaba, & Vaitku, 2006), and (3) beneficial (rather than under-
mining) self-care (e.g., Allred & Smith, 1989; Contrada, 1989; Khoshaba
& Maddi, 2004; Maddi, Wadhwa, & Haier, 1996; Weibe & McCallum,
1986).
There are also accumulated findings indicating that hardiness renders
self-confidence and resiliency to people experiencing stressful changes.
For example, hardy attitudes have a buffering effect on both strain and ill-
ness symptoms (e.g., Bartone, Ursano, Wright, & Ingraham, 1989; Har-
vey, 2005; Kobasa, Maddi, & Kahn, 1982; Kuo & Tsai, 1986). Under
stress, hardy attitudes also have an enhancing effect on performance. For
example, positive relationships have been found between hardy attitudes
and subsequent (a) effective sports performance, such as in high-school
varsity basketball players (Maddi & Hess, 1992) and synchronized swim-
ming among women competing in the Olympics (Lancer, 2000), (b) suc-
cess rates in intentionally stressful military officer training, and firefighter
training programs (e.g., Florian, Milkulincer, & Taubman, 1995; Maddi,
Harvey, Giatras, Resurreccion, & Raganold, 2007; Westman, 1990), (c)
retention rate, grade-point-average, and innovativeness in college stu-
dents (Lifton, Seay, & Bushke, 2000; Maddi et al., 2006), (d) leadership in
military officer training school students (Bartone & Snook, 1999), (e)
306 S. R. MADDI
speed of recovery of baseline functioning following the disruption of cul-

ture shock (Atella, 1989; Kuo & Tsai, 1986), (f) protection against post-
traumatic stress and depression disorders when military personnel
encounter life threats while serving abroad (Bartone, 1999), and (h) suc-
cess in entrepreneurial functioning among professionals (Maddi et al.,
2006). Especially consistent with the theorizing that low hardiness leads to
denial and avoidance are findings that there is a negative relationship
between hardiness and (a) physiological measures of arousal when con-
fronted with a strenuous task (Harvey, 2005), (b) objective measures of
repression (Maddi et al., 2006), and (c) self-report and urine-test mea-
sures of excessive alcohol and drug use (Maddi, Wadhwa, & Haier, 1996).
The first two of these studies used undergraduates, and the last used
recent high school graduates.
The emerging research support for hardiness provokes consideration
of its relative effectiveness in enhancing performance and health by com-
parison with other individual-differences variables that are also conceptu-
ally relevant. Actually, some of the studies discussed above permitted
comparison of the effects of hardiness and other potentially predictive
variables, and hardiness tended to be more powerful. For example, Lifton
et al. (2000) found that hardiness is a better predictor of student retention
in college than were either SAT scores or high school academic achieve-
ment rank. Also, Bartone and Snook (1999) found that, in a cohort of
West Point military cadets, hardiness was the best predictor of leadership
behavior over the 4 years of training than were other available measures.
There have also been two studies done so far with the express pur-
pose of comparing hardiness and other relevant factors in their relative
effects on performance and health. One study (Maddi & Hightower,
1999) showed that, in samples of students and working adults, hardi-
ness is a better positive predictor of problem-solving coping, and nega-
tive predictor of avoidance coping, than is optimism. These findings
suggest that optimism may be laced with complacency, whereas hardi-
ness emphasizes the importance of facing stresses and doing the hard
work of turning them to advantage. In the other study (Maddi, Brow,
Khoshaba, & Vaitkus, 2006), hardiness was a better protection against
depression and anger than was religiosity in U.S. Army Officers. The
results showed that when hardiness is strong, religiosity does little to
protect against those negative emotions that connote failure. With
regard to anger, religiosity does have some protective effect, but only
when hardiness is low. Perhaps the problem with religiosity is its strong
emphasis on an ancient God figure and unchangeable credo, rather
than encouraging one to be open to stressful experiences and learning
from trying to turn them to advantage. Needless to say, there needs to
be further studies of the relative effectiveness of hardiness and other

variables conceptualized as useful in living well.
RESEARCH AND PRACTICE ON HARDINESS TRAINING
As indicated earlier, the conceptualization of hardiness indicates that it

