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Works of Plato Taylor Sydenham
Works of Plato Taylor Sydenham
WORKS OF PLATO,
V I z.
IN FIVE VOLUMES
V O L . I.
AMS PRESS
NEW YORK
THE
WORKS OF PLATO,
V I z.
A N D T H E REMAINDER
BY THOMAS TAYLOR:
WITH
CrCASIONAL A N N O T A T I O N S O X T H E N I N E D I A L O G U E S T R A N S L A T E D BY S Y D E N H A M ,
AND
COPIOUS NOTES,
BY THE LATTER TRANSLATOR;
IN WHICH IS GIVEN
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
PR J ST E 7) FOR T11 O A M ,V TA Y L O Ii,
BY R. W I L K S , CHANCERY-LANE;
1804.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Plato.
The works of Plato, viz. his fifty-five dialogues,
and twelve epistles.
Internatinal S t a n d a r d Book N u m b e r :
C o m p l e t e Set :0-404-05090-5
V o l u m e 1: 0-404-05091-3
HIS GRACE
MAY I T PLEASE Y O U R G R A C E ,
defervedly ftands at t h e h e a d o f t h e P e e r a g e , a n d w h o c a n l o o k
b a c k u p o n a l o n g feries o f a n c e f t o r s w h o f e r e n o w n is u n r i v a l l e d
in t h e annals o f E n g l i f h h i f t o r y .
I t is a r e m a r k a b l e c i r c u m f t a n c e , m y L o r d , t h a t t h e w r i t i n g s
L o r e n z o t h e M a g n i f i c e n t , a n d t h a t t h e firft c o m p l e t e t r a n f l a t i o n
given
DEDICATION.
i n t o L a t i n , i t c e r t a i n l y is n o t e q u a l t o t h a t o f y o u r Grace in
cafket, b u t w i t h o u t t h e o n l y k e y b y w h i c h it c a n be u n l o c k e d .
that of C o f m o and L o r e n z o .
l a b o u r s w i l l b e a p p l a u d e d as it d e f e r v e s b y e v e r y m a n o f i n t r i n f i c
unparalleled
DEDICATION.
Grace's n a m e i n t h e a r c h i v e s o f I m m o r t a l i t y .
MY LORD DUKE,
Bee. 1, 1S03,
Manor-Place, Walworth,
THOMAS TAYLOR.
C O N T E N T S .
VOLUME I.
Page
GENERAL INTRODUCTION - i
Explanation of certain Terms peculiar t9 the Platonic Philosophy - cxvii
Life of Plato by Olympiodorus ' 1
The First Alcibiades - - - - 9
The Republic - 97
Additional Notes on the First Alcibiades, extracted from the MS.
Commentary of Proclus on that Dialogue - - 480
Additional Notes on the Republic - - • - 520
VOLUME II.
The Laws - - 1 to 3 8 4
The Epinomis, or the Philosopher - - - 387
The Timaus - 413
The Critias, or Atlanticus - - - - 575
Additional Notes on the Timceus, extracted from the Commentary
of Proclus on that Dialogue - 593
VOL. 1. a VOLUME
C O N T E N T S .
VOLUME III.
Page
The Parmenides - - - - 1
The Sophista - . . . - OQI
The Pluedrus - - - - 283
The Greater Hippias - 373
The Banquet - - - 429
Additional Notes on the Parmenides, extracted from the MS.
Commentary of Proclus on that Dialogue, and from the MS.
of Damascius Tis^i Kg/juv - - 531
VOLUME IV.
The Thecetetus - - - - - - 1
The Politicus - - - - 99
The Minos - - • - - - - - 1?5
The Apology of Socrates - . - - . - 193
TheCrito - - . - - - 229
The Phccdo - - - - 245
The Gorgias - - - - - - 343
The Philebus - - - - - 461
The Second Akibiadcs - - - 571
VOLUME
C O N T E N T S .
VOLUME V.
Page
The Euthyphro - 1
The Meno - - 27
The Protagoras - - - -• - 101
The Theages - - - - 157
The Laches - - - 179
The Lysis - - - - 211
The Charmides - 239
TOe Leaser H?>p*as - - . . . 269
The Euthydemus - - - 309
TAe Hipparchus * 355
T/<e Kiwi/* - - - - 371
T7*e Mcnexenus - - - - 408
TheClitopho - - 431
The Io - - : . . . 437
TheCratylus - - 4£9
The Twelve Epistles - - - 575
Additional Notes on the Cratylus, extracted from the MS. Scholia
of Proclus on that Dialogue - - 641
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
TO
THE P H I L O S O P H Y A N D WRITINGS
P L A T O .
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
1
fywopia tm et\4fumvni ttoctapvtf, xeu rtXtiow xaQapttf juv, ecvro t»? vtoitrii oXoyta;, xat to*»
Svnrotttiovs rviMtroi' rthciorni Je, tjjj oiHtia$ iv&totg av»\n^i, mv Stiav ofxoiucnv rxavayovaa. Tama
h neipuxtv apvrn *at mM&ua naXHrra wjrtpyet^tv6ai' u ptv mv autrpiav ruv iratimv sZopttowra* n h TO $nor
tifof Ttistufvtas txovffi irpoffKTuixevn. H i e r o c l . i n A u r , C a r m . p . 9 . edit. N c e d h .
2
I n the mysteries a light o f this kind s h o n e forth from t h e a d y t u m o f the temple i n w h i c h
they were exhibited.
b2 its
IV G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
1
A#xj/V tav Td< avt oqftotKpfiiv t\w9 r if^iv C7r>iry,
C
Iliad. V . v. 127, & «
Let
G E N E R A L . I N T R O D U C T I O N . v
with
vi G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
' O d y s s . V . v. 2 8 1 .
a uv l a
T h i s m o s t excellent philosopher, w h o f e M S . treatise *ep\ &px * treasury o f divine science
and erudition, is j u s t l y called by S i m p l i c i u s (nnxnrarot, m o s t inquisitive. See a very l o n g and
beautiful extract from this work in the Additional N o t e s o n the third v o l u m e .
naturally
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . vii
tural e n e r g y , w h e t h e r a c c o r d i n g to p l a c e o n l y , or a c c o r d i n g to nourish
i n g , increasing, and g e n e r a t i n g things similar. N a t u r e , however, is i n
separable from a s u b j e c t , a n d is indigent, so that it will not be in short
t h e principle, since it is i n d i g e n t o f that w h i c h is subordinate. For it
will not b e wonderful, if b e i n g a certain principle, it is indigent o f the
principle above i t ; b u t it w o u l d b e wonderful, if it were indigent
o f things posterior t o itself, a n d o f w h i c h it is s u p p o s e d to be t h e
principle.
B y the like a r g u m e n t s w e m a y s h o w that the principle cannot be ir
rational soul, w h e t h e r sensitive, or orectic. For if it appears that it
has s o m e t h i n g separate, t o g e t h e r w i t h i m p u l s i v e and g n o s t i c energies,
y e t a t the s a m e t i m e , it is b o u n d in b o d y , a n d has s o m e t h i n g insepara
b l e from i t ; s i n c e i t is n o t a b l e t o convert itself to itself, b u t its energy
is m i n g l e d w i t h its subject. F o r it is e v i d e n t that its essence is s o m e
thing of this k i n d ; since if it were liberated, and in itself free, it
w o u l d also e v i n c e a certain i n d e p e n d e n t e n e r g y , and w o u l d not always
b e converted to body; but sometimes it would be converted to
i t s e l f ; or t h o u g h it were always converted to b o d y , y e t it would
judge and explore itself. The energies, therefore, of the mul
titude of mankind, though they are conversant with externals,
yet at the same time they e x h i b i t that w h i c h is separate a b o u t
them. For they consult how they should e n g a g e in t h e m , and o b
serve that deliberation is necessary, in order to effect or be p a s
sive t o a p p a r e n t g o o d , or to d e c l i n e s o m e t h i n g o f the contrary. But
the i m p u l s e s o f other irrational animals are uniform and spontaneous^
are m o v e d t o g e t h e r with the sensible organs, a n d require the senses alone
that they may o b t a i n from sensibles t h e pleasurable, and avoid
t h e painful. If, therefore, t h e b o d y c o m m u n i c a t e s in pleasure and
p a i n , and is affected in a certain respect b y t h e m , it is evident that the
psychical
G E N E R A L I N T O D U C T I O N . xi
will
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . % X H i
itself
x iv GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
1
See the extracts from D a m a s c i u s in the additional notes to the third v o l u m e , w h i c h contain
an inestimable treasury o f the m o s t profound conceptions c o n c e r n i n g the ineffable.
concep-
xvi G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
q u i r e s t h a t w h i c h is s i m p l y u n i t e d ; a n d t h a t w h i e h s u b s i s t s with a n o t h e r
is i n d i g e n t of t h a t w h i c h subsists b y i t s e l f ; a n d t h a t w h i c h s u b s i s t s a c
c o r d i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t i o n , of t h a t w h i c h s u b s i s t s a c c o r d i n g t o e s s e n c e .
F o r i n t e l l e c t b e i n g s e l f - s u b s i s t e n t p r o d u c e s itself as u n i t e d , a n d a t t h e
same time separated. H e n c e it subsists a c c o r d i n g t o b o t h these. It
is p r o d u c e d therefore from t h a t w h i c h is s i m p l y u n i t e d a n d a l o n e u n i t e d ;
Prior therefore t o t h a t which is f o r m a l is the u n c i r c u m s c r i b e d , a n d u n
d i s t r i b u t e d i n t o forms. A n d this is t h a t w h i c h we call t h e u n i t e d , a n d
w h i c h t h e w i s e m e n o f a n t i q u i t y d e n o m i n a t e d being, possessing in o n e
contraction multitude, subsisting prior t o t h e m a n y .
H a v i n g t h e r e f o r e a r r i v e d t h u s far, l e t u s h e r e r e s t for a w h i l e , a n d
Consider with o u r s e l v e s , w h e t h e r b e i n g is t h e i n v e s t i g a t e d p r i u c i p l e o f
all t h i n g s . F o r w h a t will t h e r e be w h i c h d o e s n o t p a r t i c i p a t e of b e i n g ?
M a y w e n o t s a y , t h a t thisv if i t is? t h e u n i t e d , will foe s e c o n d a r y t o
the ane, a n d that b y p a r t i c i p a t i n g o f the one i t b e c o m e s t h e u n i t e d I
B u t m s h o r t if w e c o n c e i v e the am t o be s o m e t h i n g . d i f f e r e n t from b e i n g ,
if b e i n g is p r i o r t o the one r it will not p a r t i c i p a t e o f the one. I t will
therefore b e m a n y only^ a n d t h e s e will b e infinitely infinites. B u t if
the one is w i t h being, a n d being w i t h tk* one, a a d they a r e e i t h e r c o
1
o r d i n a t e o r divided from each* <*tl*er.. t h e r e will b e two p r i n c i p l e s , a n d
the above-mentioned absiwrdify wift h a p p e n . Or t h e y will mutually
p a r t i c i p a t e of e a c h othe*, a n d t h e r e will b e t w o e l e m e n t s . Or t h e y a r c
p a r t s of s o m e t h i n g else c o n s i s t i n g from b o t h . A n d i f t h i s b e t h e c a s e ,
w h a t will t h a t b e w h i c h l e a d s t h e m t o u n i o n w i t h e a c h o t h e r ? F o r if
the one u n i t e s b e i n g t o itself (for t h i s m a y b e said),, the one also will
eneFgize p r i o r t o b e i n g , t h a t i t m a y e a l l forth a n d c o n v e r t b e i n g t o i t
self. The $ne, t h e r e f o r e , will s u b s i s t from itself self-perfect p r i o r t o
being, f u r t h e r still, t h e m o r e s i m p l e is always p r i o r t o t h e m o r e c o m
posite. J f t h e r e f o r e t h e y a r e s i m i l a r l y s i m p l e , t h e r e will e i t h e r b e t w o
principles,
ixH G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
e e
' E * g 9>#f & y i a r t o edition*
middle,
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
VOL. i. e partial
yxyi GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
• B y the first principle here, the one is to b e u n d e r s t o o d : for that arcane nature w h i c h is beyond
the one, since all language is subverted abrnit it, can o n l y , as w e have already observed, b« conceived
1
T» hi iro>&% teyuv, ore *ai tcj/J 6eou; ourus mronUrai rovi tto^Xov;, 01 wpQ laf^Quxov o-ftehf ventres f 1X0-
ff-ofoi eva fiiv tivai rov uTTtpovanov Qeovteyovreg,r$uf aXXoy? ovaiufois avai, r a n avorov evo; eAAa/A^^.v wfrou-
/+tvovf } v.cci tivai to Ttyv v7repov(XLuv 7rXn9of ivadvV) ouk AuroreTwv viroa-rao-tuv, a\\tt ruv eXXatATropsvuv anro
e 2 essential
XXYtii G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N.
1
See vol. iii. page 500. See also a copious account of the nature of daemons in the note at the
beginning of the First Aleibiades, vol. i .
And
x x % G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
* Aye 3»j ow, ivxtp itvit, xai *w rag xroXvfjJu; anooTtivaa-Qfitba yvurtif, xai nan to ITQMIXOV r*; {uv; e & u -
piffufiev tfMt, xai irarruv en ripepia yevo/imi, TO iravruv aina irpocnay-tv tyyvs- Eo*t*i it vpiv f*n fMvcy
fofcy Qccnairias nptfAia, fwifrc -wvyia twv «/ui»y «7«roJ»£evT«y mv mpo% to vpuTOv avayuyov vppnv
4 AAA
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . x x x n i
«XX* wvxof (AM anp, wuX,ov $t TO 7tav TOVTO' navra h arptfxti ry ^waym npos mv TOO appnrou (urowutv npuft
avaTtmra. K«i ffXavrts txa, xai TO vonrov (ei 3»j n TOIOUTOV tarn ev mfxiv) uirtplpayuivTts, xai oiov ijX<ev <xvj<t-
yovra 7rpoffxuvn<ravTts, utixuxoffi rois o^Qxlpois {pv yap Styxij avramuv ovfo «X*o TOCV ovrav oufov) TOV TOIVVV TOO
fuTQf rav vcriruv Sfflv u*»ov e | uxeavov, <paaiv 01 woinrai, irpoQatvoftsiov iSovtej, xai av8is ex ms EVQEQU ramus
yaXwns eij VOW xaraCavTss, xai XTTO vov tok ms xpuy-woi xoyvrpoif, tnruntv %po$ npxs aurov;, wr e&pn-
0T 11011
ptvov zv m itoptia rauTYi TOV irparov Seov rekifAtQa. Kai oiov vp.ywap.vi aurov oi>x » T&y ovpcwa wttcrxwtv
K a i uuv ro e
KtyovttS, outf av on ^X ^> a
Z <*iravTotvyt*e<reis, xai raura pev yap, a**' est' E<rx* ii' tp0
^ rovrm y
as nav fiiv TO vo«t«* rav Stuv yevoj, mav h TO voepov EfrpnvE, ma ras rovs vottp rav xo<r(*ov xai rous ev
% rot
xoapup Sicvs am w a s , xai as $eo? ett* Stov awavr<xv, xai as £»a$ tvadav, xai us TUV atiwaruv (lege aSvrav)
Wtxuvz rav irpuruv, xxi w$ 7T*cr\s vtyns appnrorepov, nai as maaris vnap^tas uyvuffTorcpov, ayios tv ayioit, rois
mrois evaTroxexpuixiJMos $eoj{. P r o d , in Plat. T h e o l . p. 109.
VOL. i . f intellectual
XXXiv G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
i n t e l l e c t u a l g e n u s o f g o d s , t o g e t h e r w i t h all t h e s u p e r m u n d a n e and
m u n d a n e divinities,—as t h e G o d o f all g o d s , the U n i t y of all unities,
and b e y o n d t h e first a d y t a , — a s m o r e ineffable than all silence, and
m o r e u n k n o w n t h a t all e s s e n c e , — a s h o l y a m o n g the holies, and c o n
c e a l e d in t h e intelligible g o d s . " S u c h is the p i e t y , such the sublimity
a n d m a g n i f i c e n c e o f c o n c e p t i o n , w i t h w h i c h the P l a t o n i c philosophers
speak o f t h a t w h i c h is in reality in every respect ineffable, w h e n they
p r e s u m e t o s p e a k a b o u t it, e x t e n d i n g the ineffable parturitions of the
soul to t h e ineffable c o s e n s a t i o n o f the incomprehensible one.
F r o m this s u b l i m e veneration of this m o s t awful nature, w h i c h , as is
n o t i c e d in t h e extracts from D a m a s c i u s , i n d u c e d the m o s t antient theo-
logists, philosophers, and p o e t s , t o b e entirely silent concerning it, arose
t h e g r e a t reverence w h i c h the antients p a i d t o the divinities even o f a
m u n d a n e characteristic, or from w h o m b o d i e s are s u s p e n d e d , consider
i n g t h e m also as partaking o f the nature o f the ineffable, and as so
m a n y links o f the truly g o l d e n chain o f d e i t y . H e n c e w e find in the
r
O d y s s e y , w h e n U l y s s e s and T e l e m a c h u s are r e m o v i n g the arms from
the walls of t h e p a l a c e o f I t h a c a , a n d M i n e r v a g o i n g before them with
her g o l d e n l a m p , fills all t h e p l a c e w i t h a divine light,
QV(ri
H pxXa Tig SEOJ w$ov> oi ovpuvov eupvv tx »
1
L i b . x i x . v. 40.
Lastly,
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . XXXV
V o l . iii. near the end. See also the notes o n t h e seventh epistle o f Plato, vol. v.
f 2 But
xxxvi G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
B u t in t h e S o p h i s t a d i a l e c t i c a l l y c o n t e n d i n g a b o u t b e i n g , and the s u b
s i s t e n c e o f the one a b o v e b e i n g s , a n d d o u b t i n g against philosophers
m o r e antient t h a n himself, h e shows h o w all beings are s u s p e n d e d from
their c a u s e a n d t h e first b e i n g , b u t t h a t b e i n g itself participates of that
1
u n i t y w h i c h is e x e m p t from all things, t h a t it is a passive one, but not
the one itself, b e i n g s u b j e c t to a n d united t o the one, b u t not b e i n g that
w h i c h is primarily o n e . I n a similar m a n n e r t o o , in the P a r m e n i d e s ,
h e unfolds d i a l e c t i c a l l y t h e progressions of b e i n g from the one, through
t h e first h y p o t h e s i s o f that d i a l o g u e , a n d this, as h e there asserts, a c
cording t o the most perfect division o f this m e t h o d . A n d again in the
Gorgias, he relates the fable c o n c e r n i n g t h e three fabricators, and their
demiurgic allotment. B u t in t h e B a n q u e t h e speaks concerning the
union of l o v e ; a n d in the Protagoras, a b o u t the distribution o f mortal
animals from the g o d s ; in a s y m b o l i c a l m a n n e r c o n c e a l i n g the truth
c o n c e r n i n g divine natures, a n d as far as t o mere i n d i c a t i o n unfolding
his m i n d to the m o s t g e n u i n e of his readers.
A g a i n , i f it b e necessary t o m e n t i o n the doctrine delivered through
t h e m a t h e m a t i c a l disciplines, a n d t h e discussion of divine concerns
from ethical or p h y s i c a l discourses, of w h i c h m a n y m a y be con
t e m p l a t e d in t h e Timoeus, m a n y in t h e d i a l o g u e called Politicus, and
m a n y m a y b e seen scattered in other dialogues ;—here likewise, to those
w h o are desirous of k n o w i n g divine c o n c e r n s through i m a g e s , the m e
t h o d will b e a p p a r e n t . T h u s , for i n s t a n c e , the P o l i t i c u s shadows forth
t h e fabrication in t h e h e a v e n s . B u t the figures of the five e l e m e n t s , d e
livered in g e o m e t r i c a l proportions i n the Timaeus, represent in images
t h e idioms o f t h e g o d s w h o preside over the parts of the universe. And
1
I t is necessary to obferve, that, according to Plato, whatever participates o f any thing is said
passions.
the
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
1
I n Plat. T h e o l . l i b . i. c a p . 4.
xxxviii GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
" O f fables, s o m e are theological, others physical, others psychical (or b e l o n g i n g to soul),
others material, and lastly, others are mixed from t h e s e . F a b l e s are theological w h i c h employ
n o t h i n g corporeal, but speculate the very essences o f the g o d s ; s u c h as the fable w h i c h asserts that
Saturn devoured h i s children : for it obscurely intimates the nature o f an intellectual g o d , since
every intellect returns into itself. B u t w e speculate fables physically, w h e n w e speak c o n c e r n i n g
the energies o f the gods about the world; as w h e n considering Saturn the s a m e as Time, and c a l l
i n g the parts of t i m e the children of the universe, w e assert that the children are devoured by their
parents. A n d we employ fables in a psychical m o d e , w h e n w e c o n t e m p l a t e the energies o f s o u l ;
because the intellections of our souls, t h o u g h by a discursive energy they proceed into other things*
yet abide i n their parents. Lastly, fables are material, s u c h as t h e E g y p t i a n s ignorantly e m p l o y ,
considering and calling corporeal natures divinities; s u c h as Isis, e a r t h ; Osiris, h u m i d i t y ; T y p h o n ,
h e a t : or again, denominating Saturn, w a t e r ; A d o n i s , f r u i t s ; and B a c c h u s , w i n e . A n d indeed
to assert that these are dedicated to the g o d s , i n the s a m e manner as herbs, s t o n e s , and a n i m a l s ,
is the part of w i s e m e n ; but to call t h e m gods is alone the province of m a d m e n ; unless we speak
in the same m a n n e r , as w h e n , from established c u s t o m , w e call the orb of the sun and its rays the
s u n itself.
" B u t w e m a y perceive the mixed kind of fables, as well in m a n y other particulars, as i n the
fable w h i c h relates, that Discord at a banquet o f the gods threw a g o l d e n apple, and that a d i s
pute about it arising from the goddesses, they were sent b y Jupiter to take the j u d g m e n t o f
Paris, w h o , charmed with the beauty o f V e n u s , gave her the apple in preference to t h e rest. For
in this fable, the banquet denotes the supermundane powers o f the g o d s ; and o n this a c c o u n t
they subsist in conjunction with each o t h e r : but the g o l d e n apple denotes the world, w h i c h o n
account of its composition from contrary natures, is not improperly said to b e thrown by D i s -
cordj
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
w h i c h it a b o u n d s m o r e t h a n , and s o m e t h i n g in w h i c h it is deficient
from, t h e other. T h u s , for i n s t a n c e , t h e p o e t i c fable a b o u n d s in this,
that' w e m u s t n o t rest satisfied w i t h t h e a p p a r e n t m e a n i n g , b u t pass o n
t o t h e o c c u l t truth. F o r w h o , e n d u e d w i t h intellect, w o u l d believe that
J u p i t e r w a s desirous o f h a v i n g c o n n e c t i o n with J u n o , and o n the
ground, without waiting to go into the bed-chamber. So that
t h e p o e t i c fable a b o u n d s , in c o n s e q u e n c e o f asserting such things a s
d o n o t suffer u s to s t o p at the a p p a r e n t , b u t lead us to explore the
o c c u l t truth. B u t it is d e f e c t i v e in this, that it d e c e i v e s those o f a j u v e
nile a g e , P l a t o therefore n e g l e c t s fable o f this k i n d , and banishes
H o m e r from his R e p u b l i c ; b e c a u s e y o u t h , o n hearing s u c h fables, will
n o t b e a b l e t o distinguish w h a t is allegorical from w h a t is not.
P h i l o s o p h i c a l fables, on t h e contrary, d o n o t injure those that g o n o
further t h a n t h e a p p a r e n t m e a n i n g . T h u s , for i n s t a n c e , t h e y assert that
there are p u n i s h m e n t s a n d rivers under the earth : and if w e adhere to
the literal m e a n i n g o f these w e shall n o t b e injured. B u t they are d e
ficient in this, that as their a p p a r e n t signification d o e s n o t injure, w e
often c o n t e n t ourselves w i t h this, a n d d o n o t e x p l o r e t h e latent truth.
W e m a y also say t h a t p h i l o s o p h i c fables look to t h e energies o f the soul.
For if w e were entirely i n t e l l e c t a l o n e , and had no c o n n e c t i o n with
p h a n t a s y , w e s h o u l d n o t require fables, in c o n s e q u e n c e o f always asso
c i a t i n g w i t h intellectual natures. If, a g a i n , w e were entirely irrational,
cord, or Strife. B u t again, s i n c e different gifts are imparted to the world by different g o d s , they
appear to contend with each other for the apple. A n d a soul living according to sense (for this
is Paris), not perceiving other powers in the universe, asserts that the contended apple subsists
alone through the beauty of V e n u s . B u t of these species of fables, such as are theological, belong,
» See more concerning this species of febles in my Dissertation on the Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries..
and
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . xli
and lived according to the p h a n t a s y , and had n o other energy than this,
it would b e requisite that the w h o l e o f our life should b e fabulous.
Since, however, w e possess intellect, o p i n i o n , and p h a n t a s y , demonstra
tions are g i v e n with a v i e w to i n t e l l e c t : and h e n c e P l a t o s a y s , that, if
y o u are willing to energize a c c o r d i n g to intellect, y o u will h a v e d e m o n
strations b o u n d with a d a m a n t i n e chains ; if a c c o r d i n g t o o p i n i o n , you
will have the testimony of r e n o w n e d persons ; a n d if a c c o r d i n g to the
phantasy, y o u have fables b y w h i c h it is e x c i t e d ; so that from all these
y o u will derive a d v a n t a g e .
P l a t o therefore rejects the more tragical m o d e o f m y t h o l o g i z i n g
the antient poets, w h o t h o u g h t proper to establish an arcane t h e o l o g y
respecting the g o d s , and on this a c c o u n t devised wanderings, castra
tions, battles, and lacerations o f the g o d s , a n d m a n y other s u c h s y m
bols of the truth a b o u t divine natures w h i c h this t h e o l o g y c o n c e a l s ; —
this m o d e he rejects, and asserts that it is in every respect m o s t foreign
from erudition. B u t he considers those m y t h o l o g i c a l discourses a b o u t
the gods, as more persuasive and more a d a p t e d to truth, w h i c h assert
that a divine nature is the cause o f all g o o d , b u t o f n o evil, a n d that it
is void o f all m u t a t i o n , c o m p r e h e n d i n g in itself the fountain o f truth,
b u t never b e c o m i n g the cause o f a n y d e c e p t i o n to others. For s u c h t y p e s
of theology Socrates delivers in the R e p u b l i c .
AH the fables therefore o f P l a t o g u a r d i n g the truth in c o n c e a l m e n t ,
have not even their externally-apparent apparatus discordant w i t h our
undisciplined and unperverted a n t i c i p a t i o n s o f divinity. But they
bring with them an i m a g e o f the m u n d a n e c o m p o s i t i o n , in w h i c h b o t h
the apparent beauty is worthy o f divinity, a n d a b e a u t y more divine
than this is established i n the u n a p p a r e n t lives a n d powers o f its causes.
In the next p l a c e , that the reader m a y see w h e n c e , a n d from what
dialogues principally the theological d o g m a s o f P l a t o m a y b e c o l l e c t e d , I
V O L . i. g shall
GENE.RAL INTRODUCTION.
1
s h a l l present lrim w i t h t h e following translation o f w h a t P r o c l u s ha*
a d m i r a b l y written o n this s u b j e c t .
" T h e truth (says he) c o n c e r n i n g t h e g o d s p e r v a d e s , as I m a y s a y ,
through all t h e P l a t o n i c d i a l o g u e s , and in all o f t h e m c o n c e p t i o n s o f
the-first p h i l o s o p h y , v e n e r a b l e , clear, and supernatural, are dissemi
n a t e d , in s o m e more o b s c u r e l y , b u t in others more conspicuously;—*
c o n c e p t i o n s w h i c h e x c i t e those t h a t a r e in a n y respect able t o partake-
o f t h e m , t o t h e immaterial a n d separate essence o f t h e g o d s . A n d as
i n e a c h part o f the universe and in nature itself, t h e demiurgus of all
Which t h e world c o n t a i n s established resemblances o f the unknown
e s s e n c e o f the g o d s , t h a t all things m i g h t b e converted t o divinity through*
iheiy alliance w i t h it, in l i k e manner I a m o f o p i n i o n , that the divine i n
t e l l e c t o f P l a t o w e a v e s c o n c e p t i o n s a b o u t the gods with all its progeny,,
and leaves n o t h i n g d e p r i v e d o f the m e n t i o n o f divinity, that from the
w h o l e of its offspring, a reminiscence o f total natures m a y b e o b t a i n e d
and i m p a r t e d t o the g e n u i n e lovers o f divine c o n c e r n s ,
" B u t if it b e requisite t o lay before t h e reader those dialogues o u t
4>f m a n y , w h i c h principally unfold to us the m y s t i c discipline a b o u t the
g o d s , I shall not err in ranking a m o n g this n u m b e r the Phoedo and Phae-
drus, the B a n q u e t a n d the Phi-rebus, a n d togetlier with these the S o -
p h i s t a and P o l i t i c u s , the Cratylus and the Timaeus. For all these are
full through the w h o l e o f themselves, as I may say, o f the divine science
of Plato. B u t I should p l a c e in the s e c o n d rank after these, the fable
in the G o r g i a s , a n d that in the Protagoras ; likewise the assertions about
the p r o v i d e n c e o f the g o d s in the L a w s , a n d s u c h things as are delivered
a b o u t the F a t e s , or t h e mother o f t h e F a t e s , or the circulations o f the
universe, in the tenth book of the R e p u b l i c . A g a i n , y o u m a y , if y o u
please,
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xKii
1
the want o f a whole p r i o r t o parts, a n d to w e a v e together the p e r f e c t ,
from things imperfect, w h e n , o n the contrary, t h e i m p e r f e c t ought t o
have the first cause of its generation i n the perfect. F o r the Timaeus,
for instance, will t e a c h us the theory o f t h e intelligible genera, and the
Phaedrus appears t o present us w i t h a regular a c c o u n t o f the first intel
lectual orders. B u t where will b e the coordination o f intellectuals t o
intelligibles ? A n d what will b e t h e generation of s e c o n d from first n a
tures ? I n short, after what m a n n e r the progression o f the divine orders
takes place from the o n e principle o f all things, and h o w in the g e n e
rations of the g o d s , the orders b e t w e e n the one, a n d all-perfect n u m b e r ,
are filled u p , w e shall b e u n a b l e to e v i n c e .
" Further still, it m a y b e s a i d , where will b e t h e venerableness o f
your boasted s c i e n c e a b o u t divine natures ? For it is absurd to call
these d o g m a s , w h i c h are c o l l e c t e d from m a n y p l a c e s , P l a t o n i c , and
which, as y o u a c k n o w l e d g e , are r e d u c e d from foreign n a m e s to t h e
philosophy of P l a t o ; nor are y o u a b l e to e v i n c e the w h o l e entire truth
about divine natures. Perhaps, i n d e e d , t h e y will say, that certain per
sons, junior to P l a t o , h a v e delivered i n their writings, a n d left t o their
disciples, one perfect form o f p h i l o s o p h y . Y o u , therefore, are able t o
produce one entire theory a b o u t nature from the T i m a e u s ; b u t from
the R e p u b l i c , or L a w s , the most beautiful d o g m a s a b o u t morals, and w h i c h
tend to o n e form of p h i l o s o p h y . A l o n e , therefore, n e g l e c t i n g the t r e a
tise of P l a t o , which contains all the g o o d o f the first p h i l o s o p h y , a n d
which may b e called the s u m m i t o f the w h o l e theory, y o u will b e
deprived of the most perfect k n o w l e d g e of b e i n g s , unless y o u are so
m u c h infatuated, as to boast on a c c o u n t o f fabulous fictions, t h o u g h an
1
A whole prior to parts is that w h i c h causally contains parts in itfelf. S u c h parts too, w h e n
they proceed from their occult causal subsistence, and have a distinct being o f their o w n , are
nevertheless comprehended, t h o u g h i n a different m a n n e r , in their producing w h o l e .
analysis
xlVi GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
1
T h e principle of all things is celebrated by Platonic philosophy as the cause o f w h o l e s , because
through transcendency of power he first produces those powers in the universe which rank as
•wholes, and afterwards those w h i c h rank as parts, through thefe. Agreeably to this Jupiter, the
artificer o f the un'verse, is almost always called fopwfyoi TWV O**», the demiurgus of w h o l e s , Sec
t h e Timaeus, and the Introduction to it.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
1
See my translation of Aristotle's Metaphysics, p. 347. If the reader conjoins what is said
concerning ideas in the notes on that work, with the introduction and notes to the Parmenides
in this, he will be in possession of nearly all that is to be found iii.the writings of the antients on
this subject.
* It appears from this pa«sage of Syrianus that Xonginus was the original inventor oXthe-theory
of abstract ideas 5 and tbat Mr. Locke was merely the restorer of iU.
h2 notions?
Iii G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
* This was a Greek philosopher, who is x>ften cited by Simplicius in his Commentary on the
Predicaments, and must not therefore be confounded with Boetius, the Roman senator and phi
losopher.
intelligible
G E N E R A L INTRODUCTION. iiii
1
intelligible order ; but intellectually and d e c a d i c a l l y (voepug v.oti &y.«W>?\
in the intellect of the artificer o f the u n i v e r s e : for, according to t h e
Pythagoric H y m n , " D i v i n e n u m b e r proceeds from the retreats of the
undecaying m o n a d , till it arrives at the divine tetrad w h i c h produced
the mother of all things, the universal recipient, venerable, circularly
investing all things with bound, i m m o v a b l e and unwearied, and which
is denominated the sacred d e e a d , both by the immortal gods and earth-
born men." TT:O:ITI yet:, o Sac; ct^JJ><; y uiq pr,<nv o Tlv9<xyoKic- us KVTOV ->UVO;
1
For an account of this order, see the Introduction to theTimceus, and notes on the Parmenides.
that
ft?: GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
i2 . • • wbieJi
lx G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
' I n the P h i d o Plato discourses on the former o f these virtues, and in the T h e a t c t u s on the
latter, t .
V 0 L
- *• k affected
1X v I G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
• AM> & I tvfaft tnufft <piryuv p»yn it $ « > wxxa T O W » avfy«7r«- opciw; 3.*ai v
3
indeed
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. lxvii
1
O /wiya? ayuv, Kai t\m; » piyaM.
k 2 therefore,
kviii G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
cssential forms from their dormant retreats; remove that oblivion and
ignorance which are congenial with our birth; and dissolve the bonds
arising from our union with an irrational nature. I t is therefore beauti
fully said b y P l a t o , in the 7 t h book o f his R e p u b l i c , " that the soul
through these disciplines has an organ purified and e n l i g h t e n e d , which is
blinded and buried by studies of a different kind, an organ better worth
saving than ten thousand eyes, since truth b e c o m e s visible through this
alone."
D i a l e c t i c , however, or the vertex o f the m a t h e m a t i c a l sciences, as it is
called by Plato in his R e p u b l i c , is that master discipline which particu
larly leads us u p to an intelligible essence. O f this first of sciences,
which is essentially different from vulgar logic, and is the same w i t h
what Aristotle calls the first philosophy and w i s d o m , I have largely
spoken in the introduction and notes to the Parmenides. Suffice it
therefore to observe in this p l a c e , that dialectic differs from m a t h e m a t i
cal science in this, that the latter flows from, and the former is void o f
hypothesis. T h a t dialectic has a power of k n o w i n g universals; that it
ascends t o good and the supreme cause of a l l ; and that it considers,
good as the end of its elevation ; b u t that the m a t h e m a t i c a l s c i e n c e ,
which previously fabricates for itself definite principles,- from which it
evinces things consequent to s u c h principles, does not tend to the prin
ciple, but to the conclusion. H e n c e P l a t o docs not expel m a t h e m a t i
cal knowledge from the number o f the s c i e n c e s , but asserts it to be t h e
next in rank to that one science which is the summit of a l l ; nor does h e
accuse it as ignorant of its o w n principles, b u t considers it as receiving
these from the master science dialectic, and t h a t possessing t h e m w i t h o u t
any demonstration, it demonstrates from these its consequent propositions.
H e n c e Socrates, in the R e p u b l i c , s p e a k i n g of the power of dialectic,
says, that it surrounds all disciplines like a defensive enclosure, and
elevates
Ixx G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
> V i d . A l c i n . de D o c t r . Plat. a p . v.
admirable
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
things tvhich are a s it were their opposites, till lit} at length, takes a w a y
t h e hjtpothesis, t h a t the one is.. For .he d e n i e s o f i t all discourse and
e v e r y a p p e l l a t i o n . \ A n d thus e v i d e n t l y denies of, it<not o n l y that it is;
but even negation. F o r all things are posterior.to:the one ; viz. things
k n o w n , k n o w l e d g e , and the instruments o f k n o w l e d g e . A n d thus, b e
g i n n i n g from the h y p o t h e t i c a l , he ends in that which is unhyppthctical,
a n d truly ineftkble.
H a v i n g t a k e n a general survey, b o t h o f the great^ world and ther
m i c r o c o s m m a n , I shall close this a c c o u n t o f the principal dogmas of
P l a t o , with the outlines o f his doctrine concerning P r o v i d e n c e and F a t e ,
a s it is a s u b j e c t o f the greatest i m p o r t a n c e , and the difficulties in which
1
i t is i n v o l v e d are h a p p i l y removed b y that prince o f p h i l o s o p h e r s .
I n the first p l a c e , therefore, P r o v i d e n c e , according to c o m m o n c o n
c e p t i o n s , is the c a u s e o f g o o d to the subjects o f its care ; and F a t e is the
.cause of a certain c o n n e x i o n to generated natures. This being admitted,
let us consider w h a t the things are w h i c h are c o n n e c t e d . Of beings,
therefore, s o m e h a v e their e s s e n c e i n eternity,, a n d others in time. But
b y b e i n g s whose essence is in eternity, I m e a n those whose energy as
well as their e s s e n c e is e t e r n a l ; a n d b y beings essentially temporal, those
ivhose e s s e n c e is a l w a y s in generation, or b e c o m i n g to be, though this
should take p l a c e in an infinite t i m e . T h e m e d i a between these two
e x t r e m e s are natures, w h i c h , in a certain respect, h a v e a n essence per
m a n e n t and better than generation, or a flowing subsistence, but whose
e n e r g y is measured b y t i m e . For it is necessary that every procession-
from things first to last should be effected through m e d i a . The medium,
therefore, b e t w e e n these t w o e x t r e m e s , m u s t either b e that w h i c h has an
eternal e s s e n c e , but a n e n e r g y i n d i g e n t o f t i m e , or, o n the contrary, that
* See the antient Latin version of Proclus on Providence and Fate, in the 8th vol. of the Bib-
lioth. Grcec. of Fabricius.
which
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . Ixxiii
1
" W e n o t h i n g accurate, or see, or hear
stration.
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . lxxvii
1
J5ee the S e c o n d A n a l y t i c s of Aristotle.
Because
K N E R A L INTRODUCTION. lxxxi
1
That this must be the tendency of experiment, when prosecuted as the criterion of truth, is
evident from what Bacon, the prince of modern philosophy, says in the 104th Aphorism of his
Novum Organ urn, that " baseless fabric of a vi&fon" For he there sigely observes that wings
are not to be added to the human intellect, but rather lead and weights; that all its leaps and
flights may be restrained. That this is not yet done, but that when it is we may entertain better
hopes respecting the sciences. " Itaque hominum intellectui non plumx addenda?, sed plumbum
potius, et pondera; ut cohibeant omnem sallum et volalum. Atqne hoc adhuc factum non est;
quum rem factum fuerit, melius de scientiis sperare lieebit." A considerable portion of lead
must certainly haye been added to the intellect of Bacon wh n he wrote this Aphorism.
* 1 never yet knew a man who made experiment the test of truth, and I have known many such,
that was notatheistically inclined.
dued
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . Ixxxv
avrcu QiXoTt/xiav, oi; TO XX\OY xai wepiTTov a\uyig rov xvxyitaiov TrpoaevTiv.—The great accuracy
and elegance in the demonstrations of Euclid and Archimedes, which have not been equalled by
any of our greatest modem mathematicians, were derived from a deep conviction of this important
frruth. On the other hand modern mathematicians, through a profound ignorance of this divine
truth, and looking to nothing but the wants and conveniences of the animal life of man, as if the
gratification of his senses was his only e n d , have corrupted pure geometry, by mingling with it
algebraical calculations, and through eagerness to reduce it as much as possible to practical
purposes, have more anxiously sought after conciseness than accuracy, facility than elegance of
geometrical demonstration.
lxxxvi G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
1
Eirt ruv teyopuxv reXsruv, rx (AW a^ura uv, to; fahoi KX\ rovvonx^ rx h 7rxpx7rera*T[Mxrx%
1
S e e t h e 7th Epistle of Plato.
from
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. lxxxix
1
from b e i n g t h e c a s e , t h a t t h o u g h t h e s t y l e o f P l o t i n u s and Jambli-
1
chus is b y n o m e a n s t o b e c o m p a r e d with that o f P l a t o , y e t this
inferiority is lost in t h e d e p t h a n d s u b l i m i t y o f their c o n c e p t i o n s , a n d
is as little regarded b y t h e i n t e l l i g e n t reader, a s m o t e s in a s u n - b e a m
b y t h e e y e t h a t g l a d l y turns i t s e l f t o t h e solar l i g h t .
A s to t h e s t y l e o f P o r p h y r y , w h e n w e c o n s i d e r t h a t h e w a s t h e d i s c i
ple of Longinus, whom Eunapius elegantly calls " a certain living
1
It would seem that those intemperate critics who have thought proper to revile Plotinus, the
leader of the |atter Platonists, have paid no attention to the testimony of Longinus concerning
this most wonderful man, as preserved by Porphyry in his life of him. For Longinus there
savs, " that though he does not entirely accede to many of his hypotheses, yet he exceed
ingly admires and loves the form of his writing, the density of his conceptions, and the philo
sophic manner in which his questions are disposed V And in another place he says, " Plo
tinus, as it seems, has explained the Pythagoric and Platonic principles more clearly than those
that were prior to him ; for neither are the writings of Numenius, Cronius, Moderatus, and
Thrasyllus, to be compared for accuracy with those of Plotinus on this subject f." After such
a testimony as this from such a consummate critic as Longinus, the writings of Plotinus have
nothing to fear from the imbecile censure of modern critics. I shall only further observe, that
Longinus, in the above testimony, does not give the least hint of his having found any polluted
streams, or corruption of the doctrines of Plato, in the works of Plotinus. There is not indeed the
least vestige of his entertaining any such opinion in any part of what he has said about this most
extraordinary man. This discovery was reserved for the more acute critic of modern times,
who, by a happiness of conjecture unknown to the antients, and the assistance of a good index,
can in a few days penetrate the meaning of the profoundest writer of antiquity, and bid defiance
even to the decision of Longinus.
2
Of this most divine man, who is justly said by the emperor Julian to have been posterior in
deed in time, but not in genius even to Plato himself, see the life which I have given in the His
tory of the Restoration of the Platonic Theology, in the second vol. of my Proclus on Euclid.
T
• Art tm ^ t i v v7ro9nr4on *u traxv fxi - r a j woXX*c »rpoff-ii*-fl«, 7 uJiC«x«,
W / tjv h TVIW t h ? y?*<f«; * * »woi*» t ' « » ^ * { t « i
VOL. i . u library,
xc G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
* O rc rtyoptf 10$ tMrvrtp Eppaixn t i j v%\pa xai wpof c&lptnroof vxmwvca, ha iroixitos iraihiaf
in Porphy. v i t .
But
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. X C J
1
Efff» h ffaXtv vi ty^vh narac rov ptXatiov AXXOHOV, vraM avayxti vx\ TOV TpawaTixw TOUTS*
But it is now time to present the reader with a general view o f the
works o f Plato, and also t o speak o f the p r e a m b l e s , digressions, a n d
style o f their author, and of the following translation. In accomplishing
the first of these, I shall avail m y s e l f o f the Synopsis o f M r . S y d e n h a m ,
taking the liberty at the s a m e t i m e o f correcting it where it appeal's t o
be erroneous, and o f m a k i n g additions t o it where it appears t o b e
deficient.
T h e dialogues o f P l a t o are o f various k i n d s ; n o t only with regard
to those different matters, w h i c h are the subjects o f them ; b u t in respect
of the manner also, in w h i c h they are c o m p o s e d or framed, a n d o f t h e
form under which they m a k e their a p p e a r a n c e t o the reader. I t will
therefore, as I i m a g i n e , b e n o t improper, in p u r s u a n c e o f the a d m o
1
nition given us b y P l a t o himself in his d i a l o g u e n a m e d Pha>drus, and
in imitation o f the e x a m p l e set us b y the * antient Platonists, t o distin
guish the several k i n d s ; b y dividing t h e m , first, into the m o s t gene*
r a l ; and then, subdividing into t h e s u b o r d i n a t e ; till w e c o m e t o those
lower species, that particularly a n d precisely d e n o t e the nature o f the
several dialogues, and from w h i c h t h e y o u g h t t o take their respective
denominations.
1
Eav (At) T»5 HUT* tifn hxtpeurOai ra ovrcc, xai pia. i3e« CWTO? n HO6* h iytatrrw irtpitotfA-
Czveiv, ovwor* UXTCU TE^VIXOJ hoyuv Tttpt, xaQ' buoy iumrov otvOpuTru. Whoever is unable to divide
and distinguish things into their several sorts or s p e c i e s ; a n d , o n the other h a n d , referring every
particular to its proper species, to comprehend t h e m all i n o n e general i d e a ; w i l f n e v e r under
stand any writings, o f w h i c h those things are the subject, like a true critic, u p o n those h i g h
principles of art to w h i c h the h u m a n understanding reaches. n*«T. fowfy. W e have thought
proper, here, to paraphrase this passage, for the,, sake of giving to every part of so important a
sentence its full force, agreeably to the tenor o f Plato's d o c t r i n e ; and in order to initiate our
readers into a way of thinking, that probably m a n y o f t h e m are as yet unacquainted with,
2
See Aioy. Aatpr. y .
Tlie
T C i v GENERAL I N T R O D U C T I O N .
1
It is nectffary to observe, that Plato in tlje Parmenides calls all that part of his Dialectic,
«hich proceeds through opposite arguments, yu^affia xou ntom, an txercise and wandering.
According
GENERAL I N T R O D U C T I O N . xcr
According t o this d i v i s i o n is f r a m e d t h e f o l l o w i n g s c h e m e , or t a b l e :
f DISPUTATIVE (EMBARRASSING
^CONFUTING
SCEPTICAL — i
.INQUISITIVE f EXCITING
O
L ASSISTING
r ANALYTICAL
D E M O N S T R A T I V E - { I N D U C T I O N A L
I DOGMATICAL
.AUTHORITATIVE—/MAGISTERIAL
'•TRADITIONAL.
The
1
W e have, given us by Diogenes Laertius, another division of the characters, as he call*
them, of Plato's writings, different from that exhibited in the scheme above. This we have
thought proper to subjoin, on account of its antiquity and general reception.
P H Y S , C A I
f S p E C C t A T i y E ~ — / -
(^LOGICAL
^DIDACTIC —
' i n . TETHICAL
I LPRACTICAL
POLITICAL
J „
D I A L O G U E S —4 f MAIEUTIC
[PBIRASTIC
J f GYMNASTIC
J E N ZD E I C T I C
LlNftUISITIVE - *{
" \ A N JA T R E P T I C .
LAGONISTIC —
The learned reader will observe the latter half of the dialogues, according to this scheme, to
be described by metaphors taken from the gymnastic art: the dialogues, here termed gymnastic,
being imagined to bear a similitude to that exercise; the agonistic, to the combat. In the
lowest subdivision, indeed, the word maieutic is a metaphor of another kind,. fully explained in
Plato's Thcaetetus: the maieutic dialogues, however, were supposed to resemble giving the rudi
ments of the art j as the peirastic were, to represent a skirmish, or trial of proficiency: the
endcictic were, it seems, likened to the exhibiting a specimen of skill; and the anatreptic, to
presenting the spectacle of a thorough defeat, or sound drubbing.