can be learned, not only in childhood through interaction with one’s par-
ents, but also in adolescence and adulthood through specific training pro-
cedures (Khoshaba & Maddi, 1999; Maddi & Kobasa, 1984; Maddi,
Khoshaba, Jensen, Carter, Lu, & Harvey, 2002; Maddi, Harvey,
Khoshaba, Fazel, & Resurreccion, 2009b). This position was supported by
the IBT study (Khoshaba & Maddi, 1999) which found that those manag-
ers high in hardiness remembered having had a stressful early life in
which they were supported and encouraged by their parents. In this, they
were identified as the family’s hope, and accepted that role.
That hardiness can be learned in adulthood was empirically supported
by the early form of hardiness training that was developed and tested at
IBT, after the upheaval had occurred (Maddi, 1987). Utilizing 1-hour
weekly group sessions for 10 weeks, hardiness trainers helped managers
to engage in the hardy strategy of problem-solving coping with each of
their specific stressors in turn, and use the feedback from their efforts to
deepen their hardy attitudes. Guided by the trainer, the group members
provided social support by assisting and encouraging their peers in this
process. This first evaluation of the effectiveness of this procedure com-
pared the hardiness training group to a waiting list control group of man-
agers who also wanted to receive the training. This comparison showed
that the hardiness training group had a greater increase in hardiness atti-
tudes, job satisfaction, and feelings of social support, while decreasing in
anxiety, depression, suspiciousness, and blood pressure than did their
peers in the waiting list control group. These findings persisted in a fol-
low-up testing six months later. A second study with IBT managers
(Maddi, Kahn, & Maddi, 1988) compared the effectiveness of hardiness
training to a standard relaxation procedure, and also a social-support pla-
cebo procedure. All trainers conducted all three procedures and showed
no differences in competence. Results indicated that managers in the har-
diness training group showed a greater increase in hardy attitudes and job
satisfaction, and a greater decrease in anxiety, depression, and suspicious-
ness than did managers in either of the other two groups.
Since that time, the hardiness training procedure has expanded to
include exercises that include not only hardy attitudes and problem-solv-
ing coping, but also socially supportive interactions, and effective self-
care (Khoshaba & Maddi, 2004). Recently, a study evaluated the effective-
308 S. R. MADDI
ness of this comprehensive HardiTraining program on the academic per-

formance of high-risk undergraduates in a community college (Maddi et
al., 2002). In this study, two counselors offered hardiness training as a
semester credit course to small, freshman classes. The effectiveness of
HardiTraining was compared to another semester credit course empha-
sizing other facilitative procedures, such as time management and study
skills. Results showed that, by comparison with the control course, the
HardiTraining course led to not only greater increases in hardy attitudes
and strategies, but also to retention in, rather than leaving college.
The HardiTraining procedure has also been researched when offered
as a one-quarter credit course taught by qualified instructors at a large
university (Maddi et al., 2009b). The 349 undergraduates taking this
course were compared to a control group of 378 undergraduates who took
another course taught by the same instructors. Results obtained before
the courses began showed that the experimental and control groups did
not differ in demographics, time in school, GPA, or hardiness attitudes
and strategies. By comparison with the control courses, the HardiTraining
course led to an increase in hardiness attitudes and strategies, and a
decrease in anxiety, depression, and strain. Further, at graduation (six to
twenty-four months later), the students who had taken the HardiTraining
course showed higher increases in GPA than did those who had taken the
control courses instead. Taken together, the studies completed thus far
indicate that HardiTraining is effective in enhancing not only hardiness
attitudes and strategies, but performance and satisfaction as well.
HardiTraining Techniques
The courses mentioned above were based on our HardiTraining work-

book (Khoshaba & Maddi, 2004). This workbook includes narratives on
hardiness, inspirational and troubling examples, specific exercises, and
periodic checkpoints. Its emphasis is on exercising and developing the
hardy strategies of problem-solving coping, socially supportive interac-
tions, and effective self-care, and using the feedback obtained through
these efforts to deepen the hardy attitudes of commitment, control, and
challenge. There is also a comprehensive HardiTraining Program avail-
able for trainees who are functioning on their own, rather than in a course
taught by a Hardiness Trainer.
The first step in the problem-solving coping is for the trainee to make
a list of all the stressful circumstances that are currently being experi-
enced, and have not yet been solved. Then they engage in the following
pattern for each of the stressful circumstances in turn. First, they use “Sit-
uational Reconstruction” (Khoshaba & Maddi, 2004), which is an imagi-
native procedure designed to develop a broader perspective and deeper