The principal reason why we contented not ourselves with this account of the difference be
tween the dialogues of Plato, was the capital error there committed in the first subdivision, of
course
xcvi G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
course extending itself through the latter. This error consists in dividing the Didactic dialogues
with regard to their subject-matter; while those of the Inquisitive sort are divided with respect
to the manner of their composition. So that the subdivisions fall not, with any propriety,
under one and the same general head. Besides, a novice in the works of Plato might hence
be led naturally to suppose, that the dogmatical or didactic dialogues arc, all of them, written
in the same manner; and that the others, those of the inquisitive kind, by us termed scepti
cal, have no particular subjects at all; or, if they have, that their subjects are different from
those of the didactic dialogues, and are consequently unphilosophical. N o w every one of the
suppositions here mentioned is far from being true.
In
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. xcvii
1
W e require exhortation, that we may be led to true good; dissuasion, that we may be turned
from things truly evil; obstelrication, that we may draw forth our unpervcrtcd conceptions; and
confutation, that we may be purified from two-fold ignorance.
2
The Platonists rightly observe, that Socrates, in these cafes, makes use of demonstrative
and just reasoning, (a.-rcoStiKTiHov;) whereas to the novice he is contented with arguments only-
probable, (TIIOXVOI;;) and against the litigious sophist often employs such as are (.^r-nxw)
puzzling and contentious. See A*x<y. Ei<ray<»y. Krp. r .
VOL. i . o the
xcviii G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
1
It is necessary to observe, that in those dialogues, in w h i c h Socrates is indeed introduced,
but sustains an inferior part, h e is presented to our view as a learner, and not as a teacher', and
this is the case in the Parmenides and limceus. For by the former o f these philosophers he is
instructed in the most abstruse theological d o g m a s , and by the latter in the whole of p h y s i o
logy.
tion
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . xcix
with
cii G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N .
1
Eiri yap TOVTOIJ xai TOV H\xra pa oux, vxiara haavpovci, Trokt&xis turnip v7to Gaxxtias vivos TUV
antient
G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N . ciii
anticnt and modern, are agreed that his style is in general graceful a n d
p u r e ; and that it is sublime w i t h o u t b e i n g i m p e t u o u s and rapid. It
1
is indeed no less harmonious than e l e v a t e d , n o less a c c u r a t e than
magnificent. It combines the force o f the greatest orators with the
graces of the first of p o e t s ; a n d , in short, is a river t o w h i c h those j u s t l y
celebrated lines o f D e n h a m m a y be m o s t pertinently a p p l i e d :
1
As I profess to give the reader a translation of the genuine works of Plato only, I have not
translated the Axiochus, Dcmodocus, Sisyphus, See. as these arc evidently spurious dialogues.
VOL. i. p is
cvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
1
In the notes on ihc above-mentioned nine dialogues, those written by Mr. Sydenham are
signed S., and those by myself T .
and
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. cvii
o f P r o c l u s o n t h e Timaeus, R e p u b l i c , a n d T h e o l o g y o f P l a t o . O f the
c o m p l e t e c o p i e s t a k e n w i t h m y o w n h a n d ; a n d o f the c o p i o u s extracts
library.
A n d here g r a t i t u d e d e m a n d s t h a t I s h o u l d p u b l i c l y a c k n o w l e d g e the
Proclus's Theological Elements. (Ferrar. 4to. 1583.) " Extant in hoc Platonicae Philosophiae
genere, etiam Hermiae qui fuit Ammonii pater, commentaria elegantissima in Phaedrum, nec
non Olympiodori cujusdam longe doctissimi excerpta quaedam ex ejus commentariis in Phaedo-
nem ac Philebum, et intcgra in Gorgiam. Sed omnium eminentissimae, Damascii Questioner
D*J Principiis rerum sunt. Quae omnia si publice viserentur, ardentissimos divinae sapientias
amores excitarent, in iis pectoribus, quae, non argutandi causa, sed modo hoc unum, ut sapianr,
philosophiae operam navant. Quae si aliquando viri alicujus ver& viri, opere quamvis laborioso,
glorioso tamen in lucem prodeant, apparebit tandem, quanta sapientiae pars tenebris obruta jaceat,
dum usitatam banc in scholis sol am sequimur, et am am us sapientiam. Cui rei manus dare,
quantum vitae et ocii suppetet, non decft nobis animus ingens. Utinam vita tranquillior, et for-
tuna adversa minus nobis contigisset, id jam forte totum confectum esset." Patriciu9, prior to
this, enumerates the writings of Proclus, and they are included in his wish, that all the manu
script Greek com men lark 1 on Plato were made public.
» I was much pleased to find that this very respectable prelate is a great admirer of Aristotle,
and that extract* from the Commentaries of Simplicius and Ammonius on the Categories of
thai philosopher, ace read by his orders in the college of which he is the head.
church.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. cxi
1
Permit me also to mention, with gratitude for their kindness, the names of Dr. Stanley,
Mr. Heber, the Rev. Mr. Coppleston, and the Rev. Abram Robertson, Savilian professor.of
geometry,
is
c x ji GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
EXPLANATION
E X P L A N A T I O N .
or CERTAIN
PLATONIC TERMS.
As s o m e a p o l o g y m a y b e t h o u g h t n e c e s s a r y f o r h a v i n g i n t r o d u c e d , m* t h e c o u r s e of
t h a t a s all arts a n d s c i e n c e s h a v e c e r t a i n a p p r o p r i a t e t e r m s p e c u l i a r t o t h e m s e l v e s , p h i
l o s o p h y , w h i c h i s t h e art o f a r t s , a n d s c i e n c e o f s c i e n c e s , a s b e i n g t h e m i s t r e s s of
e v e r , i n t r o d u c e d , I b e l i e v e , a n y o f t h e s e t e r m s , w i t h o u t at t h e s a m e t i m e sufficiently
s o u n c o m m o n l y a c c u r a t e i n h i s d i c t i o n , t h a t this, w o r d i s v e r y s e l d o m u s e d b y h i m i n
1
S e e Procl. i n Plat. T h e o l . p . 64.
which
cxviii E X P L A N A T I O N O F C E R T A I N
p l a c e s , h o w e v e r , P l a t o calls t h e participants o f t h e g o d s b y t h e n a m e s o f t h e g o d s .
F o r n o t o n l y t h e A t h e n i a n G u e s t i n t h e L a w s , b u t a l s o S o c r a t e s in t h e P h a x l r u s , calls
g o o d , " &c. A n d afterwards, dill m o r e clearly, h e adds, " A n d this i s t h e life o f the
i s still m o r e p a r a d o x i c a l t h a n a l l t h i s , h e d o e s n o t r e f u s e t o c a l l s o m e m e n g o d s ; as,
simply deity; a n o t h e r is s o a c c o r d i n g t o u n i o n ; a t h i r d , a c c o r d i n g t o p a r t i c i p a t i o n ;
p e r e s s e n t i a l n a t u r e is p r i m a r i l y a g o d ; b u t e v e r y i n t e l l e c t u a l n a t u r e i s s o a c c o r d i n g t o
which is animated, t o soul. Indeed, things more uniform and simple always precede ;
T h i s p o w e r k n o w s t h e u n i v e r s a l i n p a r t i c u l a r s , a s t h a t every m a n i s a r a t i o n a l a n i m a l ;
a n d full.
THAT
P L A T O N I C T E R M S . cxix
e s s e n c e o r e n e r g y s u b s i s t i n g at o n c e , w i t h o u t t e m p o r a l d i s p e r s i o n .
time. T h i s is t h e p r o p e r s i g n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e w o r d ; b u t it i s u s e d symbolically b y
Plato, a n d also b y theologists more antient than Plato, for t h e sake o f indication.
r a t i o n , a c c o r d i n g t o i t s p r o p e r s i g n i f i c a t i o n , t h e r e a l s o t h e r e is t i m e . "
is i n t r o d u c e d a s a ^s>og, I h a v e t r a n s l a t e d t h i s w o r d guest, a s b e i n g m o r e c o n f o r m a b l e t o
T i m s e u s , t h e p e r s o n s o f that d i a l o g u e a r e e x r e s s l y s p o k e n o f a s g u e s t s .
H Y P A R X I S , waffle. T h e first p r i n c i p l e o r f o u n d a t i o n , a s it w e r e , o f t h e e s s e n c e
of a thing. Hence, a l s o , it is t h e s u m m i t o f e s s e n c e .
m o r t a l i t y , p e r v a d i n g f r o m o n h i g h t o t h e last o f t h i n g s ; a n d t h e u l t i m a t e e c h o , a s i t
itself. B u t t h e i m m o r t a l i t y o f partial s o u l s , s u c h a s o u r s , i s m o r e m a n i f e s t a n d m o r e
d e m o n s t r a t i o n s w h i c h a r e g i v e n o f it i n t h e P h i c d o , a n d i n t h e 1 0 t h b o o k o f t h e R e -
1
S e e Proclus i n Plat. T h e o l . p . 6 5 .
public.
cxx EJL? LANATION OF C E R T A I N
public. F o r t h e i m m o r t a l i t y o f partial s o u l s h a s a m o r e p r i n c i p a l s u b s i s t e n c e , a s p o s
m o r t a l i t y o f u a m i o n s ; f o r t h e s e n e i t h e r v e r g e t o m o r t a l i t y , n o r a r e t h e y filled w i t h t h e
tTiese, a n d e s s e n t i a l l y t r a n s c e n d i n g t h e m , i s t h e i m m o r t a l i t y o f d i v i n e s o u l s , w h i c h a r e
primarily s e l f - m o t i v e , a n d c o n t a i n t h e f o u n t a i n s a n d p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e life w h i c h i s a t
i s p e r p e t u a l , a s t h a t w h i c h is d i s s i p a t e d i n t o n o n e n t i t y . I n s h o r t , t h e r e f o r e , t h e divine
immortal is t h a t w h i c h is g e n e r a t i v e a n d c o n n e c t i v e o f p e r p e t u a l life. F o r it is n o t i m
soul.
m e d i a t e , b e i n g a d a r t i n g f o r t h , a s it w e r e , d i r e c t l y t o i t s p r o p e r o b j e c t s , t h i s direct i n
t u i t i o n is e x p r e s s e d b y t h e t e r m projection.
k s e s s e n c e s e p a r a t e f r o m t h e m , is s a i d t o b e i n t e l l i g i b l e , a n d i n t h i s s e n s e s o u l is i n t e l
second,
P L A T O N I C T E R & S . c x x i
s e c o n d , t h a t w h i c h is t r u e b e i n g , a n d t h e first e s s e n c e ; t h e t h i r d , i n t e l l e c t , a n d a l l i n
t e l l e c t u a l life ; a n d t h e f o u r t h , t h e o r d e r b e l o n g i n g t o s o u l .
a distributive cause o f t h i n g s .
made.
with time.
o n t h e R i v a l s , is o f a v e r y l a r g e a n d e x t e n s i v e i m p o r t , a s u s e d b y P l a t o , a n d t h e o t h e r
a n t i e n t w r i t e r s o n p o l i t i c s : f o r it i n c l u d e s all t h o s e s t a t e s m e n o r p o l i t i c i a n s i n aristro-
cracies a n d d e m o c r a c i e s w h o w e r e , e i t h e r f o r life, o r f o r a c e r t a i n t i m e , i n v e s t e d w i t h
Politicus.
PRUDENCE, Qpowirig. This word frequently means in Plato and Platonic writers, t h e
h a b i t o f d i s c e r n i n g w h a t is g o o d i n all m o r a l a c d o n s , a n d f r e q u e n t l y s i g n i f i e s i n t e l l i
given by Jamblichus.
as t h e m e a s u r e a n d m o s t b e a u t i f u l p a r a d i g m o f a l l i t s e n e r g i e s . If also w e h a v e a n y
VOL. u x things
c x x ji EXPLANATION OF C E R T A I N
things as are g o o d , profitable, aftd beautiful, and o f the contraries to these, is obtained
by this virtue ; and the judgment and correction o f works proper to be done are by
this directed. A n d in short it is a certain governing leader e/ men, and of the whole
arrangement o f their nature; and referring cities and house*, and the particular life
of every o n e , t o a divine paradigm, it forms them according to the best simili
tude ; obliterating some things and purifying others. S o that prudence renders its
possessors similar to divinity. Jamblie. apud. Stob. p. 141.
inaccuracy through sense, and the instability of its object. For a material nature is
perpetually flowing, and is not naturally adapted to abide even for a moment.
T h e following beautiful description of the third kind of truth, or that which subsists
in souls, is given by Jamblichus: " T r u t h , as the name implies, makes a conversion
about the gods and their incorporeal e n e r g y ; but doxastic imitation, which, as Plato
says, is fabricative of images, wanders about that which is deprived of divinity a n d is
dark. A n d the former indeed receives its perfection in intelligible and divine forms, and
real beings which have a perpetual sameness of subsistence; but the latter looks to that
which is formless, and non-being, and which has a various subsistence j and about this its
visive power is blunted. T h e former contemplates that which i s ; but the latter assumes
such a form as appears to the many. H e n c e the former associates with intellect, and
increases the intellectual nature which we contain \ but the latter, from looking t o that
which always seems to be, hunts after folly and deceives.*' Jamblic. a p u d Stob. p . 1 3 6 .
THE
T H E
L I F E O F P L A T O .
B Y O I M Y J U P I O B D R U S .
LET US now fpeak of the race of the philofopher, not for the fake of
relating many particulars concerning him, but rather with a view to the
advantage and inftruction of his readers; fmce he was by no means an
obfeure man, but one who attracted the attention of many. For it is faid
that the father of Plato was Arifto, the ion of Ariftocles, from w h o m he
refers his origin to Solon the legiflator. H e n c e with primitive zeal he
wrote twelve book of Laws, and eleven books on a Republic. But his
mother was Peri&ione, who defcended from N e l e u s the fon of Codrus.
1
T h e y fay then that an Apolloniacal fpeclre had connexion with his
mother Peri&ione, and that, appearing in the night to Ari/lo, it commanded
him
1
T h e like account of the divine origin of Plato is alfo given by H e f y c h i u s , Apulcius o n the
dogmas of Plato, and Plutarch in the eighth book of his Sympofiacs. But however extraordinary
this circumftance m a y appear, it is nothing more than one of thofe mythological relations i n
w h i c h heroes arc faid to have Gods for their fathers, or GoddefiTes for their m o t h e r s ; and the
true meaning of it is as f o l l o w s : — A c c o r d i n g to the antient theology, between thofe perpetual
attendants of a divine nature called ejfential heroes, w h o are impaffive and pure, and the bulk
of human fouls w h o defcend to earth with pafiivity and impurity, it is neceflary there iliould be
an order of h u m a n fouls w h o defcend with impaftivity and purity. For, as there is no vacuum
either in incorporeal or corporeal natures, it i3 neceflary that the laft link of a fupcrior order
VOL. I. B fhoukl
2 THE LIFE OF PLATO.
him not to fleep with Periclione during the time of her pregnancy—which
mandate A rift o obeyed.
W h i l e he was yet an infant, his parents are faid to have placed him in
Hymettus, being defirous, on his account, to facrifice to the Gods of that
mountain, viz. Pan, and the Nymphej and the paftoral Apollo. In the
mean time the bees, approaching as he lay, filled his mouth with honey
combs, as an omen that in future it might be truly laid of him,
W o r d * from h i s tongue than honey fsveeter flowed *.
But Plato calls himfelf a fellow-fervant with fwans, as deriving his origin
from A p o l l o ; for according to the Greeks that bird is Apolloniacal.
W h e n he was a young man, he firft betook himfelf to Dionyfius the
grammarian for the purpofe of acquiring common literature. O f this
(hould coalefce w i t h the fummit o f one proximately inferior. Thefe fouls were called by the
antients Urreftrial heroes, o n account o f their high degree o f proximity and alliance to fuch as
are ejfeniially heroes. H e r c u l e s , Thefeus, Pythagoras, Plato, & c . were fouls of this kind, w h o
defcended into mortality, both to benefit other fouls, and i n compliance w i t h that neceflity b y
w h i c h all natures inferior to the perpetual attendants o f the Gods are at times obliged to defcend.
B u t as, according to the arcana of antient theology, every God beginning from o n high pro
duces his proper feries as for as to the laft of things, and this feries comprehends m a n y eflences
different from each other, fuch as Daemoniacal, Heroical, N y m p h i c a l , and the l i k e ; the l o w e d
powers o f thefe orders have a great c o m m u n i o n and phyfical fympathy with the h u m a n race, and
contribute to the perfection o f all their natural operations, and particularly to their procreations.
" H e n c e (fays Proclus in Cratylum) it often appears that heroes are generated from the mixture
o f thefe powers with mankind ; for thofe that poflefs a certain prerogative above h u m a n nature
are properly denominated heroes." H e a d d s : " N o t only a daemoniacal genus of this kind
fympathizes phyfically w i t h m e n , but other kinds fympathize with other natures, as n y m p h s
w i t h trees, others w i t h fountains, and others w i t h flags or ferpents." See more o n this intereft-
i n g fubje& i n t h e N o t e s to m y tranflation of Pau fanias, vol. i i i . p . 2 2 9 , & c .
E t w a l l , the editor o f this Life, not b e i n g acquainted with the philofophical explanation of this
MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION of Plato, pretends that this ftory originated from Plato being
faid to be born in the m o n t h Thargelion (with us, J u n e ) , and o u the very day in w h i c h Latona
is reported to have brought forth A p o l l o and D i a n a .
' H o r n . Iliad, l i b . i. ver. 349.
4 Dionyfius
T H E LIFE OF PLATO. 3
1
S o m e affirm that Plato fo excelled in the gymnaftic art, that h e contended in the P y t h i a n
aud Iflhmian g a m e s . j^JJyf&a et IJlbmia de luff a certavit. A p u l e i u s de D o g m a t e P U t o n i s .
B % the
4 THE LIFE OF PLATO.
But that Plato applied himfelf to Dithyrambics is evident from his Phae
drus, which plainly breathes the Dithyrambic character, and is faid to have
been the firft dialogue which Plato compofed.
H e was alfo much delighted with the comic Ariftophanes and Sophron *,
from whom'he learned the imitations of perfons in dialogues. H e is faid
to have been fo much pleafed with the writings of thefe men, that, on his
death, they were found in his bed. Plato himfelf likewife compofed the
following epigram on Ariftophanes:
T h e Graces, once intent to find
A temple w h i c h m i g h t ne'er decay,
T h e foul of Ariftophanes
A t length difcover'd.in their w a y .
1
T h i s Sophron w a s a Syracufan, and contemporary with Euripides. H e was an obfeure
writer; and his works, n o n e of w h i c h are n o w extant, were in the D o r i c dialect.
a
A c c o r d i n g to the words o f H o m e r , Iliad, l i b . xviii. ver. 392.
Anatolius
THE LIFE OF PLATO. 5
Anatolius the grammarian, once reciting this verfe, very much pleafed
Vulcan, at that time the governor of the city. But he thus addreffed h i m :
1
V u l c a n r draw n e a r ; 'tis P h a r o s afks vour aid.
It is faid, that when Socrates firft. intended to receive Plato as his difciple,
he faw in a dream a fvvan without wings fitting on his bofom, which foon
after obtaining wings flew into the air, and with the fweetnefs of its fhrill
voice allured all thofe that heard it. T h i s was a manifeft token of Plato's
future renown.
After the death of Socrates he had another preceptor, the Heraclitean
Cratylus, upon w h o m he alfo compofed a dialogue, which is infcribed
Cratylus, or, Concerning the reditude of names. After he had been fuffi-
ciently inftru&ed by this matter, he again went into Italy, where finding
Archytas reftoring a Pythagoric fchool, he again had a Pythagoric pre
ceptor of this name ; and hence it is that he makes mention of Archytas.
But fince it is requifite that a philofopher mould defire to behold the
works of nature, he alfo went into Sicily for the purpofe of viewing the
eruptions of fire in Mount ^Etna, and not for the fake of the Sicilian
table, as you, O noble Ariftides, affert.
W h e n he was in Syracufe with Dionyfius the Great, w h o was a tyrant,
he endeavoured to change the tyranny into an ariftocracy; and it was for
this purpofe that he vifited the tyrant. But Dionyfius afking him w h o m
among men he confidered as happy ? (for he thought that the philofopher,
employing flattery, would fpeak of him,) Plato anfwered, Socrates. Again
the tyrant afked him, W h a t do you think is the bufinefs of a politician ?
1
Pharos, as is well k n o w n , was a large tower near Alexandria, affording light to navigators in
the night. Anatolius, therefore, in calling himfelf Pharos muft have alluded to the e t y m o l o g y
of his n a m e . For Anatolius may be confidered as b e i n g derived from avaro^vi, the eaft, w h e n c e
the light of the two great luminaries of heaven emerges, and fa^oj m a y be faid to be quafi
favos, becaufe the light of torches appeared from it.
6 Plato
6 T H E LIFE OF PLATO.
Plato anfwered, T o make the citizens better. H e again afked him the
third time, W h a t , then, does it appear to you to be a fmall matter to decide
rightly in judicial affairs ? (for Dionyfius was celebrated for deciding in
fuch affairs with rectitude.) Plato anfwered boldly, It is a fmall matter,
and the laft part of good conduct; for thofe who judge rightly refemble
fuch as repair lacerated garments. Again Dionyfius afked him the fourth
t i m e , Muft not he who is a tyrant be brave ? Plato replied, H e is of all
m e n the moft timid; for he even dreads the razors of his barbers, left
he fhould be deftroyed by them. W i t h thefe anfwers Dionyfius was fo
indignant, that he ordered him to depart at fun-rife.
T h e following was the caufe of his fecond journey to Sicily. When,
after the death of Dionyfius the tyrant, his fon fucceeded to the throne,
w h o by his mother's fide was the brother of Dion, w i t h whom Plato
became acquainted in his firft journey, Plato again failed to Sicily, at
the folicitations of D i o n , who told him it might now be hoped that
through his exertions the tyranny might be changed into an ariftocracy.
H o w e v e r , as Dionyfius had been told by fome of his attendants that
Plato defigned to deftroy him, and transfer the government to Dion, he or
dered him to be taken into cuftody, and delivered to one Pollidis of ^Egina,
a Sicilian merchant, to be fold as a Have. But Pollidis taking Plato to
JEgma. found there the Libyan Anniceris, who was then on the point of
failing to Elis, for the purpofe of contending with the four-yoked car.
Anniceris gladly bought Plato of Pollidis, conceiving that he fhould thence
procure for himfelf greater glory than by conquering in the race. Hence
Ariftides obferves, that no one would have known Anniceris, if he had not
bought Plato.
T h e following circumftance was the occafion of Plato's third journey to
Sicily. D i o n , being profcribed by Dionyfius, and deprived of his pof-
feffions, was at length caft into prifon. H e therefore wrote to Plato, that
Dionyfius had promifed to liberate him, if Plato would again vifit him.
But
THE LIFE OF PLATO. f
But Plato, that he might afford affiftance to his afTociate, readily under
took this third voyage. And thus much for the journeys of the philofopher
into Sicily.
Plato likewife went into Egypt for the purpofe of converting with the
priefts of that country, and from them learned whatever pertains to facred
rites. Hence in his Gorgias he fays, " N o t by the dog, w h o is confidered
as a God by the Egyptians." For animals among the Egyptians effect the
fame things as flatues among the Greeks, as being fymbols of the feveral
deities to which they are dedicated. H o w e v e r , as he wifhed to converfe with
the Magi, but was prevented by the war which at that time broke out in,
Perfia, he went to Phoenicia, and, meeting with the Magi of that country,
was inftructed by them in m a g i c H e n c e , from his Timaeus, he appears
to have been fkilful in divination ; for he there fpeaks of the figns of the
liver, of the vifcera, and the like. Thefe things, however, ought to have
been mentioned prior to his journeys to Sicily.
W h e n he returned to Athens he eftablifhed a fchool in the Academy,
feparating a part of this Gymnafium into a temple to the Mufes. Here
Timon the mifanthrope affociated with Plato alone. But Plato allured
1
very many to philofophical difcipline, preparing men.and alfo w o m e n in a
virile habit to be his auditors, and evincing that his philofophy deferved the
greateft voluntary labour: for he avoided the Socratic irony, nor did he
converfe in the Forum and in workfhops, nor endeavour to captivate
young men by his difcourfes. Add too, that he did not adopt the vene
rable oath of the Pythagoreans, their cuflom of keeping their gates fhut,
and their ipfe dixit, as he wifhed to conduct himfelf in a more political
manner towards all men.
W h e n he was near his death., he appeared to himfelf in a dream to
be changed into a fwan, w h o , by paffing from tree to tree, caufed much
1
T w o w o m e n particularly in a virile habit are faid to have been his auditors, Lathfbenia the
Mantinenfian, and Axiothia the Phliafenfian.
labour
S T H E LIFE OF PLATO.
1
Plato was born fix years after Ifocrates, in the 8 7 t h Olympiad, and 4 3 0 years before Chrift.
H e alfo died o n his birth-day, after having lived exactly 81 years. H e n c e , fays Seneca, the
M A G I , w h o then happened to be at A t h e n s , facrificed to h i m o n his deceafe as a being more
t h a n h u m a n , becaufe he had confummated a m o i l perfect n u m b e r , w h i c h 9 nine times m u l
tiplied produces. N a m h o c fcis puto, Platoni diligentiae fuse beneficio contigifTe, quod natali
fuo dcceffit, et a n n u m u n u m atque o&ogefimum implevit, fine ulla dedu&ione. Ideo M A G I ,
qui fort£ A l h e n i s erant, immolaverunt defun&o, amplioris fuiffe fortis, quam humanae, rati, quia
confummaffet perfecuffimum n u m e r u m , quern n o v e m novies multiplicata c o m p o n u n t . Senec.
Epift. 6 3 .
THE
T H E
FIRST ALCIBIADES,
A DIALOGUE
CONCERNING
T H E N A T U R E O F MAN.
VOL. I. C
INTRODUCTION'.
r
\ _ H E moft peculiar and firm principle, fays Proclus, of all the dialogue*
of Plato, and of the whole theory of that philofopher, is the knowledge of
our own nature; for, this being properly eftablifhed as an hypothecs, w e
fhall be .able accurately to learn the good which is adapted to us, and the
evil which oppofes this good. For, as the effences of things are different,
fo alfo are their proper perfections; and this according to a fubjection o f
effence. For, whether being and the good proceed, as Ariftotle fays, from
the fame Vefta and firft fountain, it is certainly neceflary that perfection
fhould be imparted to every thing according to the meafures of effence;
or whether good proceeds from a caufe more antient and more characterized
by unity, but effence and being are imparted to things from another
caufe; ftill, as every thing participates of being more obfcurely and more
clearly, in the fame degree muft it participate of g o o d ; firft beings, in a
greater and more perfect manner; but thofe that rank in the middle
orders, fecondarily; and the laft of things according to an ultimate fub-
fiftence. For, how otherwife can things participate of deity and provi
dence, and a diftribution according to their defert ? For it muft not be
admitted that intellect can lead things into order, and impart to each a
convenient meafure, but that the good, or the ineffable principle of t h i n g s
which is more antient than intellect, fhould make its communications in
a difordered manner; viz. that it fhould impart to caufes and things caufed
the fame portion of goodnefs, and diftribute to the fame things according
to being the perfections of more primary and fubordinate natures. For
it neither was lawful, fays Timaeus, nor is, for the beft of natures to
effect any thing but that which is moft beautiful and moft commenfurate.
But the fame good is not moft commenfurate to firft and fecondary
1
The whole of this Introduction is extracted from the M S . Commentary o f Proclus
o n this d i a l o g u e ; excepting fome occafional elucidations by the tranflator.—T.
c 2 natures;
I N T R O D U C T I O N .
%
F o r , the perceptions of intellect being intuitive, whatever it fees it fees colle&ively, at
once, and w i t h o u t t i m e .
* ThJ6 is the cafe w i t h the fenfible univerfe, confidered as a whole
tific,
TNTROD UCTfON. 13
d i v i n e I a m b l i c h u s a f l i g n e d this d i a l o g u e t h e firft: r a n k , in t h e t e n d i a l o g u e s ,
in w h i c h he w a s o f opinion the w h o l e philofophy o f Plato w a s contained.
O f t h e p a r t i c u l a r s e x h i b i t e d in this d i a l o g u e , f o m e p r e c e d e a n d o t h e r s f o l
l o w t h e p r i n c i p a l d e f i g n , w h i c h is t h e k n o w l e d g e o f o u r f e l v e s . F o r t h e h y p o
1
thecs of twofold i g n o r a n c e , e x h o r t a t i o n , a n d t h e l i k e p r e c e d e ; but t h e
d e m o n f t r a t i o n o f v i r t u e a n d f e l i c i t y , a n d t h e r e j e c t i o n o f t h e m u l t i t u d e of
a r t s , as b e i n g i g n o r a n t o f t h e m f e l v e s , o f t h i n g s p e r t a i n i n g to themfelves,
a n d in fhort o f all t h i n g s , — a n d e v e r y t h i n g e l f e o f this k i n d , h a v e a c o n -
fequent order. But the m o f t perfect a n d l e a d i n g defign of the whole
converfation is t h e (peculation o f our o w n effence. So that he w i l l not
e r r w h o e f t a b l i f h e s t h e c a r e a n d k n o w l e d g e o f o u r f e l v e s , as t h e e n d o f t h e
dialogue.
A g a i n , t h e a m a t o r y f o r m o f life is p a r t i c u l a r l y i n d i c a t e d b y S o c r a t e s i n
this dialogue. F o r t h e b e g i n n i n g is m a d e f r o m h e n c e ; a n d h e proceeds
p e r f e c t i n g t h e y o u n g m a n till h e r e n d e r s h i m a l o v e r o f his providential
c a r e , w h i c h is t h e l e a d i n g g o o d o f t h e a m a t o r y art. A n d in f h o r t , t h r o u g h
all t h e divifions o f t h e d i a l o g u e , h e a l w a y s p r e f e r v e s that w h i c h is a d a p t e d
to a n a m a t o r y life. As t h e r e are three fciences, then, which Socrates
a p p e a r s t o h a v e teftified t h a t h e poffeffed, viz. the dialectic, the maieutic,
( i . e. o b f t e t r i c , ) a n d t h e a m a t o r y , we fhall find t h e f o r m o f the dialectic
a n d t h e p e c u l i a r i t y o f t h e m a i e u t i c f c i e n c e in this d i a l o g u e , but t h e effects
o f the amatory fcience p r e d o m i n a t e in it. F o r , w h e n S o c r a t e s , is c a l l i n g
forth the conceptions of Alcibiades, he ft ill acts c o n f o r m a b l y to the
amatory character; and w h e n he e m p l o y s the dialectic fcience, he does
not depart f r o m the peculiarity o f amatory arguments. J u f t as i n the
T h e a e t e t u s h e is m a i e u t i c , is p r i n c i p a l l y c h a r a c t e r i z e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h i s ,
a n d p r o c e e d s as far as t o a purification o f t h e falfe o p i n i o n s o f T h e a e t e t u s :
b u t , h a v i n g effected t h i s , h e difmiffes h i m , as b e i n g n o w a b l e o f himfelf
to k n o w the truth, w h i c h is t h e bufinefs o f t h e m a i e u t i c f c i e n c e , as h e
h i m f e l f afferts in t h a t d i a l o g u e . T h u s a l f o h e firft i n d i c a t e s t h e a m a t o r y
fcience in this dialogue, w i t h w h i c h both the dialectic and maieutic are
1
T w c f o ' d ignorance takes plare w h e n a man is ignorant that he is i g n o r a n t ; and this
w a s the cafe with Alcibiades in ihe firft part of this dialogue, and ii> the Uifeufe of the multitude.
9 singled.
tNTRODUCTION. 15
THE.
T H E
FIRST ALCIBIADES.
SOCRATES, ALCIBIADES.
SOCRATES.
I am
1
L e. Juno. * i. c. the fummit of cflencc.
VOL. I. D a C 3 l
18 T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
I am come thus to accoft you ; and am in good hopes too, that for the
future the daemon will give no oppofition to m y defire of converfmg
• with
acal order, it is various, more irrational and more material. Pofleffing therefore an effence
o f this kind, they are distributed in conjunction with the g o d s , as being allotted a p o w e r
1
miniftrant to deity. H e n c e they are in one way fubfervient to the liberated gods (anoXuTot
Bsot), w h o a i e the leaders of wholes prior to the w o r l d ; and in another to the mundane
g o d s , w h o proximately prefide over the parts o f the univerfe. F o r there is one divifion of
daemons, according to the twelve fuperceleftial g o d s , and another according to all the idiom*
of the mundane g o d s . F o r every mundane god is the leader of a certain daemoniacal order, t o
w h i c h h e proximately imparts his power ; viz. if he is a demiurgic g o d , he imparts a demiurgic
p o w e r ; if immutable, an undefined p o w e r ; if telefiurgic, a perfective power. A n d about each
of the divinities there is an innumerable multitude of daemons, and w h i c h are dignified
w i t h the fame appellations as their leading gods. H e n c e they rejoice w h e n they are called'
by the names of Jupiter, A p o l l o , and H e r m e s , &c. as exprefling the idiom or peculiarity
o f their proper deities. A n d from thefe, mortal natures alfo participate of divine influxions.
A n d thus animals and plants are fabricated, bearing the images of different g o d s ; daemon*
proximately imparting to thefe the representations of their leaders. But the gods in an
e x e m p t manner fupernally prefide over daemons ; and through this, laft natures fympathize
with fuch as are firft. For the reprefentations of firft are feen in laft natures; and the
caufes of things laft are comprehended in primary beings. T h e middle genera-too of daemons-
give completion to w h o l e s , the c o m m u n i o n of w h i c h they bind and c o n n e c t ; participating
indeed of the g o d s , but participated by mortal natures. H e therefore will not err w h o afferts
that the m u n d a n e artificer eftablifhed the centres of the order of the univerfe in daemons;,
fince D i o t i m a alfo afligns them this order, that of binding together divine and mortal natures,
of deducing fupernal ftreams, elevating all fecondary natures to the g o d s , and giving c o m
pletion to w h o l e s through the connexion of a m e d i u m . We muft not therefore afient to
their doctrine, w h o fay that daemons are the fouls o f m e n that have changed the prefent-
life, For it is not proper to confider a daemoniacal nature aceording to habitude (xara o-x,t<rw\
as the fame w i t h a nature ejfentially daemoniacal ; nor to affert that the perpetual medium
o f all m u n d a n e natures confifts from a life converfant w i t h multiform mutations. For a
.daemoniacal guard fubfifts always the fame, connecting the mundane wholes; but foul
does not always thus retain its o w n order, as Socrates fays in the R e p u b l i c ; fince at
different times it choofes different lives. N o r do w e praife thofe w h o make certain o f
the gods to be daemons, fuch as the erratic g o d s , according to A m e l i u s ; but w e are
pcrfuaded by Plato, w h o calls the gods the rulers of the univerfe, but fubjects to them the
herds of d a e m o n s ; and w e (hall every w h e r e prefcrve the doctrine of D i o t i m a , w h o afligns
the middle order, b e t w e e n all divine and mortal natures, to a daemoniacal effence. Let this
then be the conception refpecting the w h o l e of the d e m o n i a c a l order in c o m m o n .
1
i. e. gods who immediately fubfift above the mundane deities, and are therefore called fuperceleftial.
" In
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 19
with you. All this while, however, being but a fpeclator, I have been
able tolerably well to obferve and confider your behaviour with regard
to
" In the next place let us fpeak concerning the daemons w h i c h are allotted mankind. For
of thefe daemons, w h i c h as w e have faid rank in the middle order, the firft and higheft arc
olivine daemons, and w h o often appear as g o d s , through their tranfcendent fimilitude to the
divinities. For, in fhort, that w h i c h is firft in every order preferves the form o f the nature
prior to itfelf. T h u s , the firft intellect is a g o d , and the moft antient of fouls is i n t e l l e c t u a l :
and hence of daemons the higheft g e n u s , as being proximate to the g o d s , is uniform and
divine. T h e next to thefe in order are thofe daemons w h o participate of an intellectual i d i o m ,
and prefide over the afcent and defcent of fouls, and w h o unfold into light and deliver to all
things the productions of the gods. T h e third are thofe w h o diftribute the productions o f divine
fouls to fecondary natures, and complete the bond of thofe that receive defluxions from
thence. The fourth are thofe that tranfmit the efficacious powers of w h o l e natures t o
things generated and corrupted, and w h o infpire partial natures w i t h life, order, reafons,
and the all-various perfect operations w h i c h things mortal are able to effect. The fifth
are corporeal, and bind together the extremes in bodies. For, h o w can perpetual accord
w i t h corruptible bodies, and efficients with effects, except through this m e d i u m ? For it is
this ultimate middle nature w h i c h has dominion over corporeal g o o d s , and provides for
all natural prerogatives. T h e fixth in order are thofe that revolve about matter, c o n n e c t
the powers w h i c h defcend from celeftial to fublunary matter, perpetually guard this matter,
and defend the fhadowy reprefentation of forms w h i c h it contains.
" Dxmons therefore, as D i o t i m a alfo fays, being m a n y and all-various, the higheft of
them conjoin fouls proceeding from their father, to their leading gods : for every g o d , as
w e have faid, is the leader in the firft place of daemons, and in the next of partial fouls.
For the D e m i u r g u s diffeminated thefe, as Timaeus fays, into the fun and m o o n , and the other
inftruments of time. Thefe divine daemons, therefore, are thofe w h i c h are eflentially allotted
t o fouls, and conjoin them to their proper l e a d e r s : and every foul, though it revolves together
with its leading deity, requires a daemon of this kind. But daemons of the fecond rank
prefide over the afcenfions and defcenfions of f o u l s ; and from thefie the fouls of the multitude
derive their elections. For the moft perfect fouls, w h o are converfant w i t h generation i n
an undented manner, as they choofe a life conformable to their prefiding g o d , fo they live a c
cording to a divine daemon, w h o conjoined them to their proper deity w h e n they d w e l t o n
high. H e n c e the Egyptian prieft admired Plotinus, as being governed by a divine daemon.
T o fouls therefore w h o live as thofe that will (hortly return to the intelligible world whence
they came, the fupernal is the fame w i t h the daemon w h i c h attends t h e m h e r e ; but to
imperfect fouls the effential is different from the daemon, that attends them at their
birth.
*' If thefe things then are rightly afTerted, w e muft not afient to thofe w h o make our
rational foul a daemon. For a daemon is different from man, as D i o t i m a fays, w h o places
dcemons between gods and m e n , and as Socrates alfo evinces w h e n he divides a daemoniacal
oppofitely to the human nature : « for,' fays h e , « not a h u m a n but a daemoniacal obftacle
20 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
to your admirers. And I find, that, though they have been numerous,
1
and fuch perTons too as thought highly of themfelves, there is not one
whom
detains me.' But man is a foul ufmg the body as an inflrument. A daemon, therefore,
is not the fame with the rational foul.
" T h i s alfo is evident from Plato in the Timaeus, where he fays that intellect has in us
the relation of a daemon. B u t this is only true as far as pertains to analogy. For a daemon
according to effence is different from a daemon according to analogy. For in many instances
that w h i c h proximately prefides, fubfifting in the order of a daemon w i t h refpect to that
w h i c h is inferior, is called a daemon. T h u s Jupiter in Orpheus calls his father Saturn an
illustrious daemon; and Plato, in the Timaeus, calls thofe gods w h o proximately prefide
4
over, and orderly diftribute the realms of generation, daemons: ' f o r , ' fays he, to fpeak
concerning other daemons, and to k n o w their generation, exceeds the ability of human
nature.' B u t , a daemon according to analogy is that which proximately prefides over
any thing, t h o u g h it fhould be a g o d , or though it fhould be fome one of the natures
pofterior to the gods. A n d the foul that through fimilitude to the daemoniacal genus
produces energies more wonderful than thofe w h i c h belong to human nature, and which
fufpends the w h o l e of its life from daemons, is a daemon tiara ax*™* according to habitude,
i. e. proximity or alliance. T h u s , as it appears to m e , Socrates in the Republic calls thofe,
daemons, w h o have lived well, and w h o in confequcnce of this are transferred to a better
condition of b e i n g , and to more holy places. But an efiential d x m o n is neither called
a daemon through habitude to fecondary natures, nor through an aflimilation to fomething
different from i t f e l f ; but is allotted this peculiarity from himfelf, and is defined by a certain
f u m m i t , or flower of effence, (hyparxis,) by appropriate powers, and by different m o d e s o f
energies. In fhort, the rational foul is called in the Timaeus the daemon of the animal.
B u t w e investigate the daemon of m a n , and not of the a n i m a l ; that w h i c h governs the rational
foul itfelf, and not its i n f l r u m e n t ; and that which leads the foul to its j u d g e s , after the
diffolution of the animal, as Socrates fays in the Phaedo. For, w h e n the animal is no m o r e ,
the daemon w h i c h the foul was allotted while connected w i t h the body, conducts it to its
judge. F o r , if the foul pofieffes that daemon w h i l e living in the body, w h i c h is faid to
lead it to j u d g m e n t after death, this daemon muft be the daemon of the man, and not of the ani
mal alone. T o w h i c h w e may add, that, beginning from on h i g h , it governs the w h o l e of our
composition.
" N o r again, difmiffing the rational foul, muft it be faid that a daemon is that w h i c h energizes
in the f o u l : as, for inftance, that in thofe w h o live according to reafon, reafon is the
daemon; in thofe that live according to anger, the irafcible p a r t ; and in thofe that live
according
1
^ n o n g f t thefe w a s A n y t u s , w h o not long after became a bitter enemy to the great philo
fopher. A n d probably this was one of the motives of his e n m i t y , fome fufpicion that Socrates
had fupplanted h i m in the favour and friendfhip of Alcibiades. For a fufpicion of this fort
always b e g e t s envy in little minds; and from envy always fprings the moft malicious
hatred.—S.
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES. 21
1
whom you have not driven away from you by your fuperior haugh
tiness and imagined elevation. T h e reafons of your being exalted fo
highly
according to defire, the defiderative part. Nor muft it be faid that the nature which
proximately prefides over that w h i c h energizes in our life, is a daemon : as, for inftance,
that reafon is the daemon of the irafcible, and anger of thofe that live according to defire.
For, in the firft place, to aflert that daemons are parts of our foul, is to admire human life
in an improper degree, and oppofe the division of Socrates in the Republic, w h o after
gods and dxmons places the heroic and human race, and blames the poets for i n t r o
ducing in their poems heroes in no refpect better than men, but fubjcct to fimilar
paffions. By this accufation, therefore, it is plain that Socrates w a s very far from thinking
that daemons, w h o are of a fublimer order than heroes, are to be ranked among the parts
and powers c f the foul. F o r from this doctrine it will follow that things more excellent
according to eflence give completion to fuch as are fubordinate. A n d in the fecond place,
from this hypothefis, mutations of lives would alfo introduce multiform mutations of daemons.
For the avaricious character is frequently changed into an ambitious life, this again into
a life which is formed by right opinion, and this laft into a fcientific life. The daemon
therefore will vary according to thefe c h a n g e s : for the energizing part will be different
c
at different times. If, therefore, either this energizing part itfelf is a daemon, or tha
part which has an arrangement prior to it, daemons will be changed together w i t h the
mutation of human life, and the fame perfon will have many daemons in one life ; which
is of all things the moft importible. For the foul never changes in one life the g o v e r n m e n t
of its daemon •, but it is the fame daemon w h i c h prefides over us till w e are brought before
the judges of our conducl, as alfo Socrates afferts in the Phaedo.
" Again, thofe w h o consider a partial intellect, or that intellect w h i c h fubfifts at the extremity
of the intellectual order, as the fame with the daemon w h i c h is affigned to m a n , appear
to me to confound the intellectual idiom w i t h the daemoniacal effence. F o r all daemons
fubfift in the extent of fouls, and rank as the next i n order t o divine f o u l s ; but the
intellectual order is different from that of foul, and is neither allotted the fame effence,
nor power, nor energy.
" Further f\ill: this alfo may be faid, that fouls enjoy intellect then only w h e n they convert
themfelves to it, receive its light, and conjoin their o w n witli intellectual energy ; but t h e y
experience the ptSHfiding care of a daemonidcal nature through the whole of life, and in every
thing which proceeds from fate and providence. F o r it is the daemon that governs the w h o l e
of our life, and that fulfils the elections w h i c h w e made prior to generation, together w i t h the
gifts of fate, and of thofe gods that prefide over fate. It is likewife the daemon that fupplles
and meafures the illuminations from providence. A n d as fouls, indeed, w e are fufpended from
intellect,
1
Here is painted the moft diftinguifhing feature in the character of Alcibiades. For Plu
tarch allures us, that the ftrongeft of his paffions, though all of them were v e h e m e n t , w a s a love
of fuperiority and pre-eminence in all things. A n d i E l i a n in Var. Hift. 1. 4. c. 10. reprefents
him as the pattern of arrogance as if no perfon could ever in this quality exceed h i m . — S .
22 T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
intellect, but as fouls ufing the body w« require the aid of a daemon. H e n c e Pl.ito, in the
P h x d r u s , calls intellect the governor of the foul ; but he every where calls a daemon the
infpector and guardian of mankind. A n d no one w h o "considers the affair rightly, will find
any other one and proximate providence of every thing pertaining to us, bcfides that of a
daemon. For intellect, as w e have faid, is participated by the rational foul, but not by the
b o d y ; and nature is participated by the body, but not by the dianoetic part. A n d further ftill,
t h e rational foul rules over anger and defire, but it has no d o m i n i o n over fortuitous events.
But the daemon alone m o v e s , governs, and orderly difpofes, all our affairs. For he gives
perfection to reafon, meafures the pafTions, infpires nature, connects the body, fupplies things
fortuitous, accomplishes the decrees of fate, and imparts the gifts of providence. In fhort, h e
is the king of every thing in and about us, and is the pilot of the w h o l e of our life. A n d thus
m u c h concerning our allotted daemons.
" I n the next place* w i t h refpect to the daemon of Socrates, thefe three things are to be
particularly confidered. Firft, that he not only ranks as a daemon, but alfo as a g o d : for in
the courfe of this dialogue he clearly fays, ' I have l o n g been of opinion that the god did not as
yet direct m e to hold any converfation with y o u . '
" H e calls the fame power, therefore, a daemon and a g o d . A n d in the A p o l o g y he more
clearly evinces that this daemon is allotted a divine tranfeendency, confidered as ranking in a
daemoniacal nature. A n d this is what w e before faid, that the daemons of divine fouls, and w h o
mal^e choice of an intellectual and anagogic life, are divine, tranfeending the whole of a
daemoniacal g e n u s , and being the firft participants of the gods. For, as is a daemon among gods,
fuch alfo is a god among daemons. B u t among the divinities the hyparxis is d i v i n e ; but in
daemons, on the contrary, the idiom of their eflence is daemoniacal, but the analogy which they
bear to divinity evinces their effence to be godlike. For, on account of their tranfeendency with
refpect to other daemons, they frequently appear as gods. W i t h great propriety, therefore, does
Socrates call his daemon a g o d : for he belonged to the firft and higheft d x m o n s . Hence
Socrates w a s moft perfect, being governed by fuch a presiding power, and conducting himfelf
by the wiJl of fuch a leader and guardian of his life. T h i s then w a s one of the illustrious
prerogatives of the daemon of Socrates. T h e fecond was this: that Socrates perceived a certairt
voice proceeding from his daemon. For this is afferted by him in the T h e x t e t u s and in the
Phxdrus. And this voice is the fignal from the d x m o n , w h i c h he fpeaks of in the T h e a g e s :
and again in the P h x d r u s , w h e n he w a s about to pafs over the river, he experienced the
accuftomed fignal from the d x m o n . W h a t , then, does Socrates indicate by thefe aflertions, and
w h a t w a s the voice through w h i c h he fays the d x m o n fignificd to him his will ?
" In the frit place, w e muft fay that Socrates, through his dianoetic power, and his fcience of
t h i n g s , enjoyed the infpirstion of his d x m o n , w h o continually recalled him to divine love. In
the fecond place, in the affairs of life, Socrates fupernally directed his providential attention to
more imperfect f o u l s ; and according to the energy of his d x m o n , he received the light
proceeding
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES. 23
from any other party : for that what you have of your o w n , whether of
outward advantages or inward accomplifhments, is fo great as to be all-
fufficient.