understanding of the stressful circumstance, which information then facil-
itates developing an action plan that can make a decisive difference in
turning the stressful circumstance to advantage, and carrying it out.
If Situational Reconstruction does not facilitate successful completion
of these steps, then the trainees are faced with the possibility that they are
suppressing strong negative emotions raised by the stressor in a way that is
stifling imagination. To check out this possibility, trainees are taught to
engage in “Focusing” (Gendlin, 1978), a procedure for reflecting on signs
of emotional upset or strain in one’s body (e.g., chest tension, stomach
upset), and listening to whatever insights emerge. If emotional insights are
obtained through Focusing, this will free up the imagination necessary for
obtaining broader perspective and deeper understanding when one tries
Situational Reconstruction with the stressor again, and this will then per-
mit planning and taking decisive actions to solve the stressful problem.
If neither Situational Reconstruction nor Focusing works, trainees are
permitted to conclude that they have encountered an unchangeable situa-
tion. The training emphasis then shifts to “Compensatory Self Improve-
ment” (Khoshaba & Maddi, 2004), through which trainees protect their
hardy attitudes by avoiding self-pity and bitterness about the world. They
do this compensatory task by finding some other stressful circumstance
that is related in their minds to the unchangeable one, and working on
this other stressor instead, with Situational Reconstruction and, if needed,
Focusing. The conclusion they reach is that, although they cannot change
all stressful circumstances, they are working on the ones they can change,
and this moderates self-pity and bitterness.
In working on each of their stressful circumstances through this overall
process, trainees are also taught how to use the feedback they get from
their efforts at problem-solving coping to deepen their hardy attitudes of
commitment, control, and challenge. The three sources of this feedback
are (a) observations of oneself in action, (b) observations made by others
of one’s actions, and (c) the effects of the actions one takes. Even if not all
the action plans are completely successful, the feedback may well be
enough to deepen the hardy attitudes.
In the social support component of HardiTraining (Khoshaba & Maddi,
2004), trainees evaluate, and improve as necessary, the effectiveness and
value of their interaction networks with such significant others as family
members, coworkers, friends, and loved ones. After making a list of signif-
icant others, trainees apply exercises as to pinpointing conflicts that may
exist with these others, and then the task becomes to resolve the interac-
tional problems. They learn to do this by practicing ways of improving
communication and listening approaches. In this, the hardy coping pro-
cess is helpful in facilitating a mutual pattern of giving and getting assis-
310 S. R. MADDI
tance and encouragement, rather than continuing with destructive

competition or stultifying overprotection. In this process, trainees are also
taught how to use the feedback from their efforts to deepen their hardy
attitudes of commitment, control, and challenge.
The final aspect of HardiTraining is “Beneficial Self-Care” (Khoshaba
& Maddi, 2004), which emphasizes maintaining organismic arousal at an
optimal level for carrying out problem-solving coping and socially sup-
portive interactions, while also avoiding health problems. The exercises
they go through help trainees identify whether their arousal is too high or
too low and take the necessary relaxation, nutrition, and exercise steps to
rectify these problems. Once again, as trainees engage in these steps, they
are shown how to use the feedback they receive to deepen their hardy atti-
tudes of commitment, control, and challenge.
In summary, the overall effect of HardiTraining is to involve the
trainees in their process of interacting with others and the environ-
ment in a manner that recognizes the stressfulness of living, but turns
it from a potential disaster into a growth process. The training makes it
difficult for them to deny and avoid stresses (as if they are entitled to
easy comfort and security), or exaggerate and strike out against them
(as if they are victimized by others and the world). Instead, they turn
stresses to their advantage, and grow in wisdom and fulfillment in the
process.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
There is growing evidence that hardiness assessment and training is

valuable in helping students and teachers be resilient and perform well
in stressful school circumstances. Resources facilitating this certainly
include the group assessment and training procedures already summa-
rized. Now, there are also online procedures for hardiness assessment
and training. Taking the HardiSurvey III-R, and receiving a compre-
hensive assessment report is available at www.HardinessInstitute.com. If
the trainee is not involved in a course with others, he/she can complete
the HardiTraining Program online at www.HardiTraining.coursehost
.com. Although these procedures are certainly helpful for individual
teachers and students, a more concerted involvement of educational
institutions may also be of value. In particular, a HardiTraining course
can be instituted in the school’s academic or counseling curriculum. It
would be useful in such a procedure for some teachers or counselors to
become certified hardiness trainers (see www.HardinessInstitute.com).
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tors in the stress-illness relationship. Health Psychology, 3, 141-155.
Westman, M. (1990). The relationship between stress and performance: The mod-
erating effect of hardiness. Human Performance, 3, 141-155.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Mary Ainley, PhD, is an associate professor in psychological sciences at

the University of Melbourne and has extensive experience teaching
undergraduate students and supervising graduate student research. Her
experience and research interests are in developmental and educational
psychology. Most recently these interests have been applied to investigat-
ing the experience of interest; exploring the psychological processes that
are involved when students engage with (and disengage from) achieve-
ment tasks. This has resulted in the development of software for tracking
students’ choices and affective responses as they are tackling specific read-
ing and problem-solving tasks. The goal of this research is to understand
how to support positive educational experiences for students of all ages.
Michelle Andrews, DED Psych, is the director of the Educational Psychol-

ogy Centre in Melbourne, Australia, and a university lecturer in educa-
tional and developmental psychology. She is registered with the
Psychology Board of Australia and is a member of the Australian Psycho-
logical Society (APS) and the APS College of Educational and Develop-
mental Psychologists. She has worked as an educational and
developmental psychologist in primary, secondary, and tertiary educa-
tional settings, including government schools, independent schools, and
university counseling services. Michelle has a special interest in the rela-
tionship between student well-being and engagement with learning and
has completed a doctorate on this topic. She has presented numerous
workshops for young people and teaching staff in schools and is an
accredited supervisor of educational and developmental psychologists
and school psychologists.
Russell L. Carson, PhD, is an assistant professor in the Department of

Kinesiology at Louisiana State University. He received his degrees at
315
316
Springfield College (BS, 1997), Miami University (MS, 2001), and Purdue
University (PhD, 2006). His research focuses on the psychological pro-
cesses (motivation, stress, burnout) of teachers, and typically includes
mixed methodologies and real-time technologies. His work has been
funded by The Spencer Foundation and the U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services.
Joanne Chan Chung Yan, PhD, is an assistant professor at The Nether-

sole School of Nursing at The Chinese University of Hong Kong. She
received a BA in psychology and Chinese, and an MA in psychology from
Stanford University. She earned her PhD in psychology at The University
of Hong Kong. Her research interest includes self-efficacy, evaluation and
feedback, stress and coping, and conflict resolution.
Nicola Cogan, PhD, is a principle clinical psychologist working in adult

mental health for the National Health Service in Scotland. She completed
her Doctorate in Clinical Psychology at the University of Edinburgh. Prior
to her clinical training she completed a PhD in psychology and social
Work examining the coping behaviors of children affected by parental
mental health problems. Her research interests include understanding
risk and risk taking behaviors, developmental psychopathology, fostering
resilience and coping in vulnerable populations and early intervention for
at-risk mental states.
Melina Condren is a graduate student in social and personality psychology

at York University. She specializes in stress, coping, and social support, with
a particular interest in the use of positive coping resources within margin-
alized populations. Her research examining student stress and well-being
has been presented at national and international conferences.
Craig L. Esposito, PhD, is adjunct professor and assessment director at

Goodwin College, East Hartford, CT. His research interests include school
finance, school choice, access to education, and higher education funding.
Lea Ferrari, PhD, is assistant professor at the Faculty of Psychology, Uni-

versity of Padua, Italy. She is professor of psychology of work inclusion of
persons with disability. She is a member of LaRIOS, a member of the Sci-
entific Board of the Padova University Center for Disability, Treatment
and Inclusion, a member of professors of the postgraduate master course
in school-career counseling and a member of SIO Italian Society for Voca-
tional Guidance. Her professional expertise focuses on training of teach-
ers, health workers, social workers, and psychologists on issues of career
guidance and career counseling, implementation of interventions with at
ABOUT THE AUTHORS 317
risk youths, and career counseling. She is the author of 60 publications

(articles or book chapters). Her school-career counseling research activi-
ties focus on relationships between efficacy beliefs, expectation, interests
and career goals in young and old adolescents and on the setting up of
specific interventions aimed at favoring career planning, self-regulation
and decision making and verification of their efficacy. Her psychology of
disability and rehabilitation research activities focus on quality of life of
persons with disabilities and the investigation of factors associated with
the social and work inclusion and career development of persons with dis-
abilities.
Erica Frydenberg, PhD, is an educational, clinical and organizational

psychologist who practiced extensively in the Australian educational set-
ting as a guidance officer in Victoria before joining the staff of the Univer-
sity of Melbourne in 1990. She is an associate professor in psychology in
the Melbourne Graduate School of Education and a Fellow of the Austra-
lian Psychological Society. Erica has authored and coauthored over 100
academic journal articles and chapters in the field of coping; developed
(with Ramon Lewis) psychological instruments to measure coping; and
developed programs to teach coping skills. She has received numerous
Australian Research Council and philanthropic grants and was the recipi-
ent of the Distinguished Scholar Award of the American Educational
Research Association Special Interest Group Stress and Coping in Educa-
tion (1999); the University of Melbourne Medal for Research Excellence
Faculty of Education Award (2003); and the University of Melbourne
Knowledge Transfer Award (2008).
Esther Greenglass, PhD, is professor of psychology at York University.