1
proceeding from t h e n c e , neither in his dianoetic part alone, nor in his d o x a f t i c p o w e r s , but
alfo in his fpirit, the illumination of the d x m o n fuddenlv diffusing itfelf through the w h o l e of
his life, and n o w moving fenfe itfelf. For it is evident that reafon, imagination, and fenfe, enjoy
the fame energy differently, and that each of out inward parts is paffive t o , and is moved by>
the d x m o n in a peculiar manner. T h e voice, therefore, did not act upon Socrates externally
with pamvity ; but the dxmoniacal infpiration, proceeding inwardly through his w h o l e foul,
and diffufing itfelf as far as to the organs of fenfe, became at laft a v o i c e , which w a s rather
recognized by confeioufnefs (<ruvxtaGn<ris) than by f e n f e : for fuch are the illuminations of g o o d
d x m o n s , and the gods.
" In the third place, let us confuler the peculiarity of the d x m o n of S o c r a t e s : for it never
exhorted^ but perpetually recalled him. T h i s alfo muft again be referred to the Socratic l i f e :
for it is not a property c o m m o n to our allotted d x m o n s , but was the characteriftic of the
guardian of Socrates. W e muft fay, therefore, that the beneficent and philanthropic difpofition
of Socrates, and his great promptitude w i t h refpect to the communication of g o o d , did not
require the exhortation of the d x m o n . For he w a s impelled from himfelf, and w a s ready at all
times to impart to all men the moft excellent life. But fince many of thofe that came to h i m
were unadapted to the purfuit of virtue and the fcience of w h o l e s , his governing good d x m o n
reftrained him from a providential care of fuch as thefe. Juft as a good charioteer alone
reftrains the impetus of a horfe naturally well adapted for the race, but does not ftimulate h i m ,
in confequence of his being excited to motion from himfelf, and not requiring the fpur, but the
bridle. And hence Socrates, from his great readinefs to befiefit thofe w i t h w h o m he con\erfed»>
rather required a recalling than an exciting d x m o n . For the unaptitude of auditors, w h i c h is
for the moft part concealed from human fagacity, requires a d x m o n i a c a l difarimination ; and
the knowledge of favourable opportunities can by this alone be accurately announced to u s .
Socrates therefore being naturally impelled to g o o d , alone required to be recalled in his
unfeafonable impulfes.
" B u t further ftill, it may be faid, that of d x m o n s , f o m e are allotted a purifying and undefiled
power j others a generative j others a perfective ; and others a demiurgic power : and, in fhort,
they are divided according to the characteriftic peculiarities of the gods, and the p o w e r s under
w h i c h they are arranged. Each, likewife, according to his hyparxis, incites the object of his
providential care to a bleffed life ; fome of them moving us to an .attention to inferior c o n c e r n s ;
and others reftraining us from action, and an energy verging to externals. It appears, therefore,
that the d x m o n of Socrates being allotted this peculiarity, viz. cathartic, and the fource of an
undefiled life, and being arranged under this power of Apollo, and uniformly presiding over the
w h o l e of purification, feparated alfo Socrates from too m u c h commerce with the vulgar, and a
life extending itfe'f into multitude. But it led him into the depths of his foul, and an energy
undefiled by fubordinate n a t u r e s : and h e n c e it never exhorted, but perpetually recalled h i m .
1
i. e. the powers belonging to opinion, or that part of the foul which knows that a thing is, but not
«.vJy it is. 4
For,
24 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
fufficient. In the firft place, you think yourfelf excelling in the hand-
1
fomenefs of your perfon and in the finenefs of your figure. And in this
opinion it is evident to every one who has eyes that you are not mif-
taken. In the next place, you dwell on thefe thoughts : that you are
<3efcended from families the moft illuftrious in the ftate to which you
a
belong ; that this ftate is the greateft of any in G r e e c e ; that you have
friends here, and relations on your father's fide, very numerous and very
powerful, ready to affift you on every occafion ; and that your relations
on your mother's fide are not inferior to them, either in power or in num
ber. But a greater ftrength than from all thefe w h o m I have mentioned,
taken together, you think that you derive from Pericles, the fon of Xan-
thippus, w h o m your father left guardian to yourfelf and to your bro
ther : Pericles, w h o is able to do what he pleafes ; and that, not only at
Athens, but throughout all Greece, and with many and great families
abroad. T o all thefe advantages I mall add the greatnefs of your eftate;
3
though, indeed, on this advantage you feem to value yourfelf l e f s than you
do
F o r , w h a t elfe is to recall, than to withdraw h i m from the multitude to inward energy ? And of
w h a t is this the peculiarity except of purification ? Indeed it appears to m e , that, as Orpheus
places the Apolloniacal monad over king Bacchus, which recalls him from a progreflion into
T i t a n n i c multitude and a defertion c f his royal throne, in like manner the d x m o n of Socrates
conducted h i m to an intellectual place of furvcy, and r e t r a i n e d his affociation w i t h t h e
multitude. For the daemon is analogous to Apollo, being his attendant, but the intellect c f
Socrates to Bacchus : for our intellect is the progeny of the power of this d i v i n i t y . " — T .
1
T h a t Alcibiades, fays Proclus in his M S . Commentary on this dialogue, was large and beautiful,
is evident from his being called the general object of the love of all G r e e c e ; and is alfo evident
from the faying of Antifthenes, that if Achilles w a s not fuch as Alcibiades, he was not truly
beautiful ; and from Hermae b e i n g fafhioned according to his form. 'On & au (Aeyas b AhxiGiadns
eytvtro KM xaXkos, dn\oi pev xai TO XOIVOV aurov ipufxivov xa\tt(x6ai rv; ExxaJbj anaom' tiyKoi tie b Avrio-Qivng
ElTTtiJV) US El fJLY\ TCIIJTOJ >1V 0 A%IXXFYJ, HX apiX W OVTWF XCthOf $n\0l 0*E XUl TO T«{ 'EpfAa$ Tt^UTtCXaai XO.TCI TO
£l$0$ aiTH F.
* For an account of the noble defcent o f Alcibiades, fee Paufan. lib. J. T h u c y d . lib. 6.
Ifocrat. mit^i iiuyai- A n d o c i d . in Orat. 4ta.—T.
3
Hiftory teftilies that Alcibiades from his childhood paid but little attention to the acquisi
tion of wealth. Indeed, according to Plato, one of the greateft arguments of being well born
is a contempt of wealth ; and h e n c e , in the R e p u b l i c , he makes this to be one of the elements
of the philofophic nature. For an aptitude to virtue is inconfiftent with an attachment to riches.
I n d e e d , fince it i> requilite that a g e n u i n e lover of virtue fhould defpife the body, is it not m u c h
m o r e neceffary that he fhould defpife the goods of the body ?
But,
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 25
VOL. I . £ This
20 T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
This you are very fenfible of: and therefore 1 well know that you w o n
der what I can have in my thoughts, or what hopes I can entertain, feeing
that I quit you not, but continue my attachment to you ftill, when your
other admirers have all forfaken you.
A L C . T h i s however, Socrates, perhaps you do not know, that you have
been a little beforehand with me. F o r i really had it in my mind to addrefs
you firft, and to afk you thefe very queftions : W h a t can poffibly be your
meaning, and with what views or expectations is it, that you continually
prefs on m e , and, wherever I am, are affiduous to be there yourfelf? for I do
in truth wonder, what your bufinefs can be with m e , and mould be very
glad to be informed.
S o c . You will hear me then, 'tis to be fuppofed, with willingnefs and
attention, if you really are defirous, as you fay you are, of knowing what
I have in my thoughts. I fpeak therefore as to a perfon difpofed to hear,
and to ftay till he has heard all.
A L C . I am entirely fo difpofed : it is your part to fpeak.
S o c . But obferve this : you muft not wonder, if, as 1 found it difficult
to make a beginning, I fhould find it no lefs difficult to make an end.
A L C . M y good man, fay all you have to fay; for I fhall not fail to at
tend to y o u ,
S o c . I muft fay it t h e n : and though it is a hard talk for any man to-
addrefs the perfon w h o m he loves or admires, if that perfon be fuperior t o
flaftery, yet I muft adventure boldly to fpeak my mind. If, Alcibiades, I
had obferved you fatisfied with thofe advantages of yours, which I juft n o w
enumerated ; if you had appeared to indulge the fancy of fpending ybup:
whole life in the enjoyment of them ; I perfuade myfelf, that my love*
and admiration of you would have long fince left me. But that you entertain
thoughts very different from fuch as thofe, 1 fhall now fhow, and fhall lay.
your own mind open before yourfelf. By thefe means you will alfo plainly
perceive, how conftantly and clofely my mind has attended to you. M y
opinion of you then is this : T h a t , if any of the gods were to put this quef-
44
tion to y o u , — Alcibiades !" were he to fay, " whether do you choole to
live in the poffeffion of all the things which are at prefent yours ; or do
you prefer immediate death, if you are not permitted ever to acquire
things greater ?" in this cafe, it appears to me that you would make
death
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 27
xleath your option. But what kind of expectations you live in, I fhall n o w
declare. You think, that, if you fpeedily make your appearance before
the Athenian people in alfembly, (and this you purpofe to do within a few
days,) you fhall be able to convince them, that you merit higher honours
than were ever beftowed on Pericles, or any other perfon in any age : and
having convinced them of this, you think that you will arrive at the chief
power in the ftate; and if here at home, that you will then have the greateft
^weight and influence abroad ; and not only fo with the reft of the Grecian
ftatcs, but with the barbarian nations too, as many as inhabit the fame conti
nent with us. And further: if the deity whom I before fpoke of, allowing you
larger limits, were to fay to you, that " you muft be contented with being
the mafter here in Europe ; for that 'twill not be permitted you to pafs
over into Afia, nor to concern yourfelf with the adminiftration of any
affairs there it appears to me, that neither on thefe terms, thus limited,
would you think life eligible ; nor on any terms, indeed, that fell fhort of
filling, in a manner, the whole world with your renown, and of being
every where lord and mafter. I believe you deem no man that ever
lived, excepting Cyrus and Xerxes, worth the fpeaking of. In fine, that you
entertain fuch hopes as I have mentioned, I k n o w with certainty, and fpeak
not from mere conjecture. N o w you, perhaps, confeious of the truth of
what I have fpoken, might fay, W h a t is all this to the account you pro-
mifed to give me, of the reafons for which your attachment to me ftill
continues ? I will tell you then, dear fon of Clinias and Dinomache ! T h a t
all thefe thoughts of yours fhould ever come to an end, is impoffible
without my help,—fo great power I think rnyfelf to have with regard to your
affairs and to yourfelf too. For this reafon, I have long been of opinion,
1
that tine g o d did not as yet permit me to hold any converfation with you ;
and I waited for the time when he would give me leave. For, as you enter-
lain hopes of proving to the people, that your value to them is equal to
whatever they can give you; and as you expect that, having proved this
point, you fhall immediately obtain whatever power you delire ; in the
fame manner, do I expect to have the greateft power and influence over
you, when I fhall have proved that I am valuable to you * more than any
other thing is ; and that neither guardian, nor relation, nor any other
perfon, is able to procure you the power you long for, except myfelf;
with the affiftance, however, of the god. So long therefore as you was
yet too young, and before you had your mind filled with thofe lwelling
hopes, I believe that the god would not permit me to have difcourfe
with you, becaufe you would not have regarded m e , and I conlequently
fhould have difcourfed in vain ; but that he has now given me free leave*
for that you would now hearken to m e .
A L C . Much more unaccountable and abfurd do you appear to me nowv
Socrates, fince you have begun to open yourfelf, than when you followed
me every where without fpeaking to me a word : and yet you had all the
appearance of being a man of that fort then. As to what you have faid,
whether I entertain thofe thoughts in my mind, or not, you, it feems r
k n o w with certainty : fo that, were I to fay I did not, the denial would
not avail me, nor perfuade you to believe me. Admitting it then, and
fuppofing that I indulge the hopes you mentioned ever fo much, h o w they
may be accomplished by means of you, and that without your help they
never can, are you able to prove to me ?
S o c . D o you afk m e , whether I am able to prove it to you in a long^
harangue, fuch a one as you are accuftomed to hear ? I have no abilities
in that way. But yet I fhould be able, as I think, to prove to you, that thofe
pretentions of mine are not vain, if you would be willing but to do me one
fmall piece o f fervice.
A L C . If that fervice be not difficult to be done, I am willing.
S o c . D o you think it difficult, or not, to make anfwers to fuch queftions
as are propofed to you ?
A L C . N o t difficult.
S o c Be ready then to anfwer.
A L C . D O you then propofe your queftions.
S o c . May I propofe them, with a fuppofition that you have thofe thoughts
in your mind which I attribute to you ?
• In the Greek text, as it is printed, the w o r d ™ is here o m i t t e d , but feems neceflary to be
inferted, and the paffage to be read thus, o n iraviOi /xaxxov a&oj <rot upi, *. T. X. fo as to correfpond,
as it o u g h t , w i t h thefe words in the preceding part of the f e n t e n c e , on aurn 7ravTcsa%ios ~8.
6
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
perfon was handfome or deformed ; and whether his family was noble or
ignoble.
A L C . H o w mould it be other wife ?
S o c . For to give good advice in any cafe whatever, belongs, I fuppofe,
only to a perfon (killed in the fubjecl:, and not to a fine gentleman.
A L C . Beyond all qu eft ion.
S o c . And whether the man w h o gives them his advice be rich or poor,
it will make no difference to the Athenians, when they are c o n f u t i n g
about the health of the city ; but they will always inquire after a phyfician
only to confult with.
A L C . T h e y will be right in fo doing.
S o c N o w , on what fubjecl is it, when they are met in confutation to
gether, that you will do right in rifing up and giving them your counfel ?
A L C . 'Tis when they are in confutation, Socrates, about their o w n
affairs.
S o c About increafing their navy, do you m e a n ? what fort of veflels
they fhould provide, and in what manner they fhould have them built ?
A L C I mean no fuch thing, Socrates.
S o c Becaufe you are ignorant, I prefume, in the art of fhipbuilding>
Is not this the reafon ? Or is there any other, why you would choofe in
fuch a confutation to fit filent f
A L C . That is the only reafon.
S o c . W h a t affairs of their o w n then do you mean ? .
A L C I mean, Socrates, when: they are deliberating about the makings
war, or the making peace ; or concerning any other affairs of ftate. -
•* >:Sdc. - D o you mean, w h e n they are deliberating on thefe points, with
whom 'tis proper for them to make peace, and with w h o m to engage in
war, and in what way 'tis proper to carry on that war ? Is this what you
mean ?'
all ages, have always been obfervcd to lay the greateft ftrefs on thofe circumftances> in choofing.
a king, a leader in war, or magiftrates and c o u n c i l o r s in time of peace. Alcibiades was
n o w too young and unexperienced to judge of men by better flandards than thofe ufed by
the vulgar and the ignorant, or to know the fuperior advantages o f mental abilities and
knowledge. T h e fize of an understanding, the beauty of a foul, or the. divine origin of the
human mind, he had no more thought of, than he would have done had he.been bred a p l o w -
boy, or born a Hottentots—-S.
ALC.
31 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
A L C . It is.
S o c . And you wiJl agree, that 'tis proper to make peace or war with
thofe people with w h o m 'tis beft fo to do ?
A L C . Certainly.
S o c . And at that time w h e n 'tis beft ?
A L C B y all means.
S o c . And to continue it fb long as 'tis beft to continue it ?
A L C . T O be fure.
S o c . N o w , fuppofe that the Athenians were deliberating about the ex-
ercife of wreftling, with what fort of perfons it is proper to come to clofe
quarters, and with w h o m to engage at arm's length, and in what way,
would you give the beft counfel in this cafe, or would a mafter of the
exercifes ?
A L C . Such a mafter, certainly.
S o c . Can you tell me now, what end fuch a mafter would have, in his
v i e w , when he gave his counfel on thefe points, with w h o m it is proper
to wreftle clofely, and with w h o m not fo ? at what times it is proper, and
in what manner ? M y meaning is to afk you thefe queftions : Whether is it
proper to wreftle clofely w i t h thofe perfons with w h o m it is beft fo to
wreftle, or is it not ?
A L C . It is.
S o c . W h e t h e r as much alfo as is beft ?
A L C . As much.
S o c . W h e t h e r at thole times too w h e n 'tis beft ?
A L C W i t h o u t doubt.
S o c . But further : Ought not a finger fometimes, in fingmg, to touch
his lute, and to m o v e his feet ?
A L C . H e ought.
S o c . Ought he not to do fo at thofe times w h e n 'tis beft fb to do ?
A L C . Certainly.
S o c . A n d to continue the doing fo as long as 'tis beft to continue it ?
A L C . I agree.
S o c . W e l l n o w . Since you agree with me that there is a beft in both
thefe actions, in fingering the lute whilft finging, and in the exercife of
clofe wreftling, by w h a t name call you that which is the beft in fingering the
lute?
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 33
lute? As that which is the beft in wreftling I call gymnaftical, what name
now do you give to that which is beft done in that other action ?
A L C . I do not apprehend your meaning.
S o c . T r y to copy after the pattern which I fhall now give you. Sup-
pofing, then, that I had been afked this queftion, " In wreftling, h o w is
that performed which is performed beft ?" I fhould anfwer, 'Tis per
formed in every refpect rightly. N o w , in wreftling, that performance
is right which is according to the rules of art. Is it not ?
A L C It is.
S o c And the art, in this cafe, is it not gymnaftic ?
A L C . Without difpute.
Soc. I faid, that that which is the beft in wreftling is gymnaftical.
A L C . Y O U did.
S o c And was it not well laid ?
A L C . I think it was.
S o c Come then. D o you in like manner (for it would not iH become
you likewife to difcourfe well) fay, in the firft place, W h a t is the art, to which
belong the playing o n the harp, the finging, and the moving at the fame
time, rightly all ; the whole of this art, by what name is it called ? Are you
not yet abie to tell ?
A L C . Indeed I am not.
S o c . T r y in this way then. W h a t goddefies are thofe w h o prefide
over this art ?
A L C The mufes mean you, Socrates ?
S o c I do. Confider n o w , what name is given to their art—a name
derived from them.
A L C . i fuppofe you mean mufic.
S o c . T h e very thing. W h a t then is that which is performed rightly,
according to this art ? Juft as in the other cafe I told you, that whatever
was performed rightly according to the rules o f that other art, was
gymnaftical* ; in this cafe n o w , after the ferae manner % whatever
is
x
T h a t is, gymnaftically performed, or a gymnaftic performance. W e have thus tranflated
the Greek in this place, on a fuppofition that the words bii yvuxarm* ought to be here read,
vol.. i. F inftead
31 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
is performed agreeably to the rules of this art, how do you fay it muft be
performed ?
A L C . Mufkally, I think,
S o c . You fay well. L e t us'now proceed further; and tell me, what
name you give to that which is beft in making war ; and what name to
3
that w h i c h is beft in making peace: juft as, in the former cafes, the beft
in one of them you called the more mufical, in the other the more g y m
naftical. Try now in thefe cafes likewife to name that which is the beft.
A L C . I find myfelf quite unable to tell what it is.
S o c . 'Tis a fhame to you that you are fo. For, fuppofe you were
fpeaking and giving your opinion concerning the fuperiority of one kind
of food to another, and fhould fay, that fuch or fuch a kind of food was
the beft at this feafon, and fuch or fuch a quantity of it ; and fuppofe a
man fhould thereupon queftion you thus, " W h a t do you mean by the beft,
Alcibiades ?" on thefe fubjects you would be able to give him an anfwer, and
to tell him, that by the beft you meant the moft wholefome ; and this you.
would fay, notwithftanding that you do not profefs to be a phyfician.. And
yet, on a fubjecl: which you profefs to have the knowledge of, and rife up
to give your judgment and advice on, as if you had this knowledge, are you
not afhamed, when you are queftioned, as I think you are, on this very
fubjecl, to be unable to give an anfwer, and to tell what is that which is the
beft ? And muft not this inability appear to others fhameful in you ?
inftead of t>JV yvu.varimv. Let the learned reader judge, whether our fuppofition be w e l l
founded or not, after he has read a little further on in the original.—S.
a
T h e famenefs of manner in thefe t w o cafes confifts in the fimilitude b e t w e e n the t w o pa-
ronymies. For the paronymous terms, mufic, mufical, and mufically, exactly correfpond w i t h
thofe of g y m naftic, gymnaftical, and gymnaftically.—S.
3 T h i s pafiage in the original, as printed feverally by Aldus, W a l d e r , H e n r y Peters,, and
H e n r y Stephens, runs t h u s : — u e n e p ixei exara fXfyej repa/4.£ivovty on /xHtrixurtpev xai em ra erepa>9
on yvpvanxcoTfpov. But if we conjecture rightly, it fhould be piinted t h u s : i*cnzp exit t<p' Ixara
fXeyss T O AMEINON* 'ENI, o, rli fjunrixontfov xai mi ra irefcp, o, rli yj/xvartxeortfov. Our conjec
ture is favoured by the L a t i n tranflation, w h i c h F i c i n u s made from a M S . copy of Plato. Long
fince w e w r o t e this, w e have found the following emendation oi' this paflage, made by Cornarius,
in his Eclogae, wo-ntf exti sip1
*ETEPX2i t\eye$ T O A M E I N O N , on ixaaixureqov x. t. a. And this
w a y of reading t h e fentence w e fhould prefer to our o w n conjecture, but that ours is quite
agreeable to the tranflation of F i c i n u s , f o l l o w e d herein by D a c i e r ; and alfo that the error is
thus more eafily accounted for, and the alteration of the text l e f s . — S .
6 ALC.
THE FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 85
A L C . Certainly it muft.
S o c . Confider thoughtfully now,~and tell me, W h a t is the end or aim of
that which is done beft in the making or the continuing o f peace, and like-
wife in the going to war with thofe with w h o m it is proper ?
A L C . W e l l , I do confider; but cannot think of what it is.
S o c . Know you not, when w e go to war, what it is which both the
parties accufe each other of during their military preparations, and what
names they give to the caufes of their quarrels ?
A L C . I do. They accufe each other of deceiving, or of offering violence,
or of taking away fome of their poffeffions.
S o c . But obfervc : H o w do they fay they have been thus treated ? Try
to tell me what difference there is in t h e manner of this treatment they
give to each other. '
A L C . D O you mean, whether they .thus treat each.other juftly or unjuftly?
S o c . T h i s is the very difference I mean.
A L C . Thefe different manners of ill treatment differ totally and entirely.
Soc. W e l l then. W i t h w h o m would you counfel the Athenians to en
gage in war ? whether with thofe w h o treat them ill unjuftly, or with thofe
w h o treat them as they deferve ?
A L C . A queftion, this, of very ferious import. For, if any man fhould
entertain a thought of the propriety of going to war with fuch as act up
rightly, he would not dare to o w n it.
S o c . Becaufe it is not lawful, I fuppofe, to engage in fuch a war.
A L C By no means is it fo, neither feems it to be beautiful.
S o c W i t h a view therefore to thefe things and to what is juft, you
•will make your fpeeches to the people.
1
Thefe things evidently mean the lawful and the -.beautiful, mentioned immediately before.
T h e fentence in the original, as printed, is this ; noos raur' of a, xai <ru TO hxaw T»$ xoyaj nowr*.
I n which the words xai <rv are undoubtedly tranfpofed, and fhould be read ov xai. The
tranfpofition not being difcovered by Stephens obliged h i m to change the word TOUT* into
Tar™, as belonging to TO OWIOV, and therefore made to agree w i t h it. T h i s alteration fuppofes
vofM/MV and xaxov, lawful and beautiful, to be words merely fynonymous with 3i*«iev, ju/l, confe-
quently fuperfluous, and introduced to no purpofe. T h e tranfpofition muft have been more
antient than any M S . of Plato n o w remaining ; for it has corrupted not only the oldeft editions,
but the oldeft tranflations too j infecting of courfe all thofe w h i c h came a f t e r . — S .
F 2 ALC.
36 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
• In the Greek, as printed, the words are thefe,—Eira mi n» org tx tixov ira. W e here fuppofe
that the a* immediately before HXOI ought to be omitted: and our fuppofition is favoured by
4 Ficinus's
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 37
S o c . W e l l faid. Can you tell m e , then, at what time you did not
imagine yourfelf to know what things are juft, and what are unjuft ?' For,
come, let me afk you : W a s it laft year, when you inquired into thefe fub
jects, and did not imagine yourfelf already knowing in them ? or did you
at that time think that y o u had fuch knowledge r Anfwer truly n o w , that
our argument may come to fome conclufion.
A L C . W e l l then. I did at that time prefume myfelf to be k n o w i n g iii
thofe fubjects.
Soc. And in all the third year back from this prefent, in all the fourth
too, and all the fifth, did you not prefume of yourfelf the fame ?
A L C . I did.
S o c . And earlier than the time I mentioned laft, you was but a boy.
A L C . True.
S o c . And in your days of boyhood I am well affured that you thought
yourfelf knowing in thofe fubjects.
A L C . H O W are you fo fure of that ?
Soc. Often in the fchools, when you was a boy, and in other places too
whenever you was playing at dice, or was a party in any other play, I have
heard you talking about what things were juft or unjuft—not as if you had
any doubts on thofe fubjects, but very ftrenuoufly and boldly pronouncing,
1
that fuch or fuch a one of your play-mates was a wicked boy, and a-
rogue, and was guilty of a piece of injuftice. Is not all this true ?
ALC. Well. But what elfe was I to do, w h e n any of them injured me ?
S o c , Right. But if you had happened to be ignorant of this very point,
whether
38 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
whether you was injured or not, would you fay, " W h a t in fuch a cafe was
1
Itodo ?"
A L C . But, by Jove, I was not ignorant of that p o i n t ; for I clearly faw
that I was injured.
S o c You thought yourfelf, it feems, therefore, w h e n you was a boy,
knowing in the fcience of what is juft and what is unjuft ?
A L C . I did fo ; and knowing in it I was too.
S o c . A t what time was it that you firft difcovered it ? for certainly it
was not at a time when you thought yourfelf knowing in it.
A L C . T h a t , 'tis clear, could not be.
S o c . At what time then was it that you thought yourfelf ignorant in it?
Confider : but that time you will never find.
A L C . By J o v e , Socrates, I am not able to tell when.
S o c . Y o u did not acquire that knowledge, then, by any difcovery of
your own ?
A L C That does not at all appear to have been the cafe.
S o c . And befides, you acknowledged but juft before, that you did not
acquire it by being taught. If then you neither difcovered it of yourfelf,
nor was taught it by any other perfon, how or whence have you this know
ledge ?
A L C W e l l . But I was wrong in my anfwers, when I fuppofed that I had
found out that knowledge by myfelf.
S o c In what way then did you acquire it ?
A L C . I learnt it, I prefume, in the fame way in which others do.
Soc. W e are now come round again to the fame qneftion as before;
F r o m w h o m did you learn it ? Inform me.
A L C . From the people.
S o c . T o no good teachers have you recourfe for the origin of your
k n o w l e d g e , in referring it to the people.
A L C . W h y fo ? Are not they capable of teaching?
S o c . N o t fo much as what movements are proper, and what im
proper, to make in a game at tables. A n d yet the knowledge of thefe
1
W e have here f o l l o w e d the t e x t , as it is printed by S t e p h e n s , where w e read teyoi;. The
.other editors give us teytis.—S.
things
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
Hone, or a -piece o f wood, do they not all go to the fame kind of things ?
A n d do they not all apprehend alike, what kind of things every other fuch
word fignilies ? For I prefume this is what you mean by knowledge of the
-Greek language : is it not ?
A L C . It is.
S o c N o w , on thefe fubjects, as w e faid before, do not the people of our
city agree among themfelves ? And among the feveral cities of Greece is
there any difference of opinion i D o the fame words, in different places,
fignify different things ?
A L C T h e y do not.
S o c O n thefe fubjeds, therefore, agreeably t o our argument, the people
ihould be good teachers.
A L C . It is true.
S o c . If then w e had a mind to have any perfon inftrucled in this matter,
w e mould do right in fending him, for fuch inftruction, amongft the mul
titude o f the people ?
A L C Quite right.
S o c . But what if w e had a mind to have that perfon taught, not only
t o know men from horfes by the different words denoting them in the Greek
language, but, befide this, to k n o w what horfes are fit for the race, and
w h a t are unfit ? is the multitude able to teach this alfo i
A L C Certainly, not.
S o c . And you admit this to be a fufficient proof of their ignorance in this
matter, and of their inability to teach, that they agree not in their opinions
o n this head?
A L C I do.
S o c . And what if w e would have him learn, not only by what word
i n our language m e n are difiinguifhed from other things, but, further, to
k n o w what men are healthy and w h o are unhealthy ? whether fhould w e
d e e m the multitude to be the proper teachers for h i m i
A L C B y no means.
S o c . And it would be an evidence to you of their being bad teachers on
this fubjecl, if you faw them difagreeing in their opinions ?
A L C It would.
Soc
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
S o c . And how is it now on the fubjecl of juftice ? D o you find the mul
titude agreeing one with another, or even the lame perfon always of the
fame mind, concerning either m e n or actions, w h o are the honeft, or
what is juft ?
A L C . JLcfs than on any other fubjett, by Jove, Socrates, are they agreed
with regard to this.
S o c . W h a t ? do you then think they differ on this fubject more
than upon any other ?
A L C . By far do they.
S o c . You have never, I fuppofe, feen or heard Of m e n , in any age,
who contended for their feveral opinions concerning the wholefome and
the unwholefome in food, with fo much zeal as to fight and kill one
another on that account ?
A L C . Never.
S o c . But concerning juft and unjuft in actions, that their difputes have
carried them to fuch extremities, I am fure, if you have not feen, you have
at leaft heard from many reports, and particularly from thofe of Homer .
for you have heard both the Odyffey and the Iliad read to you.
A L C . Thoroughly well, Socrates, am I verfed in both.
S o c . And is not the fubjecl: of both thefe poems the diverfity of opinions
with regard to what is juft and what is unjuft ?
A L C . It is.
S o c . And did not this diverfity of opinions produce fighting and flaughter
between the Greeks and Trojans, and between Ulyffes and the wooers
of Penelope ?
A L C . True.
Soc. And I believe that the deaths of thofe Athenians, Lacedaemonians
1
and Boeotians, w h o perifhed at Tanagra , and of thofe who afterwards
1
T h e firft battle of T a n a g r a , in w h i c h the Lacedaemonians prevailed over the A t h e n i a n s ,
was uncommonly fierce, and very m a n y w e r e (lain, of the victorious army as well as of the
vanquifhed. For fo w e are exprefsly told by T h u c y d i d e s , in lib. i. § 108 ; by P l u t a r c h , in t h e
Life of C y m o n ; and by D i o d o r u s Siculus, in lib. 11, ad ann. 3. Olympiad. 8 3 . T h e next year,
in a fecond battle at the fame place, the Athenians were fuccefsful; and the gallantry of their
behaviour in it was equal, fays the hiftorian laft cited, to that of their exploits at M a r a t h o n and
Platsea. But the firft battle of Tanagra feems to be here meant, and not the fecond, as Meflieurs
L e Fevre and Dacier imagined. For the purpofe of Plato w a s to ( h o w , not the valour e x
hibited, but the blood fhed, in fighting about right and w r o n g S .
VOL. I . G died
42 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
1
died at Coronea, amongft w h o m was Clinias your father, were not
o w i n g to differences on any other fubjecT than this, what was juft and what
unjuft.
A L C . Y O U are in the right.
S o c . Shall w e fay then that thefe people had knowledge in that fubjed
on which they differed with fo much vehemence, as in fupport of their dif
ferent opinions to fuffer from each other the utmoft effects of hatred ?
A L C . It appears they had not.
S o c . D o you not then refer to fuch a fort of teachers as you yourfelf ac
knowledge to be ignorant ?
A L C . I do, it feems.
S o c . H o w therefore is it probable that you fhould have the knowledge
todifcern what is juft from what is unjuft, when your account of them is
fo vague, and w h e n you appear neither to have been taught that knowledge,
by any other perfon, nor to have found it out yourfelf?
A L C . According to what you fay,'tis not probable.
S o c Are you fenfible that, what you faid laft was not faid fairly,. Air
cibiades ?.
A L C W h a t was unfair K
S o c . Your affertion that I faid thofe things o f you which were faid.,
A L C W h a t ? did not you fay that I had not the knowledge to difcera.
what was juft from what was unjuft ?.
S o c N o t I, indeed.
A L C . W h o was it then that faid fo ? was i t I myfelf ?!
S o c . It w a s -
A L C Make that appear.,
S o c Y o u will'fee it in this way *". If I afk you concerning one and
t w o , which is the greater number,, you w i l l fay that t w o is.
A L C . I fhall..
J
The battle of Coronea b e t w e e n the Athenians and the Boeotians* i n t h e 2d year o f the 8 3 d
Olympiad, w a s n o t lefs fierce than the firft battle at T a n a g r a , and much more unfortunate to
the Athenians j a great part of their army being ftain, together w i t h T o l m i d a s the commander
of it in c h i e f ; and'all who remained alive being taken prifoners j as w e learn from T h u c y d i d e s ,
:
in lib. 1. § 113 5 and from D i o d o r u s , i n lib. 12. ad ann. fupradict.—S.
2
In the w a y of aTguing by induction j that i s , b y inferring fome univerfal propofition from
many particular propoGtions acknowledged to be true-, and comprehended in that univer
fal.—S.
4 Soc.
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 43
S o c . H o w much greater is it ?
A L C Greater by one.
S o c . N o w whether of us is it w h o fays that t w o is a greater number or
more than one by one ?
A L C It is I myfelf.
Soc. Did not I afk the queftion, and did not you give an anfwer to it?
ALC T r u e : it was fo.
Soc. On this fubjecl:, then, who appears to have made any affertion? D o
I, who only afked a queftion ? or do you, w h o gave the anfwer ?
A L C I.
S o c . And if I afk you h o w many letters compofe the name of Socrates,
and you tell me, which of us is it w h o declares h o w many ?
ALC I.
S o c . In a word, whenever any queftion is afked, and an anfwer to it is
given, fay, who is it that makes an affertion, the party that afks the
queftion, or the party that gives the anfwer ?
A L C . T h e party that gives the anfwer, in m y opinion, Socrates*
S o c . Through the whole of our paft difcourfe was not I the party that
afked the queftions ?
A L C Y O U was,
Soc. And was not you the party that gave the anfwers ?
A L C I was.
S o c . W e l l then. Whether of us t w o made the affertions ?
A L C From what I have admitted, Socrates, I myfelf appear to h a v e '
been that perfon.
S o c In thofe affertions was it not faid that Alcibiades, the fine fon of
Clintas, had not the knowledge to difcern what was juft and what was un
juft, but imagined that he had; and that he was about going into the affembly
t o give the Athenians his counfel and advice upon fubjects which he k n e w
nothing of ? Is not this true ?
A L C It appears fo to be.
1
S o c T h a t which Euripides fays may therefore well be applied to the
condition
* Monf. Dacier i n this place rightly refers us t o the H i p p o l y t u s o f the poet here cited. For
i n one o i the fcenes of that tragedy, Phaedra, b e i n g afhamed to confefs to her old nurfe that*
C 2 Hippolytu*
44 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
H i p p o l y t u s w a s the object of her l o v e , and yet unwilling to conceal it from her, defcribes him,,
without n a m i n g h i m , in terms fo p o i n t e d , that the nurfe could not poflibly miftake the perfon..
U p o n w h i c h the nurfe afking her if ihe means H i p p o l y t u s , Phaedra anfwers in verfe 3 5 2 ,
confuting what you before faid amifs, you would have new matter intro
duced, and different arguments made ufe of, to prove you in the wrong
again : as if the former proofs were worn out like old clothes, and you
could no longer put them on, but one muft bring you a frefh proof never
ufed before. But without taking further notice of your evafions, I fliall
repeat the fame queftion, and afk you from what learning you came to
know what was a man's intereft, and who taught you this k n o w l e d g e ; and
all the other queftions afked before I afk you again, dimming them up in o n e .
It is evident now, that your anfwers will amount to the very fame as t h e /
did before ; and that you will not be able to m o w by what means you at
tained the knowledge of what is advantageous to a man? or conducive t o
his good ; either how you found it out yourfelf, or from w h o m you learned
it. However, feeing that you are fqueamifh, and decline the tailing o f
the fame arguments again, I wave the inquiry into this point, whether
you have or not the knowledge of what is the intereft of the Athenians.
But this other point, whether the fame actions are juft and advantageous ;
or whether what 'tis juft to do, differs from what 'tis a man's intereft to>
d o ; why (hould not you prove, by putting queftions to m e , in the fame
manner as I did to you ? or, if you had rather, make a difcourfe upon
that fubjecl wholly by yourfelf.
A L C . But I know not if I mould be able, Socrates, to- make fuch a dif
courfe to you.
S o c . W h y , my good friend, fuppofe me to be the afiembly and the people.
And, were you addreffing your difcourfe to them, it would be proper for
you to perfuade every fingle man of therru W o u l d it not ?
A L C . It would.
S o c . Does it not belong, then, to the fame perfon to be able to perfuade
one fingle man by himfclf, and to perfuade many men aflembled together,
in fpeaking on any fubject with which he is well acquainted ? as, for i n -
ftance, a teacher of grammar is equally well able to perfuade one man. a n d
many men, when letters are the fubjeft of his difcourfe.
A L C True.
S o c . And when numbers are the fubjedfc, would not the feme perfon,
who perfuades many, perfuade one as well ?
A L C . H e would.
Soc.
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
S o c . And muft not this perfon be one w h o is well acquainted with num
bers ? muft he not be an arithmetician ?
A L C . Moft certainly.
S o c . And would not you alfo, in fpeaking on any fubje&s, if you are
able to perfuade many o f the truth of what you fay, be able to perfuade a
imgle one 1
A L C . ' T i s probable that I mould.
S o c But thefe fubje&s it is plain muft be fuch as you are well acquainted
with.
A L C Undoubtedly.
S o c . Is there a*hy other difference, then, between a fpeaker in theaffem-
bly of the people and a fpeaker in fuch converfation as this o f ours, than
merely fo much as this—the former endeavours to perfuade a collection
o f many m e n — t h e latter to perfuade m e n one by one ?
A L C . There appears to be no other.
"Soc C o m e then. Since it apparently belongs to the fame perfon to
perfuade a multitude and to perfuade a fingle man, practife your fkill on me,
and undertake to prove to m e that in fome cafes that which is juft is not a
man's intereft.
A L C . Y O U are very faucy, Socrates.
S o c . And I am now going to be fo faucy as to convince you of the truth
o f a pofition quite contrary to that which you decline the proving of to
me.
A L C Begin then.
S o c . D o you but anfwer to the queftions which I fhall put to you.
A L C . N o t fo : but do you yourfelf fay plainly what you have to fay.
S o c . W h y fo ? W o u l d you not choofe to be entirely well perfuaded of
t h e truth of it, if it be true ?
A L C . By all means, certainly.
S o c . And would you not, if you yourfelf were to affert it, have the moft
entire perfuafion of its truth ?
A L C . 1 think fo.
S o c . Anfwer then t o my queftions : and if you do not hear from your
o w n mouth, that to act juftly is to act for one's o w n advantage, believe no
other perfon w h o afferts that pofition.
ALC
T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 47
1
Sec. T o aid a friend, therefore , is not both beautiful and evil in the
fame refpect.?
A L C . It appears that 'tis not.
S o c . Confider now whether it be not good in the fame refpect in which
it is beautiful ; as in this particular which we mentioned. For, with re
fpect to fortitude, you agreed with m e that 'twas beautiful and handfome
to give fuch aid. T h i s very thing then, fortitude, confider whether it be
a good or an evil. And confider it in this way ;—which kind of things
would you choofe to have your o w n , whether good things or evil things ?
A L C . Good things.
S o c . And would you not choofe the beft things too ?
A L C . Moft of all things.
S o c And would you not choofe to part with them leaft of all ?
A L C . Undoubtedly.
S o c . W h a t fay you then of fortitude ? at what price would you choofe
to part with it ?
A L C . I would not accept of life, not I, to live a coward.
S o c . Y o u think, then, that cowardice is evil in the utmoft degree?
A L C . T h a t do I.
S o c . O n a par, as it feems, w i t h death.
A L C . It is fo.
S o c . Are not life and fortitude the moft of all things oppofite to death
and cowardice ?
A L C T h e y are.
S o c . And would you choofe to have thofe moft of all things, and thefe
leaft of all things ?
A L C . Certainly.
S o c . Is it becaufe you deem thofe the beft of all things, and thefe the
worft ?
A L C . For this very reafon.
S o c . V i e w i n g then the giving of aid in battle to fuch as are dear to us
in that light in which it appears beautiful—viewing it with regard to the
x
This is a concluGve affertion *, and not, as it is printed by Aldus and by Stephens, a
queftion. Both of the Bafil editions have it right.—S.
practice
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES. *9
1
In tranflating this fentence, w e have fuppofed that the right reading here is vpwumt, and
not, as it is printed, S,
V O L . I. H SOC
50 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
1
It appears from the tranflations made by Ficinus and Cornarius, that the Greek of this-
fentence, in the ntanufcripts from which they tranftated, was written thus:—'O, T » av apaeirpppev
Ma\ov f HCU ayxhv £upn<ro(x.sv x. T . A . And we hope it will hereafter be fo printed. For the abfur-
dity of this fentence in the tranflation by Serranus, was evidently occafioned by his following
the printed editions, and.his regarding more the language of Cicero than the reafoning or pjii-
lofophy of Flato.—S.
what
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES. 5\
what is unjuft, if he fhould fay that he knows juftice to be fometimes evil
and detrimental, would you not laugh at his pretenfions to knowledge?
fince you yourfelf are found to be the very perfon who alTerts that the fame
things are both juft and advantageous ?
A L C . N o w , by the Gods, Socrates, for m y part, I know not what to
fay to i t ; but am quite like a man diffracted. For fometimes I am of one
opinion, juft while you are putting your queftions to m e , and prefently
after am of another.
S o c . Are you ignorant now, my friend, what condition you are in ?
A L C . Entirely ignorant.
Soc. D o you imagine, then, that if any perfon were to afk y o u , h o w
many eyes you had, whether two or three,—or how many hands, whether
two or four,—or any other fuch queftion,-—you would fometimes anfwer
one thing, and at other times another ? or would you always give the fame
anfwer ?
A L C . I confefs that I am n o w doubtful o f myfelf; but I do believe
that I fhould always give the fame anfwer.
S o c . And is not your knowledge o f the fubject the caufe o f that c o n -
fiftency there would be in your anfwers ?
A L C I believe it is.
S o c . W h e n therefore you give contrary anfwers to one and the fame
queftion, without choofing to prevaricate-, 'tis evident that you have n o
knowledge of the fubjedt,
A L C Probably fo,
S o c N o w you fay that, to queftions concerning things juft or unjuft,
beautiful or bafe, good or evil, advantageous or otherwife, you fhould
anfwer fometimes one thing and fometimes another. Is it not then
evident, that your ignorance in thefe fubjects is the caufe o f this incon-
fiftency of yours ?
A L C . It appears fo to me myfelf,
Soc. Is not this then the true ftate o f the cafe ? On every fubjeft which
a man has not the knowledge of, muft not his foul be wavering in her
opinions ?
A L C Moft undoubtedly.
H 2 SOC
52 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
1
I n the printed original w e here read TTOXMT y E . B u * w e have made n o fcruple o f adopting*
t h e marginal reading of Harry Stephens, vo^v yt.—S.
Soc.
54 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
S o c . A n d , if you are thus wavering, is it not evident from our pail con*
clufions, not only that you are ignorant in fubjects of the greater!: moment,
but that amidft this ignorance you imagine that you know them ?
A L C . I fear it is lb.
S o c . Fie upon it, Alcibiades ! W h a t a condition then are you in ! a con
dition which I am loth to name : but however, fince w e are alone, it muft
be fpoken out. You are involved, my good fir, in that kind of ignorance
which is the moft fhameful, according to the refult of our joint reafoning,
and according to your o w n confeffion. From this kind o f ignorance it is,
that you are eager to engage in politics before you have learnt the
elements o f that fcience. Indeed, you are not the only perfon in this fad
condition ; for in the fame ftate of ignorance are the numerous managers of
our civil affairs, all of them, except perhaps Pericles, your guardian, and
a few more,
A L C A n d , Socrates, to confirm this opinion of yours, Pericles is faid to
have become wife, not fpontaneoufly or of himfelf: on the contrary, 'tis
reported of h i m that he had had the advantage of enjoying the con-
1
verfation of many wife m e n , particularly of Pythoelides a-nd Anaxagoras :
and even at this time, old as he is, he is intimate with D a m o n for this
very purpofe.
S o c . But what ? have you ever feen a man w h o was wife in any art
whatever, and y e t was unable to make another man wife in the fame art?
as, for inftance, the mafter who- taught you grammar was himfelf wife
in that art; and in the fame art he made you w i f e ; as h e alfo made every
other perfon whom he undertook to teach. Did he not?
A L C H e did.
S o c And you,, w h o have learnt from him that kind of wifdom, would
not you be able to teach it to another perfon ?
A L C Certainly I mould.
S o c And is not the fame thing, true of a mufic-mafter and of a mafter.
in the exercifes ?
A L C Perfectly fo.
S o c For this undoubtedly is a fair proof of the knowledge o f fuch as
are knowing in any fubject whatever, their being able to produce their
fcholars, and to m o w thefe to be knowing in the fame..
A L C I think fo too.
S o c W e l l then. Can. you name to me any one w h o m Pericles has made-
a wife man? his own: fons has h e ? to begin with them.
A L C But what if the fons of Pericles were filly fellows, Socrates ?.
S o c Clinias then, your brother ?
A L C W h y mould you mention Clinias, a. man out of hisfenfes ?
S o c Since Clinias then is out of his fenfes, and fince the fons of Pericles
were filly fellows, to what defect in your difpofition fhali w e impute,
the little care taken by Pericles to improve you.?
A L C . I prefume that I myfelf am in. the fault,, that of not giving due
attention to him.
S o c But name any perfon elfe, an Athenian or a foreigner, either su
Have or a free man, w h o is indebted, to the inftruclions of Pericles for
becoming wifer than he w a s : as I can name to you thofe, w h o from
1 2
the leffons of Zeno have improved in. wifdom,—Pythodorus the fon.
x
Zeno the Eleatic is here meant, the difciple of Parmenides.-—For an account of the wif
dom meant in the latter part of this fentence, fee the Parmenides, and the introduftion to •
it.—T.
2
This is the fame Pythodorus at whofe houfe Plato lays the fcene of his dialogue- named i
Parmenides.—S.
of
5f5 T H E F I R S T ALCIBIADES.
1
o f Ifolochus, and Callias the fon of Calliades; each of whom, at the
2
price of a hundred minas , paid to Zeno, became eminent for wifdom.
A L C . N O W , by Jupiter, I cannot.
S o c . Very well. What then do you think of doing about yourfelf?
whether to reft fatisfied in the condition which you are now in, or to
apply yourfelf to fome means of improvement ?
A L C . Concerning this, Socrates, I would confult with you. For I
apprehend what you have faid, and admit the truth of it. Thofe w h o
have the adminiftration of the ftate, except a few of them, feem indeed
to m e too not to have had a proper education.
S o c . W e l l ; and what conclufion do you draw from thence?
A L C . T h i s , — t h a t if they, through their education, were well qualified
to govern, a man who fhould undertake to enter the lifts in conteft with
them, ought to come to the engagement duly prepared by difcipline and
exercife, as in other combats. But n o w , feeing that fuch perfons as thefe,
raw and undifciplined as they are, have attained to the management
o f ftate-affairs, what need is there for a man to exercife himfelf in fuch
matters, or to give himfelf the trouble of acquiring knowledge in them?
For I well k n o w , that by dint of natural abilities I fhall excel them by
far, and get above them.
S o c . Fie upon it, my fine young gentleman ! W h a t a declaration is
this which you have made ! how unworthy of your perfonal qualities,
and of the other advantages you are polfeffed o f !
A L C . I fhould be glad, Socrates, to k n o w why you think it unworthy
of m e , and in what refpect.
S o c . Y o u offer an affront, not only to the regard which I have for you,
but to the opinion too which you have of yourfelf.
A L C . H O W fo ?
S o c In that you think of entering the lifts to contend with thefe men
here at A t h e n s .
* This Callias had the command of the army fent by the Athenians for the recovery of Po-
tidaea; but he was flain* in the firft battle, before that city. See Thucydides, lib. i. and
Diodorus, lib. 12.—S.
a
In Englilh money, 322I. 18s. 4d. the very fame price at which Protagoras and Gorgias
valued thejr fophiftical inftructions in polymathy and falfe oratory.—S.