She has published widely in the area of gender roles, work-family issues,
coping, burnout and stress. Her work appears in a wide variety of aca-
demic journals. She has written and edited five books including volumes
on emotion and stress and she has contributed 46 invited chapters to sev-
eral volumes and encyclopedias in the areas of teacher stress, work and
family conflict, gender, anger, health-related issues, and burnout. She is
an author or coauthor of over 136 published articles in scientific journals.
She has coauthored The Proactive Coping Inventory, currently on the Inter-
net, which has been translated into 12 languages and is being used inter-
nationally to assess coping skills. Professor Greenglass has presented
papers at international psychology conferences on a variety of subjects
including SARS and stress in nurses, job burnout, worker rage, stress,
well-being, longevity, coping, social support, and gender. She has been
invited to give key-note addresses in Montreal, Japan, Australia, Singa-
pore, Tokyo, Seoul, Melbourne, and Bejing. She has participated in
318
research conferences in all over the world and she has presented over 300
conference papers. Professor Greenglass is a fellow of the American Psy-
chological Association and the Canadian Psychological Association. She
organized and convened the first meeting of the International Society of
Health Psychology in Montreal in 1996 and is an executive member. In
1997, Professor Greenglass received the Section on Women and Psychol-
ogy Award of Distinction from the Canadian Psychological Association. In
2006, she received the Lifetime Career Award from the International
Stress and Anxiety Research Society. Professor Greenglass serves on
numerous academic journal editorial boards.
Susanne M. Harnett, PhD, is a managing senior associate at Metis Associ-

ates, a national research and evaluation firm headquartered in New York
City. Susanne has more than 15 years of experience with program evalua-
tion, research design, field research, qualitative and quantitative method-
ology, sampling methodology, statistical analysis, data maintenance, and
technical writing. She has served as the principal researcher on several
large-scale evaluations of educational programs, including literacy, math-
ematics, arts education, civic education, high school reform, teacher pro-
fessional development, social emotional learning, and after school
programs in the New York City and greater metropolitan area, as well as
in large cities around the country. She has substantial experience in the
design and implementation of research-based evaluations, including ran-
domized and quasi-experimental designs. Susanne has taught college
courses in child development, educational psychology, learning and
behavior, and human development. She holds a PhD in educational psy-
chology from the University of Virginia.
Eden Nagler Kyse, PhD, has 8 years of experience in program evalua-

tion, research design, qualitative and quantitative methodology, statistical
analysis, and data maintenance. She has participated in the evaluations of
numerous educational programs, including initiatives around literacy,
mathematics, science, arts education, teacher professional development,
and socioemotional learning within and outside of the New York City
area. Eden has also worked as a statistical consultant and taught college
courses in educational psychology and research design. She completed
her PhD in educational psychology, specializing in quantitative methods
in educational and psychological research, from The Graduate Center at
the City University of New York.
Linda Lantieri, MA is a Fulbright Scholar, keynote speaker, and interna-

tionally known expert in social and emotional learning and nurturing the
inner life of teachers and children. Currently she serves as the Founding
director of the Inner Resilience Program whose mission is to cultivate the
inner lives of students, teachers and schools by integrating social and
emotional learning with contemplative practice Linda is also one of the
founding board members of the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and
Emotional Learning (CASEL) and is presently a senior program advisor
for CASEL. Linda has over 40 years of experience in education as a for-
mer teacher, assistant principal, director of an alternative middle school
in East Harlem, and faculty member of the Department of Curriculum
and Teaching at Hunter College in New York City. She is the author of
Building Emotional Intelligence: Cultivating Inner Strength in Children (Lant-
ieri, 2008), coauthor of Waging Peace in Our Schools (Lantieri & Patti,
1996), and editor of Schools with Spirit: Nurturing the Inner Lives of Children
and Teachers (Lantieri, 2001).
Salvatore R. Maddi, PhD, is professor of psychology and social behavior

at the University of California, Irvine. Though pursuing a wide range of
interests in personality and psychopathology, Salvatore R. Maddi is espe-
cially concerned with stress management, resiliency, and creativity.
According to him, these are best considered related concerns, integrated
by the personality hardiness model. Through deepening the attitudes of
commitment, control, and challenge marking hardiness, persons can
simultaneously develop, reach their potentialities, and cope with the
stresses encountered on the way. For more than 30 years, Maddi's research
concerns these topics, using naturalistic and experimental designs and
training with a range of adult and adolescent subjects in their occupa-
tional, familial, and school settings. Also studied is the role of psychoso-
cial factors in the etiology and progression of various physical illnesses.
He has won many awards for his work.
Charlotte Malkmus, MA, LMHC, is the deputy director of programs for

the Inner Resilience Program. Charlotte is a licensed mental health coun-
selor with a degree in contemplative psychotherapy from Naropa Univer-
sity. She has advanced training in mindfulness-based approaches to
psychotherapy and education. Charlotte has worked as both therapist and
program administrator in numerous clinical and educational settings for
more than 10 years, including the Infant & Child Learning Center at
SUNY Downstate Medical Center and the NYC Public Schools. She
designed psychoeducational programming and provided counseling
while working for the Safe Schools Healthy Students federal initiative,
and the FEMA Project Liberty Crisis Counseling Program. Charlotte also
has a private psychotherapy practice in New York City.
320
Leon Mann, PhD, is director of the Research Leadership Unit at the Uni-
versity of Melbourne and a Professorial Fellow in the Faculty of Medicine,
Dentistry and Health Sciences. He holds a BA and an MA in psychology
from the University of Melbourne and a PhD in social psychology from
Yale University. He has taught at Harvard University, University of Sydney
and Flinders University. He is a past president of the Academy of the
Social Sciences in Australia and of the Australian Psychological Society.
From 1991 to 2003 he taught at Melbourne Business School where he was
Pratt Family Chair of Leadership and Decision Making. Leon served on
the Australian Government’s National Research Priorities Consultative
Panel and Expert Advisory Committee 2002-2003. He has conducted col-
laborative research with leading Australian companies in the areas of
research leadership, teams, knowledge sharing, and effective collabora-
tion in research organizations. His publications relate to the psychology of
decision making, collective behavior, leadership, and creativity and inno-
vation. He is the coauthor with Irving Janis of Decision-Making (1977). His
other books include Social Psychology (1969), GOFER (1988), Developing
Leaders in R&D (1994), Leadership, Management and Innovation in R&D
Project Teams (2005) and Creativity and Innovation in Business and Beyond
(2011).
Minda Markle, MA, is a doctoral candidate at The University of Texas at

Austin. Her research focuses on the roles that personality and psychoso-
cial factors play in health status and behavior, particularly with neurologi-
cal populations and people with disabilities. She is completing her
predoctoral internship at the Washington, D.C., Veterans Administration
Medical Center.
Chris McCarthy, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Educational

Psychology at the University of Texas at Austin. His research focuses on
three distinct lines of inquiry in stress and coping: (a) wellness and health
psychology, (b) identification of psychological resources that can help pre-
vent stress, and (c) extending basic research on stress and coping to edu-
cational settings, particularly in understanding the stress that educators
and counselors experience.
Adriana S. Miu is a doctoral candidate for the clinical psychology pro-

gram at Emory University. She graduated from Stanford University with a
BA in psychology, a BA in economics, and an MA in education. Her
research interest is on the effect of genetic, environmental, and social cog-
nitive processes in the developmental trajectory of externalizing prob-
lems.
Laura Nota, PhD, is a professor of psychology of vocational guidance and

psychology of school and social inclusion at the Faculty of Psychology, Uni-
versity of Padua. She is the director of the La.R.I.O.S. laboratory, a mem-
ber of the executive board of the Italian Society for Vocational Guidance, a
member of the Counseling Psychology Division in the International Asso-
ciation of Applied Psychology, the IAEVG National Correspondent for
Italy. She teaches at the postgraduate Master Course in Vocational Guid-
ance and Career Counseling. She is a member of the editorial boards of
The Italian Journal of Vocational Psychology, The Counseling Psychologist, The
Journal of Career Development, and The Journal of Counseling Psychology. She is
a member of the consulting committee of The International Journal for Edu-
cational and Vocational Guidance and of The Journal of Happiness Studies. She
is a member of the Life Design International Research Group, of the
Career Adaptability International Collaborative Group and is the repre-
sentative for Italy in the European project, University Network for Innova-
tion in Guidance—Lifelong Learning Programme. She is the author of
over one hundred publications, more than ten books, and many articles in
the field of psychology of vocational guidance, which have appeared in the
most prestigious international scientific journals.
Meredith O’Connor recently completed her doctor of educational psy-