ALC
T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES. *7
a
to combat together with you ? For to thefe men certainly you ought to
be fo much fuperior, that they mould never be your affociates in c o m
petition againft any, but your inferior affiftants in combating againft the
e n e m y ; — i f you really think of exhibiting any noble exploits worthy o f
yourfelf and of your country.
A L C . And fuch a thought I aflure you that I entertain.
Soc. Is it then at all worthy of you, to be contented with being a better
3
man than your fellow-foldiers , — a n d not to have your eye directed to--
4
ward the leaders of thofe whom you have to ftruggle with, ftudying how
to become a better man than they, and employing yourfelf in exercifes-
5
which are proper with a view to them ?
• Aldus erroneoufly printed this fentence in the Greek original without a mark of interro*
gation; and in this error he was blindly followed by Stephens. The Bafil editions, however,,
both of them, are here rightly printed, in agreement with the tranflations by Ficinus a n *
Cornarius, and as the fenfe evidently requires*—S.
* Here again the two Bafil editions are right in giving us fa nov; where Aldus and Stephens^
have been fo regardlefs of the fenfe as to print h i nou.—S.
3
In the Greek, as printed, we here read a-rparturuv; but perhaps we ought to read <rurrpanuTa^
that the word may correfpond with that juft before, to which it alludes, auvtzyuvwras.—S.
4
In the Greek editions bnoTe: but we fuppofe the right reading to be ojra*—S.
5
All the Latin tranflators rightly prefume this fentence to be interrogative: though in»-
all the editions of the Greek it is carelefsly made aflertive.— The fecret meaning of Socrates
in what he here fays, agreeably to the tenor of all his philofophy, we apprehend to be this ;—that
we ought not to fet before us the characters of any particular men, who are all of them full
of imperfections like ourfclves, for the ftandards of our moral conduct:; but mould have con-
ftantly in our view, fo as to copy after, the ideal and perfect patterns of moral excellence.—S.
VOL. i. I ALC.
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
1
In the Greek, avSponrotiutin rpxx/x^ Jlavijh hair. It was the diftingufftiing badge of flavery'
m men, amongft the Grecians and the Romans, the wearing their own hair on their heads.
When they had their freedom given them by their mafters, their heads w e T e fhaven, and they
wore from that time a cap, or narrow-brimmed hat, thence called the cap of liberty. For this'
point, fee avn. 7T«VT«V Theodor. Marcilius in his Commentary on Perfius, fat. 5. v. 82.—S.
- This feems to be perfectly well illuftrated by Olympiodorus, (whofe comment on this
dialogue is extant in MS. abroad,) in the following paflage, cited by If. Cafaubon in his com
mentary on Perfius, fat. 5. v. 116. Ilsipoifjua ttrri yuvautav vnx TWV tXtufopoufAtvuv o%u\av xat tTri^vovruv t v
l
rnhu^oTrpiTrttix, (not fovkita, as it is abfurdly printed,). OT< ext iavfycnrotiuh*n rpixatv rn *ffa*ij, TOUT 3
£{
KTTIV, £TI T»IV oWunjv C£JV (printed T/>tx«, which is explaining idem per idem) «x f« *' The women
had a faying, which they ufed to flaves made free, but ftill retaining the manners which
belonged to flaves,—'You wear your flavifti hair on your head ftill:' that is, You ftill retain
your flavifh habits."—This proverbial faying was it feems, by the Athenian ladies, the authors
of it, applied alfo to men whom they faw ill-bred and illiterate.—The application of it was
afterwards extended further to a mobile multitude, gathered together and governed by their
paflions: for fo we learn from Suidas, in phrafi avtyanotiutiy rpixa.—See Erafmi Adagia,.
pag. 426. and the Greek Proverbs collected by Schottus, with his fcholia thereon, pag. 357.—S.
1.2. ALC-
60 T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
* W e are aftonifhed to find Qwm here printed in all the editions of Plato. T h e fenfe
evidently requires us to read <pv<rm'. and it appears alfo from the Latin tranflation made
by Ficinus, and from that alfo by Cornarius, that they read $v<rets in the manuscripts from
which they made their tranflations.—Had Le Fevre been aware of this, lie would have
fpared fiimfelf the trouble of writing a long note to prove that hereditary monarchs and
great lords are not always the beft of men.—Socrates here is not aflcing who probably
are the beft men, (for this would be to anticipate the conclufion of his reafoning, in the very
fceginning of it,) but, who probably have the beft natural difpofitions.—S.
* With this agrees the opinion of Ariftotle in his Politics, lib. 3. cap. 8. BeXrtovt tittof tout
cx QEITIOVUV tuytma yap ivriv aptm yevovj. It is likely that from the beft anceftors ihould fpring
the beft men. For to be well-born is to be of a good or virtuous family, (that is, nobility is
family-virtue.) The reafonablenefs of this opinion the great mafter of all lyric poetry proves
by analogy from brute animals in thefe verfes of the 4th ode of his 4th book :
1
The Greek, as printed, is in this place evidently deficient. For, immediately after the
words re 'H/jaaXsot/f TE ytv©;, that the words tig rov A i a are dropt, and ought to be reftored>
there needs no proof to any who are at all acquainted with the antient fables of the Greeks.
They well know that Hercules was never fuppofed to be defcended from Perfeus, as he i s
here made to be in the printed Greek text.—S.
- Meaning the LeflTer Afia, now called Natolia.—S.
3 Salamis and iEgina being but fmall iflands in the Saronic bay, oppofite to Attica.—JEzcnt
had iEgina in Sovereignty by inheritance from his mother. How it came not to defcend to
turyfaccs from his gTeat-grandfather iEacus, and how his grandfather Telamon came to be
lord of Salamis, may be accounted for eafily from what we read in the Metamorphofes of
Antoninus Liberalis, cap. 38.—S.
4 Artaxerxes, at the fuppofed time of this dialogue, was the reigning king of Perfia.—S.
4 Confidcr
62 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES,
1
is brought up, not by fome infignificant nurfe, but by the bed: eunuchs
about the king's perfon. And thefe have it in their charge to take care o f
the royal infant in every refpect, .but efpecially to contrive the means of
his becoming as handfome as pofTible in his perfon, by fo fafhioning his
pliant limbs, and giving fuch a direction to their growth, that they may
be ftraight : and for executing this office well they are highly honoured.
W h e n the young princes have attained the age o f feven years, they are
provided with horfes and with riding-mafters, and are initiated in the e x
ercife of hunting. At fourteen years of age they are put into the hands of
thofe who are called the royal preceptors. And thefe are chofen out from fuch
as are deemed the mod: excellent of the Perfians, m e n o f mature age,
four in n u m b e r ; excelling feverally in wifdom, juftice, temperance, and
fortitude. By the firft of thefe they are taught the m a g i c * o f Zoro-
after
he himfelf was married, not a foul among the neighbours knew any thing of the matter- And
out of this paffage in Plutarch, where neither verfe nor poet is cited, the ingenious critic has
made a verfe, to which he fuppofes that Plato here alludes.—S.
1
That eunuchs were highly valued at the court of Perfia, and purchafed at a great price,
we learn from Herodotus, in lib. 6. where he alTigns this reafon for it, the reputation of their
fidelity in all things committed to their trull. See other reafons in Rycaut's Prefent State of
the Ottoman Empire, b. i . ch. 9. and in L'Efprit dcs Loix, 1. 15. c. 18.—S.
a
The following account of magic, by Proclus, originally formed, as it appears to me, a part
of the Commentary written by him on the prefent paffage. For the MS. Commentary of
Proclus, which is at prefent extant on this Dialogue, does not extend to more than a third part
of it; and this Differtation on Magic, which is only extant in Latin, was published by Ficinus,
the tranflator, immediately after his Excerpta from this Commentary. So that it feems highly
probable that the manufcript from which Ficinus tranflated his Excerpta, was much more per
fect than that which is now extant, in confequence of containing this account of the magic
of the antients.
" In the fame manner as lovers gradually advance from that beauty which is apparent in
fenfible forms, to that which is divine; fo the antient priefts, when they confidered that there
was a certain alliance and fympathy in natural things to each other, and of things manifeft t«
occult powers, and difcovered that all things fubfift in all, they fabricated a facred fcience from
this mutual fympathy and fimilarity. Thus they recognized things fupreme in fuch as are
fubordinate, and the fubordinate in the fupreme: in the celeftial regions, terrene properties
fubfiftmg in a caufal and celeftial manner; and in earth celeftial properties, but according to a
terrene condition. For how (hall we account for thofe plants called heliotropes, that is, attend
r
ants on the fun, moving in correfpondence with the revolution of its orb; but felenitropes, o
attendants on th moon, turning in exact conformity with her motion ? It is becaufe all things
pray f
6*4 T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
1
after the fon of Oromazes % by which magic is meant the worfhip of t h e
Gods: and the fame perfon inftructs them likewife in the art of government-
He
pray, and compofe hymns to the leaders of their refpeclive orders ; but fome intellectually, and
others rationally ; fome in a natural, and others after a fenfible manner. Hence the fun-flower r
as far as it is able, moves in a circular dance towards the fun ; fo that, if any one could hear
the puliation made by its circuit in the air, he would perceive fomething compofed by a found-
of this kind, in honour of its king, fuch as a plant is capable of framing. Hence we may
behold the fun and moon in the earth, but according to a terrene quality, but in the celeftial
regions, all plants, and ftones, and animals, poffeffing an intellectual life according to a celeftial
nature. Now the antient?, having contemplated this mutual fympathy of things, applied for
occult purpofes both celeftial and terrene natures, by means of which through a certain fimili-
tude they deduced divine virtues into this inferior abode. For indeed fimilitude itfelf is a fuffi-
cient caufe of binding things together in union and confent. Thus, if a piece of paper is heated,
and afterwards placed near a lamp, though it does not touch the fire, the paper will be fuddenly
inflamed, and the flame will defcend from the fuperior to the inferior parts. This heated paper-
we may compare to a certain relation of inferiors to fuperiors*, and its approximation to the
lamp, to the opportune ufe of things according to time, place, and matter. But the proceflion
of fire into the paper aptly Teprefents the prefence of divine light, to that nature which is
capable of its reception. Laftly, the inflammation of the paper may be compared to the deifi
cation of mortals, and to the illumination of material natures, which are afterwards carried!
upwards like the enkindled paper, from a certain participation of divine feed..
"Again, the lotus^ before the rifing of the fun folds its leaves into itfelf, but gradually expands-
them on its rifing : unfolding them in proportion to the fun's afcent to the zenith ; but as gra
dually contracting them as that luminary defeends to the weft. Hence this plant, by the expan-
fion and contraction of its leaves, appears no lefs to honour the fun than men by the geflure of
their eye-lids and the motion of their lips. But this imitation and certain participation of
fupernal light is not only vifible in plants, which poffefs but a veftige of life, but likewife in
particular ftones. Thus the fun-ftone, by its golden rays, imitates thofe of the fun ; but the
ft one
1
Who Zoroaftcr was, and in what age he lived, ifr totally uncertain. A great variety cf<
different opinions on thefe points is found amongft learned writers; the probability of any one
of which opinions above the reft, it is an idle ftudy we think to fearch for ; fo long as it remains
doubtful whether any one man exifted who was diftinguithed by that name from other men
addi&ed to the fame ftudies. For the learned in the eaftern languages tell us that the name
Zoroafter fignifies an obferver of the ftars. W e have therefore no occafion to be puzzled with
uncertainties, when w e read of different men living in different ages, and different countries
of the eaft, all of them called by the fame name Zoroafter, if the name was general, and given
to every man famous for his knowledge in aftronomy.—S.
* This was the name given by the Perfians to the fupreme being, the fole author of all good
to all.—S.
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
king ;
ftone called ihe eye of heaven, or of the fun, has a figure fimilar to the pupil of an eye, and a
ray (nines from the middle of the pupil. Thus too the lunar (lone, which has a figure fimilar to
the moon when horned, by a certain change of itfelf, follows the lunar motion. Laftly, the
ftone called hcliofelenus, i. e. of the fun and moon, imitates after a manner the congrefs of thofe
luminaries, which it images by its colour. So that all things are full of divine natures ; terreflrial
natures receiving the plenitude of fuch as are celeftial, but celeflial of fuperceleftial eflences * ;
while every order of things proceeds gradually in a beautiful defcent from the higheft to the
loweft. For whatever is collected into one above the order of things, is afterwards dilated in
defcending, various fouls being diftributed under their various ruling divinities.
" In the next place, there are many folar animals, fuch as lions and cocks, which participate,
according to their nature, of a certain folar divinity j whence it is wonderful how much infe
riors yield to fuperiors in the fame order, though they do not yield in magnitude and power.
Hence, they report that a cock is very much feared, and as it were reverenced, by a lion j the
reafon of which we cannot afftgn from matter or fenfe, but from the contemplation alone of a
fupernal order: for thus we fhall find that the prefence of the folar virtue accords more
with a cock than a lion. This will be evident from confidering that the cock, as it were, with
certain hymns, applauds and calls to the rifing fun, when he bends his courfe to us from the
antipodes; and that folar angels fometimes appear in forms of this kind, who, though they are
without ihape, yet prefent themfelves to us who are connected with ihape, in fome fcnfible
form. Sometimes too, there are daemons with a leonine front, who, when a cock is placed be
fore them, unlefs they are of a folar order, fuddenly difappear; and this, becaufe thofe natures
which have an inferior rank in the fame order, always reverence their fuperiors: juft as many,
on beholding the images of divine men, are accuflomed, from the very view, to be fearful of
perpetrating any thing bafe.
" In fine, fome things turn round correfpondent to the revolutions of the fun, as the plants
which we have mentioned, and others after a manner imitate the folar rays, as the palm and the
date ; fome the fiery nature of the fun, as the laurel; and others a different property. For,
indeed, we may perceive the properties which are collected in the fun every where diftributed
to fubfequent natures conftitutcd in a folar order ; that i-, to angels, dxmons, fouls, animals,
plants, and flones. Hence, the authors of the antient prkfthood difcovered from things ap
parent the worfhip of fuperior powers, while they mingled fome things and purified others.
They mingled many things indeed together, becaufe they faw that fome fimple fubflances pof-
fefled a divine property (though not t^ken fingly) fufficient to call down that particular power,
of which they were participants. Hence, by the mingling of many things together, they at-
* By fuperceleftial elTences, undcrfhnd natures which are not connected with a body.
V O L . i. K traded
66 THE FIRST ALCIBIA0ES,
k i n g ; by governing firft all his own appetites, inftead of being their flavev
And the fourth, he w h o excels in fortitude forms his royal pupil to be fear-
lefs and intrepid ; for that his mind, under the power of fear, would be a
flave. But, Alcibiades, for your preceptor Pericles appointed one of his
domeftics, t o o old to be fit for any other fervice, Zopyrus of Thrace. I
would recount to you the other articles of the breeding and inftructiort
tracked upon us a fupernal influx ; and by the competition- of one thing from many, they
produced an aflimilation to that one which is above many, and compofed flatues from the mix
tures of various fubftances confpiring in fympathy and confent. Befides this, they collected
compofite odours, by a divine art, into one, comprehending a multitude of powers, and fym-
boiizing with the unity of a divine effence ; confidering, that divifion debilitates each of thefe,
but that mingling them together, reftores them to the idea of their exemplar.
" But fometimes one herb, or one ftone, is fufBcient t o a divine operation. Thus, a thiflle
is fufBcient to procure the fudden appearance of fome fuperior power •, but a laurel, raceinum,
or a thorny kind of fprig, the land and fea onion, the coral, jyhe diamond, and the jafper, ope
rate as a fafeguard. The heart of a mole is fubfervient to divination, but fulphur and marine
water to purification. Hence, the antient priefts, by the mutual relation and fympathy o f
things to one another, collected their virtues into one, but expelled them by T e p u g n a n c y
and antipathy; purifying, when it was requifite, with fulphur and bitumen, and fprinkling:
with marine water. For fulphur purifies from the (harpnefs of its odour; but marine water oi>
account of its fiery portion. Befides this, in the worlhip of the Gods, they offered animals,
and other fubftances congruous to their nature ; and received, in the firft place, the powers of
daemons, as proximate to natural fubftances and operations; and by thefe natural fubftance
they convoked into their prefence thofe powers to which they approached. Afterwards, they
proceeded from daemons t o the powers and energies of the Gods j partly, indeed, from
daemoniacal inftruction, but partly by thei own induftry, interpreting convenient fymbols, and
afcending to a proper intelligence of the Gods. And laftly, laying afide natural fubftances an<$
their operations, they received themfelves into the communion and fellowfhip of the Gods."
Shduld it be objected by thofe who difbelicve in the exiftence of magic, that plants, ani
mals, and ftones, no longer poflefs thofe wonderful fympathetic powers which are mentioned
by Proclus in the above extract, the fame anfwer muft be given as to the objectors to the an
tient oracles, and is as follows:—As in the realms of generation, or in other words, t h e fub*
lunary region, wholes, viz. the fpheres of the different elements, remain perpetually according
to nature; but their parts are fometimes according, and fometimes contrary, to nature; this
muft be true of the parts of the earth. When thofe circulations, therefore, take place, during
which the parts of the earth fubfift according to nature, and which are juftly called, by Plato,
fertile periods, the powers of plants, animals, and ftones, magically fympathize with fuperior
natures; but during thofe circulations in which the parts of the earth fubfift contrary to na
ture, as at prefent, and which Plato calls barren periods, thofe powers no longer poflefs a magic
fympathy, and confequently are no longer capable of producing magical operations.—T.
4 given
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
given to your antagonifts, if the narration would not be too long ; and
befides this, the articles already mentioned are fufficient indications of thofe
others which they infer and draw along with them. But your birth,
Alcibiades, your breeding and inftitution, or any other circumftances at
tending you, fcarce any one of the Athenians is at all folicitous about, unlefs
there be fome man who happens to have aa efpecial regard for you. Furth
er ; if you would confider the treafures of the Perfian kings, the fumptuous
furniture of their palaces and tables, their wardrobes of apparel, the long
trains of their garments, and the fragrancy of their unguents, their numerous
retinue of attendants, and the reft of their magnificence, in comparing all
this with what you have of the fame kind yourfelf, you would evidently
perceive how much you fall fhort of them, and would be afhamed at the
comparifon. If, on the other hand, you would confider the Lacedae
monians, their fbbriety and modefty, how fimple their way of living, and
h o w eafily they are fatisfied, their magnanimity and obfervance of order,
their manly endurance of pain and love o f labour, their emulation to
e x c e l , and their love of honour, you would think yourfelf a child to them
in all thefe excellencies. Befides this, if you make riches any part of your
confideration, and in this refpeft imagine yourfelf a perfon o f confequence,
let us not pafs over this point neither unexamined ; if by any means you
can be made fenfible in what rank you fraud. If you choofe then to con
fider the Lacedaemonians with regard to wealth, you will find that what
w e have here in Attica falls far fhort of theirs. For the lands which they
poffefs in their own country, and in Meffenia, are fuch as that no perfon
here would difpute their fuperiority in this refpedt, whether he considers the
quantity or the value of thofe lands, the number of their other flaves, befides
fuch as the Helotes % or the number of their horfes, and other cattle in the
pafture-
* T h e Helotes, propetly fo -called, were defcended from the antiant inhabitants of HeloB,
a maritime towa in Laoonia, near che ««outh of the river Enrotas, under the dominion of
Menel&as at the time of the TTOJYTII war. It was afterwards befeeged and taken by the Heraclidar,
and their Dorian army, who had before conquered all the reft of Laconia. T h e Helotes were
thus made captives to their conquerors, by whom they were condemned, they and their pofte-
frty for ever, to till the lands of thefe Dorian* (then become proprietors of the territory
<©f Laconia) as their vaflals, and in lie a of the produce to jiav a -certain and £xed reat to their
& 2 lords
6B T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
pafture-grounds of MefTenia. But, fetting afide all this, you will find that,
as to gold and filver, there is not fo much amongfl: all the Grecians as there
is amongfl: the Lacedaemonians in private hands. For gold and filver have
now for many generations been flowing into them from all parts of Greece,
and often too from foreign countries; but there is no reflux any way
T h a t therefore which the fox faid to the lion in a fable of ^Efop's, may
juftly
lords and mafters; not unlike to tenants in villenage under the feudal laws in after ages. To
the like hard conditions did thefe Lacedaemonians, long afterward, fubjecl their o w n kindred and
neighbours of MeiTenia, at the end of many long ftruggles between them; on the Lacedaemonian
fide, for the conqueft of a country better than their own ; on the other fide for the prefervation
of their lands and liberties. T h e Meffenians, being thus reduced to the fame ftate of vaflalage
w i t h the H e l o t e s , were often comprehended under this latter name ; as appears from Paufanias,
in lib. 3, p. 201 ed. Hanov. as alfo appears from T h u c y d i d e s , in lib. 1, p. 1 0 ! . T h e fcholiaft
to this great hiftorian informs us further, that the Lacedaemonians Jia TO asi tiaipoexs uveu uTwrcuf,
(for fo this laft word ought to be read, and not a*A»Ao<f, as it is abfurdly printed,; becaufe
o f the hatred which they always bore to the Helotes, were ufed to call their flaves by that
n a m e , in the way of contemptuoufnefs and contumely. But Plato in the pafTage now
before u s , ufes more accuracy : for meaning to include all the vaflals, by whofe labour in
the lands m u c h wealth accrued to the Lacedaemonians, he calls them, not siiuTag, Helotes,
but tixanixsi, fuch as the Helotes. Juft as Paufanias, in lib. 4, p. 2 5 9 , means by T O ti\uriuar9
fuch a vaffal-ftate as that of the Helotes. P l a t o , by other flaves, means fuch as were
acquired by purchafe, or by conqueft unconditional, them and their offspring; and of thefe,
fuch as were not employed in domeftic fervices, but were fet to work in agriculture and other
country-labour: for Socrates is here fpeaking only of the value of the Lacedaemonian eftates
in land arifing from fuch labour.—S.
1
T h e Lacedaemonians were abundantly fupplied with all the neceflTaries of life from their
o w n lands ; and being by their laws reftrained from all fplendour and magnificence, from all
delicacy and luxury, as well in their houfes and the furniture of them, as in their apparel and
the provifions of their tables, they could have no occafion to purchafe for their own ufe any
foreign trinkets or commodities. Indeed fumptuary laws were almoft unnecefTary in their
c o m m o n w e a l t h , through the force and effect: of another law, by which they were prohibited
not only from ufing any coined m o n e y , whether of g o l d , filver, or copper, in their home-traffic,
but even from having any fuch ufelefs treafure in their houfes. T h e only money permitted to
pafs current amongft them was of their o w n making ; it confided in pieces of iron, of a
conoidical form, fo peculiarly tempered as to be of no other ufe. T h e f e pieces, therefore,
having no real value, and a nominal value no where but in Laconia, would not be taken by
any foreigners in exchange for merchandife. O n the other hand, all the corn and cattle pro
duced or bred in the fertile fields and fine paftures of Meflenia, all the copper and iron dug out
of the rich m o u n t a i n s o f Laconia, and manufactured by the great number of thofe H e l o t e s
who
THE FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 6ff
juftly be applied to t h e m ; the footdeps o f m o n e y c o m i n g into Lacedaemon*
are eafv to be difcovered, as b e i n g all t u r n e d t o w a r d s i t ; but the tracks of
money going out of it a r e no where to be difcerned \ T h u s it may
eafily be conceived, that o f all the G r e c i a n s t h e richeft in gold and filver
are the Lacedaemonians, and that o f all the L a c e d a e m o n i a n s the richeft is
their king. For of fuch c o m i n g s - i n a larger mare, and oftener, is re
3
ceived by k i n g s * than by other m e n . A n d befides this , the taxes paid,
by the Lacedaemonians to their kings bring t h e m in a l a r g e r e v e n u e . But
whatever wealth the Lacedaemonians have, t h o u g h great if c o m p a r e d with
that o f a n y o t h e r G r e c i a n s , yet in c o m p a r i f o n w i t h t h e r i c h e s o f the Perfians,
and efpecially of their k i n g , 'tis n o t h i n g . For I once heard a man of
credit, w h o had b e e n at t h e capital city of Perfia, fay, that in going up
to it, he travelled almoft. a day's j o u r n e y through a large and fertile ter
4
ritory, which the inhabitants of it called the Queen's Girdle ; that
there was another extenfive t r a d o f land called the Q u e e n ' s V e i l ; and that
m a n y o t h e r fair a n d fruitful c o u n t r i e s w e r e a p p r o p r i a t e d t o p r o v i d e t h e reft
5
of the queen's apparel ; each of thofe countries having its name from
t h a t p a r t o f t h e a p p a r e l w h i c h t h e r e v e n u e o f it f u r n i f h e d . So that, were
any perfon to tell the queen-mother, Amaftris, the confoit formerly of
X e r x e s , that t h e fon o f D i n o m a c h e h a d it in his h e a d to lead a n a r m y againft
w h o lived in the city of Sparta, and laboured not for their o w n profit, but for that of their
'matters, all this, except the little wanted at h o m e , wa9 fold abroad and paid for in gold
and filver: which money was by the owners either depofited in the temple at D e l p h i , or i n
truded to the cuftody of their neighbours, the Arcadians ; (fee A t h e m e u s , lib. 6. p. 233.) befides
much of it, perhaps, buried under ground ; (as filver is faid to be at Pekin, and gold under the
Stadt-houfe at Amfterdam) or concealed in fecret places-, an inltance of which kind w e
have in the ftory of Gylippus, told by Plutarch in his Life of Lyfander.—S.
1
T h e fox's anfwer to the lion, in the well known fable to w h i c h this paflage alludes, is
cited by Horace, in Epift. I . lib. 1.—S.
2
Only meaning here the revenue arifing from their demefne-lands; more of w h i c h in
quantity and better in quality, kings have than other m e n . — S .
3
I hat is, befides the profit arifing from their d e m e f n e - l a n d s . - ~ S .
4
See the LeiTer Hippias.—S.
5
T h e fame cuftom was in antient ./Egypt. For we read in Herodotus, lib. 2. p. 123, edit.
Gronov., that the city of Anthylla, that is, the revenue of the crown arifing from the taxes
impofed on it,- was afligncd and fet apart for the fupplying of the quccn-confort with, (hoes
and flippers.—S.
HER
70 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
her fon ;—and were (he told at the fame time that Dinomache's whole at
1
tire might be worth perhaps fifty minae ; fuppofing it to be of the moft
3
coftly kind * ; and that this fon of hers had land in the diftridl of Erchia ,
4
containing not fo much as three hundred acres ;—fhe I fuppofe would
wonder in what kind of things this Alcibiades could place fo much con
fidence as to think of contending with Artaxerxes. And I imagine that
fhe would fay, it is impoflible that this man fhould undertake fuch an affair
w i t h any other confidence than what he places in the prudence and fkill
which he is mafter o f : for that the Grecians have nothing elfe worthy o f
account. Becaufe if ffie was to hear further, that this fame Alcibiades in
the firft place had not completed the twentieth year of his age ; in
the next place that he was utterly uninftrudted; and betides this, that,
w h e n a friend of his advifed him firft to acquire the knowledge, the pru
dence, and the habits, neceflary for the execution of his defigns, before he
offered to attack the king, he refufed to hearken to this advice, and faid,
that even in his prefent condition he was prepared fufEciently I believe
fhe would be aftonifhed, and would afk, W h a t kind of a thing it could be
then in which the youth put his confidence ? U p o n this, were w e to tell
her,—In his handfome and fine perfon, in his birth and family, in his
riches, and in the natural faculties of his mind,—fhe would think us, Alci
biades, out o f our fenfes, w h e n fhe reflected on all the advantages which
5
her fon enjoyed of the fame kinds. N o lefs do I imagine thatLampido ,
daughter of Leotychidas, wife of Archidamus, and mother of Agis, w h o ,
all of them in their turns, fucceeded to the crown of Sparta, fhe too
would wonder, in reflecting on their greatnefs, were fhe told, that you had
taken it into your head to m a k e war agamft her fon, fo ill inftructed as
you are. And now do you not think it fhameful, if the wives of our
1
In the Greek, cupGaMovTuv taurot^. B u t w e apprehend that the pronoun zawois can never
follow the verb jufxGaT&u, (in connection w i t h it,) in any fenfe ever given to that verb. Prefum-
ing therefore that the right reading is <rv(xGaX*ovTm axXwAoif w e have tranflated agreeably to this
pTefumption. In confirmation of w h i c h w e find within a few lines after, ^Quh^on»y vrfos
a *XnXov$.—S.
, VOL. i. v and
T H E F I R S T A L C I B I At)£S,
and make ufe of one another's aid and aftiftance in that kind of life which
w e lead in cities.
S o c You fpeak then of fuch as have abilities to govern men, who make
ufe of other men to aid and affift them.
A L C I do.
S o c . D o you mean the governing of men w h o make ufe of mariners
in the rowing of galleys, and give them the proper orders ?
A L C I mean no (itch thing.
S o c For ability to govern fuch m e n belongs to the commander of a
galley.
A L C True.
S o c D o you then mean the governing of men w h o are muficians, and
lead the fong to other m e n , making ufe of chorus-fingers and dancers I
A L C I mean not this neither.
S o c . For this {kill belongs to the mafter of the whole choir.
A L C Right.
S o c In fpeaking then of ability to govern men who make ufe of other
m e n , what kind of ufe do you mean ? or in what way r
A L C Fellow-citizens, I mean, partakers of the fame polity, and en
gaged in mutual commerce for mutual help and benefit. I fpeak of ability
t o govern thefe.
S o c . W h a t art then is that which gives this ability ? as if I were to afk
y o u , on the fubjecl: juft now mentioned—the knowing how to govern men
embarked in the fame voyage—What art is it that gives this knowledge ?
A L C . T h e art of commanding fhips.
S o c And what fcience is that which' gives the power of governing
thofe others w h o m w e mentioned,—thofe who have parts in the fame
fong ?
A L C T h a t which belongs, as juft now you faid, to the mafter of the
whole choir.
S o c . And by what name do you call that fcience which gives ability
to govern thofe w h o partake of the fame polity ?
A L C Prudence I call it for my part, Socrates.
S o c . W h a t ? do you think then that want of prudence is proper for the
commander of a fhipi
ALC.
T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S , 75
and were preferved from blindnefs. So likewife of the ears ; when they
are preferved from deafnefs, and have their hearing perfect, they are-
then in their beft condition, and are taken the beft care o £
A L C Right.
Soc. W e l l , n o w ; what does the commonwealth enjoy, and from what
is it preferved,. when 'tis in its beft condition,, has the beft care taken of
it, and is beft preferved ?
A L C It feems to me, Socrates, that the members of it then enjoy mutual
amity, and are preferved from enmity and factions*
S o c By amity do you mean their being of the fame mind, or o f dif
ferent minds ?
A L C Their being of the fame mind,
S o c Now through what fcience is it that different civil dates-are of the
fame mind concerning numbers ?
A L C Through the fcience of arithmetic.
S o c . W e l l ; and is it not through that very fcience that private perfons are
of the fame mind one with another ?
L 2 ALC.
?3 T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
Ar.c. It is.
S o c . And that any perfon too, by himfelf, continues always in the fame
w i n d , is it not through his poffeffing that fcience ?
A L C . It is.
S o c . And through what fcience is it that a (ingle individual is always of
•the fame mind concerning a fpan and a cubit, whether of the two is the
greater meafure ? is it not through the fcience of menfuration ?
A L C W i t h o u t doubt.
S o c . And is it not fo too between different private perfons and civil
itates ?
A L C It is.
S o c And how concerning weights ? does not the fame hold true in
this cafe.?
A L C . I agree- it does.
S o c . But now the famenefs of mind which you fpeak of, what is that ?
W h a t is the fubjecl-matter of it ? and through what fcience is it procured?
I alk you likewife whether the fame fcience which procures it for the pub
lic procures it no lefs for private perfons; and whether it operates that ef
fect in a man confidered by himfelf as well as between one man and an
other.
A L C . Probably it does.
S o c . W h a t fcience or art then is it ? D o not labour for an anfwer, but
fpeak readily what you think.
A L C . I think it to be fuch an amity and famenefs o f mind, that which
•we are fpeaking of, as there is between a father and a mother in loving
their child, and as there is between brother and brother, and between man
^and wife.
S o c . D o you then think it poflible, Alcibiades, for a man to be of the
fame mind with his wife on the fubjecT: of weaving, w h e n he is ignorant
# n d fhe is knowing in the art ?
A L C . By no means.
S o c Nor ought he neither. For 'tis a piece of knowledge belonging
<>nly to w o m e n .
A L C Certainly.
Soc.
THE FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 17
* If, in the Greek, w e here infert the particle v or, there will b e n o occafion t o feparate thef«
t w o queftions of Socrates, fo as to infert b e t w e e n t h e m an affirmative anfwer o f Alcibiades t o
the firft queftion *, as Ficinus does in his tranflation.—S.
Soc.
60 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES*
A L C . I acknowledge it.
S o c . Could we ever know what art would impreve or amend a fhoe, if
Ave knew not what a fhoe was ?
A L C . Impoffible.
S o c . Neither could w e know what art would make better rings for the
finger, if ignorant what a ring for the finger w a s .
-ALC. T r u e .
S o c . W e l l ; and can w e ever know what art would improve or make a
.man's felf better, fo long as w e are ignorant of what w e ourfelves are ?
A L C . Impoffible.
Soc. L e t me afk you, then, whether it happens to be an eafy thing to
lenow onefelf; and whether he was fome perfon of mean attainments
in knowledge, he w h o put up this infcription in the temple at Pytho *:
or is it a piece of knowledge difficult to be attained, and not obvious to
-every one ?
A L C . T O me, Socrates, it has often feemed eafy and obvious t o every
one, and often too, at other times, a thing of the greateft difficulty.
S o c But whether in itfelf it be an eafy thing or not, with refped to us,
Alcibiades, the ftate of the cafe is this ;—had w e attained to that piece of
knowledge, we fhould perhaps k n o w what it is to take oare o f ourfelves;
but never can w e know this fo long as w e remain ignorant o f that.
A L C Thefe are truths which I a c k n o w l e d g e
S o c Come then. By what means might it be found what is the very
felf of every thing? for fo w e might perhaps find what w e ourfelves a r e :
but fo long as we continue in the dark as to that point, it will be no way
poffible to know ourfelves.
A L C . YOU are certainly ii* the right.
1
Pytho was another name for the city o f D e l p h i , as w e learn from Paufanias: a name
m o r e antient than the name D e l p h i , and on that very account retained by H o m e r and A p o i l o -
•nius of R h o d e s . T h e paflages to w h i c h w e here refer may be feen cited together by Cella-
rius, in G e o g . vol. I . p. 72 r, edit. Cantab. A n air of antiquity in the didlion is obferved by
the beft critics to be one of the fources of the fublime in epic poetry. A n d Plato treads every
where in the fteps of H o m e r while he is fearching out all the fources of fublimity in ftyle, to
^maintain throughout his writings the dignity of true philofophy, and., at the f a m e time, to
t preferve its fimplicity, and unadulterated beauty.
VOL. I. M SOC
83 THE FIRST ALCIBIADES;
1
In the G r e e k w e here read, o-xxa TJW » spot; I s it with' any other perfon than with m e ?
But the anfwer of Alcibiades being in the affirmative is fufficient to fhow this reading to be
wrong. It may be re&ified by this fmall alteration^ OMOTI n tjMt j W h e t h e r is it not with me ?
ALC
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES. 83
A L C . B y no means.
S o c . For the body w e faid was governed*
A L C True.
S o c . T h e body then cannot be that being which w e are in fearcrroft.
A L C . It feems not.
S o c . But whether does the compound being govern the body ? ancE
whether is this the man ?
A L C . Perhaps it is.
S o c . Leaft of any of the three can this be fo. For of t w o parties, one
o f which is the party governed, there is no poffibility that both of them-
fhould govern jointly.
A L C Right.
S o c . Since then neither the body, nor the compound of fouland^ body
together, is the m a n , it remains, I think, either that a man's felf is
nothing at all, or; if it be any thing, it muft be concluded that the man*,
is n o other thing than foul.
A L C Clearly fo.
S o c N e e d s it then, to be proved to you ftill more clearly, that the:
1
foul is the very man ?
A L C . It needs not, by Jupiter : for the proofs- already brought feenv
to me fufHcient.
S o c . If it be proved tolerably well, though not accurately, 'tis fufficient
for us. For w e fhall then perhaps, and not before,, have an accurate
knowledge o f man's felf,. when w e fhall' have difcovered what we juft:
n o w paffed by as a matter which required much consideration*.
1
Simplicius rightly underftands Plato here to mean the rational foul. For the arguments
produced in this part o f t h e D i a l o g u e , to ( h o w that the foul is a man's proper felf, regard the
rational foul only. T h i s foul alone ufes fpeech, as the inflrument by. w h i c h it makes known to
others its mind and will. T h i s alone ufes argumentative fpeech, as an inftrument to teach art
and fcience, to correct error, to confute falfehood, and demonftrate truth. This alone ufes
the organical parts o f the body, efpecially the hands and eyes, as inftruments by which it
operates in all the performances of the manual arts. T h i s alone employs the w h o l e body in its
fervice, as the inftrument o f its will and pleafure; and is the fole governing and leading power
4n m a n , whether it govern w e l l or ill, and whether it lead in the right way, or in the w r o n g ;
for the reft of t h e man muft obey and follow. It governs w e l l , and leads aright, through
k n o w l e d g e o f itfelf i if this-knowledge infer the k n o w l e d g e of what is juft, fair, and g o o d , and
if the k n o w l e d g e o f thefe t h i n g s b e t h e fcience o f rational, right, and g o o d g o v e r n m e n t . — S .
ALC
T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 85
A L C . W h a t is that >
S o c T h a t of which was faid fome fuch thing as this,—that in the firff
place w e mould confider what is felf itfelf: whereas, inftead of this, w e
have been confidering what is the proper felf of every man. A n d this
indeed for our purpofe will perhaps fuffice. For w e could by no means-
ever fay that any thing was more peculiarly and property onefelf, than-
is the foul.
A L C Certainly, w e could not.
S o c May w e not then fairly thus determine,—that w e are converting
one with another, by means of reafon, you and I, foul with foul ?
A L C Quite fairly.
S o c . T h i s therefore was our meaning w h e n w e faid a little before,,
that Socrates difcourfed with Alcibiades, making ufe of reafon r w e m e a n t ,
it feems, that he directed his words and arguments, not to your outward
perfon, but to Alcibiades himfelf,, that is to the fouL
A L C . It feems fb to m e too.
S o c . H e therefore. enjoins a man to recogniie the foul, he w h o give*
nim this injunction,—to know himfelf^
A L C . That is probably his meaning.
S o c . W h o e v e r then has a knowledge only o f his body *, has indeed
attained the knowledge of what is his, but not the knowledge of himfelf.
A L C Juft fo.
S o c . N o n e therefore of the phyficians, fb far as he is only a phyfician,.
, :
T h e Greek of this paifage, in all the editions o f Plato, is abfurdly printed t h u s , oan; apa
*wv rou <rojjuxT0$ yiyvuffttti, ret aurov, a)o? ou% avrov, tyvaxtv. T h e firft m e m b e r o f "which fentence
being ungrammatical, S t e p h e n s , in the margin of his edition,, fuppofes may be rectified, either
by inferting the word rv before TUV, or by changing the rm into ra. In either o f thefe ways
indeed the grammatical conftruc"t,ion is amended, but not the fenfe : for thus represented,,
(and thus reprefented it is by the Latin verfions o f Cornarius and Serranus,) it is inconfiftent
with the reafoning, w h i c h requires that the body itfelf fhould be intended, and not r « ( o r TI TWV)
TOV <ro)(xaro{, the garments, and other external things, or any of t h e m , which are only apper-
tinent to the body. L e Fevre and D a c i e r feem to have been well aware of this, and have
rightly therefore rendered it into French by thefe words—{on corps. T h e y were led thus aright
by Ficinus, w h o , in tranflating this part of the fentence, ufes only the word carpus. Perhaps
in the rnanufcript from which he tranflated, he found the right reading, w h i c h we conjecture
to be this, OVTJJ apa TO aurou Mpa ytyvuvKei, TO atnw, ate' oi>x>' oturw t eyyotKtv. — S,
4 knows
T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
A L C It feems fo to me too.
S o c . T h e man therefore w h o is intent on getting money, is fo far n o t
acling for his o w n advantage
A L C 'Rightly concluded.
S o c It follows alfo, that whoever was a n a d m i r e r o f the outward per
fon of Alcibiades, did n o t admire Alcibiades, but fomething which
belongs to Alcibiades.
A L C Y O U fay what is true,
S o c . But whoever is your admirer is the admirer of your fouL
' I n the Greek, Uyovros rou trcofjuxrof, where the word avSovs feems necefTary to be fup plied.
T h e fame metaphor is ufed a few lines further o n . —
corrupted
*8 T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
1
T h a t is, the w h o l e rational f o u l . — T .
VOL. I . N in
90 T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
1
in the (bul in which w i f d o m , the virtue of the foul, is ingenerated; and
alfo at whatever elfe this virtue of the foul refembles ?
A L C . T O m e , O Socrates, it feems true.
S o c D o w e know of any place in the foul more divine than that which
is the feat of knowledge and intelligence ?
A L C W e do not.
1
A c c o r d i n g to D i o t i m a , in the Banquet of P l a t o , the being w h i c h is wife defires to be full
of k n o w l e d g e , and does not feek nor inveftigate, but pofleifcs the intelligible, or, in other words,,
the proper object of intellectual virion. But according to Socrates, in the Republic, wifdom is
generative of truth and i n t e l l e c t : and from the Theaetetus it appears to be that which gives
perfection to things imperfect, and calls forth the latent intellections of the foul. From h e n c e ,
it is evident that w i f d o m , according to Plato, is full of real being and truth, is generative o f
intellectual truth, and is perfective according to energy of intellectual natures. In this place,
therefore, Plato, with great propriety, and confidently with the above definition, calls wifdom
the virtue of the foul. For the different virtues are the fources of different perfection to the
foul, and w i f d o m , the higheft virtue, is the perfection of our fupreme part, i n t e l l e c t . — T .
* Proclus on Plato's T h e o l o g y , lib. I. cap. 3, p. 7. beautifully obferves as follows on this
paflage : " S o c r a t e s , in the Alcibiades, rightly obferves that the foul entering into herfelf will
behold all other things, and deity itfelf. For, verging to her o w n union, and to the centre of
all life, laying afide m u l t i t u d e , and the variety of the all manifold powers which fhe contains,
fire afcends to the higheft w a t c h - t o w e r of beings. A n d as, in the moft holy o f myfteries3, they
fay that the myftics at firft m e e t w i t h the multiform and many.fhapcd g e n e r a * , w h i c h are
hurled forth before the g o d s , but on entering the interior parts of the temple, u n m o v e d , and
guarded by the my (lie rites, they genuinely receive in their bofom divine illumination, and di
verted o f their g a r m e n t s , as they fay, participate of a divine nature ; the fame mode, as it
appears to m e , takes place in the fpeculation of w h o l e s For the foul, w h e n looking at things
pofterior to herfelf, beholds only the fhadows and images of beings ; but w h e n fhe turns to her
felf, (he evolves her o w n efTence, and the reafons w h i c h fhe contains. A n d at firft, indeed,
* Viz. in the Eleufinian myfteries; for thus he elfewhere denominates thefe myflertcs.
* Meaning evil daemons; for the afluming a variety of fliapes is one of the chara&eriflics of fuch
daemon?.
3
By the term wholes, in the Platonic philofophy, every incorporeal order of being, and every mundane
fphere, are fignificd.
fhe
THE FIRST ALCIBIADES.
ALC. It is apparent.
S o c . And to know onefelf, w e acknowledge to be wifdom.
ALC. By all means.
1
f S o c . Shall w e not fay, therefore, that as mirrors are clearer, purer,
and more fplendid than that which is analogous to a mirror in the eye, in
like manner God is purer and more fplendid than that which is bell: in
our foul ?
ALC. It is likely, Socrates.
S o c . Looking therefore at God, we mould make ufe of him as the moft
beautiful mirror, and among human concerns w e fhould look at the virtue
of the foul; and thus, by fo doing, fhall w e not efpecially fee and k n o w our
very felves?
ALC Yes.]
Soc If then w e are not wife, but are ignorant of ourfelves, can we
k n o w what our good is, and what our evil ?
ALC. H O W is it poffible that w e fhould, Socrates ?
S o c . For perhaps it appears impoiTible for a man w h o knows not A l c i
biades himfelf, to know any thing which relates to Alcibiades, as having
that relation.
ALC. Impoffible it is, by Jupiter.
(he only, as it were, beholds herfelf \ but w h e n (he penetrates more profoundly'in the k n o w l e d g e
of herfelf, (he finds in herfelf both intellect, and the orders of b e i n g s . B u t w h e n (he proceeds
into her interior recedes, and into the a d y t u m , as it w e r e , of the foul, (he perceives, w i t h her
eyes nearly clofed, the g e n u s of the g o d s , and the unities of b e i n g s . For all t h i n g s refide in
us according to the peculiarity of f o u l ; and through this w e are naturally capable o f k n o w i n g
all t h i n g s , by exciting the powers and the images o f w h o l e s w h i c h w e c o n t a i n . " — T .
1
The words within the brackets are from Stobaeus, S e r m . 2 1 . p . 183., from w h o m it
appears that they ought to be inferted in this place, t h o u g h this omiflion has not been noticed
y
by any of the editors of P l a t o . T h e original is as follows : Ap vamp xarovrpa eaQtartpa trrt
TOV EV ra o<p6a*/jup wciTTpov xai xaOaparspa rt xai ^afiTrporcpa, OVTU xai b @EO$ TOV ev *n» ti/xerepa fax?
$tXTt(TTOV T xaOapuTcpov TE, xai tetfjiTrpoTtpov Tt/y^an* «v ; JLoixt yt a> XuxpatiK. Ei; TOV ®fov apa @htirorrts
w
txstvu xaKbivTtp tvovrpa xptoP-tP <*v, xai rav av&pwmvuv ttf TW 4" /C$ aptTwty xax buruf av patorra ovx cpw/Mtv
xai ytyvao-xot/Aiv V * * ctvrovf *, Nai. The intelligent reader needs n o t , I truft, be told, that,
without this uncommonly beautiful paffage, the dialogue is defcdlive in its moft effential
part.—T.
N 2 SOC.
T H E FIRST ALCIBIADES.
A L C . Evidently fo.
S o c And, further, by directing your fight hither, ye will behold and
k n o w what is your o w n good.
A L C True.
S o c . W i l l ye not then act both rightly and well ?
A L C Certainly.
S o c . And acting thus I will infure happinefs both to yourfelf and to the
city.
A L C Y O U will he a f.fe infurer.
S o c But acting unjuftly, as looking to that which is without God, and
dark, 'tis highly probable that ye will perform actions fimilar to what ye
behold, actions dark and atheiftical, as being ignorant of yourfelves.
A L C . In all probability that would be the cafe.
S o c For, O my friend Alcibiades ! if a man have the power of doing
what he pleafes, arid at the fame time want intellect, what will be the pro
bable confequence of fuch arbitrary power, to himfelf, if he is a private per
fon, and to the ftate alfo, if he governs it ? As in the cafe of a bodily d i t
eafe, if the fick perfon, without having medical knowledge, had the oower
o f doing what he pleafed, and if he tyrannized fo as that no perfon would
dare to reprove him, what would be the confequence ? W o u l d it not be,
in all probability, the deftrudtion of his body ?
A L C It would indeed.
S o c And in the affair of a fea voyage, if a man, void of the know
ledge and fkill belonging to a fea commander, had the power of acting and
directing in the veffel as he thought proper, do you conceive what would
be the confequence, both to himfelf and to the companions of his voyage ?
A L C . I do ; that they would all be loft.
S o c Is it otherwife then in the adminiftration of the ftate, or in any
offices of command or power ? If virtue be wanting in the perfons who are
appointed to them, will not the confequence be an evil and destructive
conduct ?
A L C . It muft.
S o c Arbitrary power, then, m y noble Alcibiades ! is not the thing
w h i c h you are to aim at procuring,—neither for yourfelf, nor yet for the
6 common-
THE FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
R E P U B L I C .
VOL. I.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
T O
THE REPUBLIC.
fenfion arifing froai thofe that injure and are injured. In a fimilar
manner too in an army, if it abounded with every kind of injuftice, it
would be in fedition with itfelf; and being in fedition with itfelf, it
muft be fubverted, and become inefficacious as to the purpofes of
war. T h u s too, a houfe in which there is no veftige of juftice, as it
muft iieccffarily be full of diflenfion, will be incapable of effecting any
thing, through the want of concord in its inhabitants. But that which
is the moft wonderful of all is this, that injuftice, when inherent in one
perfon only, muft neceffarily fill him with fedition towards himfelf,
and through this fedition muft render him more imbecil with refpect to
various endurance, and incapable of pleafing himfelf. O f neceffity,
therefore, every one who acts unjuftly, if he is able to effect any thing
whatever, muft poffefs fome veftige of juftice; fo infeparable is the
union between power and juftice.
From what has been faid, the following fyliogifm arifes. All in
juftice feparate from juftice is imbecil. Every thing feparate from
juftice, being imbecil, requires juftice to its poffeflion of power. All in*
juftice therefore requires j u f t i c e in order to its poffeflion of p o w e r . — A g a i n ,
w e have the following fyliogifm. All injuftice requires juftice,.to be able
to effect any thing. Every thing which requires juftice to he able to
effect any thing, is more imbecil than juftice. All injuftice, therefore,
is more imbecil than juftice. And this was the thing propofed to be
fhown. H e n c e it follows that, even in the worft habit of the foul, in
which reafon is blinded and appetite perverted, fuch habit is indeed
inefficacious, in confequence of juftice being moft obfeure in fuch a
foul, fo as to appear to have no fubfiftence w h a t e v e r ; yet fuch a habit
has a being in a certain refpecr, fo far as it is impoflible that c o m m o n
conceptions can entirely defert the foul, and efpecially in its defire of
good. So far therefore as it is impelled towards good, it participates
of juftice. And if it were poffible that the foul could be perfectly, that
is in every refpecT, unjuft, it would perhaps perifh: for this is the cafe
with the body when perfectly difeafed. But that in fuch a habit there
is a veftige of juftice is evident. For it is unwilling to injure itfelf,
and to deftroy things pertaining to itfelf. As it therefore preferves
that which is juft towards itfelf, it is not alone unjuft; but not k n o w -
9 ing
102 G E N E R A L I N T R O D U C T I O N TO T H E REPUBLIC.
THE
THE REPUBLIC,
B O O K I.
SPEAKERS.
SOCRATES, GLAUCOS
CEPHALUS, ADIMANTUS,
POLEMARCHUS, THRASYMACHUS.
T H E W H O L n S A RECITAL BY SOCRATES.
S o c r a t e s ,
to obferve in what manner they would celebrate the feftival *, as they were
n o w to do it for the firft. time. T h e proceffion of our o w n countrymen
feemed to me to be indeed beautiful; yet that of the Thracians appeared
no lefs proper. After w e had paid our devotion, and feen the folemnity,
w e were returning to the city ; when Polemarchus, the fon of Cephalus,
obferving us at a diftance hurrying h o m e , ordered firs boy to run and de-
fire us to wait for him : and the boy, taking hold of my robe behind,
Polemarchus, fays he, defires you to wait* I turned about* and afked
where he was. H e is coming up, faid h e , after you ; but do you wait
for him. W e will w a i t , faid Glauco ; and foon afterwards came Pole
marchus, and Adimantus the brother of Glauco, and Niceratus the fon
of Nicias, and fome others as from the proceffion.' T h e n faid Polemar
chus, Socrates! you feem to me to be hurrying to the city. You conjecture,
faid I, not amifs. D o you not fee, then, faid he, how many there are of
us ? Undoubtedly 1 do. Therefore, now, you muff, either be ftronger than
thefe, or you muft flay here. Is there not, faid I, one way ftill remaining?"
M a y w e not perfuade you that you muft let us go ? Can you be able to
perfuade fuch as will not hear ? By no means, faid Glauco. T h e n , as if
w e are not to hear, determine accordingly. But do you not know, faid
Adimantus, that there is to be an illumination in the evening, on horfe-
back, to the goddefs ? O n horfe-back ? faidT. T h a t is new. Are they to
have torches, and give them to one another, contending together with
their horfes ? or how do you mean ? Juft fo, replied Polemarchus. And
place. A n d perhaps, fays h e , y o u may fay that the Piraeum is analogous to the realms o f
generation, (i. e. the fublunary region) but the city to a place pure from generation, and, as-
Socrates in the Phsedo fays, to the x t h e r e a l region. F o r generation is full of a bitter and
tempeftuous life, and of m i g h t y waves under w h i c h fouls are merged, w h e n c e their life is not
without tumult, t h o u g h they may live according to reafon. But the sethereal region is the place
of fouls w h o are n o w allotted a pure and blamelefs period of exiftence, though they ft ill
Tetain the memory of the tumult in generation, and of the labours w h i c h they endured in its
fluctuating empire.
1
T h i s feftival, according to P r o c l u s , (in Plat. Polit. p . 353.) was the Bendidian, in w h i c h
Diana w a s worfhipped agreeably to the law of the Thracians. For Bendis, fays he, is a
Thracian name. H e adds, " T h e theologift of Thrace (Orpheus), a m o n g many names of the
M o o n , refers that of Bendis alfo to the goddefs :
4 befides,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 105
1
befides, they will perform a nocturnal folemnity worth feeing. For
We fhall rife after fupper, and fee the nocturnal folemnity, and fhall be
there with many of the youth, and converfe together : But do you flay,
and do not do otherwife. It feems proper, then, faid Glauco, that w e
fhould flay. N a y , if it feem fo, faid I, we ought to do it. W e went
home therefore to Polemarchus's houfe ; and there w e found both Lyfias
and Euthydemus, brothers of Polemarchus ; likewife Thrafymachus the
Chalcedonian, and Charmantides the Pasoneian, and Clitipho the fon of
Ariftonimus; Cephalus the father of Polemarchus was likewife in the
houfe ; he feemed to me to be far advanced in years, for I had not feen
him for a long time. H e was fitting crowned, on a certain couch and
feat; for he had been offering facrifice in the hall. So we fat down by
him ; for fome feats were placed there in a circle. Immediately, then,
when Cephalus faw m e , he faluted m e , and faid, Socrates, you do not
often come down to us to the Piraeum, neverthelefs you ought to do it ;
for, were I flill able eafily to go up to the city, you fhould not need to
come hither, but w e would be w i t h you. But now you mould come hither
more frequently : for I affure you that, with relation to myfelf, as the
1
This nocturnal folemnity was the lefler Panathenaea, w h i c h , as the name implies, WM
facred to Minerva. Proclus (in Plat. Polit. p . 3 5 3 ) obferves o f this goddefs and D i a n a , that
they are both daughters of Jupiter, both virgins, and both light-bearers. T h e o n e ( D i a n a ) is
Phofphor, as benevolently leading into light the unapparent reafons (i. e. productive princi
ples) of nature j the other as enkindling intellectual light in the f o u l —
H i s h e l m e t and his (hield (he gave to blaze
W i t h lire u n w e a r y ' d * —
and i s removing thofe dark mifls, w h i c h , w h e n prefent, prevent the foul from feeing w h a t is
divine, and what is human. B o t h , therefore, poflefling idioms of this k i n d , it is evident that
the one prefides over generation, and is the midwife of its productive principles ; but the other
elevates fouls, and imparts intellect and true prudence : and in the celeftial regions (he exerts
a dill greater power, fupernally perfecting the w h o l e of the lunar order. If thefe things, t h e n ,
be true, the Bendidian feftival, as well as the place in w h i c h it was celebrated, will be adapted
to the firft converfation, which imitates the foul b e c o m i n g adorned, but not free from the
tumult of generation. But the Panathenaea will be adapted to the fecond and third narration
of a republic, w h i c h imitate the foul retiring into herfelf, and withdrawing her life from things
below, to her o w n intellect, and, inftead of adorning things diifimilar, afTociating with fuch as
are fimilar to herfelf, and communicating in intellectual conceptions, and fpectacles adapted to
happy fpectators.
* Axis 01 SK KOC'JQOC ts Y.OL\ acifi8o$ ax.aiAa.Tov itvp. Iliad, lib. 5. 1. 4.
VOL. i. p pleafures
lOfj T H E R E P U B L I C .
pleafifres refpe6ting the body languifh, the defire and pleafure of conver-
fation increafe. D o not fail, then to make a party often with thefe
youths, and come hither to us, as to your friends and intimate acquaint
ance. >And, truly, faid I, Cephahis, I take pleafure in converfing with
thofe w h o are very far advanced in years ; for it appears to me proper,
that we learn from them, as from perfons w h o have gone before us, what
the road is which it is likely w e have to travel ; whether rough and dif
ficult, or plain and eafy. And I would gladly learn from you, as you are
now arrived at that time of life w h i c h the poets call the threfhold of
ol -age, what your opinion of it is ;. whether you confider it to be a.
grievous part of life, or what you announce it to be ? And I will tell
you, Socrates, faid he, what is really m y opinion ; for w e frequently meet
together in one place, feveral of us w h o are of the fame age, obferving
the old proverb. Moft of us, therefore,, when affembled, lament their
ftate, w h e n they feel a want of the pleafures of youth, and call to their
remembrance the delights of love, of drinking, and feafting, and fome
others akin to thefe : and they exprefs indignation, as if they were be
reaved of fome mighty things. In thofe days, they fay, they lived w e l l r
but now they do not live at all: fome of them, too, bemoan the contempt
which old-age meets with from their acquaintance : and on this account
alfo they lament old-age, which is to them the caufe of fo many ills. B u t
thefe men, Socrates, feem not to me to blame the real caufe ; for, if this
were the caufe, I likewife fhould have fuffered the fame things on account
of old-age ; and all others, even as many as have arrived at thefe years:
whereas I have m e t with feveral who are not thus affected; and particularly
was once with Sophocles the poet, w h e n he was afked by fome one, How,,
faid he, Sophocles, are you affe&ed towards the pleafures of love ? are
you ftill able to enjoy them ? Softly, friend, replied he, moft gladly, in
deed, have 1 efcaped from thefe pleafures, as from fome furious and favage
maftenj H e feeme^ to m e to fpeak well at that time, and no lefs fo now :
for, certainly, there is in old-age abundance of peace and freedom from fuch
things ; for, w h e n the appetites ceafe to be vehement, and are become
eafy, what Sophocles faid certainly happens ; w e are delivered from very
many, and thofe too infane mafters. But with relation to thefe things,
and thofe likewife refpecling our acquaintance, there is one and the fame
caufe ;
T H E R E P U B L I C .
caufe; which is not old age, Socrates, but manners : for, if indeed they
are difcreet and moderate, even old-age is but moderately burthenfome :
if not, both old age, Socrates, and youth are grievous to fuch. Being
delighted to hear him fay thefe things, and wifhing him to difcourfe
further, I urged him, and faid, I think, Cephalus, the multitude will not
agree with you in thofe things ; but will imagine that you bear old-age
eafily, not from manners, but from pofTefTing much w e a l t h ; for the rich,
fay they, have many confolations. You fay true, replied he, they do not
agree with me ; and there is fomething in what they fay ; but, however,
not fo much as they imagine. But the faying of Themiftocles was juft ;
w h o , when the Seriphian reviled him, and faid that he was honoured,-
not on his own account, but on that of his country, replied That neither
would himfelf have been renowned had he been a Seriphian, nor would
he, had he been an Athenian. T h e fame faying is juftly applicable to thofe
w h o are not rich, and who bear old-age with uneafinefs, T h a t neither
would the worthy man, were he poor, bear old-age quite eafily ; nor
would he who is unworthy, though enriched, ever be agreeable to himfelf.
But, whether, Cephalus, faid I, was the greater part of what you poflefs,
left you ; or have you acquired it ? Somewhat, Socrates, replied he, I
have acquired: as to money-getting, I am in a medium between m y grand
father and my father: for my grandfather, of the fame name with m e ,
w h o was left almoft as much fubftance as I poflefs at prefent, made it
many times as much again; but my father Lyfanias made it yet lefs than
it is now : I am fatisfied if I leave m y fons here, no lefs, but fome little
more than I received. I afked you, faid I, for this reafon, becaufe y o u
feem to me to love riches moderately ; and thofe generally do fo w h o
have not acquired them : but thofe w h o have acquired them are doubly
fond of them : for, as poets love their o w n poems, and as parents
love their children, in the fame manner, thofe w h o have enriched
themfelves value their riches as a work of their o w n , as well as for the
utilities they afford, for which riches are valued by others. You fay true,
replied he. It is entirely fo, faid I. But further, tell me this : W h a t do
you think is the greateft good derived from the poffeflion of much fub
ftance ? That, probably, faid he, of which I fhall not perfuade the mul
titude. For be affured, Socrates, continued he, that after a man begins'
p 2 to
108 T H E R E P U B L I C .
to think he is foon to die, he feels a fear and concern about things which
before gave him no uneafinefs : for thofe ftories concerning a future
ftate, which reprefent that the man who has done injuftice here muft there
be punifhed, though formerly ridiculed, do then trouble his foul with ap-
prehenfions that they may be true ; and the man, either through the infir
mity of old-age, or as being now more near thofe things, views them more
attentively: he becomes therefore full of fufpicion and dread; and con
siders, and reviews, whether he has, in any thing, injured any one*
H e then w h o finds in his life much of iniquity, and is wakened from
fleep, as children by repeated calls, is afraid, and lives in miferable hope.
But the man who is not confcious of any iniquity,
fcribes regimen o f meats and drinks to bodies. And what is the art, which,
difpenfing to certain things fomething fitting and due, is called cookery ?
T h e art which gives feafonings to victuals. Be it fo. W h a t then is that
art, which, difpenfing to certain perfons fomething fitting and due, may be
called juftice ? If w e ought to be any way directed, Socrates, by what is
faid above, it is the art which difpenfes good offices to friends, and in
juries to enemies. T o do good, then, to friends, and ill to enemies, he
calls juftice ? It feems fo. W h o , then, is moft able to do good, to
his friends, w h e n they are difeafed, and ill to his enemies, with refpect to
ficknefs and health ? T h e phyfician. And w h o , when they fail, with re
fpect to the danger of the fea ? T h e pilot. But as to the juft man, in what
bufinefs, and with refpect to what action, is he moft able to ferve his friends,
and to hurt his enemies? It feems to me, in fighting in alliance with the one,
and againft the other. Be itfo. But, furely, the phyfician is ufelefs, Po
lemarchus, to thofe, at leaft, w h o are not fick ? It is true. And the pdot,
to thofe who do not fail ? H e is. And is the juft man, in like manner,
ufelefs to thofe w h o are not at war ? I can by no means think that he is.
Juftice, then, is ufeful likewife in time of peace. It is. And fo is agri
culture, is it not ? It is. Towards the poffeffion of grain ? Certainly.
And is not fhoemaking likewife ufeful ? It is. Towards the poffeffion of
fhoes, you will fay, I imagine. Certainly. But what, now ? For the ufe,
or poffeffion of what, would you fay that juftice were ufeful in time
o f peace ? For co-partnerfhips, Socrates. You call co-partnerfhips, joint
companies, or what elfe ? Joint companies, certainly. Whether, then,
is .the juft man, or the dice-player, a good and ufeful co-partner, for play
i n g at dice ? T h e dice-player. But, in the laying of tiles or ftones, is the
juft man a more ufeful and a better partner than the mafon ? By no
means. In what joint company, n o w , is the juft man a better co-partner
than the harper, as the harper is better than the juft man for touching
the firings of a harp ? In a joint company about money, as I imagine.
And yet it is likely, Polemarchus, that with regard to the making ufe of
m o n e y , when it is neceflary jointly to buy or fell a horfe, the jockey, as I
i m a g i n e , is then the better co-partner. Is he not ? He would appear fo.
A n d with refpect to a fhip, the fhip-wright, Or fhip-mafter ? It would feem
fo. W h e n then is it, w i t h refpect to the joint application of money, that
o the
T H E R E P U B L I C . in
the-juft man is more ufeful than others ? W h e n it is to be depofited, and be
fafe, Socrates. D o you not mean, w h e n there is no need to ufe it, but
to let it lie ? Certainly. W h e n money then is ufelefs, juftice is ufeful
with regard to it ? It feems fo. And when a pruning-hook is to be k e p t r
the good are enemies, and the bad are friends ? Certainly. But, how
ever, it is then juft for them to profit the bad ; and to hurt the good.
It appears fo. But the good are likewife juft, and fuch as do no ill.
True. But, according to your fpeech, it is juft to do ill to thofe who do
no ill. By no means, Socrates, replied he ; for the fpeech feems to be
wicked. It is juft, then, faid I, to hurt the unjuft, and to profit the juft.
T h i s fpeech appears more handfome than the other. T h e n , it will happen,
Polemarchus, to m a n y , — t o as many indeed of mankind as have mif-
judged, that it fhall be juft to hurt their friends, w h o are really bad ; and to
profit their enemies, who are really good ; and fo w e fhall fay the very re-
verfe of what w e affirmed Simonides faid ? It does, indeed, faid he, happen fo.
But let us define again; for w e feem not to have rightly defined a friend
and an enemy. H o w were they defined, Polemarchus ? That he who feems
honeft is a friend. But how fhall w e now define, faid I ? T h a t he who
feems, replied h c / a n d likewife is honeft, is a friend ; but he who feems
honeft, yet is not, feems, yet is not a friend. And w e muft admit the
diftin&ion about an e n e m y to be the very fame. The good man, ac
cording to this fpeech, will, as it feems, be the friend; and the wicked
m a n , the enemy. Yes. D o you now require us to defcribe what is juft,
as w e did before, when w e faid it was juft to do good to a friend, and ill to
an e n e m y ? Or fhall w e add to the definition, and n o w fay, that it is juft
to do good to a friend, w h e n he is good ; and ill to an enemy, when he
is bad? T h i s laft, faid he, feems to me to be perfedly well expreffed. Is it,
then, faid I, the part of a juft man to hurt any man ? By all means, faid
he, he ought to hurt the wicked, and his enemies. But, do horfes, when
they are hurt, become better or worfe ? Worfe. Whether in the virtue
o f dogs, or-of horfes ? In that of horfes. And, do not dogs, when they
are hurt, become worfe in the virtue of dogs, and not of horfes ? O f ne-
ceffity. And {hall w e not in like manner, my friend, fay that men,
when they are hurt, become worfe in the virtue of a man ? Certainly.
But is not juftice the virtue of a m a n ? O f neceffity this likewife. Of
neceffity then, friend, thofe men who are hurt muft become more unjuft.
It feems fo. But can muficians, by mufic, make men unmufical ? It is
impoffible. Or horfemen, by horfemanfhip, make men unfkilled in horfe-
manfliip ? It cannot be. Or can the juft, by juftice, make men unjuft? Or
6 in
THE REPUBLIC. 113
advantageous; but, what you mean tell plainly and accurately; for I
will not allow it, if you fpeak fuch trifles as thefe. W h e n I heard this, I
was aftonifhed, and, looking at him, was frightened ; and I fhould have
become fpeechlefs, I imagine, if I had not perceived him before he
perceived me. But I had obferved him firft, when he began to grow fierce
at our reafoning ; fo that I was now able to anfwer him, and faid,
trembling: Thrafymachus! be not hard on us; for, if w e miftake in
our inquiries, Polemarchus and I, be well affured that we miftake
unwittingly : for think not that,- in fearching for gold, we would never
willingly yield to one another in the fearch, and mar the finding i t ; but
that, fearching for juftice, an affair far more valuable than a great deal of
gold, w e fhould yet foolifhly yield to each other, and not labour, friend,
with the utmoft ardour, that w e may difcover what it really is. But I am
afraid we are not able to difcover it. It is more reafonable, then, that w e
k
be pitied, than be ufed hardly by you who are men of ability. Having
heard this, he laughed aloud in a very coarfe manner, and faid By
H e r c u l e s ! this is Socrates's wonted irony. This I both knew and
foretold to thefe, here, that you never incline to anfwer if any one
afk you any thing. You are a wife man, therefore, Thrafymachus, faid
I. For you knew well, that if you afked any one, H o w many is twelve ?
and, when you afk, fhould previoufly tell him, Y o u are not, friend, to tell
me that twelve is twice fix ; nor that it is three times four ; nor that it is
four times three ; for I will not admit it, if you trifle in fuch a manner;—I
fancy it is plain to you that no man would anfwer one afking in fuch a
way. But if he fhould fay to you, Wonderful Thrafymachus ! how do
you mean ? May I anfwer in none of thofe ways you have told m e ; not
even though the real and true anfwer happen to be one of them, but I am
to fay fomething elfe than the truth ? Or, h o w is it you mean ? W h a t would
you fay to him in anfwer to thefe things ? If they were alike, I fhould
give an anfwer; but how are they alike ? N o t h i n g hinders it, faid I ;
but, though they were not alike, but fhould appear fo to him w h o was
afked, would he the lefs readily anfwer what appeared to h i m ; whether
w e forbade him or not ? And will you do fo now ? faid he. W i l l you
fay in anfwer fome of thefe things which I forbid you to fay ? I fhould
not wonder I did, faid I, if it fhould appear fo to m e on inquiry.
What
T H E R E P U B L I C . 115
if they will not govern. H o w fay you, Socrates, faid Glauco ; t w o of the
rewards I underftand ; but this punifhment you fpeak of, and here you
mention it in place of a reward, I know not. You know not,, then, faid
I, the reward of the beft of men, on account of which the moft worthy
govern, when they confent to govern. Or, do you not k n o w , that to be
ambitious and covetous, is both deemed a reproach, and really is fo ? I
know, faid he. For thofe reafons, then, faid I, good men are not willing
to govern, neither for money, nor for honour; for they are neither willing
to be called mercenary, in openly receiving a reward for governing, nor to
be called thieves, in taking, clandeftinely from thofe under their goverr>
m e n t ; as little are they willing, to govern for honour, for they are not
ambitious.—Of neccffity then, there muft be laid on them a fine,
that they may confent to govern. And hence, it feems,. it hath,
been acounted difhonourable to enter on government willingly, and not
by conftraint. And the greateft part of the punifhment is to be governed
by a bafe perfon, if one himfelf is not willing to govern : and the good f e e m
to me to govern from a fear of this, when they do govern : and then, they
enter on the government, not as on any thing good, or as what they are to
reap advantage by,, but as on a neceflary talk, and finding none better than
themfelves, nor like them to entruft with the government: fince it would
appear that, if there was a city of good men, the conteft would be, not to
be in the goverment, as at prefent it is, to govern : And hence it would be
manifeft, that he who is indeed the true governor, does not aim at his o w n
advantage, but at that of the governed ; fo that every underftanding man
would rather choofe to be ferved, than to have trouble in ferving another.
T h i s , therefore, I, for my part, will never yield to Thrafymachus ; that
juftice is the advantage of the more powerful ; but this w e fhall confider
afterwards. W h a t Thrafymachus fays now, feems to me of much more
importance, when he fays that the life of the unjuft man is better than
that of the juft. Y o u , then, Glauco, faid I, which fide do you c h o o f e ;
and which feems to you moft' agreeable to truth ? T h e life of the juft, faid
he, I, for my part, deem to be the more profitable. Have y o u heard,
faid I, how many good things Thrafymachus juft now enumerated in the
life of the unjuft ? 1 heard, faid he, but am not perfuaded. Are you willing,
then,, that we lhould perfuade him, (if we be able any how to find argu
ments),
126 T H E R E P U B L I C .
afk. Afk then. T h i s , then, I afk, which I did jaft now ; (that w e
may in an orderly way fee through our difcourfe,) of what kind is
juftice, compared with injuftice ; for it was furely faid that injuftice was
more powerful and ftronger than juftice. It was fo faid juft n o w , re
plied he. But, if juftice be both virtue and wifdom, it will eafily,. I ima
gine, appear to be likewife more powerful than injuftice - fince injuftice
r
one, whether does it lofe its power, or will it no lefs retain it? Let it,
laid he, no lefs retain it. D o e s it not then appear to have fuch a
power as this—That wherever it is, whether in a city, or tribe, or
camp, or wherever elfe, in the firft place, it renders it unable for
action in itfelf, through feditions and differences ; and, befides, makes
it an enemy to itfelf, and to every opponent, and to the juft ? Is it not
thus? Certainly. And, when injuftice is in one man, it will have, I
imagine, all thefe effects, which it is natural for it to produce. In the
firft place, it will render him unable for action whilft he is in fedition
and difagreement with himfelf; and next as he is an enemy both to
himfelf, and to the juft. Is it not fo ? Yes. But the Gods, friend,
are likewife juft. L e t them be fo, faid he. T h e unjuft man then,
Thrafymachus, fhall be an enemy alfo to the G o d s ; and the juft man,
a friend, Feaft yourfelf, faid he, with the reafoning boldly ; for I will
not oppofe you, that I may not render myfelf odious to thefe Gods.
C o m e then, faid I, and complete to me this feaft; anfwering as you
were doing juft now : for the juft already appear to be wifer, and better,
and more powerful to a c t ; but the unjuft are not able to act any thing,
with one another: and what w e faid with reference to thofe who are
unjuft,—that they are ever at any time able ftrenuQufiy to act jointly
together ; this w e fpoke not altogether true, for they would not fpare
one another; being thoroughly unjuft; but it is plain that there was
in them juftice, which made them refrain from injuring one another,
and thofe of their party; and by this juftice they performed what they
did. And they rufhed on unjuft actions, through injuftice; being half
wicked ; fince thofe w h o are completely wicked, and perfectly unjuft,
are likewife perfectly unable to act. This then I understand is the
cafe with reference to thefe matters, and not as you were eftablifhing
at firft. But whether the juft live better than the unjuft, and are
more happy (which w e propofed to confider afterwards), is now to
be confidered; and they appear to do fo even at prefent, as I imagine,
at leaft, from what has been faid. L e t us, however, confider it furth
er. For the difcourfe is not about an accidental thing, but about this,
in what manner w e ought to live.
Confider then, faid he. I am considering, faid I, and tell m e ; does
4 there
THE REPUBLIC. I3J
there any thing feem to you to be the work of a horfe ? Yes. Would
you not call that the work of a horfe, or o f any one elfe, which one
does with him only, or in the beft: manner? I do not underftand, faid
he. Thus t h e n : D o you fee with any thing elfe but the eyes ? N o
indeed. W h a t now, could you hear with any thing but the ears ? B y
no means. D o w e not juftly then call thefe things the works o f
thefe ? Certainly. But what, could not you with a fword, a knife,
and many other things, cut off a branch of a vine ? W h y not ? But
with nothing, at leaft I imagine, fo handfomely, as with a pruning-
hook, which is made for that purpofe : fhall w e not then fettle this t o
be its work ? W e fhall then fettle it. I imagine, then, you may n o w
underftand better what I was afking when I inquired whether the
work of each thing were not that which it alone performs, or performs
in the beft manner. I underftand you, faid h e ; and this does feem t o
me to be the work of each thing. Be it fo, faid I. And is there
not likewife a virtue belonging to every thing to which there is a
certain work afligned ? But let us go over again the fame things: W e
fay there is a work belonging to the eyes ? T h e r e is. And is there
not a virtue alfo belonging to the eyes ? A virtue alfo. W e l l then,
was there any work of the ears ? Yes. Is there not then a virtue
alfo ? A virtue alfo. And what as to all other things ? Is it not
thus ? It is. But come, could the eyes ever handfomely perform their
work, not having their o w n proper v i r t u e ; but, inftead of virtue, hav
ing vice ? H o w could they, faid he, for you probably mean their having
blindnefs inftead of fight. Whatever, faid I, be their virtue, for I do
not alk this ; but, whether it be with their own proper virtue that they
handfomely perform their own proper work, whatever things are per
formed, and by their vice, unhandfomely ? In this at leaft, faid he, you
you fay true. And will not the ears likewife, when deprived of their
virtue, perform their work ill ? Certainly. And do w e fettle all
other things according to the fame reafoning ? So I imagine. C o m e ,
then, after thefe things, confider this. Is there belonging to the
foul a certain work, which, with no one other being whatever, you
can perform ; fuch as this, to care for, to govern, to confult, and all
fuch things; is there any other than the foul, to w h o m w e may juftly
s 2 afcribe
132 T H E REPUBLIC.
afcribe them, and fay they properly belong to it ? N o other. But what
of this ? T o live ; mall w e fay it is the work of the foul ? Moft
efpecially, faid he. D o not w e fay, then, that there is fome virtue of the
foul, likewife ? W e fay fo. And fhall, then, the foul, ever at all,
Thrafymachus, perform her works handfomely, whilft deprived of her
proper virtue ? or, is this impoffible ? It is impoffible. O f neceffity, then,
a depraved foul muft in a bad manner govern, and take care of things ;
and a good foul perform all thefe things well. O f neceffity. But
did not we agree that juftice was the virtue of the foul ; and injustice its
vice ? W e did agree. W h y , then, the juft foul, and the juft man, fhall
live well ; and the unjuft, ill. It appears fo, faid he, according to your
reafoning. But, furely, he w h o lives well is both bleffed and happy, and he
w h o does not is the oppofite. W h y not ? T h e juft, then, is happy ; and
the unjuft, miferable. L e t them be fo, faid he. But it is not advan
tageous to be miferable, but to be happy. Certainly. At no time, then,
bleft Thrafymachus, is injuftice more advantageous than juftice. T h u s ,
n o w , Socrates, faid he, have you been feafted in Diana's feftival. By
you, truly, I have, Thrafymachus, faid I ; fince you are grown meek?
and have ceafed to be troublefome : I have not feafted handfomely, owing
to myfelf, and not to you : But as voracious guefls, matching ftill what is
bringing before them, tafte of it before they have fufficiently enjoyed what
w e n t before ; fo I, as I imagine, before I have found what w e firft inquired
into,—what juftice is,— have left this, hurrying to inquire concerning it,
whether it be vice and ignorance, or wifdom and virtue. And, a difcourfe
afterwards falling in, that injuftice was more profitable than juftice, I could
not refrain from coming to this from the other: So that, from the dia
logue, I have now come to k n o w nothing ; for whilft I do not know what
juftice is, 1 fhall hardly know whether it be fome virtue or not, and whether
he who poffeffes it be unhappy or happy.
T H E E N D OF T H E F I R S T BOOK.
INTRODUCTION
TO THB
S E C O N D A N D T H I R D BOOKS OF T H E REPUBLIC,
CONTAINING
manufcript than that from which the Bafil edition was printed, yet
I frequently found it neceffary to correct the Greek text from my own
conjecture, as the learned reader will readily perceive. Some of thefe-
emendations I have noted in the courfe of the tranflation ; but as they
are numerous many are omitted.
I. C O N C E R N I N G T H E M O D E OF T H E A P P A R A T U S OF D I V I N E FABLES W I T H
THEOLOGISTS. — THE CAUSES OF SUCH FABLES ASSIGNED ; AND Ai
S O L U T I O N OF T H E O B J E C T I O N S A G A I N S T THEM.
1
Hyparxis fignifies the fummit of effence; and, in all the divinities except the firft G o d ,
is the one confiJered as participated by effence. S e e the Introduction t o the Parmenides.
other
136 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC:
every thing fhould be eftimated from its o w n proper nature, and the
rectitude which it contains. Hence the Athenian gueft, in the Laws of
Plato, is of opinion that even intoxication ought not to be expelled from
a well-inftituted city, on account of the views of the multitude and its
corrupt ufe ; for he fays it greatly contributes to education, if it is pro
perly and prudently employed. A n d yet it may be faid that intoxication
corrupts both the bodies and fouls o f thofe that are fubjecl to i t ; but the
legiflator does not on this account detract from its proper worth, and the
aid it affords to virtue.
But if any one accufes fables on account o f their apparent depravity,
and the bafe names which they employ,—fince things of this kind are by
no means fimilar to the divine exemplars of which fables are the i m a g e s , —
w e reply in the firft place, that there are t w o kinds of fables, thofe adapted
to the education of youth, and thofe full of a divine fury, and which
rather regard the univerfe itfelf than the habit o f thofe that hear them.
In the next place w e muft diftinguifh the lives of thofe that ufe fables;
and we muft confider that fome are juvenile, and converfant w i t h fimple
habits; but that others are able to be excited to intellect, to the whole-
genera of the Gods, to their progreflions through all things, their feries,
and their terminations, which haften to be extended as far as to the laft
o f things. This being premifed, w e muft fay that the fables o f Homel
and Hefiod are not adapted to the education of youth, but that they
follow the nature of wholes, and the order of things, and conjoin with
true beings fuch as are capable of being led to the elevated furvey of
divine concerns. For the fathers of fables—perceiving that nature, fabri
cating images of immaterial and intelligible forms, and diverfifying the
fenfible world with the imitations of thefe, adumbrated things impartible
partibly, but expreffed things eternal through fuch as proceed according to
time, things intelligible through fenfibles, that which is immaterial
materially, that which is without interval with interval, and through
mutation that which is firmly eftablifhed, conformably to the nature and
the progreffion of the phaenomena,—they alfo, deviling the refemblances
and images of things divine in their verfes, imitated the tranfcendent
power of exemplars by contrary and moft remote adumbrations. H e n c e
they indicated that which is fupernatural in things divine by things
V O L . i, T contrary
13d INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS II. A N D III. OF THE REPUBLIC:
contrary to nature, that which is more divine than all reafon, by that
w h i c h is contrary to reafon, and that which is expanded above all- partial
beauty, by things apparently bafe. And thus by an affimilative method
they recalled to our memory the exempt fupremacy of divine natures.
Befides this, according to every order of the Gods, which beginning
from on high gradually proceeds as far as to the laft of things, and pene
trates through all the genera of beings, w e may perceive the terminations
of their feries exhibiting fuch idioms as fables attribute to the Gods
themfelves, and that they give fubfiftence to, and are connective of, fuch
things as thofe through which fables conceal the arcane theory of firft
efTences. For the laft of the dacmoniacal genera, and which revolve
about matter, prefide over the perverfion of natural powers, the bafenefs
of material natures, the lapfe into vice, and a diforderly and confufed
motion. For it is neceffary that thefe things fhould take place in the
univerfe, and fhould contribute to fill the variety of the whole order of
things, and that the caufe of their fhadowy fubfiftence, and of their
duration, fhould be comprehended in perpetual genera. T h e leaders of
facred rites, perceiving thefe things, ordered that laughter and lamen
tations fhould be confecrated to fuch-like genera in certain definite periods
of time, and that they fhould be allotted a convenient portion of the
w h o l e of the facred ceremonies pertaining to a divine nature. As there
fore the art of facred rites, diftributing in a becoming manner the whole
of piety to the Gods and the attendants of the Gods, that no part of
worfhip might be omitted adapted to fuch attendants, conciliated the
divinities by the moft holy myfteries and myftic fymbols, but called
down the gifts of daemons by apparent pafTions, through a certain
arcane fympathy,—in like manner the fathers of thefe fables, looking, as
I may fay, to all the progreflions of divine natures, and haftening to
refer fables to the whole feries proceeding from each, eftablifhed the
imagery in their fables, and which firft prefents itfelf to the view,
analogous to the laft genera, and to thofe that prefide over ultimate and
material paffions ; but to the contemplators of true being they delivered
the concealed meaning, and which is unknown to the multitude, as
declarative of the exempt and inacceflible effence of the Gods. Thus,
every fable is daemoniacal according to that which is apparent in it, bu%
is
CONTAINING A N APOLOGY FOR THE FABLES OF HOMER. 139
to thofe who are able to follow the moft elevated contemplations, w e fhall
not hefitate to refer the precipitations of Vulcan to the irreprehenfible
fcience concerning the Gods, nor the Saturnian bonds, nor the caftrations
of Heaven, which Socrates fays are unadapted to the ears of youth, and
by no means harmonize with thofe habits which require juvenile tuition.
For, in fhort, the myftic knowledge of divine natures can never fubfift in
foreign receptacles. T o thofe therefore that are capable of fuch fublime
fpeculations w e muft fay, that the precipitation of Vulcan indicates the
progreffion of a divine nature from on high, as far as to the laft fabrica
tion in fenfibles, and this fo as to be moved and perfected and directed
by the demiurgus and father of all things. But the Saturnian bonds manifeft
1
the union of the whole fabrication of the univerfe , with the intellectual
and paternal fupremacy of Saturn. T h e caftrations of Heaven obfcurely fig-
2 3
nify the feparation of the T i t a n i c feries from the connective order. By
thus fpeaking we fhall perhaps affert things that are known, and refer that
which is tragical and fictitious in fables to the intellectual theory of the divine
genera. For whatever among us appears to be of a worfe condition, and to
belongto the inferior coordination of things,fables affume accordingto abetter
nature and power. T h u s , for inftance, a bond with us impedes and reftrains
energy, but there it is a contact and ineffable union with caufes. A pre
cipitation here is a violent motion from another ; but with the Gods it
indicates prolific progreffion, and an unreftrained and free prefence to
all things, without departing from its proper principle, but in an orderly
manner proceeding from it through all things. And caftrations in things
partial and material caufe a diminution of power, but in primary caufes
they obfcurely fignify the progreffion of fecondary natures into a fubjecl
order, from their proper caufes ; things firft at the fame time remaining
eftablifhed in themfelves undiminifhed, neither moved from themfelves
through the progreffion of thefe, nor mutilated by their feparation, nor
divided by their distribution in things fubordinate. Thefe things, which
Socrates juftly fays are not fit to be heard by youth, are not on that account
to be entirely rejected. For the fame thing takes place with refpect to
poffefs their efficacy in thefe, and enable the myftics to perceive through
thefe, entire, ftable, and fimple vifions, which a youth by his age, and
m u c h more his manners, is incapable of receiving. W e muft not there
fore fay that fuch-like fables do not inflruct in virtue, but thofe that
object to them fhould fhow that they do not in the higheft degree accord
w i t h the laws pertaining to facred rites. N o r muft it be faid that they
diflimilarly imitate divine natures, through obfcure fymbols, but it muft
be fhown that they do not prepare for us an ineffable fympathy to
wards the participation of the Gods. For fables which are compofed
with a view to juvenile difcipline fhould poffefs much of the probable,
and much of that which is decorous in the fabulous, in their apparent
forms, but fhould be entirely pure from contrary appellations, and
be conjoined with divine natures through a fimilitude of fymbols. But
thofe fables w h i c h regard a more divinely infpired habit, which co-
harmonize things laft with fuch as are firft through analogy alone,
and which are compofed with a view to the fympathy in the univerfe
between effects and their generative caufes,—fuch fables, defpifmg the
multitude, employ names in an all-various manner, for the purpofe of
indicating divine concerns. Since alfo, with refpect to harmony, we
fay that one kind is poetic, and which through melodies exciting to
virtue cultivates the fouls of youth ; but another divine, which moves
the hearers, and produces a divine mania, and which w e denominate
better than temperance: and w e admit the former as completing the
whole o f education, but w e reject the latter as not adapted to political
administration. Or does not Socrates expel the Phrygian harmony
from his Republic as producing ecftafy in the foul, and on this account
feparate it from other harmonies which are fubfervient to education ?
6 As,
C O N T A I N I N G A N APOLOGY FOR THE FABLES OF HOMER. 143
1
S u c h fables, alfo, call forth our unperverted conceptions o f divine natures, in w h i c h they
efficacioufly eftablifti u s , by untaught facred disciplines} and, in fhort, they give perfection to
the vital powers of the foul.
to-
144 INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS n. AND III. OF THE REPUBLIC:
3
Atwarou; is erroneoufly printed in tbe original for o&twj.
• Proclus fays this w i t h reference to what took place in the myfteries, as is evident from the
following extract from his M S . Commentary o n the Firft Alcibiades : Ev TM( ayiurarait ruv
0 6
TfXrrav vrpo rnf TOV §too vapovciaf XoufMvov x^ ™* * TJVWV (rvfi&oKoi Trpotycuwvrau, tuxi o^fif turapaTTouaai rcuf
retovfitvovs, KM aXoo~7r*>ecu rav axfatvraiv ayatoir, KM uf mv vXnv iKirpOKaXovfiewu' Six TO KM OI $101 napa-
tUteVOTTM jMI VpOTifOt Mf tKUVOVf tSteXttt) VptV TMi MWO TOV TtXtTUV fyax&vfWt Xwapuw OV Xf^ XUVOUf fft
fiktxttt irpiv otifjut TtXeadui, KM &a TOWTO ra Xoyia TrpoartBno'iv, art raf fyx** SeXyovrtf cut ruv TIXITUV
avaywffiv. i. e. " In the moft holy of the myfteries, before the G o d appears, certain terreftrial
daemons prefent themfelves, and fights w h i c h difturb thofe that are to be initiated, tear them
a w a y from undefiled g o o d s , and call forth their attention to matter. H e n c e the Gods exhort
us not to look at thefe, till w e are fortified by the powers which the myfteries confer. For thus
they fpeak: It is not proper for you to behold them till your body is initiated. A n d on this
account the oracles (i. e. the Chaldaean) add, that fuch daemons, alluring fouls, feduce them
from the myfteries." Agreeably to this, Proclus, alfo, in Plat. T h e o l . p. 7. obferves, Ev TM;
M T«*CTMV ayivraXMi fan rov; (jutvruf, rnv pei irfmmv iroXvtifoo-i Kai voXu/topfoif rav Stat irpoGt£xiyj.tvcti
ytnrn axavTav. i. e. " I n the moft holy o f the myfteries they fay that the myftics at firft meet
w i t h the multiform and many-fhaped genera which are hurled forth before the gods."
* For 'vvtpt as in the original, read i/irap.
II. WHAT
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF HOMER.
And thus much concerning thofe forms of fables according to which other
poets and Homer have delivered myftic conceptions refpecling the Gods,
and which are unapparent to the vulgar. After this, it follows I think
that we fhould distinctly confider the feveral fables in the order in" which they
are mentioned by Socrates, and contemplate according to what conceptions
of the foul Homer reprefents the Gods fighting, or doing or suffering any
thing elfe, in his poems. And in the first place let us confider this theo-
machy as it is called, or battles of the Gods, which Homer devifes, but
Socrates thinks worthy of animadversion, as by no means adapted to the
education of youth. For, that there is neither fedition, nor diffenfion and
division, as with mortals, among the Gods, but peace and an inoffensive
life, the poet himfelf teftifies when he fomewhere fays concerning O l y m
pus, that it is a substratum to the Gods, whopoffefs every poffible joy, and
fpectacles of immenfe beauty :
W h a t difcord -and war then can find any entrance among thofe w h o are
allotted eternal delight, w h o are perpetually propitious, and rejoicing in
the goods which they poffefs ? But if it be proper that difcourfes concern
ing the Gods fhould regard as well their providence as the nature o f the
beings for w h o m they provide, I think w e may interpret as follows their
opposition to each other.:
In the firft place, the divided progreflions of all things, and their fepara-
tions according to effence, fupernally originate from that divifion of firft
1
operating caufes which is unknown to all things ; and fubfifting according
to thofe principles which are expanded above wholes, they diffent from
each other; fome being fufpended from the unifying monad bounds and
about this determining their fubfiftence, but others receiving in themfelves
1
V i z . bound and infinity, w h i c h are the higheft principles after the ineffable c a u f e o f a l l . —
•See t h e P h i l e b u s , and the N o t e s to my Tranflation of Ariftotle's Metapbyfics.
VOL. i. u a never-
146 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO BOOKS II. AND III. OF T H E REPUBLIC :
form illuminations. W e may likewife fay, that the lad: orders which
are fufpcndcd from divine natures, as being generated remote from firft
caufes, and as being proximate to the fubjects of their government,
which are involved in matter, participate themfelves of all-various
contrariety and feparation, and partibly prefide over material natures,
minutely dividing thofe powers which prefubfift uniformly and i m -
partibly in their firft operating caufes. Such then and fo many being
the modes according to which the myftic rumours of theologifts are
wont to refer war to the Gods themfelves, other poets, and thofe w h o
7
in explaining divine concerns have been agitated w ith divine fury,
have afcribed wars and battles to the Gods, according to the firft of
thofe modes w e related, in which the divine genera are divided con
formably to the firft principles of wholes. For thofe powers which
tlevate to caufes are after a manner oppofed to thofe that are the fources
of generation, and the conneclive to the feparating; thofe that unite, to
thofe that multiply the progreffion of things ; total genera, to fuch as
fabricate partibly; and thofe which are expanded above, to thofe that
prefide over partial natures : and hence fables concealing the truth
affert that fuch powers fight and war with each other. O n this ac
count, as it appears to me, they affert that the Titans were the antago-
nifts of Bacchus, and the Giants of Jupiter ; for union, indivifible ope
ration, and a wholenefs prior' to parts, are adapted to thofe artificers
that have a fubfiftence prior to the w o r l d ; but the Titans and Giants
produce the demiurgic powers into multitude, divifibly adminifter the
affairs of the univerfe, and are the proximate fathers o f material concerns.
W e may alfo conceive that the Homeric fables after another man
ner have devifed the battles of the Gods. For, in the firft place. H o m e r
exempts the demiurgic monad from all the multitude of the Gods, and
neither reprefents him proceeding to the contrariety of generation, nor
in any refpect opposing i t ; but, while this is firmly eftablifhed in itfelf,
the number of the G o d s proceeds from it, which number both abides
and proceeds into the univerfe, and on this account is faid to be divided
this kind to the powers that proximately prefide over it, and thus
feigning that the Gods, proceeding into a material nature, and distri
buted about this, war with each other. H o m e r , to thofe who confider
his poems with attention, will appear to fpeak about the former mode
o f divine contention w h e n he fays,
1
and i n another p l a c e refpe&ing T y p h o n ,
1
See the Phaedrus.
* For five is not only an odd, but alfo a fpheric n u m b e r : for all its multiplication* i n t o itfelf
terminate in five ; and therefore end where they began.
3 For fix is a perfect n u m b e r , being equal t o the f u m of all its parts.
tions ;
152 INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS II. A N D III. OF THE REPUBLIC:
In the next place let us confider how, fince the Gods in the fummit
o f their effence are particularly characterized by goodnefs, poetry makes,
them to be the authors of both evil and good, though it is proper to refer
to them the principal caufe of what is good alone. For this, Socrates, de
monstrating that divinity gives fubfiftence to good alone, but to nothing
evil, thinks worthy of animadversion in the poems of Homer. And it
feems that he reprobates the battles of the Gods, as subverting divine union,
but condemns what w e n o w propofe t o investigate, as diminifhing the
jgoodnefs of the Gods. For,
the Gods themfelves. For all things are divided by the biformed princi
1
ples of things, viz. the orders o f the Gods, the natures o f beings, the genera
of fouls, phyfical powers, the circulations of the heavens, and the diverfities
o f material things ; and lastly human affairs, and allotments according to
juftice, thence receive a twofold generation. For, of thefe, fome are of a
better, and others of an inferior condition. I mean, for instance, that
the natural habits of bodies, viz. beauty, strength, health, and alfo fucil
things as, independent of the corporeal conftitution, pertain to fouls, v i z .
power, and honour, and riches, belong to allotments of a better condition;
but thofe habits and circumstances which are oppofite to thefe, belong to
thofe of an inferior condition. Thefe things then being neceflarily divi
ded after the above-mentioned manner, thofe which belong to the better
portion it^was ufual with the antients immediately to denominate good,
but thofe of the contrary portion they denominated evil ; yet not in the
fame signification as when we call an unjuft and intemperate habit of the
foul evil ; but as impediments of energies, as darkening our natural difpofi
tions, and disturbing the providence of the foul in its tranquil manage
ment of human affairs, they admitted them to be evil, and to be fo deno
minated, but after a different manner from what are called the evils of t h e
foul. T h u s alfo they were accustomed to call difeafe, imbecility, and a
privation of the neceffaries of life, evils. And why is it neceffary to adduce
all poetry as a witnefs of the ufe of this name? For the Pythagoreans alfo, in
3
ftablifhing twofold coordinations of things in all orders, did not refufe to
call one of thefe good, and the other evil. T h o u g h , how can any one ad
mit that the even, the oblong, and motion, are to be enumerated among
thofe evils which w e define as privations of good ? H o w can w e fay that
the feminine, the genus of difference and of diflimilitude, are contrary to
nature ? But I think this entirely evident, that, according to every pro-
.greffion of things, they called the fubordinate feries of things oppofite, evil,
as deferting the other feries, and being neither primarily beneficent, nor
1
V i z . Ioufid and infinity.