chology degree at the University of Melbourne. She is a researcher on the
Australian Temperament Project and the Australian Early Development
Index where her research interests include the early development of chil-
dren with additional health care needs and children from diverse lan-
guage backgrounds, and the interplay of education, well-being, and
mental health outcomes during the transition to adulthood.
Crystal L. Park, PhD, is professor of clinical psychology at the University

of Connecticut, Storrs. Her research focuses on multiple aspects of coping
with stressful events, including the roles of religious beliefs and religious
coping, the phenomenon of stress-related growth, and the making of
meaning in the context of traumatic events and life-threatening illnesses.
She is coauthor of Empathic Counseling: Meaning, Context, Ethics, and Skill
(Brooks/Cole) and coeditor of The Handbook of the Psychology of Religion and
Spirituality (Guilford) and Medical Illness and Positive Life Change: Can Crisis
Lead to Personal Transformation? (APA).
Stefanie Plemmons is a doctoral student in the Department of Psychology

at Purdue University, working toward her PhD in Industrial-Organizational
Psychology. She has received degrees from Northern Arizona University
322
(BA, 2006) and Purdue University (MS, 2009). Her research interests
include regulatory resources, burnout, and attention in the workplace.
Katherine Poynton has completed her master of educational psychology

at The University of Melbourne. She is currently working as a psycholo-
gist in schools located throughout the Melbourne Metropolitan Region.
Gretchen M. Reevy, PhD, is lecturer in the Psychology Department at

California State University, East Bay, specializing in courses in personality,
stress and coping, psychological assessment, and history of psychology.
Her degrees are from University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill (AB psy-
chology) and University of California, Berkeley (PhD psychology). Her
research interests are in personality, stress and coping, social support, and
gender differences. She is author of the Encyclopedia of Emotion (2010,
Greenwood/ABC-CLIO) and, with Alan Monat and Richard S. Lazarus, is
coeditor of the Praeger Handbook on Stress and Coping (2007, Praeger)
Ann Sanson, PhD, is a professor in paediatrics at the University of Mel-

bourne and the Network Coordinator for the Australian Research Alli-
ance for Children and Youth (ARACY). Her main research interests
revolve around the interplay of intrinsic child characteristics and family
and contextual factors in the development of good and poor psychosocial
adjustment.
Matthias Schwannauer, MA, MSc, DPsych, PhD, CPsychol, AFBPsS, grad-

uated in clinical and applied psychology from the University of Marburg
in 1998. His first position as a clinical psychologist was in the Adolescent
Mental Health Services in Glasgow. He moved to NHS Lothian and the
University of Edinburgh 2000. During this time he was able to carry out
his PhD research into psychological interventions for bipolar disorders.
This research involved the implementation of a randomized controlled
trial of Cognitive Interpersonal Therapy and an investigation of the role
of interpersonal and cognitive factors in the recovery process. He is cur-
rently head of clinical psychology and programme director for the Doc-
torate in Clinical Psychology training programme. He is a consultant
clinical psychologist in the Early Psychosis Support Service at CAMHS
Lothian. His current research interests include the application of attach-
ment theory and affect regulation to understanding development, adap-
tation to and recovery from psychosis and recurrent mood disorders.
Salvatore Soresi, PhD, is a full professor at the Faculty of Psychology, Uni-

versity of Padua, the director of the postgraduate master course in voca-
tional guidance and career counseling and the director of the University
Centre for Research and Services on Disability, Rehabilitation and Inclu-

sion. He is also the president of the Italian Society Vocational Guidance,
the editor of the Italian Journal of Vocational Psychology and the director of
the series Percorsi di orientamento (Vocational Guidance Pathways) (Giunti-
OS, Firenze). He is a trainer and supervisor of the Italian Association for
Behavioural and Cognitive Therapy. He is a member of the Life Design
International Research Group, of the Career Adaptability International
Collaborative Group and is the representative for Italy in the European
project, University Network for Innovation in Guidance—Lifelong Learn-
ing Programme. He is the author of about 250 publications, more than 20
books, and a number of important assessment instruments, among which
the portfolios Optimist and Clipper, and the Magellano Project (Giunti-
OS, irenze). The latter has received the high patronage of the president of
the Italian Republic. In 2008 he received an award for his Distinguished
Contribution to the International Advancement of the Counseling Profes-
sion from the Society of Counseling Psychology (Division 17 of the Amer-
ican Psychological Association).
Thomas J. Templin, PhD, is a professor in the Department Health and