2
T h e f e twofold coordinations of the P y t h a g o r e a n s aTe as follow : B o u n d , infinity : the
odd, the even : the o n e , multitude : right hand, left h a n d : the mafculine, the feminine : the
quiefcent, that which is in m o t i o n : the ftraight, the curved : light, darknefs: g o o d , evil : the
fquare, the oblong. See my Tranflation of Ariftotle's Metaphyfics,book I .
VOL. i. x diftant
154 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O BOOKS II. A N D III. O F T H E R E P U B L I C :
distant by the fame interval from the one caufe of every thing beautiful and
good. It is requisite therefore to fufpend thefe twofold coordinations o f
good and evil in the univerfe from the demiurgic monad. For the divifions
o f the Gods, and o f the genera pofterior to the Gods, depend on that firft
principle. T h e caufe likewife of the good and evil which happen from
fate, and which are allotted to fouls about generation, according to juftice,
muft be referred to the difpenfator o f the univerfe, w h o alfo fends fouls
into the region of mortality. F o r the effects o f fate are fufpended from de
miurgic providence, about which the feries of juftice alfo fubhfts, and the
boundaries of which it follows, being, as the Athenian gueft in Plato ob
ferves, the avenger o f the divine law. Lastly, the gifts of fortune, and the
distribution of all things according to juftice, are determined according to
the will of the father. T h e demiurgus and father therefore of the univerfe
has pre-eftablifhed in himfelf the caufe of every thing good and evil, of
more excellent and fubordinate gifts, of profperous events, and of fuch as
are impediments to the energies of the foul in externals ; and he governs
all things according to intellect, distributing to every being fuch things as
are fit, and referring all things to his o w n paternal administration. For he
distributes to fouls, with a view to good, both things of the better and of the
inferior coordination ; looking in his distribution to the perfection of the
recipients.
If thefe things then are rightly afferted,. w e muft admit the Homeric ar
rangement, which places in the demiurgic intellect of Jupiter twofold pri
mary caufes of the goods and the ills which he imparts to fouls. For, of
all the intellectual kings, the duad efpecially belongs to the demiurgus
of the univerfe: fince, according to the Oracle, "theduad is feated with h i m ;
and, by his governing all things, and difpofing every thing in its proper
place, he fhows virtue to be victorious, and vice to be vanquifhed in the
univerfe." For what difference is there between afferting thefe things,,
and comparing the demiurgus to one playing at chefs, and fending fouls i n
to lives adapted to their refpective natures ? Thefe t w o fountains therefore,
of a better and worie condition of things, by which the demiurgus con
x
ducts fouls according to juftice, the poet mythologizing denominates tubs \
4 whether
CONTAINING A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E F A B L E S OF H O M E R . 155
whether indicating that divinity afilgns to every thing its proper boundary
through intclle&u'dl ficrfua/ion (for intellect, faysTimaeus, is the principle
of neceffity, perliiading it to lead all things to that which is beft), or the
cap'acioufnefs of thefe principles, and their comprehending all-various ef
fects. For the demiurgus and father of the univerfe contains unitedly in him
felf the difperfed multitude of all that he distributes to fouls. So that, accord
ing to this reafoning, Plato and the Homeric poetry accord with each other.
For the former fays that it is not proper to make God the caufe of any e v i l ;
but the other perpetually produces every thing good from thence : yet, fince
goods are twofold, and each kind benefits thofe by whom it is received,
hence the Homeric poetry distributes them into twofold coordinations,
and, indicating their difference with refpect to each other, denominates the
one as abiolutely good, but places the other feparate, as contrary to good.
But that what is called evil by H o m e r is not fuch as that which Plato de
nies to be given by the Gods, the poet himfelf declares in the following
vcrfes *9
In thefe verfes, it appears that Homer does not make divinity the caufe
o f real evils, fince he calls the lofs of a fon, and the being deprived of his
attendance in old age, evils. But in what manner thefe are evils, we
have above explained, viz. fo far as they caufe difficulty in the prefent life,
and forrow in the foul. For, though it is not lawful for thofe who phiio-
fophize in a genuine manner to call thefe evils, yet they appear to be im
pediments of a life according to virtue, to thofe who make choice of a
1
Iliad, lib. 24. ver. 534, &c.
X 2 practical
156 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO BOOKS IL A N D III. O F T H E REPUBLIC:
practical life.- Hence the Athenian gueft alfo contends that all fuch
things are, in a certain refpect,. evil to good men, but good to inch as arc
depraved - though he makes God to be the caufe, both of thefe, and of
r
every thing imparted from the univerfe. So that not only Homer, and
Achilles in Homer aflert thefe. things,, but Plato-himfelf,. and the legiflator
according to-Plato*.
In- the next place let us'confider how leagues and oaths, according to*
fhe poetry of Homer, are violated with the will of the mighty Jupiter,/
and of Minerva acting in fubfervieticy to the wirl of her father : for this
alfo Socrates reprobates-, a* referring the principle of evils to the firft of
fhe Godsr
And here indeed it is worth while efpecially to doubt, how he who-
makes divinity to be the caufe of thefe things, does not make him to be
the caufe of the greateft and real evils.. For Homer cannot here be:
defended by faying, that he reprefents poverty, difeafe, ami things of this
kind, as proceeding from the Gods, but he afcribes to divinity the caufe of
thole things w h i c h are acknowledged by all men to be evils. Timams*,
indeed,- in Plato, reprefents the demiurgus as entirely prefcribing laws to
fouls prior to their defcentinto gei*eratk>n, that he may not be accufed as-
the caufe of their consequent evils ;' but thefe verfes of H o m e r admit that
the principle of the greateft evils is imparted to them from divinity, when:
they have d e f e n d e d , and are converfant with generation. H o w then fhall
w e reply to thefe animadverfions, fo as to harmonize the doctrine of Homer
with the nature of things,- and the narration of Plato I W e may reply as
follows : T h a t fables of this kind are not adapted to the habit of youth,
as has been alferted by us before, and we fhall now, and in ail that follows*
repeat the affertion. For it is not poffible for youth* to diftinguifh the
nature of things, nor to refer the apparent figns of truth to an unapparent
theory, nor to fee how every thing, in. the univerfe is accomplished accord
ing to the will of divinity, through other intervening caufes. But we fhall
fhow that thefe things are agreeable to- the philofophy of Plato.
The
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF HOMER. lof
T h e Athenian gueft then, in the L a w s , fays, " that God is the beginning,,
the middle, and end of all things,, and that juftice follows him, taking
vengeance on thofe that defert the divine law : but thefe, as he' informs u s r
are fuch as through youth and folly have their foul inflamed with info-
fence, and for a certain time appear to themfelves to govern, but after
wards fuffer the proper punifhment of their conduct from juftice, and en
tirely fubvert themfelves, their city, and their family." Thefe things are af-
terted by the Athenian gueft politically ; but H o m e r % relating them in a
u a 9
divinely infpired manner (gr6ea<p*< ), f V that thofe who have often fin
3
ned, and committed the greateft crimes, are punifhed for their offences ac
cording to the fmgle will of Jupiter, and are deprived of life together with*
their wives and children. H e further informs us, that Jupiter firft of all
accomplifhes this punifhment, and in a manner exempt and unapparent to-
all; but Minerva in* the fecond place, being fubfervient to and cooperating
with the paternal providence of Jupiter : for, as Orpheus fays, " fhe is the
powerful queen of the intellect of Saturnian Jove V T h e fame poet like-
wife adds, •* that his brain w h o violates leagues and oaths flows on the
ground like wine." In confequence, therefore, of this violation, fuch
men fubject themfelves to juftice, and render themfelves adapted to punifh
ment^ H e n c e the violation of leagues and oaths is especially perpetrated
by thofe w h o , prior to this, have deferved the vengeance of the Gods, who>
justly govern mortal affairs, and thus punifh former crimes. But fuch are
iaid to be moved, and led forth into energy by the Gods themfelves : not
that the Gods render men who are to be punifhed impious and unjuft, but
as calling into energy thofe that are adapted to the perpetration of fuch-like
actions, that by once energizing according to their inward habit, and pro
ducing into light the progeny of depraved actions with which they are pre
gnant, they may become worthy of punifhment. For we fhould rather fay,-
according to Plato, that vengeance, the attendant of juftice, is perfected in
fuch, than divine juftice itfelf; fince the juft and juftice are beautiful things.
But both he on whom vengeance is inflicted,. and he on whom it is not, are
miferable. Men therefore, who have committed many and the greateft
crimes, and who have a depraved habit which is parturient with greater and
1 2
For a h fyxwj, as in the original, read b h 'Opnpo;. Aeivn yap KOOVI&M VOOU Kpavrupa reruxrat.
9 more
158 INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC:
more weighty evils, in the fir ft place fuftai.n vengeance, which appears
indeed to crufh thofe that fuffer it, leading them to the violation of oaths,
but in reality brings them to fuffer the punifhment of their crimes, effect
ing that which is fimilar to the opening of ulcers by the furgeon's inftru
ment, which produces an increafe of pain at the time, but, by difcharging
t h e putridity and the latent humour, becomes the caufe of future health.
But the poetry of Homer fays that this punifhment, beginning fupernally
from Jupiter ( f o r juftice, as we have before obferved, follows him, taking
vengeance on thofe that defert the divine law ) , is perfected through Mi
nerva as the medium. Fpr the Trojans, feeing into what an evil they had
brought themfelves, and that their life was obnoxious to deferved punifh
ment, rendered this inevitable to themfelves, by the violation of oaths and
leagues.
Again then, it muft be in the firft place faid that the Gods were not
the caufes of this confufed and diforderly conduct: to the Trojans, but that
they through their own depravity rendered themfelves worthy of an energy
o f this kind, and among thefe Pandarus in an eminent degree, as being
a man ambitious, avaricious, and leading an atheiftical life. Hence
Minerva, proceeding according to the intellect of her father, does not
excite any one cafually to this action, but is faid to feek Pandarus*, as
particularly adapted to an avenging energy.
For a man w h o is capable of doing and fuffering any thing, and who
alfo oppofes himfelf to divinity, through a certain gigantic and audacious
habit of foul, is rare, and truly difficult to be found. As therefore phy-
ficians are not the caufes of cuttings and burnings, but the difeafes of
thofe that are cured, fo neither are the Gods the caufes of the impiety
reflecting oaths and leagues, but the habits o f thofe by w h o m it is
•committed.
In the fecond place, this alfo muft be confidered, that Minerva is not
1
Pandarus f e e m s to be derived euro TOV wavra 3jj«v, that i s , as w e c o m m o n l y fay of a very
depraved character, he was a m a n capable of any thing.
* Iliad, lib. 4 . ver. 86.
faid
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF H O M E R . 159
faid to prepare Pandarns for the deed, but only to try if he gave himfelf
up to this energy. For divinity does not deftroy the freedom of the will,
not even in fuch as are consummately wicked :
1
See the 10th Book.
juftice,
Kto I N T R O D U C T I O N T O ROOKS II. A N D III. O F T H E R E P U B L I C :
In the next place, mice Socrates mentions the judgment of the Gods
in H o m e r , and the ftrife to which Jupiter excites the multitude of the
Gods, through T h e m i s elevating all of them to himfelf, let us alfo fpeak
concerning thefe things. That Jupiter then is a monad feparated from
the univerfe, and the multitude of mundane Gods, and that he is able
to
CONTAINING A N APOLOGY FOR T H E FABLES OF HOMER. l6i
to produce all things from, and again convert them to himfelf, has often
been faid. But fince his energy proceeding to the multitude of Gods is
twofold, one of which converts and the other moves the Gods to the
1
providence of inferior natures, poetry alfo defcribes twofold ipeeches
o f Jupiter to the Gods'. According to the firft: of thefe, the one and
whole demiurgus of the univerfe is reprefented as communicating an
unmingled purity to the multitude o f the Gods, and imparting to them
powers feparate from all divifion about the world. H e n c e he orders all
the Gods to defift from the war and the contrariety of mundane affairs.
But, according to the fecond of thefe fpeeches, he excites them to the
providence of fubordinate natures, and permits their divided progreflions
into the univerfe, that they may not only be contained in one demiurgic
intellect, which, as the poet fays,
But as the progreflions of the Gods are not divulfed from the demi
urgic monad, T h e m i s firft converts them to this monad.
1
For fottiwpyiacy read d h w y i a * . * Iliad, l i b . 20.
VOL. L y natures
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E R E P U B L I C :
but through folly and luxury leaps to the image o f beauty, lies about
it in a fallen condition, and does not attain to a perfection adapted to
an amatory character. For he w h o is truly amatory and ftudious of
V e n u s , is led to divine beauty, and defpifes all that is beautiful in the
regions of fenfe. Since however there are certain daemons w i t h the
characteristics of Venus, w h o prefide over apparent beauty, and which
subsists in matter, hence he w h o embraces the image of beauty, is faid
to have Venus cooperating with him in all his undertakings,
Timaeus, or any other o f fuch divine men fpeaks, then we think that
w e hear the dogmas of Plato. In like manner w e fhould form a;
judgment of the conceptions of H o m e r , not from what is faid by the
fuitors, or any other depraved character in his poems, but from what
the poet himfelf, or Neftor, or Ulyffes, appears to fay.
If any one however is w i l h n g to alcribe this dogma concerning the
mutation of the Gods to H o m e r himfelf, he will not be deftitute of
arguments which accord w i t h all facred concerns, with the greateft:
facrifices and myfteries, and with thofe appearances of the Gods
-which both in dreams and true vifions, the rumour of mankind has
fupernally received. For in all thefe the Gods extend many forms
of themfelves, and appear pafling into many figures. And fometimes
an unfigured light of them prefents itfelf to the view ; at other times
this light is fafhioned in a human form, and at others again affumes a
different fhape. Thefe things alfo the difcipline of divine origin per
1
taining to facred concerns delivers. For thus the O r a c l e s fpeak:
" A fimilar fire extending itfelf by leaps through the waves of the air;
or an unfigured fire whence a voice runs before; or a light beheld
near, every way fplendid, refounding and convolved. But alfo to behold
a horfe full o f refulgent l i g h t ; or a boy carried' on the fwift back of a
horfe,—a boy fiery, or clothed with gold, or, on the contrary, naked ;
or fhooting an arrow, and ftanding on the back of the horfe." And
fuch things as the oracles add after thefe, not at any time attributing
either internal change, or variety, or any mutation to a divine nature,
but indicating its various participations,. For that which is fimple in-
the Gods appears various to thofe by w h o m it is feen, they neither
being changed, nor wifhing to deceive; but nature herfelf giving a
determination to the characteriftics of the Gods, according to the
meafures of the participants. For that which is participated, being
one, is varioufly participated by intellect, the rational foul, the phantafy,
and fenfe. For the firft of thefe participates it impartibly, the fecond
in an expanded manner, the third accompanied with figure, and the
1
V i z . the Chaldaean Oracles. See my Colle&ion of thefe Oracles in the third volume o f
fhe M o n t h l y M a g a z i n e .
fourth
CONTAINING A N APOLOGY FOR T H E FABLES OF HOMER. 165
1
l^Ience alfo H o m e r , Iliad, lib. 20. ver. 131. faySj xaXwrw ite $soi (pamaQai fva/jytif.—-i. e. O'er-
powering are the G o d s w h e n clearly feen.
* Iliad, lib. 5.
3 A divine nature muft neceflarily produce the fcnfation of weight in the body by w h i c h it i s
received, from its overpowering energy ; for body lies lite non-entity before fuch a nature, and
fails, and dies away, as it were, under its influence.
ta
1(36 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O B O O K S IT. A N D 1VL O F T H E R E P U B L I C i
Laftly, when they relate demoniacal advents, then they do not think
it improper to defcribe their mutations into individuals and partial
natures; whether into particular m e n , or other animals. For the laft
of thofe genera that are the perpetual attendants o f the Gods are
manifefted by thefe figures. And here you may fee h o w particulars o f
this kind are devifed according to the order of things. For that w h i c h
is fimple is adapted to a divine nature, that which is univerfal to an
angelic, and the rational nature to both thefe; and that which is par
tial and irrational accords with a daemoniacal n a t u r e : for a life o f this
kind is connected with the daemoniacal order. A n d thus m u c h c o n
cerning the "modes according to which the Homeric fables devife
mutations o f things immutable, and introduce various forms to uniform
natures.
bates this, becaufe the whole of a divine and daemoniacal nature is with
out falfehood, as he collects by demonftrative arguments. But Homer
fays that Agamemnon was deceived through this dream. T h o u g h , is
it not abfurd, if this dream is from Jupiter, according to the affertion
of the poet, that this alone nearly, of all the particulars which are
mentioned as deriving their origin from Jupiter, fhould be attended
with fraud $
in anfwer to this objection, w e m y fay what is ufually afferted by
a
moft of the interpreters, that the fallacy had its fubfiftence in the
phantafy of A g a m e m n o n . For Jupiter in his fpeech to the dream,
and the dream again in its addrefs to Agamemnon, evidently indicate
that it would be requifite to call together all the army, and to attack
r
the enemy with all his forces; for this is the meaning of the word
7TOLV<TV$IV\I which is ufed in both the fpeeches. But Agamemnon, not
underftanding the* mandate, neglected the greateft part of his army,
and, engaging in battle without the aid of Achilles, was fruftrated in
his expectations through his unfkilfulnefs in judging of divine vifions.
So that Jupiter is not the caufe of the deception, but he w h o did not
.properly underftand the mandates of Jupiter.
W e fhall alfo add the folution given by our preceptor Syrianus, which both
accedes to the meaning o f H o m e r and the truth of things. For, if Jupiter is
reprefentedas providing for the honour of the hero Achilles, and confulting
h o w he may deftroy the greateft number of the Greeks, is it not neceflary
that he muft previoufly comprehend in himfelf the caufe of the deception ?
For, if Achilles had been affociated with the army, the Greeks would not
have been deftroyed, nor would they have been punifhed for their unjuft
conduct towards him. It is better therefore to fay that the deception was
from divinity for the good of the deceived. For good is better than truth.
And among the O o d s , indeed, they are conjoined with each other: for
neither is intellect without divinity, nor divinity without an intellectual
effence. But in their participants they are often feparated; and good is pro
duced through falfehood, and truth is fruftrated of good. W h e n c e alfo So
crates himfelf, w h e n he is framing laws for the guardians of his republic,
orders falfehood to be employed, through the opinion of the ftupid, who
are not otherwife able to obtain the good w h i . h is adapted to their con
dition.
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF HOMER. l6i)
Socrates is not willing that young men mould hear things of this kind, as-
being incapable of forming properly diftincl opinions of things.
treme ? So that for the fame reafon thefe alfo are to be rejected, or the H o - •
meric doctrine is not to be reprehended. In defence of both therefore,
whether fome Epicurean or any other endeavours to accufe fuch-like fables,
w e fay, that the habits of fouls liberated from the body are different, and
the places of the univerfe are multiform, into which they are introduced.
O f thefe alfo fome are fo feparated from mortal inff ruments, as neither
to have any habitude to things of a worfe condition, nor to be filled with the
tumult which they contain, and material inanity. T h e vehicles of fuch are
neceffarily pure and luciform, not difturbed by material vapours, nor thick
ened by a terreftrial nature. But others who are not yet perfectly purified by
philofophy, but are drawn down to an affection towards the teftaceous
body, and purfue a life conjoined with this,—thefe exhibit fuch like vehicles
fufpended from their effence to thofe w h o are capable o f beholding them,
viz. fhadowy, material, drawing downwards by their weight, and attract-,
ing much of a mortal condition. H e n c e Socrates, in the Phaedo, fays that
fueh fouls, rolling about fepulchres, exhibit fhadowy phantafms; and the
poet relates that they are impelled along fimilar to fhadows.
Further frill, of thofe fouls which yet embrace a corporeal life there are
many differences. For fome live a more practic life, and, not yet deferting
a life of this kind, embrace an organ adapted to practical energies, from
which when they are feparated they are indignant; as was the cafe with
the foul of Patroclus,
And w h e n in Hades, they ftill defire an affociation with this organ, as did
the foul of Achilles *, becaufe he preferred a life on earth to a feparate life,
according to which he was not able to energize, but very much excelled in.
an active life. Others again, through the infelicity of their condition, eager-
.ly embrace the teftaceous body, and think that the life conjoined with it dif
fers in no refpect from the proper life of the foul. Such as thefe the
divine poetry of Homer aflimilates to bats, as looking to that which is
' Heroes are divided into t w o k i n d s : thofe that energize according t o practical, and thofe
that energize according to intellectual virtue. Achilles w a s a hero o f the former clafs, and
Hercules of the latter. For an ample account of the chara&eriftics o f thefe t w o kinds,
fee m y Paufanias, v o l . iii« p . 229.
zz dark
372 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O B O O K S II. A N D III. O F T H E REPUBLIC:
dark in the univerfe, and its very extremity, and which may be denominated
aftupendous cavern; and as having the winged nature of the foul grofs and
terreflrial. Is it therefore wonderful that Achilles, who pofieffed practical vir
tue, mould defire a life in conjunction with body, and which was capable
of being fubfervient to his actions? For Hercules, being purified through the
telellic fcience, and partaking of undefiled fruits, obtained a perfect restora
tion among the Gods ; whence the poet fays of him,
But Achilles, fince he embraces rectitude in practical affairs, and the pre
fent life, purfues alio and defires an inftrument adapted to this life.. Plato
himfelf, therefore, alfo fays that fouls according to the manners to which
they have been accuftomed, make choice of fecondary lives. Is not this
likewife worthy o f admiration in the divine tradition of H o m e r — I mean the
feparation o f the foul from its image, and intellect from the foul ? Alfo
that the foul is faid to ufe the image but that intellect is more divine
than both thefe ? And again, that the image and the foul may in a certain
refpect be known while yet detained in the body ; and that the foul takes
care o f and providentially attends to the teftaceous body, and, when this is not
effected, defires its accomplifhment; but that intellect is incomprehenfible
by our phantaftic and figured motions ? H e n c e Achilles, on beholding Patro-
clus fpeaking concerning the burial of his body, was led to believe that the
foul and its image were in Hades, but that intellect was not there, nor pru
dence, by which thefe are ufed. For the energies of the irrational life haft-
ened to adopt this pofition, but could not credit the reception of the intellec
tual foul in Hades from the vifions of dreams.
D o e s it not alfo moft perfectly accord with things themfelves to fay, that
the multitude of fouls depart from their bodies lamenting, and are divulfed
from them with difficulty, through the alluring life and manifold pleafures
w h i c h they enjoy in them ? For every corporeal pleafure, as Socrates fays
in the Phaedo, as if armed with a nail, faftens the foul to the body.
1
T h e irrational part of the foul is the image o f the rational, in the fame manner as the
rational foul is the image o f intellect. B o d y alfo is the image of the irrational foul> and
matter, or the laft of thingr> is the image of body.
And
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES O F HOMER. 173
And fuch fouls after deferring their bodies ufe fhadowy vehicles, which
are difturbed by the ponderous and terrene vapours' o f the Sirens, and
utter an uncertain voice, and a material found, which the Homeric
poetry denominates a crafhing noife. For, as the instruments of afcend-
ing fouls emit a harmonious found, and appear to poffefs an elegant
and well-meafured motion, fb the found of more irrational fouls d e f e n d
ing under the earth is fimilar to a crafhing noife, bearing an image o f an
appetitive and phantaftic life alone. N o r muft w e think that the.
places in Hades, and the tribunals under the earth, and the rivers
which both H o m e r and Plato teach us are there, are merely fabulous
prodigies : but, as many and all-various places are afligned to fouls amend
ing to the heavens, according to the allotments which are t h e r e ; i n
like manner it is proper to believe that places under the earth are
prepared for thofe fouls that ftill require punifhment and purification^
Thefe places, as they contain the various defluxions of the elements-
on the earth, are called by poets rivers and ftreams. T h e y like wife-
contain different orders of prefiding daemons; fome of w h o m are o f
an avenging, others of a punifhing, others of a purifying, and, laftly*
others of a judicial characteriftic But if the Homeric poetry calls,
thefe places
1
For ayfjuov here read ar/^v.
a
Inftead of reading the latter part of this fentence, and the beginning o f the nextj as-
it is erro neoufly printed in the original, viz. QtpofAtwv ircfpuraTo. Ta t<m & c . it is neceiTary
to read, as in the tranflation, ffpoptvuv. Tloppurcnu fa c m & c
means
174 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC ?
yet is it not abfurd that Achilles, the fon of a goddefs, fhould at one time
lie fupine, at another prone, and, at another on his fide, and, defiling his
head with duft, w e e p in a very puerile zmnncr ? And even if fuch paffions
were proper in m e n w h o are allotted a mortal nature, yet they ought not
to be afcribed to the Gods themfelves. W h y then is it requifite that
Thetis fhould fay weeping:
For a divine nature is eftablifhed very remote from pleafure and pain.
But though fome one fhould dare to introduce the Gods affected in this
manner ' , yet it is not fit that the greateft o f the Gods fhould lament and
mourn both for Hector when purfued by Achilles, and for his fon Sarpedon,
and exclaim refpecting both, Ah me ! For fuch an imitation does not
appear to be in any refpect adapted to its paradigms, fince it afcribes tears
to things without tears, pain to things void of pain, and in fhort paflion to
things free from paflion. Thefe things Socrates reprobates in Homer, and
expels from the education of youth, fearful left fome impediment fhould
arife, through fuch-like affertions, to a right difcipline according to virtue.
For education is particularly converfant with pleafure and pain ; which be
ing increafed, the legiflator muft neceffarily be fruftrated of his proper end.
T o thefe objections w e reply, that fince the poet introduces heroes
engaged in practical affairs, and living a life adapted to thefe, he very
properly reprefents them as affected with particular events, and living,
conformably to fuch affections. For to philofophers, and thofe w h o
energize cathartically, pleafures and pains, and the mixtures of thefe, are
by no means adapted ; fince they are feparated from thefe, lay afide all
the trifling of mortality, and haften to be divefted of the forms of life
with which they are furrounded from the elements, rapidly withdrawing
themfelves from material paffions the offspring of generation. But plea
fures, pains, fympathies, and a fcene of all-various paffions, are coordi
nated to thofe engaged in war, and who energize according to the paffive
part of the foul. And how could the vehement about actions take place,
without the impulfe of the appetites ? Priam, therefore^ and ^Achilles,
neither being philofophers, nor willing to feparate themfelves from gene
ration, nor living after the manner of the guardians of Plato's republic,—if
they lament and commiferate their familiars, it is by no means wonderful.
For the lofs of friends, the being deftitute of children, and the fubverfions
of cities, appear to warriors to impart a great portion of mifery. The
accomplishment of mighty deeds, therefore, is adapted to thefe, as being
allotted an heroic nature; and in conjunction with this the pathetic, from
their being converfant with particulars.
W i t h refpect to the Gods, however, w h e n they are faid to weep for o r
their providence, but be afflicted and indignant when they are corrupted,
.and mould fuffer a mutation according to paffions:
fays a certain poet. For all things fubfift divinely in the Gods, but
divifibly and daemoniacally in the divided guardians of our nature. And
thus much may fuffice concerning the lamentations of the Gods.
What then is the laughter of the Gods? and why do they laugh in
confequence of Vulcan moving and energizing ? Theologifts, therefore,
fay that Vulcan, as we have elfewhere obferved, is the demiurgus and
a
maker of every thing a p p a r e n t . H e n c e he is faid to have conftrucTed
habitations for the G o d s :
1
Iliad, lib. i . circa finem.
2
viz. He is the artificer of the whole of a corporeal nature. Proclus alfo, fomewhere in his
comment on the Timaeus, afligns another reafon for the fiction of Vulcan's lamenefs, viz.
becaufe he is the fabricator of things laft in the progreflions of being (for fuch are bodies), and
which are not able to proceed into another order. I prefer this explanation to the former.
V O L . I. 2A legs.
178 INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS IT. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC:
legs. For that which is moved with a motion about intellect and prude-ice
does not, fays Timaeus, require feet. H e is likewife laid to prefide over
the brazier's art, and he himfelf energizes working in brafs. Hence, in
the poetry of H o m e r , heaven is often celebrated as brazen ; and many
other particulars confirm this opinion. But fince every providential
energy about a fenfible nature, according to which the Gods afliff the
fabrication o f Vulcan, is faid to be the f/iort of divinity, hence Timaeus
alfo appears to me to call the mundane Gods junior, as prefiding over things
w h i c h are perpetually in generation, or becoming to be, and which may
be confidered as ludicrous. T h e authors of fables are accuftomed to call
this peculiarity of the providence of the Gods energizing about the world,
laughter. And when the poet fays that the Gods, being delighted with the
motion of Vulcan, laughed with inextinguifhable laughter, nothing elie is
indicated than that they are cooperating artificers ; that they jointly give
perfection to the art of Vulcan, and fupernally impart joy to the univerfe.
For Vulcan fufpends all their mundane receptacles, and extends to the
providence of the Gods whole phyfical powers. But the Gods, energizing
1
with a facility adapted to their nature, and not departing from their
proper hilarity, confer on thefe powers alfo their characteriftic gifts, and
move wholes by their perfective providence. In fhort, we muff define the
laughter o f the Gods to be their exuberant energy in the univerfe, and the
caufe of the gladnefs of all mundane natures. But, as fuch a providence
is incomprehensible, and the communication of all goods from the Gods is
never-failing, w e mult allow that the poet very properly calls their laughter
unextinguifhed. And here you may again fee how what w e have faid is
conformable to the nature of things. For fables do not affert that the Gods
always weep, but that they laugh without ceafmg. For tears are fymbols
of their providence in mortal and frail concerns, and which now rife into
exiftence, and then perifh ; but laughter is a hgn of their energy in wholes,
and thofe perfect natures in the univerfe which are perpetually moved with
undeviating famenefs. O n which account I think, when w e divide demi
urgic productions into Gods and men, w e attribute laughter to the gene
ration of the Gods, but tears to the formation of men and animals ; whence
' In Head of uai T»$ outvai tviraQuas aprrafuvoi, read m\ rns oiutiag ivsrafciaj cvx a^ajotfuvot.
the
CONTAINING A N APOLOGY FOR THE FABLKS OF HOMER. 1*9
the poet whom we have before mentioned, in his hymn to the Sun, fays,
TJut when we make a divifion into things celeftial and fublunary, agaia
after the fame manner we muft aflign laughter to the former, and tears
to the latter ; and when we reafon concerning.the generations and cor
ruptions of fublunary natures themfeIves, we muft refer the former to
the laughter, and the latter to the tears, of the Gods. Hence, in the
myfteries alfo, thofe who prefide over facred inftitutious order both thefc
to be celebrated at ftated times. And we have elfewhere obferved, that
the ftnpid are neither able to underftand things employed by theurgifts
in fecrecy, nor fi&ions of this kind. For the hearing of both thefe,
when unaccompanied with fcience, produces dire and abfurd confufion
in the lives of the multitude, with refpect to the reverence pertaining to
divinity.
ButUlyfles according to the third of thefe, when, defining the moft beau-
1
Iliad, lib. i .
tiful
*80 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O B O O K S H. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC V
For in thefe verfes he places the end'of life i n nothing elfe than variety of
pleafure, and the gratification of defire. Such then being the objections
made by Socrates to the verfes of Homer, in anfwer to the fir ft w e fay,
that thofe guardians which he places over his- city,, and who are allotted
fuch a tranfeendency, on account of their erudition and virtue, over thofe
w h o m they govern, demand the moft abundant and the greateft honour,
both from their affociates and all others; as they are truly the faviours
and benefactors of the whole polity over which they prefide : nor is it t o
be fuppofed that the governed will ever fuffer any thing unholy or unjuft
from them, governing as they do according to intellect, and juftice. But
the poet neither admits that A g a m e m n o n excells all thofe that are fubje&t
toJhim, in virtue, nor in benefiting others ; but he ranks him among thofe
that are benefited by others, and particularly by the military fcience of
Achilles. V e r y properly, therefore, does he reprefent him as reviled by
thofe more excellent than himfelf, and confider the general good of the
° governed, againft which Agamemnon finned, as of more confequence than
gratifying the paflions of the chief. T h e poet therefore introduces the
beft of the Greeks freely fpeaking to Agamemnon,, without regarding the
multitude of foldiers that followed him,, or his naval power. For virtue
is every where honourable, but not the inftruments of virtue. W e muft
not therefore fay, that he w h o employs fuch difgraceful epithets fins againft
the rulers and faviours of the whole army, when they are only fuperior by
% the multitude of thofe that are fubject to their command, but are far
inferior in virtue. For even the commander himfelf of fo great an
army, and fo difficult to be numbered, acknowledges, a little after, ho\v
1
OdyfT. lib. 10. at the beginning.
much
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF H O M E R . ISt
And*
T h a t happy man w h o m Jove ftill honours moft,
Is more than armies, and himfelf an hoft.
1
See thefe explained in my Hiftory of the Platonic T h e o l o g y , annexed to my Tranflation of
Proclus on Euclid.
iW I N T R O D U C T I O N T O BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC :
1
Our preceptor in a moft divinely infpired manner has unfolded the
1
Iliad, lib. 14. * viz. the great Sytianus.
occult
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E F A B L E S O F HOMER. 1S3
cellent natures is after this manner effected, more elevated caufes being
eftablifhed in themfelves, and in natures more divine than themfelves, but
fuch as are fubordinate giving themfelves up to thofe that are fuperior.
Through thefe caufes, as it appears to me, Juno haftening to a connexion
with Jupiter, perfects her whole eflence, and prepares it with all-various
powers, the undented, the generative, the intellectual, and the unific ;
but Jupiter excites the divine love in himfelf, according to which he
alfo fills his proximate participants with good, and extends to them a caufe
collective of multitude, and an energy coiwertive of fecondary natures to
himfelf. But the union and indiffoluble conjunction of both thefe divi
nities is effected feparate from the univerfe, and exempt from the mun
dane receptacles. For Jupiter elevates to this communion, Juno extending
to him that which is fubordinate and mundane s the Gods indeed being
always united, but fables feparating them from each other; and referring
1
a connexion feparate from the univerfe to the will of Jupiter, but the
common cooperation of thefe divinities proceeding into the world, to the
providence of Juno. T h e reafon of this is, that every where the paternal
caufe is the leader of exempt and more uniform good, but the maternal o f
that good which is proximate to its participants, and is multiplied ac
cording to all-various progreffions. W i t h great propriety, therefore, are
fleep and wakefulnefs ufurped feparately in the fymbols of fables ; wake-
fulnefs manifefting the providence of the Gods about the world, but
fleep a life feparate from all fubordinate natures ; though the Gods at
the fame time both providentially energize about the univerfe, and are
eftablifhed in themfelves. But as Timaeus reprefents the demiurgus o f
wholes, at one time energizing, and giving fubfiftence to the earth, the
heavens, the planets, the fixed ftars, the circles of the foul, and the
mundane intellect, but at another time abiding in himfelf, after his ac-
cuftomed manner, and exempt from all thofe powers that energize
in the univerfe ; fo, long before Timseus, fables reprefent the father
o f . all mundane natures, at one time awake, and at another afleep,
for the purpofe of indicating his twofold life and energy. " For
he contains intelligibles in his intellect, but introduces fenfe to the
8
I n the original fitpi^rnv \ but it is necelTary to read X W ^ T W V , as in our tranflation.
9 worlds,"
CONTAINING A N APOLOGY FOR THE FABLES OF HOMER. 183
1
w o r l d s , " fays one of the Gods. According to the former energy, there
fore, he may be faid to be awake ; for wakefulnefs with us is an energy
o f fenfe; but according to the latter to deep, as feparated from feniljjles,
and exhibiting a life defined according to a perfect intellect. It may
alio be faid, that he confults about human affairs when a w a k e ; for ac
cording to this life he provides for all mundane concerns ; but that when
afleep, and led together with Juno to a fcparate union, he is not for
getful of the other energy, but, poffcfling and energizing according to it,
at the fame time contains both. For he docs not, like nature, produce
fecondary things without intelligence, nor through intelligence is his
providence in fubordinate natures diminifhed, but at the fame time he
both governs the objects of his providence according to juftice, and
aicends to his'intelligible watch-tower. T h e fable, therefore, indicates this
exempt tranfeendency, when it fays that his connexion with Juno was
on mount Ida ; for there Juno arriving gave herfelf to the embraces of
the mighty Jupiter. W h a t elfe, then, fhall w e fay mount Ha obfcurely
iignifies, but the region oi ideas and a« intelligible nature, to which Jupiter
afcends, and elevates Juno through love ;—notconyerting himfelf to the
participant, but through excefs of goodnefs imparting this fecond union
with himfelf, and with that which is intelligible ? For fuch are the
loves o*~ more excellent natures,—they are' Convertive o f things fubordi
nate to things firft, give completion to the good which they contain,
and are perfective of fubject natures. T h e fable, therefore, does not
diminifli the dignity of the mighty Jupiter, by reprefenting him as hav
ing connexion on the ground with Juno, and refufing to enter into her
bed-chamber ; for by this it iniinuates that the connexion was fuper-
mundane, and not mundane. The chamber, therefore, conftructed by
Vulcan indicates the orderly compofition of the univerfe, and the fenfible
region ; for Vulcan, as w e have faid before, is the artificer of the uni
verfe.
If you are alfo willing to confider the drefs of Juno, through which
fhe conjoined herfelf to the greateft of the Gods, and called forth the pa-
1
T h i s is a part of one of the Chaldxan Oracles, to my collection of w h i c h I have already
referred the reader.
VOL. i. 2 © ternal
386 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O BOOKS II. A N D III. O F T H E REPUBLIC:
Since therefore Jupiter thus imitates his father Saturn, with great pro
priety does the drefs of Juno regard the whole of Rhea; and hence J u
piter, through his fimilitude to Saturn, prefers a connexion on mount Ida to
that which proceeds into the univerfe.
The girdle alfo, and the afhftance of Venus, affimilate Juno ftill more
to Rhea. For there alfo was the prefubfifting monad of this Goddefs,
proceeding fupernally from the connective divinity of Heaven, through
Saturn as a medium, and illuminating the whole of an intellectual life
with the light of beauty. Venus is faid to carry this girdle in her bo-
fom, as poffefTing its powers confpicuoufly extended ; but Juno after a
manner conceals it in her bofom, as being allotted a different idiom of
hyparxis, but as poffefling the girdle alfo, fo far as die likewife is filled
with the whole of Venus. For die does not externally derive the power
which conjoins her with the demiurgus, but comprehends it alfo in her
felf. But the general opinion of mankind evinces the communion of
thefe Goddeffes : for they honour Juno as Nuptial and Pronuba, as be
ginning fuch like energies from herfelf. For fhe conjoins herfelf with
the demiurgus through the girdle in herfelf; and hence die likewife im
parts to all others a legitimate communion with each other.
But how are Jupiter and Juno faid to have been at firft connected with
each other, concealed from their parents, but that now they are con
nected in a greater degree, through the excefs of love with which J u
piter then loved Juno? Shall we fay that the peculiarities of other goods are
alfo twofold ; and that, of union, one kind is connate to thofe that arc
united, but that the other fupernally proceeds to them from more per-
2 B 2 feet
188 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO BOOKS II. A N D III. O F T H E R E P U B L I C r
feci: caufes ? According to the former of thefe, therefore, they are faid
to be concealed from their parents, in confequence of being allotted this-
union as peculiar to themfelves ; but according to the other they are
l c v a t e d t o their caufes, and hence this is faid to be a gi eater and more
perfect union than the former. But both thefe unions eternally fubfifting
together, with the Gods, fables feparate them, in the fame manner as
fleep and wakefulnefs, progreffion and converfion, a communication of
proper goods to things fecondary, and a participation of primary caufes:
for thefe the authors of fables, concealing the truth, feparate, though they
are confubfiftent with each other. Every thing, therefore, is affcrted by
H o m e r respecting the connexion of the great Jupiter and Juno after a
theological manner ; which is alfo teftified by Socrates in the Cratylus,,
who derives the etymology of Juno from nothing elfe than love, as
being, fays he, lovely to Jupiter. According to an occult theory, there
fore, w e muft not accufe H o m e r for writing fuch things concerning thefe
mighty divinities. But if it fhould be objected, that things o f this kind
are not fit t o be heard by youth, according to their apparent fignification,
poets the authors of fuch fables will fay, Our fables are not for youth, nor
did w e write fuch things with a v i e w to juvenile difcipline, but with an
infane mouth ; for thefe are the productions of the mania of the Mufes r
o f which whoever being deprived arrives at the poetic gates, will be;
both as t o himfelf and his poetry imperfect. And thus much may fuffice
for thefe particulars.
Let us now confider the connexion between Mars and Venus, and the
bonds of Vulcan. For Socrates fays that neither muft thefe be admitted,
nor muft fuch fables be delivered to youth. L e t us, therefore, concifely
relate what the poetry of H o m e r obfeurely fignifies by thefe things. Both
thefe divinities then, I mean Vulcan and Mars, energize about the whole
world, the latter feparating the contrarieties of the univerfe, which he
6 alfo
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E F A B L E S O F H O M E R . 18Q
alfo perpetually excites, and immutably preferves, that the world may
he perfect, and filled with forms of every kind ; but the former arti
ficially fabricating the whole fenfible order, and filling it w i t h phyfical
reafons and powers. H e alfo fafhions twenty tripods about the heavens,
r
that he may adorn them with the moff perfect of many-fided figures*
and fabricates various and many-formed fublunary fpecies,
Clafps, winding bracelets, necklaces, and chains *;
1
viz. T h e dodecaedron, w h i c h is bounded by twelve equal and equilateral'pentagons, and
confifts of twenty folid angles, of which the tripods of V u l c a n are images ; for every angle of.
the dodecaedron is formed from the junction of three lines.
a
Iliad, lib. 18. ver. 402.
productions-.
*oo I N T R O D U C T I O N TO BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC:
productions of this divinity. But Vulcan is faid to throw over them all-
various bonds, unapparent to the other Gods, as adorning the mundane
genera with artificial reafons, and producing one fyftem from martial
contrarieties, and the co-harmonizing goods of Venus. For both are
neceffary t o generation. Since too, of bonds, fome are cceleftial, but
others fublunary (for fome are indiffolubie, as Timaeus fays, but others
diffoluble) ; on this account, Vulcan again diffolves the bonds with which
he had bound Mars and Venus, and this he particularly accomplifhes in
compliance with the requeft of Neptune ; w h o being willing that the
perpetuity of generation fhould be preferved, and the circle of mutation
revolve into itfelf, thinks it proper that generated natures fhould be
corrupted, and things corrupted be fent back again to generation. What
wonder is it, then, if Homer fays that Mars and Venus were bound by
the bonds o f Vulcan, f i n c e Timaeus alfo denominates thofe demiurgic
k
reafons bonds, by which the cceleftial Gods give fubfiftence to generated
natures ? And does not H o m e r fpeak conformably to the nature of things
w h e n he fays the bonds were diffolved, fince thefe are the bonds of
generation ? Indeed the demiurgus of wholes, by compofing the world
from contrary elements, and caufmg it through analogy to be in friendfhip
with itfelf, appears to have collected into union the energies of Vulcan,
Mars and V e n u s . In producing the contrarieties of the elements, too, he
may be faid to have generated' them according to the Mars which he
contains in himfelf; but, in devifing friendfhip, to have energized according
to the power of Venus, And in binding together the productions of
V e n u s with thofe of Mars, he appears to have previoufly comprehended
in himfelf, paradigmaticallj, the art of Vulcan. He is therefore all things,
and energizes i n conjunction with all the Gods. T h e junior artificers
alfo, imitating their father, fabricate mortal animals, and again receive
them w h e n they are corrupted, generating, in conjunction with Vulcan,
fublunary bonds^ and previoufly containing in themfelves the caufes of their
folution. For every where, he who comprehends in himfelf a bond, knows
#lfo the neceffity of its folution.
XV. WHAT
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E F A B L E S O F H O M E R . lot
* Uiad. lib. i .
Befides,
302 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O BOOKS II. A N D III. O F T H E REPUBLIC:
Further ftill, neither would he accept the gifts at firft, when they were
offered by A g a m e m n o n , becaufe he dd not think it was then fit to be
reconciled to him. So that k was not the promife of riches which made
h i m more mild to A g a m e m n o n , by whom he had been treated with info-
lence ; but, w h e n he thought it was proper to lay afide bis anger, he pre
pared himfelf for battle that he might revenge his friend. A n d when
A g a m e m n o n fent him the gifts, he neither looked at them, nor thought
that any acceffion would thence be made to his own goods, Befides, his
c o n t e m p t of thefe things is evident from the multitude of rewards propofed
by him in the funeral games : for he honoured the feveral champions
w i t h proper gifts ; and magnificently beftowed upon Neftor, w h o through
his age was unable to engage in the games, a golden bowl. H o w therefore,
according to H o m e r , could he be avaricious, who ufed riches in a proper
manner, who when they were prefent defpifed them, when abfent did not
anxiouflv defire them, and could endure to receive lefs of them than others?
T o which we may add, that he reprobated, in the midft of the Greeks, that
paffion of the foul as a difeafe, which afpires after immoderate wealth.
PJow likewife can it be faid that Phoenix was the teacher of avarice, who
exhorts Achilles to imitate the antient cuftom of the Greeks ? For he fays,
But thefe things, which are adapted to heroic times, and to the cuftoms
which then iubfifted among heroes, were confidered by Homer as
defcrving the higheft imitation; though they are by no means adapted
t o the youth educated by Socrates, w h o are affigned no other employ
m e n t by the legiflator, than difcipline and the ftudy of virtue. But
a n attention to riches, and fuch things as are neceffary to the pre-
1
Iliad lib. I . * Iliad, lib. 9.
fervation
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y TOR T H E FABLES OF H O M E R . 103
who alfo oppofes the river Xanthus though a God, and prefents his locks
to the dead body of Patroclus, though he had promifed them to the river
Sperchius ? That Achilles therefore, according to H o m e r , was remark
ably cautious r e j e c t i n g a divine nature, is evident from his advifing
the Greeks to reverence Apollo, to fend a facrifice to him, and to appeafe
Chryfes the pried, of Apollo. T h i s alfo follows from his readily obey
ing the commands of Minerva, when die appeared to him, though con
trary to the impulfe of his wrath. H e likewife aflerts that a fubferviency
to the Gods, and a compliance with the will of more excellent natures,
is of all things the mod: ufeful; and offers a libation and prays to
Jupiter, with fcience adapted to the Gods. For his firft purifying the bowl,
and in an efpecial manner confecrating it to Jupiter alone, and ftand-
ing in the middle of the enclofure, invoking the power that pervades
every where from the middle of the univerfe, afford a diffidently con-
fpicuous argument of his piety to a divine nature, and of his k n o w
ledge of the (igns adapted to the objects of worfhip.
But if he appears to have fpoken to Apollo more boldly than is fit,
it is requifite to know that the Apolloniacal orders pervade from on
high, as fpr as to the laft of things; and fome of them are divine,
others angelic, and others daemoniacal, and thefe multiformly divided.
It muft be confidered, therefore, that thefe words were not addreffed
to a God, but to a daemoniacal Apollo, and this not the firft in rank,
and coordinated with thofe that have a total dominion, but one who
proximately prefides over individuals; and, in fhort, (for why mould
I not fpeak clearly ?) the guardian of Hector himfelf. For the poet
perfpicuoufly fays,
A p o l l o n o w before Achilles flood,
In all things like A g e n o r — —
For, by looking to all thefe orders, w e fhall be able to refer the fpeeches
of Achilles to fome fuch partial power, w h o was willing to preferve
the object of his care, and impede Achilles in his ftrenuous exertions*
For the words "thou haft injured m e " are very properly addreffed to a
daemon of this kind, w h o deprives him of the end of his prefent
labours; and the epithet "moft pernicious" clearly evinces that this
power is more adverfe to him than any other God or di-emon. For
he w h o preferves uninjured a principal enemy, becomes more than
any one noxious to the perfon injured, by impeding his avenging the
injury. But, as fuch language even to fuch an inferior power is not
unattended with punifhment, it is faid that Achilles fhortly after was
flain by a certain power of the Apolloniacal order, which Hector when
he was dying thus predicts to him:
Does not therefore the poetry of Homer by thefe things make us more
modeft reflecting a divine nature, fince w e learn from it that even the
moft fubordinate powers cannot be offended with impunity? T h o u g h
I am not ignorant that thofe who are fkilled in myftic facrihces dare
many things of this kind refpecting daemons; but perhaps they are
defended by more divine natures from fuftaining any fuch injury
from fubordinate powers. In the mean time juftice follows' other
men, correcting the improbity of their fpeech.
It is alfo not difficult to reply to what is faid in objection to the
conteft of Achilles with the river Xanthus. For he was not difobe-
dient to the God himfelf, but he either contended with the apparent
water which hindered his impulfe againft the enemy, or with fome
one of the indigenous powers, the affociate of the Gods in battle : for
Minerva and Neptune were prefent w i t h him, and afforded him
affiftance. And it appears to m e , indeed, that the poetry of H o m e r
devifes contefts according to all poffible diverfities; fometimes relating
the battles of men with men, and fometimes of the more excellent
genera with each other, as in what is called theomachy, or the battles
of the Gods; and fometimes, as in the inftance before us, the oppofi-
tions of heroes to certain daemoniacal natures ; indicating to thofe that
are able to underftand things of this kind, that the firft of laft natures
are after a manner equal to the laft of fuch as are firft, and par
ticularly when they are guarded and moved by the Gods. Hence,
not only Achilles is faid to have contended with Xanthus, but Hercules
alfo with the river Achelous, of whofe life Achilles being emulous,
he did not avoid fimilar contefts.
Laftly, we may folve the third of the propofed inquiries by faying
that the firft and principal defign of Achilles was, on returning to his
country, to offer to the river Sperchius his locks, as he had promiled ;
but when he defpaircd of his return, in confequence of hearing from
his mother,
was it not then neceffary that he fhould cut off his hair in honour o f
his friend? For Socrates in Plato received the crowns which Alcibiades.
2 c z was
106 INTRODUCTION T O BOOKS II. A N D III. OF T H E REPUBLIC:
was to have offered to a God, and was crowned with t h e m ; nor did
he think that he finned by fo doing, or injured the young man. I omit
to fay that the hairs of Achilles were not yet facred to the river : for
he who had promifed to confecrate them on his return, when deprived
of this, was alfo deprived of the confecration of his hairs,
? Iliad, lib. i B .
He
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF H O M E R . ig7
2
! Iliad, lib. 24. Iliad, lib. a i .
the
198 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O B O O K S II. A N D III. O F T H E R E P U B L I C :
The poet all but proclaiming to us, in thefe verfes, that Achilles was
bufily employed about the foul o f his friend, and not about his vifible
body only, and that all things are fvmbolically ufurped by him. For
the libation from a golden bowl fignifies the defluxion of fouls from their
fountain ; which defluxion imparts a more excellent life to a partial foul,
and is able through undented purity to lead it from bodies to an invifiblc
and divine condition of being. And, in fhort, many arguments in con
firmation of this opinion may be derived from the writings of our pre
ceptor. ' *
Since then it appears that Achilles celebrated the funeral of Patroclus
myftically, it may be not improperly faid, that thefe twelve Trojans that
were flaughtered at the pyre were coordinated as attendants with the
foul of Patroclus, the ruling nature of which was both known and reve
renced by Achilles. H e n c e , he chofe this number as moft adapted to at
a
tendants, and as facred to the all-perfect progreffions of the Gods . By
no means, therefore, did Achilles flay thefe Trojans from a certain dire
and favage cruelty of foul, but performed the whole of this tranfaction
in conformity with certain facred laws pertaining to the fouls of thofe
that die in battle. N o r ought he to be accufed of a proud contempt of
Gods and men ; nor ought w e to deny that he was the fon of a Goddefs
and Peleus, and the difciple of Chiron, for acting in this manner. For
1
Iliad, lib. 2 3 . * F o r TOV Stov in the original, read T«V
4 fome
C O N T A I N I N G A N A P O L O G Y FOR T H E FABLES OF HOMER.
may be properly folved by faying that thefe heroes, being lovers both of unap
parent and vifible beauty, are fabled to have ravifhed H e l e n , and to have
defcended into the invifible regions ; and that, when there, one of them
(Pirithoiis), through the elevation, of his intellect was led hack by H e r
cules, but that the other in a certain refpect remained in Hades, from
not being able to raife himfelf to the arduous altitude of contemplation.
And though fome one fhould contend that this is not the true meaning:
o o
of the fable, it does not affect the poetry of Homer, which every where
attributes, according to imitation, that which is adapted to the Gods, to the
genera more excellent than human nature, and to heroic lives ; indicating
fome things more occultly, teaching us other particulars about thefe things,
with intellect and fcience, and leaving no genus of beings uninveftigated,
but delivering each as energizing with reipect to itfelf and other things,,
according to its o w n order*
THE
THE REPUBLIC.
BOOK II.
filed for the fake of glory, and on account of rewards and honours; but
on its own account is to be fhunned, as being difficult, I k n o w , faid I,
that it feems fo, and it was in this view that Thrafymachus fometimes fince
deipifed it, and commended injuftice ; but it feems I am one of'thofe w h o
are dull in learning. Come then, faid he, hear me likewife, if this be
agreeable to you ; for Thrafymachus feems to me to have been charmed
by you, like an adder, fooner than was proper: but, with refpecT to my
felf, the proof has not yet been made to my fatisfacfion, in reference to
either of the two ; for I defire to hear what each is, and what power it
has by itfelf, when in the foul—bidding farewei to the rewards, and the
confequences arifing from them. I will proceed, therefore, in this manner,
if it feem proper to you : I will renew the fpeech of Thrafymachus ; and,
firft of all, I will tell you what they fay juftice is, and whence it arifes ;
and, fecondly, that all thofe who purfue it purfue it unwillingly, as ne-
ceffary, but not as good ; thirdly, that they do this reafonably ; for, as
they fay, the life of an unjuft man is much better than tha)t o f the juft.
Although, for my own part, to m e , Socrates, it does not yet appear fo ; I am,
however, in doubt, having m y ears ftunned in hearing Thrafymachus and
innumerable others. But I have never, hitherto, heard from any one fuch
a difcourfe as I wifh to hear concerning juftice, as being better than in
juftice : I wifh then to hear it commended, as it is in itfelf, and I moft
efpecially imagine I fhall hear this from y o u : wherefore, pulling oppo-
fitely, I fhall fpeak in commendation of an unjuft life; and, in fpeaking,
fhall fhow you in what manner I want to hear you condemn injuftice, and
commend juftice. But fee if what I fay be agreeable to you. Extremely
fo, faid I ; for what would any mail of intellect delight more to fpeak,
and to hear of frequently ?
You fpeak moft handfomely, faid he. And hear what I faid I was
firft to fpeak o f ; what juftice is, and whence it arifes ; for they fay that,
according to nature, to do injuftice is good ; but to fuffer injuftice is bad ;
but that the evil which arifes from fuffering injuftice is greater than the
good which arifes from doing i t : fo that, after m e n had done one another
injuftice, and likewife fuffered it, and had experienced both, it feemed
proper to thofe w h o were not able to fhun the one, and choofe the other,
to agree among themfelves, neither to do injuftice, nor to be injured : and
V O L . i. 2 D that
202 T7I E R E P U B L I C
that hence laws began to be eftablifhed, and their/ compacts; and that
which was enjoined by law they denominated lawful and juft ; and that
this is the origin and eflence of juftice i being in the middle between
•what is beft, w h e n he w h o does injuftice is not punifhed, and of what is
worft, w h e n the injured perfon is unable to punifh; aad that juftice, being
thus in the middle of both thefe, is defired, not as good, but is held in
honour from an imbecility in doing injuftice : for the man who had
ability to do fo would never, if really a man, agree with any one
either to injure, or to be injured ; for otherwife he were mad. This then,
Socrates, and of fuch a kind as this, is the nature of juftice ; and this,
as they fay, is its origin. And w e fhall beft perceive that thefe who pur-
fue it purfue it unwillingly, and from an impotence to injure if we ima
gine in our mind fuch a cafe as this : Let us give liberty to each of them,
both to the juft and to the unjuft, to do whatever they incline ; and then
let us follow them, obferving how their inclination will lead each of them..
W e fhould then find the juft man, with full inclination, going the fame
way with the unjuft, through a defire of having more than others. This,
every nature is made to purfue as good, but by law is forcibly led to an
equality. And the liberty which I fpeak of may be chiefly of this kind ;
if they happened to have fuch a power, as they fay happened once to
Gyges, the progenitor of Lydus : for they fay that he was the hired fhep-
herd of the then governor of Lydia ; and that a prodigious rain and earth
quake happening, part of the earth was rent, and an opening made in the
place where he paftured her flocks; that when he beheld, and wondered,
he defcended, and faw many other wonders, which are mythologically trans
mitted to us, and a brazen horfe likewife,. hollow and with doors ; and*
on looking in, he faw within, a dead body larger in appearance than that
of a m a n , which had nothing elfe upon it but a gold ring on its hand;
which ring he took off, and came up again. That when there was a con
vention of the fhepherds, as ufual, for reporting to the king what related
to their flocks, he alio came, having the ring: and whilft he fat with the
others, he happened to turn the ftone of the ring to the inner part of his
h a n d ; and when this was done he became invifible to thofe who fat by,
and they talked of him as abfent: that he wondered, and, again handling
his ring, turned the ftone outward, and on this became vifible; and
that,
THE REPUBLIC. 203.
*hat, having obferved this, he made trial of the ring whether it had this
power : and that it happened, that on turning the ftone inward he be
came inviiible, and on turning it outward he became vifible. That, per
ceiving this, he inftantly managed lb as to be made one of the embafly to
the king, and that on his arrival he debauched his wife ; and, with her,
affaulting the king killed him, and pofTefTed the kingdom. If now,
there were two fuch rings, and the juft man had the one," and. the- unjuft
the other, none, it feems, would be fo adamantine as to perfevere in
juftice, and dare to refrain from the things of others, and not to touch t
them, whilft it was in his power to take, even from the Forum, with-,
out fear, whatever he pleafed ; to enter into houfes, and embrace any
one he pleafed ; to kill, and to loofe from chains, w h o m he pleafed ; and
to do all other things with the fame power as a God among m e n : —
acting in this manner, he is in no refpect different from the other ; but both
of them go the fame road. T h i s n o w , one may fay, is a ftrong proof
that no one is juft from choice, but by conftraint; as it is not a good
merely in itfelf, fince every one does injuftice wherever he imagines he
is able to do i t ; for every man thinks that injuftice is, to the particular
perfon, more profitable than juftice ; and he thinks juftly, according to this
way of reafoning : fince, if any one with fuch a liberty would never do
any injuftice, nor touch the things of others, he would be deemed by
men of fenfe to be moft wretched, and moft void of underftanding;
yet would they commend him before one another, impofing on each
other from a fear of being injured. T h u s much, then, concerning thefe
things. But, with reference to the difference of their lives w h o m w e
fpeak of, we fhall be able to difcern aright, if we fet apart by themfelves
the moft juft man, and the moft unjuft, and not otherwife; and n o w ,
what is this feparation ? Let us take from the unjuft man nothing of in
juftice, nor of juftice from the juft man ; but let us make each of them
perfect in his own profellion. And firft, as to the unjuft man, let him
act as the able artifts; as a complete pilot, or phyfician, he comprehends
the poffible and the impoflible in the art; the one he attempts, and the
other he relinquishes ; and, if he fail in any thing, he is able to rectify
1
G y g e s flew Candaules i a the fecond year o f the 16th Olympiad. Yid. Cic. d e OfEc.
lib. 3 .
2D 2 it I
204 T H E R E P U B L I C .
In the firft place, he holds the magiftracy in the ftate, being thought
to be juft; next, he marries wherever he inclines, and matches his
children with whom he pleafes; he joins in partnerfhip and company
with whom he inclines; and, befides all this, he will fucceed in all his
projects for g a i n ; as he does not fcruple to do injuftice : when then
he engages in competitions, he will both in private and in public
furpafs and exceed his adverfaries; and by this means he will be rich,
and ferve his friends, and hurt his enemies : and he will amply and
magnificently render facrifices and offerings to the Gods, and will
honour the Gods, and fuch men as he choofes, much better than the
juft man. From whence they reckon, that it is likely he will be more
beloved of the Gods than the juft man. T h u s , they fay, Socrates,
that both with Gods and men there is a better life prepared for the
unjuft man than for the juft. W h e n Glauco had faid thefe things, I had
a defign to fay fomething in reply. But his brother Adimantus faid—
Socrates, you do not imagine there is yet enough faid on the argument.
What further then ? faid I. T h a t has not yet been fpoken, faid h e ,
which ought moft efpeciaily to have been mentioned. W h y then, faid I ,
the proverb is, A brother is help at hand. So do you aflift, if he has
failed in any thing. T h o u g h what has been faid by him is fufficient
to throw me down, and make me unable to fuccour juftice.
You fay nothing, replied he. But hear this further. For w e mufl
go through all the arguments oppofite to what he has faid, which c o m
mend juftice and condemn injuftice, that what Glauco feems to me to
intend may be more manifeft. N o w , parents furely tell and exhort
their fons, as do all thofe who have the care of any, that it is neceffary
to be juft; not commending juftice in itfelf, but the honours arifing
from
T H E R E P U B L I C .
and a great many other good things of the fame nature. In like
manner, the other,
The blamelefs king, w h o holds a godlike n a m e ,
Finds his black mould both wheat and barley b e a r ;
W i t h fruit his trees are laden, and his flocks
B r i n g forth with eafe j the fea affords him filh *.
But M u f e u s and his fon tell us that the Gods give juft men more
fplendid bleflings than thefe; for, carrying them in his poem into
Hades, and placing t h e m in company with holy men at a feaft pre
pared for them, they crown them, and make them pafs the whole
3
of their time in drinking, deeming eternal inebriation the fineft
reward o f virtue. But fome carry the rewards from the Gods ftill
further; for they fay that the offspring of the holy, and the faithful,
and their children's children, ftill remain. W i t h thefe things, and fuch
as thefe, fhey commend juftice. But the unholy and unjuft they bury
4
in Hades, in a kind of mud , and compel them to carry water in a
f i e v e ; and make them, even whilft alive, to live in infamy. What
ever punifhments w e r e afhgned by Glauco to the juft, whilft they were
reputed unjuft, thefe they affign to the unjuft, but mention no others.
T h i s n o w is the way in which they commend and difcoramend them
feverally: but befides this, Socrates, confider another kind of reafoning
1
Hefiod. Oper. et D i . lib. I. * Horn. Odyff. lib. 19.
3
By inebriation, theological poets fignify a deific energy, or an energy fuperior to that
w h i c l is n t e l l t & u a l .
4
S w i t h e notes to P h x d o .
concerning
T H E R E P U B L I C
and a certain long and fteep way. Others make Homer witnefs how the^
Gods are prevailed upon by m e n , becaufe he fays,
perform their facred rites, perfuading not only private perfons, but ftates
likewife, that there are abfolutions and purgations from iniquities by
means o f facrifices, fports and pleafures ; and this, for the benefit both of
1
the living and of the dead : thefe they call the myfteries which abfolve
us from evils t h e r e ; but they affert that dreadful things await thofe who
do not offer facrifice. All thefe, and fo many things of the kind, friend
Socrates, being faid of virtue and vice, and their reward both with men
and Gods ; what do w e imagine the fouls of our youth do, when they
hear them ; fuch of them as are w e l l born, and able as it were to rufh into'
all thefe things which are faid, and from all to deliberate, in what fort of
character and in what fort of road one may beft pafs through life ? It is
likely he might fay to himfelf, according to that of Pindar,
1
T h e word ufed here by Plato is rtXtrai: and this word, as w e hare obferved in the intro
d u c t i o n to this book, fignifies the greateft of the myfteries, or the Eleufinian. A s therefore
t h e C r p h i c h y m n s n o w extant are fo called, there can be no 'oubt but that thefe were ufed in
t h e Eleufinian myfteries: and this confirms w h a t I have obferved i n my notes to Paufanias.
6 by
T H E R E P U B L I C . 209
by force we feize more than our due, w e fhall not be punifhed. But,
furely, to be concealed from the Gods, or to overpower them, is im-
poffible.
If then they are not, or care' not about human affairs, w e need not have
any concern about being concealed : but if they really are, and care for us,
w e neither know nor have heard of them otherwife than from traditions,
and from the poets who write their genealogies ; and thefe very perfons
tell us, that they are to be moved and perfuaded by facrifices, and appeaf-
ing vows, and offerings ; both of which w e are to believe, or neither.
If then we are to believe both, w e may do injuftice, and of the fruits of
our injuftice offer facrifice. If w e be juft, we fhall indeed be unpunished
by the G o d s ; but then we fhall not have the gains of injuftice. But if
w e be unjuft, w e fhall make gain ; and after w e have tranfgreffed and
offended, w e fhall appeafe them by offerings, and be liberated from
punifhment. But w e fhall be punifhed in the other world for our unjuft
doings here; either we ourfelves, or our children's children. But, friend,
will the reafoner fay, the myfteries can do much ; the Gods are exorable,
as fay the mightieft ftates, and the children of the Gods, the poets ; who
are alfo their prophets, and who declare that thefe things are fb. For
what reafon, then, fhould we ftill prefer juftice before the greateft injuftice;
which if we fhall attain to with any deceiving appearance, w e fhall fare
according to our mind, both with reference to Gods and men, both living
and dying, according to the fpeech now mentioned of many and excel
lent men ? From all that has been faid, by what means, O Socrates,
fhall he incline to honour juftice, who has any ability of fortune or of
wealth, of body or of birth, and not laugh when he hears it c o m
mended ? So that, though a man were able even to fhow what we have faid
to be falfe, and fully underftood that juftice is better, he will, however,
abundantly pardon and not be angry with the unjuft ; for he knows,
that unlefs one from a divine nature abhor to do injuftice, or from ac
quired knowledge abftain from it, no one of others is willingly juft ; but
either through cowardice, old age, or fome other weaknefs, condemns the
doing injuftice when unable to do it. That it is fo is plain. For the
firft of thefe who arrives at power is the firft to do injuftice, as far as he
is able. And the reafon of all this is no other than that from whence all
VOL. I . 2 E this
210 T H E R E P U B L I C .
commend the rewards and opinions ; for I could bear with others in this
way, commending juftice, and condemning injuftice, celebrating and
reviling their opinions and rewards ; but not with you (nnlefs you defire
me), becaufe you have paffed the w h o l e of life confidering nothing
elfe but this. Show us, then, in your difcourfe, not only that juftice is
better than injuftice ; but in what manner each of them by itfelf affect
ing the owner, whether he be concealed or not concealed from Gods and
men, is, the one good, and the other evil.
On hearing thefe things, as I always indeed was pleafed with the di£-
pofition of Glauco and Adimantus, fo at that time I was perfectly de
lighted, and replied: It was not ill faid concerning you, fons of that worthy
man, by the lover of Glauco, w h o wrote the beginning of the Elegies,
when, celebrating your behaviour at the battle of Megara, he fang,
this matter, in fuch a manner as if it were ordered thofe who are not
very fharp-fighted, to read fmall letters at a diffance ; and one mould after
wards underftand, that the fame letters are greater fomewhere elfe, and in
a larger field : it would appear eligible, I imagine, firft to read thefe, and
thus come to confider the leffer, if they happen to be the fame. Perfectly
right, faid Adimantus. But what of this kind, Socrates, do you perceive
in the inquiry concerning juftice ? I fhall tell you, faid I. D o not we fay
there is juftice in one man, and there is likewife juftice in a whole ftate? It
is certainly fo, replied he. Is not a ftate a greater object than one man ?
Greater, faid he. It is likely, then, that juftice fhould be greater in what is
greater, and be more eafy to be underftood : we fhall firft, then, if you in
cline, inquire what it is in ftates; and then, after the fame manner, w e
fhall confider it in each individual, contemplating the fimilitude of the
greater in the idea of the leffer. Y o u feem t o m e , faid he, to fay right. If
then, faid I, w e cdntemplate, in our difcourfe, a ftate exifting, fhall we not
perceive its juftice and injuftice exifting ? Perhaps, faid he. And is there
not ground to hope, if this exifts, that we mall more eafily find what we
feek for ? Moft certainly. It feems, then, we ought to attempt to
fucceed, for I imagine this to be a work of no fmall importance. Confider
then. W e are confidering, faid Adimantus, and do you no otherwife. A
city, then, faid I, as I imagine, takes its rife from this, that none of us
happens to be felf-fufficient, but is indigent of many things ; or, do you
imagine there is any other origin of building a city ? N o n e other, faid he.
T h u s , then, one taking in one perfon for one indigence, and another for
another ; as they ftand in need of many things, they affemble into one habita
tion many companions and affiftants ; and to this joint-habitation we give
the name city, do w e not ? Certainly. And they mutually exchange with
one another, each judging that, if he either gives or takes in exchange, it
will be for his advantage. Certainly. Come, then, faid I, let us, in our
difcourfe, make a city from the beginning. And, it feems, our indigence
has made it. W h y not ? But the firft and the greateft of wants is the
preparation of food, in order to fubfift and live. By all means. T h e
fecond is. of lodging. T h e third of clothing ; and fuch like. It is fo.
But, come, faid I, how fhall the city be able to make fo great a provifion ?
Shall not one be a hufbandman, another a mafon, fome other a weaver r or,
fhall
THE REPUBLIC. 213
m a y have oxen for ploughing, and that the mafons, with the help of
the hufbandmen, may ufe the cattle for their c a r r i a g e s ; and that the
weavers likewife, and the fhoemakers, may have hides and wool. Nor
yet, laid he, would it be a very fmall city, having all thefe. But, faid
I, it is almoft impoffible to fet d o w n fuch a city in any fuch place as that
it fhall need n o i m p o r t a t i o n s . It is impoffible. It will then cer
tainly w a n t others ftill, w h o may import from another ftate w h a t it
needs. It will want t h e m . A n d furely this fervice would be empty,
if it carry out nothing w h i c h thefe w a n t , from w h o m they import
w h a t they need themfelves. It goes out empty in fuch a cafe, does it
not ? T o me it feems fo. But the city ought not only to m a k e what is
fufficient for itfelf; but fuch things, and fo m u c h alfo, as may anfwer
for thofe things which they need. It ought. O u r city, t h e n , certainly wants
a great many m o r e hufbandmen and other w o r k m e n ? A great m a n y
m o r e . A n d other fervants befides, to import and export the feveral
t h i n g s ; and thefe are m e r c h a n t s , are they not ? Yes. W e fhall then
w a n t m e r c h a n t s likewife ? Yes, indeed. And if the merchandife is
by fea, it will w a n t m a n y others ; fuch as are fkilful in fea affairs.
M a n y others, truly. But w h a t as to the city within itfelf? How
will they exchange with one another the things which they have each
of t h e m worked ; and for the fake of w h i c h , m a k i n g a c o m m u n i t y ,
they have built a city ? It is plain, laid he, in felling and buying.
H e n c e we muft have a forum, and m o n e y , as a fymbol, for the fake
of e x c h a n g e . Certainly.
I f n o w the hufbandman, or any other w o r k m a n , bring any of his
w o r k to the forum, but c o m e not at the fame time with thofe w h o w a n t
to m a k e exchange with h i m , muft he not, defifting from his w o r k ,
fit idly in the forum ? By no m e a n s , faid he. But there are fome w h o ,
obferving this, let themfelves to this fervice; and, in well-regulated
cities, they are moftly fuch as are weakeft in their body, and unfit to
do any o t h e r work. T h e r e they are to attend about the forum, to
give m o n e y in e x c h a n g e for fuch things as any may w a n t to fell; and
things in e x c h a n g e for money to fuch as w a n t to buy. T h i s indigence,
faid I , procures our city a race of fhopkeepers ; for, do not w e call
ifhopkeepers, thofe w h o , fixed in the forum., ferve both in felling and
buying?
THE R E P U B L I C .
what elfe would you have fed them with but with thefe things ? But
h o w mould we do, Glauco ? faid I. What is ufually done, faid he.
T h e y muft, as I imagine, have their beds, and tables, and meats, and
defferts, as w e now have, if they are not to be miferable. Be it fo,
faid I ; I underftand you. W e confider, it feems, not only how a city
may exift, but 'how a luxurious city : and perhaps it is not amifs ; for,
in confidering fuch an one, we may probably fee how juftice and in
juftice have -their origin in cities. But the true city feems to me to
be fuch an one as w e have defcribed ; like one who is healthy ; but if
you incline that we likewife confider a city that is corpulent, nothing
hinders it. For thefe things will not, it feems, pleafe fome ; nor this
fort of life fatisfy them ; but there fhall be beds, and tables, and all
other furniture; feafonings, ointments, and perfumes ; miff reffes, and
confections, and various kinds of all thefe. And we muft no longer
confider as alone'neceffary what w e mentioned at the firft; houfes, and
clothes, and fhoes ; but painting too, and all the curious arts muft be
fet a-going, and carving, and gold, and ivory ; and all thefe things muft
be procured, muft they not ? Yes, faid he. Muft not the city, then,
be larger ? For that healthy one is no longer fufficient, but is already
full of luxury, and of a crowd of fuch as are no way neceffary to cities;
fuch as all kinds of fportimen, and the imitative artifts, many of them
imitating in figures and colours, and others* in mufic: poets too, and
their minifters, rhapfodifts, actors, dancers, undertakers, workmen of
all forts of inftruments ; and what has reference to female ornaments,
as well as other things. W e fhall need likewife many more fervants.
D o not you think they will require pedagogues, and nurfes, and tutors,
hair-dreffers, barbers, victuallers too, and cooks ? And further ftill, we
fhail want fwine-herds likewife : of thefe there were none in the other
city, (for there needed not) but in this we fhall want thefe, and many
other forts of herds likewife, if any eat the feveral animals, fhall we
not? W h y not? Shall we not then, in this manner of Life, be much more
in need of phyficians than formerly ? Much more. And the country,
which was then fufficient to fupport the inhabitants, will, intlead of being
fufficient, become too little ; or h o w fhall we fay ? In this way, faid he.
M u f t we not then encroach upon the neighbouring country, if we want
tc
T H E R E P U B L I C .
be flowed the fludy fufficient for its attainment ? Such inflruments, faid
he, would truly be very valuable.
By how much then, faid I, this work of guards is one of the greateft
importance, by fo much it fhould require the grcatefl leifure from other
things, and likewife the greateft art and fludy. I imagine fo, replied he.
And fhall it not likewife require a competent genius for this profefhon ?
W h y not ? It fhould furely be our bufinefs, as it feems, if we be able, to
choofe who and what kind of geniuses are competent for the guardian-
fhip of the city. Ours, indeed. W e have truly, faid I, undertaken no
mean bufinefs ; but, however, w e are not to defpair, fo long at leafl as
we have any ability. N o indeed, faid he. D o you think then, faid I, that
the genius of a generous whelp differs any thing for guardianfhip, from that
of a generous youth ? W h a t is it you fay ? It is this. Mult not each of
them be acute in the perception, fwift to purfue what they perceive, and
ftrong likewife if there is need to conquer what they fhall catch : There
is need, faid he, of all thefe. And furely he mufl be brave likewife, if he
fight well. W h y not ? But will he be brave who is not fpirited, whether
it is a horfe, a dog, or any other animal ? Or, have you not obferved, that
the fpirit is fome what unfurmountable and invincible ; by the prefence of
w h i c h every foul is, in refpect of all things whatever, unterrified and un
conquerable ? I have obferved it. It is plain then what fort of a guard
w e ought to have, with reference to his body. Yes, and with reference
to his foul, that he fhould be fpirited. T h i s likewife is plain. H o w then,
iaid I, Glauco, will they not be favage towards one another and the
other citizens, being of fuch a temper ? N o truly, faid he, not eafily. But
yet it is neceffary, that towards their friends they be meek, and fierce
towards their enemies; for otherwife they will not wait till others deilroy
them ; but they will prevent them, doing it themfelves. T r u e , faid he.
W h a t then, faid I, fhall w e do ? W h e r e fhall we find, at once, the
mild and the magnanimous temper ? For the mild difpofjtion is fome-
h o w oppofite to the fpirited. It appears fo. But, however, if he be de
prived of either of thefe, he cannot be a good guardian ; for it feems to be
impoffible; and thus it appears, that a good guardian is an impoffible
ihing. It feems fo, faid he. After hefitating and confidering what had
paffed:
THE REPUBLIC;
paffcd: Juftlv, faid I, friend, are w e in doubt; for we have departed from
that image which wc firft eftablifhed. H o w fay you ? have we not ob-
fervcd, that there are truly fuch tempers as w e were not imagining, who
have thefe oppofite things ? W h e r e then ? One may fee it in otheF
animals, and not a little in that one with which w e compared our guar
dian. For this, you k n o w , is the natural temper of generous dogs, to be
moft mild towards their domeftics and their acquaintance, but the re-
Verfe to thofe they know not. It is fo. This then, faid I, is poffible ; and
it is not againft nature that we require our guardian to be fuch an one. It
feems not. Are you, further, of this opinion, that he w h o is to be our
guardian fhould, befides being fpirited, be a philofopher likewife ? How?
laid he ; for I do not underftand you. This, likewife, faid I, you will
obferve in the dogs ; and it is worthy of admiration in the brute. As
what ? H e is angry at whatever unknown perfon he fees, though he
hath never fuffered any ill from him before ; but he is fond of whatever
acquaintance he fees, though he has never at any time received any good
from him. Have you not wondered at this ? I never, faid he, much
attended to it before ; but, that he does this, is plain. But, indeed, this
affection of his nature feems to b e a n excellent difpofition, and truly philo-*
fophical. As how ? As, faid I, it diftinguifhes between a friendly and
unfriendly afped, by nothing elfe but this, that it knows the one, but is
ignorant of the other. H o w , now, fhould not this be deemed the love of
learning, which diftinguifhes what is friendly and what is foreign, by
knowledge and ignorance? It can no way be fhown-why it fhould not.
But, however, faid I, to be a lover of learning, and a philofopher, are *
the fame. T h e fame, faid he. May we not then boldly fettle it, That
in man too, if any one is to be of a mild difpofition towards his domeftics
and acquaintance, he muft be. a philofopher and a lover of learning ?
Let us fettle it, faid he. H e then who is to be a good and worthy guar- -
dian for us, of the city, fhall be a philofopher, and fpirited, and fwift, and
ftrong in his difpofition. By all means, faid he. L e t then our guardian,,
faid I, be fuch an one. But in what manner fhall thefe be educated for us,
and inftructed ? And will the confideration of this be of any aftiftance in
perceiving that for the fake of which we confider every thing elfe ? In
what manner juftice and injuftice arife in the city, that we may notr.
2 F z. omit:
220 T H E R E P U B L I C .
all underftand which you call the greater one?. T h o f e , faid T, which
Hefiod and H o m e r tell us, and the other poets. F o r they compofed
falfe fables to mankind, and told them as they do ftill. W h i c h , faid he,
do you mean, and what is it you blame in t h e m ? T h a t , faid I, w h i c h
firft of all and moft efpecially ought to be blamed, w h e n one does not
falfify handfomely. W h a t is that ? W h e n one, in his compofition, gives
ill reprefentations of the nature of Gods and heroes 1 as a painter d r a w
ing a picture in no refpect: refembling w h a t he wifhed to paint. It is
right, faid he, to blame fuch things as thefe. But how have they failed,
fay w e , and as to w h a t ? Firft of all, w i t h reference to that greateft lie,
and matters of the greateft importance, he did not lie handiomely, w h o
told how Heaven did what Hefiod fays he did ; and then again how Saturn
punifhed him, and w h a t Saturn did, and w h a t he fuffered from his fon :
F o r though thefe things were t r u e , yet 1 fhould not imagine they ought
to be fo plainly told to the unwife and the young, but ought m u c h
rather to be concealed. But if there w e r e a neceffity to tell t h e m , they
ftiould be heard in fecrecy, by as few as poffible ; after they had facri-
ficed not a hog, but fome great and wonderful facrifice, that thus the feweft
poffible might chance to hear t h e m .
Thefe fables, faid he, are indeed truly hurtful. And not to be m e n
tioned, Adimantus, faid I, in our city. N o r is it to be faid in the hearing
of a youth, that he w h o does the moft e x t r e m e wickednefs does n o t h i n g
Orange ; nor he who in every fhape punifhes his unjuft father, but that he
does the fame as the firft and the greateft of the Gods. N o truly, faid h e ,
thefe things do not feem to m e proper to be faid. N o r , univerfally, faid I,
muft it be told how Gods w a r w i t h Gods, and plot and fight againft one
another, (for fuch affertions are not true,)—if, at leaft, thofe w h o are
to guard the city for us ought to account it the moft fhameful t h i n g to
hate one another on flight grounds. As l i t t l e ought wc to tell in fables,
and embellifh to t h e m , the battles of the giants ; and many other all-
various feuds, both of the Gods and heroes, with their o w n kindred
and relations. But if we are at all to perfuade t h e m that at no t i m e
fhould one citizen hate another, and that it is unholy ; fuch things
as thefe are rather to be faid to them immediately w h e n they are children,
3 by
222 T H E R E P U B L I C .
by the old men and women, and by thofe well advanced in life ; and
the poets are to be obliged to compofe agreeably to thefe things. Bur
Juno fettered by her fon, and Vulcan hurled from heaven by his father
for going to all iff his mother w h e n beaten, and all thofe battles of the
Gods which Homer has cornpofed, muft not be admitted into the city;
whether they be compofed in the way of allegory, or without allegory;
for the young perfon is not able to judge what is allegory and what is
not : but whatever opinions he receives at fuch an age are with difficulty
wafhed away, and are generally immoveable. On thefe accounts, one
would imagine, that, of all things, w e fhould endeavour that what they
are firft to hear be compofed in the moft handfome manner for exciting
them to virtue. T h e r e is reafon for it, faid he. But, if any one now mould
afk us concerning thefe, what they are, and what kind of fables they are,
which fhould w e name ? And I faid : Adimantus, you and I are not poets
at prefent, but founders of a city ; and it belongs to the founders to
know the models according to which the poets are to compofe their
fables; contrary to which if they compofe, they are not to be tolerated ;.
but it belongs not to us to make fables for them. Right, faid he. But.
as to this very thing, the models concerning theology, which are they ?.
Some fuch as thefe, faid I. God is alway to be reprefented fuch as he
is, whether one reprefent him in epic, in fong, or in tragedy. This,
ought to be done. Is not God effentially good, and is he not to be de-
fcribed as fuch ? W i t h o u t doubt. But nothing which is good is hurt
ful ; is it ? It does not appear to me that it is. Does, then, that which
is not hurtful ever do hurt? By no means.. Does that which does,
no hurt do any evil ? N o r this neither.. And what does no evil can
not be the caufe of any evil. H o w can it ? But what ? Good is bene
ficial. Yes. It is, then, the caufe of welfare ? Yes. Good, therefore,
is not the caufe of all things, but the caufe of thofe things which are.
in a right ftate ; but is not the caufe of thofe things which are in a wrong.
Entirely fo, faid he. Neither, then, can God, faid I, fince he is good, be.-
the caufe of all things, as the many fay, but he is the caufe of a. few-
things to men ; but of many things he is not the caufe ; for our good
things are much fewer than our evil: and no other than God is the caufe of
our
T H E R E P U B L I C .
our crood things; but of our evils we muft not make God the caufe, but feek
for fome other. You feem to me, faid he, to fpeak moft true. W e mull
not, then, faid I, either admit Homer or any other poet trefpalling lb
foolifhly with reference to the Gods, and faying, h o w
T w o veflels on Jove's threfliold ever Hand,
T h e fource of evil one, and one of g o o d .
T h e man whofe lot Jove mingles out of both,
B y good and ill alternately is rul'd.
But he whofc portion is unmingled ill,
O'er facred earth by famine dire is driv'n
Nor that Jupiter is the difpenfer of our good and evil. N o r , if any one
fay that the violation of oaths and treaties by Pandarus was effected by
Minerva and Jupiter, fhall w e commend it. Nor that diffenfion among
the Gods, and judgment by T h e m i s and Jupiter. N o r yet mufl we fuffer
the youth to hear what ^Efchylus fays ; h o w ,
W h e n e v e r G o d inclines to raze
A houfe, himfelf contrives a caufe.
But, if any one make poetical compofitions, in which are thefe iambics,
the fufferings of Niobe, of the Pelopides, or the Trojans, or others o f a like
^ature, we muft either not fuffer them to fay they are the works of G o d ;
or, if of God, w e muft find that reafon for them which w e now require,
aud w e muft fay that God did what was juft and good ; and that they were
benefited by being chaftifed: but w e muft not fuffer a poet to fay, that
they are miferable who are punifhed ; and that it is God who does thefe
things. But if they fay that the wicked, as being miferable, needed cor
rection ; and that, in being punifhed, they were profited by God, w e may
fbffer the affertion. But, to fay that God, who is good, is the caufe o f ill
to any one, this we muft by all means oppofe, nor fuffer any one to fay fb
in his city ; if he wifhes to have it well regulated. N o r muft we permit
any one, either young or old, to hear fuch things told in fable, either
in verfe or profe; as they are neither agreeable to fanctity to be told, nor
profitable to us, nor confiftent with themfelves.
1 vote along with you, faid he, in this law, and it pleafes m e . This,
that they may not, at one and the fame time, blafpheme againft the Gods,
and render their children more daftardly. By no means, faid he. But
are the Gods, faid I, fuch as, though in themfelves they never change,
yet make us imagine they appear in various forms, deceiving us, and
playing the mountebanks ? Perhaps, faid he. But what, faid I, can a
God cheat; holding forth a phantafm, either in word or deed ? I do not
know, faid he. D o not you know, faid I, that what is truly a cheat, if
w e may be allowed to fay fo, both all the Gods and men abhor ? H o w do
you fay ? replied he. Thus, faid I : T h a t to offer: a cheat to the moft prin
cipal part of themfelves, and that about their moft principal interefts,
is what none willingly incline to d o ; but, of all things, every one is moft
afraid of pofteffing a cheat there. Neither as yet, faid he, do I under-
ftand you. Becaufe, faid I, you think I am faying fomething venerable :
but I am faying, that to cheat the foul concerning realities, and to be
fb cheated, and to be ignorant, and there to have obtained and to keep
a cheat, is what every one would leaft of all choofe; and a cheat in the
foul is what they moft efpecially hate. Moft efpecially, faid he. But
this, as I was now faying, might moft juftly be called a true cheat,—igno
rance in the foul of the cheated perfon: fince a cheat in words is but
1
OdyfT. lib. 17. ver. 485.
VOL. I. 2O a kind
226 T H E R E P U B L I C .
W h e n any one fays fuch things as thefe o f the Gods, w e fhall fhow dif»
pleafure, and not afford the chorus : nor fhall w e fuffer teachers to make
ufe of fuch things in the education of the youth ; if our guardians are t o
be pious, and divine m e n , as far as it is poflible for man to be. I agree
with you, faid he, perfectly, as to thefe m o d e l s ; and w e may ufe them
as laws.
BOOK III.
JL H E S E things indeed then, faid I, and fuch as thefe, are, as it feems, what
are to be heard, and not heard, concerning the Gods, immediately from
childhood, by thofe w h o are to honour the Gods and their parents, and
w h o are not to defpife friendfhip with one another. And I imagine,,
replied he, that thefe things have appeared right- But, what now ? I f
they are to be brave, muft not thefe things be narrated to them, and
fuch other likewife as may render them leaft of all afraid of death ? Or,,
do you imagine that any one can ever be brave whilft he has this fear
within him ? N o t I, truly, faid he. But what ? do you think that any
one can be void of a fear of death, whilft he imagines that there is Hades,^
and that it is dreadful; and, that in battles he will choofe death before
defeat and flavery ? By no means.
W e ought then, as it feems, to give orders likewife to thofe who under^
take to difcourfe about fables of this kind; and to entreat them not to>
reproach thus in general the things in Hades, but rather to commend
them; as they fay neither what is true, nor what is profitable to thofe
w h o are to be foldiers. W e ought indeed, faid he. Beginning then, faid,
I , at this verfe, w e fhall leave out all of fuch kind, as this ;
And,
O Grange! in Pluto's dreary realms to find
S o u l and its image, but no (park of m i n d .
And,
H e ' s wife alone, the reft are flutt'ring (hades.
And,
T h e foul to H a d e s from its members fled;
A n d , leaving youth and manhood,, wail'd its fate.
And,
the. foul, like fmoke, d o w n to the fhade9
Fled h o w l i n g \ . . .
And,
A s , in the h o l l o w of a fpacious cave,
T h e owls fly fcreaming j if one chance to fall
D o w n from the rock, they all confus'dly fly;
S o thefe together h o w l i n g w e n t * . . . .
N o r the reft of his lamentation, and bewailing; fuch and fb great as he has
compofed. N o r that Priam, fo near to the Gods, fb meanly fupplicated,
and rolled himfelf in the dirt: " Calling on every foldier by his name V
But ftill much more muft w e entreat them not to make the Gods, at
leaft, to bewail, and fay,
And if they are not thus to bring in the Gods, far lefs fhould they
dare to reprefent the greateft of the Gods in fo unbecoming a manner
as t h i s :
f l o w dear a m a n , around the t o w n purfu'd,
M i n e eyes behold ! for w h i c h m y heart is griev'd :
A h m e ! ' t i s fated that Patroclus kill
4
Sarpedon w h o m , o f all m e n , moft I love .
a
* Horn. Iliad, lib. 22. Horn. Iliad, lib, 24.
3
Horn. Iliad, lib. 2 2 . • H o r n . Iliad, lib. 18.
3 For,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 251
For, if, friend Adimantus, our youth fhould ferioufly hear fuch things as
thefe, and not laugh at them as fpoken moft unfuitably, hardly would any
one think it unworthy of himfelf, of himfelf being a man, or check h i m
felf, if he fhould happen either to fay or to do any thing of the kind ; but,,
without any fhame or endurance, would, on fmall fufferings, fing many
lamentations and moans. You fay moft true, replied he. T h e y muft
not, therefore, do in this manner, as our reafoning now has evinced
to us ; which we muft believe, till fome one perfuade us by fome better.
T h e y muft not, indeed. But, furely, neither ought w e to be given to
e x c e f f i v e laughter; for, where a man gives himfelf to violent laughter, fuch:
a difpofition commonly requires a violent change. It feems fo, faid he.
Nor, if a n y o n e fhall reprefent worthy men as overcome, by laughter, muft
w e allow it, much lefs if he thus reprefent the Gods. Much lefs, indeed,,
faid he. Neither, then, fhall w e receive fuch things as thefe from Homer,
concerning the Gods:
M o f t miferable it i s ,
T o die of famine, and have adverfe fate *.
1 a
Horn. Iliad, lib. 4 . Horn. Iliad, lib. 4.
4
3 Horn. Iliad, lib. 1 . Horn. O d . lib. 1 2 . * Horn. Iliad, lib. 6.
Or,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 333
Or that Jupiter, through defire of venereal pleafures, eafily forgetting all thofe
things which he alone awake revolved in his miiid, whilft other Gods and
men were afleep, was fo ftruck, on feeing Juno, as not even to be willing
to come into the houfe, but wanted to embrace her on the ground ; and
at the fame time declaring that he is poffeffed with fuch defire, as exceeded
what he felt on their firft connexion with each other,
N o r yet how Mars and Venus were bound by Vulcan, and other fuch
things. N o , by Jupiter, faid he. Thefe things do not feem fit. But if
any inftances of felf-denial, faid I, with refpecl: to all thefe things be told,
and praclifed by eminent men, thefe are to be beheld and heard- Such
as this:
H e beat his bread, and thus reprov'd his h e a r t :
Endure, my h e a r t ! thou heavier fate hail borne.
And how difbbedient he was to the river, though a divinity, and wag
ready to fight; and again, he fays to the river Sperchius, with hi* facred
locks,
Thy lock to great Patroclus I could give,
W h o now is dead
O n which accounts all fuch fables muft be fuppreffed ; left they create in
our
T H E R E P U B L I C . 235
w h e n he did not fucceed, prayed againft the Greeks to the God. I know.
Y o u k n o w , then, that down to thefe verfes,
the poet himfelf fpeaks, and does not attempt to divert our attention
elfewhere ; as if any other perfon were fpeaking : but what he fays after
this, he fays as if he himfelf were Chryfes, and endeavours as much as
poffible to make us imagine that the fpeaker is not Homer, but the prieft,
an old man ; and that in this manner he has compofed almoft the whole
narrative of what happened at T r o y , and in Ithaca, and all the adventures
in the whole Odyffey. It is certainly fo, replied he. Is it not then nar
ration, when he tells the feveral fpeeches ? and likewife when he tells
what intervenes between the fpeeches ? W h y not ? But when he
makes any fpeech in the perfon of another, do not we fay that then he
aflimilates his fpeech, as much as poffible, to each perfon whom he intro
duces as fpeaking ? W e fay fo, do w e not ? And is not the affimilating one's
felf to another, either in voice or figure, the imitating him to w h o m one
aflimilates himfelf? W h y not ? In fuch a manner as this, then, it feems,
both he and the other poets perform the narrative by means of imitation.
Certainly. But if the poet did not at all conceal himfelf, his whole
action and narrative would be without imitation. And that you may not
fay y o u do not again underftand how this fhould be, I fhall tell you. If
H o m e r , after relating how Chryfes came with his daughter's ranfom, be-
feeching the Greeks, but chiefly the kings, had fpoken afterwards, not as
Chryfes, but ftill as H o m e r , you know it would not have been imitation,
but fimple narration. And it would have been fomehow thus : (I fhall
fpeak without metre, for I am no p o e t : ) T h e prieft came and prayed,
that the Gods might grant they fhould take T r o y , and return fafe; and
begged them to reftore him his daughter, accepting the prefents, and re
vering the God. W h e n he had faid this, all the reft fhowed refpect, and
confented ; but A g a m e m n o n was enraged, charging him to depart in-
ftantly, and not to return a g a i n ; left his fceptre and the garlands of
the God fhould beof no a v a i l ; and told him, that before he would re
ftore
T H E REPUBLIC. 237
/tore his daughter fhe fhould grow old with him in Argos ; but ordered
him to be gone, and not to irritate him, that he might get home in
fafety. T h e old man upon hearing this was afraid, and went away in
filence. And when he was retired from the camp he made many fup-
plications to Apollo, reheariing the names of the God, and reminding
him and befeeching him, that if ever he had made any acceptable dona
tion in the building of temples, or the offering of facrifices,—for the fake
of thefe, to avenge his tears upon the Greeks w i t h his arrows. T h u s ,
faid I, friend, the narration is fimple, without imitation. I underftand,
faid he. Underftand then, faid I, that the oppofite of this happens, w h e n
one, taking away the poet's part between the fpeeches, leaves the fpeeches
themfelves. T h i s , faid he, I likewife underftand, that a thing of this
kind takes place refpecting tragedies. You apprehend perfectly well, faid
I. And I think that I now make plain to you what I could not before ;
that in poetry, and likewife in mythology, one kind is wholly by imitation,
fuch as you fay tragedy and comedy are ; and another kind by the nar
ration of the poet himfelf: and you will find this kind moft efpecially in
the dithyrambus : and another again by b o t h ; as in epic poetry, and in
many other cafes befides, if you underftand m e . I underftand n o w , re
plied he, what you meant before. And remember too, that before that
w e were faying that w e had already mentioned what things were to be
fpoken ; but that it yet remained to be confidered in what manner they
were to be fpoken. I remember, indeed. T h i s then, is what I was
faying, that it were neceffary w e agreed whether w e fhall fuffer the
poets to make narratives to us in the way of imitation ; or, partly in the
way of imitation, and partly n o t ; and, what in each w a y ; or, if they
are not to ufe imitation at all. I conje&ure, faid he, you are to con
fider whether w e fhall receive tragedy and comedy into our city, or not-
Perhaps, replied I, and fomething more t o o ; for I do not as yet k n o w ,
indeed ; but wherever our reafoning, as a gale, bears us, there w e muft g o .