Kinesiology, College of Health and Human Science, and the Department
of Curriculum and Instruction, College of Education, at Purdue Univer-
sity. He received his education at Indiana University (BS, 1972, MS, 1975)
and at the University of Michigan (PhD, 1978). Templin has focused his
research on the lives and careers of teachers. Along with his colleagues,
Templin is currently finishing a 3-year grant from the Department of
Education focused on continuing professional development of teachers.
Howard M. Weiss, PhD, is professor in the Department of Psychological

Sciences at Purdue University. Dr. Weiss received his PhD in organiza-
tional psychology from New York University. His research interests focus
on job satisfaction and emotional experiences at work. He is a fellow of
the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology, the Association
for Psychological Science, and the American Psychological Association.
David Scott Yeager is an assistant professor of developmental psychology

at the University of Texas at Austin. He earned his PhD in developmental
and psychological sciences at the Stanford University School of Educa-
tion. His research focuses on social cognitive development, aggression,
motivation, and using psychological interventions to address problems in
education. He also holds an MA in psychology from Stanford University
and both an MEd in secondary English education and a BA in liberal
studies from the University of Notre Dame.

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Personality, Stress,

Toward Wellness: Prevention, Coping, and Stress (2003)

Thriving, Surviving, or Going Under: Coping With Everyday Lives (2006)

Understanding Teacher Stress in an Age of Accountability (2006)

Emerging Thought and Research on Student, Teacher,

Toward a Broader Understanding of Stress and Coping:

Personality, Stress, and Coping: Implications for Education (2011)

Information Age Publishing, Inc.

Personality, stress, and coping: implications for education / edited by

Copyright © 2011 IAP–Information Age Publishing, Inc.

Printed in the United States of America

1. Adolescent Coping Styles and Task-Specific Responses:

6. The Relationship Between Positive Development During

7. Optimism, Emotional Support, and Depression Among

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Martin Seligman during

Personality, Stress, and Coping: Implications for Education

construct, “hardiness.” However, as several of our authors discuss (e.g.,

experience to positive development as characterized by the dimensions of

ADOLESCENT COPING STYLES

Does Style Foreshadow Action?

Although personality and coping have often been equated (Conner-Smith

Personality, Stress, and Coping: Implications for Education

cepts. Personality traits have generally been defined as underlying behav-

Theoretically, the number of coping responses (including thoughts,

Personality and Coping Styles

One way of examining the links between personality and coping is to

ber of concepts associated with adaptive ways of coping, including having

Self-efficacy refers to “people’s judgments of their capabilities to orga-

Research investigating the concept of interest in educational settings

positive psychological state of focused attention and positive feelings dur-

THE PRESENT STUDY

information (Kain, 2003). Students were required to research a given

Materials and Measures

often they use a number of coping strategies to manage their concerns in

students of different ages, by being contemporary and relevant to the

To investigate the hypothesis that there would be two underlying coping

statisticians have supported the use of Velicer’s minimum average partial

Table 1.1. Two-Factor Solution of the ACS

Table 1.2. Correlation Matrix for Individual Characteristics

Table 1.3. Individual Characteristics and Task-Specific Responses:

Step 2 DV Pretask interest F(4, 158) = 7.71 .14**

Step 3 DV Task performance F(5, 157) = 4.94 .11**

Step 4 DV Posttask interest F(6, 156) = 11.77 .29**

*p < .05. **p < .01.

cantly predicts the dependent variable (pretask interest) in the absence of

*p < .05. **p < .01.

Figure 1.1. Significant regression paths between individual characteristics and

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE

Only a small number of factor analytic studies have directly investigated

behaviors during an academic task. Examination of the relationships

Another priority for future research is the measurement of adolescent

This study went beyond traditional studies of coping by using an innova-

Ainley, M. (1998). Interest in learning and the disposition of curiosity in second-

We postulated that coping strategies for dealing with stressful problems,

Personality, Stress, and Coping: Implications for Education

Coping as a distinct field of psychological inquiry emerged during the

an examination of how stress impacts information processing and evalua-

relationship, if any, between the coping strategy of social support/refer-

THE PRESENT STUDY

In the study reported in this chapter we bring together two models of

Coping and Decision Making in Adolescence

Skinner and Zimmer-Gembeck (1997) reviewed the research literature

this provides an opportunity to examine characteristic styles of coping