And truly, faid he, you fay well. Confider this n o w , Adimantus, whether
our guardians ought to prattife imitation, or not. Or does this follow
from what is above ? That each one may handfomely perform one bufi
nefs, but many he c a n n o t : or, if he fhall attempt it, in grafping at many
things, he fhall fail in a l l ; fo as to be remarkable in none. W h y fhall
he
238 T H E R E P U B L I C ,
itfelf, muft it not correfpond to the temper of the foul? W h y not2 And all
other things correfpond to the expreflion. Yes. So that the beauty of expref
lion, fine confonancy, and propriety, and excellence of numbers, are fubfer-
vicnt to the good difpoiition ; not that ftupidity, which in complaitant lan
guage w e call good temper; but the dianoetic part, truly adorned with excel
lent and beautiful manners. By all means, replied he. Muft not thefe things
be always purfued by the youth, if they are to mind their bufinefs ? T h e y
are indeed to be purfued. But painting too is fomehow full of thefe things ;
and every other workmanfhip of the kind; and weaving is full of thefe r
it, introducing at the fame time decorum, and making every one decent
if he is properly educated, and the reverfe if he is not ? And moreover,
becaufe the man who has here been educated as he ought, perceives in the
quickeft manner whatever workmanfhip is defective, and whatever execu
tion is unhandfome, or whatever productions are of that kind; and being
difgufted in a proper manner, he will praife what is beautiful, rejoicing
in it ; and, receiving it into his foul, be nourifhed by it, and become a
worthy and good man: but whatever is bafe, he will in a proper manner
deipife, and hate, whilft yet he is young, and before he is able to be a
partaker of reafon; and when reafon comes, fuch an one as has been thus
educated will embrace it, recognizing it perfectly well, from its intimate
familiarity with him. It appears to m e , replied he, that education in mufic
is for the fake of fuch things as thefe. Juft as, with reference to letters^
faid I, we are then fufficiently inftructed when we are not ignorant o f
the elements, which are but few in number, wherever they are concerned;
and when w e do not defpife them more or lefs as unneceffary to be ob
ferved, but by all means endeavour to underftand them thoroughly, as it
is impoffible for us to be literary men till we do thus. True. And if
the images of letters appeared any where, either in water or in mirrors,
mould we not know them before we knew the letters themfelves ? or does
this belong to the fame art and ftudv ? By all means. Is it indeed then
according as 1 fay ? that we fhall never become muficians, neither w e
ourfelves, nor thofe guardians we fay we are to educate, before w e under
ftand the images of temperance, fortitude, liberality, and magnificence,
and the other filter virtues; and, on the other hand again, the contraries of
thefe, which are every where to be met with; and obferve them wherefo-
ever they are, both the virtues themfelves, and the images of them, and
defpife them neither in fmall nor in great inftances; but let us believe
that this belongs to the fame art and ftudy. There is, faid he, great
neceffity for it. Muft not then, faid I, the perfon who fhall have in his
foul beautiful manners, and in his appearance whatever is proportionable,
and correfponding to thefe, partaking of the fame impreffion, be the moft
beautiful fpedtacle to any one w h o is able to behold it r Exceedingly fo.
But what is moft beautiful is moft lovely. W h y not ? H e w h o is mufical
fhould furely love thofe men w h o are moft eminently of this kind; but if
4 one
246 T H E R E P U B L I C .
replied
T H E R E P U B L I C . 2 4 JT
faid I. And his fons may (how that he was fo. Or do you not fee, that
at Troy they excelled in war, and likewife pra&ifed medicine in the way
I mention? Or do not you remember, that when Menelaus was wounded
by Pandarus, they
But, as to what was neceffary for him to eat or drink afterwards, they
prefcribed for him no more than for Eurypylus ; deeming external ap
plications fufficient to heal men, w h o , before they were wounded, were
healthful and moderate in their diet, whatever mixture they happened to
have drunk at the time. But they judged, that to have a difeafed con
stitution, and to live an intemperate life, was neither profitable to the
men themfelves nor to others ; and that their art ought not to be e m
ployed on thefe, nor to minifter to them, not even though they were
richer than Midas. You make, faid he, the fons of ^Efculapius truly i n
genious. It is proper, replied I ; though in oppofition to us the writers
of tragedy, and Pindar, call indeed E f c u l a p i u s the fon of Apollo, but fay
that he was prevailed on by gold to undertake the cure of a rich man, w h o
was already in a deadly ftate; for which, truly, he was even ftruck with
a thunderbolt: but w e , agreeably to what has been formerly faid, will not
believe them as to both thefe t h i n g s ; but will aver, that if he was the fon
of the God, he was not given to filthy lucre ; or, if he were given to
filthy lucre, he was not a fon of the God. T h e f e things, faid he, are
moft right. But what do you fay, Socrates, as to this ? Is it not neceflary
to provide good phyficians for the ftate ? and muft not thefe, moft likely,
be fuch w h o have been converfant with the greateft number of healthy
and of fickly people ? and thefe, in like manner, be the beft judges, w h o
have been converfant with all forts of difpofitions ? I mean n o w , faid I,
thofe who are very good. But do you know w h o m I deem to be fuch ?
If you tell me, replied he. I fhall endeavour to do it, faid I ; but you
inquire in one queftion about two different things. As how ? faid he.
Phyficians, replied I, would become moft expert, if, beginning from their
infancy, they would, in learning the art, be converfant with the greateft
number of bodies, and thefe the moft fickly ; and laboured themfelves
2 K2 under
252 THE REPUBLIC.
under all manner of difeafes, and by natural constitution were not quite
healthful; for it is not by the body, I imagine, that they cure the body;
(elfe their own bodies could at no time be admitted to be of an ill c o n -
ftitution,) but they cure the body by the foul ; which, whilft it is of an
ill conftitution, is not capable to perform well any cure. Right, faid he.
But the judge, friend, governs the foul by the foul; which, if from its
childhood it has been educated with depraved fouls, has been converfant
with them, and has itfelf done all manner of evil, it is not able to come
out from among them, fo as accurately, by itfelf, to judge of the evils of
others, as happens in the difeafes of the body ; but it muff in its youth
be unexperienced and unpolluted with evil manners, if it means to be good
and beautiful itfelf, and to judge foundry of what is juft. And hence the
virtuous in their youth appear fimple, and eafily deceived by the unjuft,
as they have not within themfelves difpofitions fimilar to thofe of the
wicked. And furely this at leaft, faid he, they do often fuffer extremely.
For which reafon, faid I, the good judge is not to be a young man, but an
old, having been late in learning wickednefs, what it is ; perceiving it not
as a kindred pofteffion, refiding in his own foul, but as a foreign one, in
the fouls of others, which he has for a long time ftudied, and has under-
ftood what fort of an evil it is, by the help of fcience rather than by pro
per experience. Such an one, faid he, is like to be the moft noble judge.
And likewife a good one, faid I ; which was what you required. For he
w h o has a good foul is good. But the other notable and fufpicious
m a n , w h o has committed much of iniquity himfelf, when indeed he con
v e r t s with his like, being thought to be fubtle and wife, he appears a
notable man, being extremely cautious, having an eye to thofe models
which he has within himfelf; but w h e n he approaches the good, and the
more aged, he appears foolifh, fufpicious out of feafon, and ignorant of
integrity of manners, as having within no models of fuch a kind : but
however, being more frequently converfant with the wicked than with
the wife, he appears, both to himfelf and others, to be more wife, rather
than more ignorant. T h i s , faid he, is perfectly true. W e muft not,
therefore, faid I, look for fuch an one to be a wife and good judge, but
the former o n e ; for indeed vice can never at all know both itfelf and
virtue. But virtue, where the temper is inftrudled by time, ihall attain
T H E R E P U B L I C . 253
philofophic temper partake of the mild ? And when this difpofition is carried
too far, may it not prove more foft than is becoming ; but, when rightly
difciplined, be really mild and comely ? T h e f e things are fo. But w e fay
that our guardians ought to have both thefe difpofitions. They ought.
O u g h t not then thefe to be adapted to one another ? W h y not ? And the
foul in which they are thus adapted is temperate and brave. Certainly.
But the foul in which they are not adapted, is cowardly and favage.
Extremely fo. And when one yields up himfelf to be foothed with
the charms o f mufic, and pours into his foul through his ears, as
through a pipe, thofe w e denominated the foft, effeminate, and plaintive
harmonies, and fpends the whole o f his life chanting and ravifhed
with m e l o d y ; fuch an one, at the firff, if he has any thing irafcible,
foftens it like iron, and, from being ufelefs and fierce, renders it
profitable. But when ftill perfifling he does not defiff, but inchants his
foul, after this, it melts and diffolves him, till it liquefies his anger, and
cuts out, as it were, the nerves o f his foul, and renders him an effeminate
warrior. It is certainly fb indeed, faid he. But if, faid I, he had from the
beginning a temper void of iFafcibility, this he quickly effectuates; but, if
irafcible, it renders the mind weak, and eafily turned, fo as inftantly to be
enraged at trifles, and again the rage is extinguifhed: fo that, from being
irafcible, they become outrageous and paftionate, and full of the morofe.
So indeed it happens. But what now ? If one labour much in gymnaftic,
and feaft extremely well, but apply not to mufic and philofophy ; fhall
he not, in the firft place, having his body in a good condition, be filled with
prudence and courage, and become more brave than he was before ? Cer
tainly fo. But what, w h e n he does nothing elfe; nor participates in any
thing which is mufic-like, though there were any love of learning in his
foul, as it neither taftes of any ftudy, nor bears a fhare in any inquiry nor
reafoning, nor any thing befides w h i c h is mufical, muft it not become
feeble, and deaf, and blind, as his perceptions are neither awakened, nor
nourifhed, nor refined ? Juft fo. Such an one then becomes, as I imagine,
a reafon-hater, and unmufical; and by no means can be perfuaded to any
thing by reafoning, but is carried to every thing by force and favagenefs,
as a wild beaft; and thus he lives in ignorance and barbarity, out of mea
fure, and unpolifhed. It is, faid he, entirely fo, Correfponding then to
thefe
T H E REPUBLIC. 2 5 5
thefe two tempers, I would fay, that fome God, as appears, ha^ given m e n
two arts, thofe of mufic and gymnaftic, in reference to the irafcible and the
philofophic temper; not for the foul and body, otherwife than as a by-work,
but for that other purpofe, that thole t w o tempers might be adapted to o n e
another; being ftretched and Slackened as far as is fit. So indeed it appears*
Whoever then fhall in the moft handfome manner mingle gymnaftic with
mufic, and have thefe in the jufteft meafure in his foul, h i m w e fhall moft
properly call the moft completely mufical, and of the beft h a r m o n y ; far
more than the man who adjufts to one another mufical ftrings. Moft
reafonably, faid he, Socrates. Shall w e not then, Glauco, always have need
of fuch a prefident for our ftate, if our government is to be preferved?
W e fhall moft efpecially have need of this. Thofe then may be the
models of education and difcipline. For why fhould one go over the
dances, the huntings of wild beafts, both with dogs and with nets, the
wreftlings and the horfe-races proper for fuch perfons? for it is nearly
manifeft that thefe naturally follow of courfe, and it is no difficult matter
to find them. It is indeed, faid he, not difficult. Be it fo, faid I. But
what follows next ? W h a t was next to be determined by us. W a s it,
which of thefe fhall govern, and be governed ? W h a t elfe ? Is it not plain
that the elder ought to be governors, and the younger to be the governed ?
It is plain. And is it not likewife plain, that the beft of them are to
govern ? This too is plain. But are not the beft hufbandmen the moft
affiduous in agriculture ? T h e y are. If now our guardians are the beft,
will they not be moft vigilant over the city? T h e y will. Muft we not
for this purpofe make them prudent, and able, and careful likewife of the
city? W e muft do lb. But one would feem to be moft careful of that
which he happens to love. Undoubtedly. And one fhall moft efpecially
love that to which he thinks the fame things are profitable which are ib
to himfelf, and with whofe good eftate he thinks his own connected ; and
where he is of a c >ntrary opinicn, he will be contrariwife arfected. Juft
fo. W e muft choole t i o n from the other guardians fuch men as lhall
moft of all others appear to us, on obfervation, to do with the greateft
cheerfulneis, tiirouja the whole of life, whatever they think advantageous
for the fta e, a n i w h i t ; pp^ars to be difadvantageous th^y will not do by
any means. Thefe are cue iuoft p;oper fa.d he. Ir truly appears to m e ,
that
256 T H E R E P U B L I C .
that they ought to be obferved through every ftage of their life, if they be
tenacious of this opinion, fo as that neither fraud nor force make them
inconfiderately throw out this opinion, that they ought to do what is beft for
the ftate. W h a t throwing out do you mean ? faid he. I will tell you, faid
I. An opinion feems to me to depart from the dianoetic part voluntarily or
involuntarily. A falfe opinion departs voluntarily from him who unlearns
i t ; but every true opinion departs involuntarily. T h e cafe of the volun
tary one, replied he, I underftand ; but that of the involuntary I want to
learn. W h a t now ? D o not you think, faid I, that men are involuntarily
deprived of good things; but voluntarily of evil things ? Or, is it not an
evil to deviate from the truth, and a good to form true opinion ? Or, does
it not appear to you, that to conceive of things as they really are, is to
form true opinion ? You fay rightly indeed, replied he. T h e y do feem to
m e to be deprived unwillingly of true opinion. D o they not then fuffer
this, either in the way of theft, enchantment, or force ? I do not now, faid
he, underftand you. I feem, faid I, to fpeak theatrically. But, I fay,
thofe have their opinions ftolen away, who are perfuaded to change their
opinions, and alfo thofe who forget them; in the one cafe, they are imper
ceptibly taken away by time, and in the other by reafoning. D o you now
underftand in any meafure ? Yes. And thofe, I fay, have their opinions
forced from them, w h o m grief or agony obliges to change them. T h i s ,
faid he, I underftand, and you lay right. And thofe, I imagine, vou will
fay, are inchanted out of their opinions, w h o change them, being be^
witched by pleafure, or feduced by fear, being afraid of fomething. It
feems, faid he, that every thing magically beguiles which deceives u&.
T h a t then which I was now mentioning muft be iought for : who are the
beft guardians of this opinion ; that that is to be done which is beft for
the ftate: and they muft be obferved immediately from their chilchood,
fetting before them fuch pieces of work in which they may moft readily for
get a thing o f this kind, and be deluded ; and he who is mindful, and hard to
be deluded, is to be chofen, and he w h o is otherwife is to be rejected. Is
it not fb ? Yes. And w e muft appoint them trials of labours and of pains,
in which w e muft obferve the fame things. Right, faid he. Muft we
not, faid I, appoint them a third conteft, that of the mountebank kind;
and obferve them as thole do, who, when they lead on young horfes againft
noifes
T H E R E P U B L I C . 257
noifes and tumults, obferve whether they are frightened ? So muft they,
whilft young, be led into dreadful things, and again be thrown into plea
fures, trying them more than gold in the fire, whether one is hard to be
beguiled with mountebank tricks, and appear compofed amidit all, being a
good guardian of himfelf, and of that mufic which he learned, m o w i n g
himfelf in all thefe things to be in juft meafure and harmony. Being o f
fuch a kind as this, he would truly be o f the greateft advantage both to
himfelf and to the ftate. And the man who in childhood, in youth, and
iu manhood, has been thus tried, and has come out pure, is to be appointed
governor and guardian of the ftate; and honours are to be paid him whilft
alive, and when dead he fhould receive the higheft rewards of public fune
ral and other memorials. And he who is not fuch an one is to be rejected.
Of fuch a kind, Glauco, faid I, as it appears to m e , is to be the choice and
eftablifhment of our governors and guardians, as in a fketch, and not accu
rately. And I, faid he, am of the fame opinion. Is it not then truly moft
juft, to call thefe the moft complete guardians, both with reference to
enemies abroad, and to friends at h o m e ; fo as that the one fhall not have
the will, nor the other have the power to do any mifchief ? And the youth
(whom w e now called guardians) will be allies and auxiliaries to the decrees
of the governors. I imagine fo, replied he. W h a t n o w , faid I, may be
the contrivance of thofe lies, which are made on occafion, and of which w e
were lately faying that it is a moft generous part, in making lies, to perfuade
the governors themfelves moft efpecially; or, if not thefe, the reft of the
ftate ? W h a t fort do you mean ? Nothing n e w , faid I, but fomewhat
Phoenician, which has frequently happened heretofore, as the poets tell us,
and have perfuaded us, but has not happened in our times, nor do I k n o w
if ever it fhall happen : to perfuade one of it furely requires a fubtile per-
fuafion. H o w like you are, faid he, to one who is a verfe to fpeak ! I fhall
appear, faid I, to be a verfe with very good reafon, after I tell it. Speak,
faid he, and do not fear. I fpeak then, though I know not with what
courage, and ufing what expreflions, I fhall tell it. And I fhall attempt,
firft of all, to perfuade the governors themfelves, and the foldiers, and after
wards the reft of the ftate, that, whatever w e educated and inftrudted them
in, all thefe particulars feemed to happen to them and to befall them as
dreams ; but that they were in truth at that time formed and educated within
VOL. I. H the
258 T H E R E P U B L I C .
the earth ; both they themfelves, and their armour and their other uten-
fils, being there likewife fabricated. And after they were completely
faihioned, that the earth, w h o is their mother, brought them forth; and
now they ought to be affected towards the country where they are, as to
their mother and nurfe; to defend her, if any invade her ; and to confider
the reft of the citizens as being their brothers, and fprung from their
mother earth. It was not without reafon, faid he, that fome time fince
you was afhamed to tell this falfehood. I had truly reafon, faid I, But
hear however the reft of the fable. All of you now in the ftate are
brothers (as w e fhall tell them in way of fable) ; but the God, when he
formed you, mixed gold in the formation of fuch of you as are able to
govern ; therefore are they the moft honourable. And filver, in fuch as
are auxiliaries ; and iron and brafs in the hufbandmen and other handi
crafts. As you are all of the fame kind, you for the moft part refemble
one another: and it fometimes happens, that of the gold is generated the
filver, and of the filver there is a golden defcendant; and thus every differ
ent way are they generated of one another. The God gives in charge,
firft of all, and chiefly to the governors, that of nothing are they to be fo
good guardians, nor are they fo ftrongly to keep watch over any thing, as
over their children ; to know what of thofe principles is mixed in their
fouls; and if their defcendant fhall be of the brazen or iron kind, they fhall
by no means have compaflion ; but, affigning him honour proportioned to
his natural temper, they fhall pufh him down to the craftfmen or hufband
m e n . And if again any from among thefe fhall be born of a golden or
filver kind, they fhall pay them honour, and prefer them ; thofe to the
guardianfhip, and thefe to the auxiliary rank : it being pronounced by the
oracle, that the ftate is then to perifh when iron or brafs fhall have the
guardianfhip of it. Have you now any contrivance to perfuade tbem of
this fable ? N o n e , faid he, to perfuade theie men themfelves ; but I can
contrive how that their fons and pofterity, and all mankind afterwards
fhall believe it. Even this, faid I, would do well towards making them
more concerned about the ftate, and one another; for I ahnoft underftand
what you fay. And this truly will lead the fame way as the oracle. But
let us, having armed thefe earth-born fons, lead them forwards under their
leaders; and when they are come into the city, let them confider where
it
T H E R E P U B L I C . 259
it is beft to place their camp, fo as beft to keep in order thofe who are
within, if any one fhould want to difobey the laws ; and likewife defend
againft thofe without, if any enemy, as a wolf, fhould come upon the fold.
And when they have marked out their camp, and performed facrifices to
the proper divinities, let them ereel their t e n t s : or, how are they to do?
Juft fo, faid he. Shall they not be fuch as may be fufficient to defend them,
both from winter and fummer ? W h y not ? for you feem, faid he, to mean
houfes. Yes, faid I, but military o n e s ; not fuch as are coftly. W h a t do
you fiy, replied he, is the difference between the one and the other ? I
will endeavour, faid I, to tell you; for, of all things, it is the moft dread
ful, and the moft fhameful to fhepherds, to breed fuch kind of dogs, and
in fuch a manner, as auxiliaries of the flocks, as either through intemper
ance or famine, or fome other ill difpofition, the dogs themfelves fhould
attempt to hurt the fheep; and, inftead of dogs, refemble wolves. That
is dreadful, faid he, why is it not ? Muft w e not then, by all means, take
care left our allies do fuch a thing towards our citizens, as they are more
powerful; and, inftead of generous allies, refemble favage lords ? W e muft
take care, faid he. Would they not be prepared, as to the greateft part
of the care, if they were really well educated ? But they are fo at leaft,
replied he. And I faid : That is not proper to be confidently affirmed,
friend Glauco; but that is proper which w e were now faying, that they
ought to have good education, whatever it is, if they are to have what is
of the greateft confequence towards rendering them mild, both among
themfelves and towards thofe who are guarded by them. Very right,
faid he. Befides then this education, any one of underftanding would fay,
that their houfes, and all their other fubftance, ought to be fo contrived,
as not to hinder their guardians from being the very beft of men, and not
to ftir them up to injure the other citizens. And he will fav true. If
then they intend to be fuch, confider, faid I, whether they ought to live
and dwell in fome fuch manner as this : Firft, then, let none poffefs any
fubftance privately, unlefs there be the greateft neceflity for i t : next, let
none have any dwelling, or ftore-houfe, into which whoever inclines may
not enter: as for neceffaries, let them be fuch as temperate and brave
warriors may require ; and as they are inftituted by the other citizens, let
them receive fuch a reward of their guardianfhip, as to have neither over-
2 L 2 plus
260 T H E R E P U B L I C .
plus nor deficiency at the year's end. Let them have public meals, as in
encampments, and live in common. T h e y muft be told, that they have from
the Gods a divine gold and filver at all times in their fouls ; and have no
need of the human. And that it were profane to pollute the poffeffion of
the divine kind, by mixing it with the poffeffion of this mortal g o l d ;
becaufe the money of the vulgar has produced many impious deeds, but
that of thefe men is incorruptible. And o f all the men in the city, they alone
are not allowed to handle or touch gold and filver; nor to bring it under
their roof; nor carry it about with t h e m ; nor to drink out of filver or
g o l d : and that thus they are to preferve themfelves and the ftate. But
whenever they fhall poffefs lands, and houfes, and money, in a private way,
they fhall become ftewards and farmers inftead of guardians, hateful lords
inftead of allies to the other citizens : hating and being hated, plotting and
being plotted againft, they fhall pafs the whole of their life ; much oftener
and more afraid of the enemies from within than from without, they and
v
the reft of the ftate haftening fpeedily to deftrudion. For all which
reafons, faid I, let us affirm, that our guardians are thus to be conftituted
w i t h reference both to their houfes and to other things. And let us
fettle thefe things by law. Shall w e ? By all means, faid Glauco.
THE
THE REPUBLIC.
BOOK IV.
ftate, not fele&ing fome few perfons to make them alone happy; hut are
eftablifhing the univerfal happinefs of the whole : and we fhall next
confider a ftate which is the reverfe. As if then we were painting human
figures, and one approaching fhould blame us, faying, that we do not place
the mofl beautiful colours on the mofl beautiful parts of the creature ; for
that the eyes, the mofl beautiful part, were not painted with purple, but
with black ; fhould we not feem to apologize fufficientiy to him, by faying,
Wonderful critic ! do not imagine that w e ought to paint the eyes beau
tiful, in fuch a way as that they would not appear to be eyes ; and fo with
reference to all other parts. But confider, whether, in giving each parti
cular part its due, w e make the whole beautiful. And fo now, do not
oblige us to confer fuch a happinefs on our guardians as fhall make them
any thing rather than guardians : for w e know too, how to array the
hufbandmen in rich and coftly robes, and to enjoin them to cultivate the
ground only with a view to pleafure ; and in like manner, thofe who
make earthen ware, to lie at their eafe by the fire, to drink and feaff,
neglecting the wheel, and working only fo much as they incline : and w e
know how to confer a felicity of this nature on every individual, in order
to render the whole ftate happy. But do not advife us to act after this
manner ; fince, if w e obey you, neither would the hufbandman really be a
hufbandman, nor the potter be a potter ; nor would any other really be of
any of thofe profeflions of which the city is compofed. But, as to others,
it is of lefs confequence ; for, when fhoemakers become bad, and are de
generate, and profefs to be fhoemakers when they are not, no great mif-
chief happens to the ftate : but when the guardians of the law and of the
ftate are not fo in reality," but only in appearance, you fee how they
entirely dellroy the whole conftitution ; if they alone fhall have the privi
lege of an affluent and happy life. If we then are for appointing men who
fhall be really guardians of the city, the leaft of all hurtful to it ; and he
w h o makes the objection is for having them rather as certain farmers, and
as in a ieftival-meeting, not in a city, certain public entertainers, indulging
in jollity, he muft mean fomething elfe than a city : we mult then confider
whether w e efliiblifh guardians with this view, that they may have the
greateft happinefs ; or if w e eftablifh them with a view to the happinefs of
the whole city, let us fee whether this takes place; and let us oblige thefe
allies
T H E R E P U B L I C . 263
allies and guardians to do this, and w e muft perfuade them they fhall thus
become the beft performers of their o w n particular w o r k ; and we m u f t
act towards all others in the fame manner. And thus the whole city being
increafed, and well conftituted, let us allow the feveral tribes to participate
o f happinefs as their natures admit. You feem to m e , faid he, to fay well.
Shall I appear to you, faid I, to fpeak right in what is akin to this ? W h a t
is that ? Confider whether other artificers are corrupted by thefe things,
fo as to be made bad workmen. What things do you mean ? Riches,
faid I, and poverty. As how ? Thus : Does the potter, after he becomes
rich, feem ftill to mind his art? By n o means, faid he. But will he not
become more idle and carelefs than formerly ? Much more f o . Shall he
not then become a more u-ifkilful potter ? Much more fo, likewife, faid
he. And furely, being unable through poverty to furnifh himfelf with tools,
or any thing elie requifite to his art, his workmanfhip fhall be more imper
fectly executed, and his fons, or thofe others w h o m he inftructs, fhall be
inferior artifts. H o w fhould they not ? Through both thefe, n o w , poverty
and riches, the workmanfhip in the arts is rendered lefs perfect, and the
artifts themfelves become lefs expert. It appears fo. W e have then, it
feems, difcovered other things, which our guardians muft by all means
watch againft, that they may in no refpect efcape their notice, and fteal into
the city. What kind o f things are thefe ? Riches, faid I, and poverty :
as the one is productive of luxury, idlenefs, and a love of novelty; and the
other, belides a love of novelty, is illiberal, and productive of mifchief. T h e y
are entirely fo, faid he. But confider this, Socrates. H o w fhall our city be
able to engage in war, fince fhe is poffeffed of n o money, efpecially if fhe be
obliged to wage war againft a great and opulent ftate? It is plain, faid I, that
to fight againft one of this kind is fomewhat difficult; but to fight againft
two is a more eafy matter. H o w fay you ? replied he. Firft o f all, n o w , faid
I, if they have at all o c c a f i o n to fight, will they not, being expert in the
art of war, fight againft rich men ? T h e y will, faid he. W h a t then,
faid I, Adimantus, do not you think that one boxer, w h o is fitted out in
the beft manner poffible for this exercife, is eafily able to fight againft two
who are not expert boxers, but, on the contrary, are rich and unwieldy?
H e would not perhaps eafily fight with both at once, faid he. Would he
not, faid I, though he had it in his power to retire a little, and then turn
oa
T H E R E P U B L I C .
on the one who fhould he the fur theft advanced towards him, and ftrike
him, and by doing this frequently in the fun and heat ? Might hot a per
fon of this kind eafily defeat many fuch as thefe ? Certainly, faid he ; that
would be no great wonder. But do not you think that the rich have more
knowledge and experience of boxing than of the military art ? I do, faid
he. Eafily then, as it plainly appears, will our athletics combat with
double and triple their number. I will agree with you, faid he ; for you
feem to me to fay fight. But what if they fhould fend an embaffy to an
other ftate, informing them of the true fituation of the affair, telling them,
W e make no ufe of gold or filver, neither is it lawful for us to ufe them,
but with you it is lawful; if then you become our allies in the war, you
w i l l receive the fpoils of all the other ftates : do you imagine that any,
on hearing thefe things, would choofe to fight againft ftrong and refolute
dogs, rather than in alliance with the dogs to fight againft fat and tender
fheep ? I do not think i t ; but, if the riches of others be amaffed into one
ftate, fee that it does not endanger that which is poor. You are happy,
faid I, that you imagine any other deferves to be called a ftate befides fuch
an one as w e have eftablifhed. W h y not ? faid he. W e muft give others,
faid I, a more magnificent appellation ; for each of them confifts of many
ftates, and is not one, as is faid in way of irony : for there are always in
them t w o parties at war with each other, the poor and the rich ; and in
each of thefe again there are very many : to which if you apply as to
one, you are miftaken entirely ; but if, as to many, you put one part in
pofleffion of the goods and power of another, or even deliver up the one to
the other, you fhall always have the many for your allies, and the few for
enemies ; and, fo long as your ftate fhall continue temperately, as now
eftabhfhed, it fhall be the greateft. I do not fay it fhall be accounted fo,
but fhall be really the greateft, though its defenders were no more than
one thoufand; for one ftate fo great you will not eafily find, either
among the Greeks or Barbarians, but many which are accounted many
times larger than fuch an one as this. Are you of a different opinion ? N o ,
truly, faid he. Might net this, then, faid I, be the beft mark for our
rulers how large to make the city, and what extent of ground to mark
off for it in proportion to its bulk, without attending to any thing fur
ther ? W h a t mark ? faid he. i imagine, faid I, this : So long as the city,
4 on
T H E R E P U B L I C . 16$
one fhould frequently imagine, that the poet means not new fongs, but a
new method of the fong, and fhould commend this. Such a thing is nei
ther to be commended nor admitted ; for, to receive a new kind of mufic
is to be guarded againft, as endangering the whole of the conftitution :
for never are the meafures of mufic altered without the greateft politic
laws, according to D a m o n , with w h o m I agree. You may place me
likewife, faid Adimantus, among thofe w h o are of that opinion. We
muft erect then, faid I, fome barrier, as would feem, fomewhere here, for
our guardians themfelves, with regard to mufic. A tranfgreflioii here,
faid he, eafily indeed fteals in imperceptibly. It does, faid I, in the way
of diverfion, and as productive of no mifchief. For neither indeed does
it produce any other, faid he, but that becoming familiar by degrees it in-
fenfibly runs into the manners and purfuits ; and from thence, in inter-
courfe of dealings one with another, it becomes greater; and from this
intercourfe it enters into laws and policies with much impudence, So
crates, till at laft it overturns all things, both private and public. W e l l ,
faid I, let it be allowed to be fo. It appears fo to m e , replied he. Ought
not then our children, as I faid at the beginning, to receive directly from
their infancy an education more agreeable to the laws of the conftitution ?
becaufe, if their education be fuch as is contrary to law, and the children
be of fuch a nature themfelves, it is impoffible that they fhould ever
grow up to be worthy men, and obfervant of the laws. W h y , is it not ?
faid he. But when handfome amufements are appointed them from their
infancy, and when, by means of the mufic, they embrace that amufement
which is according to law (contrariwife to thofe others), this mufic at
tends them in every thing elfe, and grows with them, and raifes up in
the city whatever formerly was fallen down. It is true, indeed, faid he.
And thefe m e n , faid I, difcover thofe eltablifhments which appear trifling,
and which thofe others deftroyed altogether. W h a t eftablifhments? Such
as thefe : Silence of the younger before the elder, which is proper; and
the giving them place, and rifing up before them, and reverence of pa
rents ; likewife what fhaving, what clothes and fhoes are proper, with the
whole drels of the body, and every thing elfe of the kind. Are you not
of this opinion ? I am. But to eftablifh thefe things by law, would, I
imagine, be a filly thing, nor is it done any where ; nor would it ftand,
though
T H E R E P U B L I C . 207
N e i t h e r then, though the whole of the city (as we were lately faying)
mould do fuch a thing, would you commend t h e m : or, is not the fame
thing which is done by thefe people, done by all thofe cities, which, be-
ins; ill-governed, enjoin their citizens not to alter any part of the conftitu
tion, for that whoever fhall do fuch a thing is to be put to death ; but, that
whoever fhall with the oreateft cheerfulnefs reverence thofe who govern in
this fafhion, and fhall gratify them in the moft obiequious manner; and,
anticipating their defires, be moft dexterous in fatisfying them, fhall be
reckoned both worthy and wife in matters of higheft importance ; and be
held by them in the greateft honour ? T h e y feem to me at leaft, faid he,
to do the very fame thing, and by no means do I commend them. But
what again as to thofe w h o defire to have the management of fuch ftates,
and are even fond of it, are you not delighted with their courage and dex
terity ? I am, faid he ; excepting fuch as are impofed on by them, and
fancy that they are really politicians, becaufe they are commended as
fuch by the multitude. H o w do you mean ? D o you not pardon thofe
men ? laid I. Or do you even think it is poffible for a man who cannot
meafure himfelf, w h e n he hears many other fuch men telling him that he
is four cubits, not to believe this of himfelf? It is impoffible, faid he.
T h e n be not angry in this cafe ; for fuch men as thefe are of all the moft
ridiculous, fince, always making laws about fuch things as w e now men
tioned, and always amending, they imagine that they fhall find fome period
of thefe frauds refpecYmg commerce, and thofe other things I now fpoke of,
being ignorant that they are in reality attempting to deftroy a hydra. T h e y
are furely, faid he, doing nothing elfe. I imagine then, faid I, that a
true lawgiver ought not to give himfelf much difturbance about fuch a
fpecies of laws and police, either in an ill or well-regulated ftate ; in the
one, becaufe it is unprofitable and of no avail ; in the other, becaufe any
one can find out fome of the laws, and others of them flow of courfe
from the habits arifing from their early education. W h a t part then of
the inftitutions of law, faid he, have we yet remaining? And I faid, that
to us indeed there is nothing remaining; but, however, to the Delphian
Apollo there remains the greateft, nobleft, and moft important of legal
•inftitutions. O f what kind ? faid he. The inftitutions of temples, facri-
fices, and other vvorfhip of the Gods, daemons, and heroes ; likewife the
depofiting
T H E R E P t J B L K X
depofiting the dead, and what other rites ought to be performed to them,
fo as to make them propitious. For truly fuch things as thefe, w e our
felves neither know ; nor, in founding the ftate, will we intruft them to
any other, if we be wife ; nor will w e make ufe of any other interpreter,
•except the God of the country. For this God is the interpreter in every
country to all men in thefe things, who interprets to them fitting in the
middle of the earth. And it is well eftablifhed, faid he, and we muft do
accordingly.
Thus now, fon of Arifto, faid I, is the city eftablifhed for you. And,
in the next place, having procured fomehow fufficient light, do you
yourfelf obferve, and call on your brother and on Polemarchus and theffe
others to affift us, if by any means w e may at all perceive where juftice i s ,
and where injuftice; and in what refpect they differ from each other: and
which of them the man ought to acquire, w h o propofes to himfelf to be
happy, whether he be concealed or not concealed both from Gods and
men. But you fay nothing to the purpofe, replied Glauco ; for you your
felf promifed to inquire into this, deeming it impious for you not to affift
the caufe of juftice by every poffible means. It is true, faid I, what you
remind me of, and I muft do accordingly. But it is proper that you too
fhould affift in the inquiry. W e fhall do fo, faid he. I hope then, faid
I, to difcover it in this manner. I think that our city, if it be rightly
eftablifhed, is perfectly good. O f neceffity, faid he. Then it is plain,
that it is wife, and brave, and temperate, and juft. It manifeftly is fo.
Whichever then of thefe w e fhall find in it, fhall there not remain behind
that which is not found ? W h y not ? For as if w e were in queft of o n e ,
of any other four, in any thing whatever, if We difcovered this one at the
firft, we would be fatisfied ; but if we fhould firft difcover the other three
from this itfelf, that which we were inquiring after would be known ; for
it i s plain it would be no other but that which remained. You fay right,
faid he. Since then there are in our ftate thofe four above mentioned,
fhall we not'inquire about them, according to the fame 'manner ? It is
plain we ought. Firft of all, then, to me at leaft, wifdom appears to be*
confpicuous in i t ; and concerning it there appears fomething very un
common. W h a t is that ? faid he. Surely this city which we have de-
fcribed appears to me to be wife, for its councils are wife ; are they riot ?
They
270 T H E R E P U B L I C .
T h e y arc. And furely this very thing, the ability of Counfelling well, is
plainly a certain fcience; for men nowhere counfel well through igno
rance, but through fcience. It is plain. But there are many and various
fpecies of fcience in the ftate. W h y , are there not ? Is it then from the
fcience of the carpenters, that the ftate is to be denominated wife and
well-counfelled ? By no means from this, faid he, is it faid to be wife,
but to be mechanical. Is then the ftate to be denominated wife, when it
confults wifely through its knowledge in utenlils of wood, how to have
thefe in the beft manner poflible ? Nor this neither. But what, is it for
its knowledge of thefe in brafs, or for any thing elfe of this kind ? For
none of thefe, faid he. N o r yet for its knowledge of the fruits of the
earth is it faid to be wife, but to be fkilled in agriculture. It feems fo to
m e . But what, faid I, is there any fcience among any of the citizens in
this city which w e have founded, which deliberates, not about any par
ticular thing in the city, but about the whole, h o w it may, in the beft
manner, behave towards itfelf, and towards other cities ? There is truly.
W h a t is it, faid I, and among whom is it to be found ? T h i s very guar-
dianfliip, faid he, is it, and it is among thefe governors, w h o m we lately
denominated complete guardians* W h a t now do you denominate the
ftate on account of this knowledge ? Well-counfelled, faid he, and really
wife. W h e t h e r then, faid I, do you imagine the brafs-fmiths, or thefe
true guardians, will be moft numerous in the ftate ? T h e brafs-fmiths,
faid he, will be much more numerous. ,And of all, faid I, as many as,
having any knowledge^ are of any account, will not thefe guardians be
the feweft in number ? By much. From this fmalleft tribe then, and
part of the ftate,, and from that rprefidiug and governing fcience in it, is
the whole city wifely eftablifhed according to nature ; and this tribe, as it
appears, is by nature the fmalleft, to w h o m it belongs to fhare in this
fcience, which o f all others ought alone to be denominated wifdom. You
fay, replied he, perfectly true. T h i s one, then, of the four, we have
fouud, 1 know not how, both what it is, and in what part of the ftate it
refides. A n d it feems to me, faid he, to be fufficiently defcribed. But
furely as to fortitude, at leaft, it is no difficult matter, both to find out
itfelf, and the particular part of the city in which it refides, on account
o f which virtue the city is denominated brave. As how ? Doth any
one,
THE REPUBLIC.
one, laid I, call a city brave or cowardly, with reference to any other than
that particular part of it which makes war and fights in its defence ? N o
one, faid he, calls it fuch, with reference to any other part. F o r I do not
think, faid I, that the other tribes who are in it, whether they be cowardly
or brave, have power to render the city either the one or the other. No,
indeed. T h e city then is brave likewife in one particular part of itfelf.,
becaufe it has within it a power of fuch a nature as fhall always preferve
their opinions about things which are dreadful, that they are both thefe very
things, and of the very fame kind which the lawgiver inculcated on them
in their education ? D o not you call this fortitude ? I have not, faid h e ,
entirely comprehended what you fay ; but tell it over again. I call for
titude, faid I, a certain prefervative. W h a t fort of prefervative ? A preser
vative of opinion formed by law in a courfe of education about things which,
are dreadful, what thefe are, and of what kind: I called it a prefervative at all
times, becaule they were to retain it in pains and in pleafures, in defires
and fears, and never to caff it off; and, if you are willing, I fhall liken it to
what in my opinion it bears a near refemblance. I am willing. D o not
you know then, faid I, that the dyers, when they want to dye their w o o l y
fo as to be of a purple colour, out of all the colours they firft make choice
of the white ; and then, with no trifling apparatus, they prepare and manage
it, fo as beft of all to take on the pureft colour, and thus they dye i t ; and
whatever is tinged in this manner is of an indelible dye ; and no wafhing,
either without or with foap, is able to take away the pure colour : but
fuch wool as is not managed in this manner, you know what fort it proves,,
whether one is dveing other colours, or this, without the due preparation
beforehand. I know, faid he, that they are eafily wafhen out, and are
ridiculous. Imagine then, that we too, according to our ability, were
aiming at fuch a thing as this, when w e were choofing out our foldiers,
and were inftruding them in mufic and gymnaftic: and do not imagine
w e had any thing elfe in view, but that, in obedience to us, they fhould in
the beft manner imbibe the laws as a colour ; in order that their opinion,
about what is dreadful, and about other things, might be indelible, both by
means of natural temper and fuitable education : and that thefe wafhes,.
however powerful in effacing, may not be able to wafh away their dye,,
pleafure, which is more powerful in effeding this than all foap and afhes,.
6 pain
272 T H E R E P U B L I C .
pain-and fear, and defire, which exceed every other cofmetic. Such a
power n o w , and perpetual preiervation of right opinion, and fuch as is
according to law, about things which are dreadful, and which are not,
1 call and conftitute fortitude, unlefs you offer fomething elfe. But I
offer, faid he, nothing elfe : for you feem to me to reckon that fuch right
opinion of thefe things, as arifes without education, is both favage and
fervile, and not at all according to law, and you call it fomething elfe than
fortitude. You fay mofl true, faid I. I admit then, that this is fortitude.
Admit it further, faid I, to be political fortitude, and you fhall admit
rightly : but, if you pleafe, w e fhall inquire about it more perfectly another
time ; for, at prefent, it is not this, but juftice we were feeking; and with
regard to the inquiry concerning this, it has, in my opinion, been carried
far enough. You fpeak very well, faid he. There yet remain, faid I,
t w o things in the city which w e mull fearch out: both temperance, and
that for the fake of which w e have been fearching after all the reft, to w i t ,
juftice. By all means. H o w now can w e find out juftice, that we may
not be further troubled about temperance ? I truly neither know, faid he,
nor do I wifh it to appear firft, if w e are to difmifs altogether the con-
fideration of temperance; but, if you pleafe to gratify me, confider this'
before the other. I am indeed pleafed, faid I, if I be not doing an injury.
Confider then, faid he. W e muft confider, replied I ; and as it appears
from this point of view, it feems to refemble a certain fymphony and
harmony more than thofe things formerly mentioned. How ? Temper
ance, laid I, is fomehow a certain ornament, and a government, as they
fay, of certain pleafures and defires; and to appear fuperior to onefelf, I
know not h o w , and other fuch things, are mentioned as veftiges of it;
are they not ? Thefe are the principal veftiges of it, faid he. Is not then
the expreffion, 'fuperior to onefelf,' ridiculous? For he who is fuperior to
himfelf muft fomehow be likewife inferior to himfelf, and the inferior
be the fuperior; for the fame perfon is fpoken of in all thefe cafes. Why
not? But- to me, faid I, the expreffion feems to denote, that in the fame
man, with refpect to his foul, there is one part better, and another worfe ;
and that when the part more excellent in his nature is that which governs
the inferior part, this is called being fuperior to himfelf, and expreffes a
c o m m e n d a t i o n ; but when through ili education, or any kind of converfe,
4 that
T H E R E P U B L I C . *73
that better part, which is fmaller, is conquered by the crowd, the worfe
part; this, by way of reproach, both expreffes blame, and denotes the
perfon thus affected to be inferior to himfelf, and altogether licentious.
So it appears, faid he. Obferve then, laid I, our new city,, and you fhall
find one of thefe in it: for you will own, it may juftly be faid to be fuperior
to itfelf, if, where the better part governs the worfe, that ftate is faid to be
temperate, and fuperior to itfelf. I obferve, faid he, and you fay true.
And furely one may find a great many and various defires and pleafures
and pains more efpecially among children and women and domeftics, and
among the greateft and moft depraved part of thofe w h o are called free.
It is perfectly fo. But the fimple and the moderate defires, and fuch as are
led by intellect, and the judgment of -right opinion, you will meet with
both in the few, and thofe of the beft natural temper, and of the beft edu*
cation. True, faid he. And do not you fee thofe things in our city, that
there too the defires of the many, and of the bafer part, are governed by
the defires and by the prudence of the fmaller and more moderate part ?
I fee it, faid he. If then any city ought to be called fuperior to pleafures
and defires, and to itfelf, this one is to be called fo. By all means, faid he.
And is it not on all thefe accounts temperate ? Very much fo, faid he.
And if, in any other city, there is the fame opinion in the governors and
the governed about this point, who ought to govern, it is to be found in
this, do not you think fo ? I am ftrongly of that opinion. In w h o m thert
of the citizens will you fay that temperance refides, w h e n they are thus
affected, in the governors, or the governed ? In both of them fomehow,
faid he. You fee then, faid I, that w e juftly conjectured of late, that t e m
perance refembles a kind of harmony. For what ? Becaufe not as forti
tude and wifdom, which refide each of them in a certain part, the one of
them making the city wife, and the other courageous, not after this
manner doth it render the city temperate; but it is naturally diffufed
through the whole, connecting the weakeft, and thofe in the middle, all i n
one fymphony, either as to wifdom if you will, or if you will in ftrength,
or in fubftance, or in any other of thofe t h i n g s ; fo that moft juftly may
we fay, that this concord is temperance : a fymphony of that which is
naturally the worfe and the better part, with reference to this, which o f
them ought to govern in the city, and in every individual. I am entirely,
V O L . i. 2 N faid
T H E R E P U B L I C .
faid he, of the fame opinion. Be it fo then, faid I. There are now three
things in the city, it would feem, clearly difcovered : but with refpect
to that other fpecies which remains, by which the city partakes of virtue;
what at all can it be ? Is it not plain that it is juftice ? It is plain. Ought
w e not n o w , Glauco, like fome huntsmen, to furround the thicket, care
fully attending left juftice fomehow efcape, and, difappearing, remain un-
difcovered ? For it is plain that fhe is fomewhere here. Look, therefore*
and be eager to perceive her, if any how you fee her fooner than I, and
point her out to m e . I wifh I could, faid h e ; but if you employ me as an
attendant rather, and one w h o is able to perceive what is pointed out to
h i m , you will treat me perfectly well. Follow, faid I, after you have
offered prayers along with me. I will do fb; only, faid he, lead you the
way. T o me this feems, faid I, to be a place fomehow of difficult accefs,
and fhady: It is therefore dark, and difficult to be fcrutinized; w e muft
however go on. W e muft g o , faid he. I then perceiving, faid, l b ! I b !
Glauco, w e feem to have fomewhat which appears to be a footftep; and I
imagine that fomething fhall not very long efcape us. You tell good
n e w s , faid he. W e are truly, faid I, of a flow difpofition. As how ? It
appears, O bleffed m a n ! to have been long fince rolling at our feet, from
the beginning, and w e perceived it not, but made the moft ridiculous figure,
like thofe who feek fometimes for what they have in their h a n d ; fb w e
did not perceive it, but were looking fomewhere off at a diftance, and in
this way perhaps it efcaped us. H o w do you fay ? replied he. T h u s , faid
I, that w e feem to me to have been fpeaking and hearing of it long fince,
and not to underftand ourfelves, that in fome meafure w e expreffed it. A
long preamble, faid he, to one who is eager to hear. Hear then, faid I, if I
fey any thing. For that which w e at firft eftablifhed, when w e regulated
the city, as what ought always to be done, that, as it appears to m e ,
or a fpecies of it, is juftice. For w e fomewhere eftablifhed it, and often
Ipoke of it, if you remember; that every one ought to apply himfelf to one
thing, relating to the city, to which his genius was naturally moft adapted.
W e did fpeak of it. And that to do one's o w n affairs, and not to be prag
matical, is juftice. T h i s we have both heard from many others, and have
often fpoken o f it ourfelves. W e have indeed fpoken o f it. This then,,
friend. I, appears to be in a certain manner juftice; to do one's o w n
affairs*
T H E R E P U B L I C .
affairs. D o you know whence I conjeaure this? N o ; but tell, faid he. Befides
thole things we have already confidered in the city, viz. temperance, fortitude,
and wifdom; this,, faid I, feems to remain, which gives power to all thefe, both
to have a being in the ftate, and, whilft they exift in it, to afford it fafety ;
and we faid too, that juftice would be that which would remain, if we found
the other three. There is neceffity for it, faid he. But if,faid I, it be necefliry
to judge which of thefe, when fubfifting in the city, fhall in the greateft
meafure render it good ; it would be difficult to determine whether the
agreement between the governors and the governed, or the maintaining o f
found opinion by the foldiers about what things are dreadful, and what are
m
not or wifdom and guardianfhip in the rulers; or whether this, w h e n it
r
exifts in the city, renders it in the greateft meafure good, v i z . when child
and woman, bond and free, artificer, magiftrate and fubject, when every
one does their o w n affairs* and is not pragmatical. It is difficult to deter
mine, faid he: H o w fhould it not be fo ? T h i s power then, by which every
one in the city performs his o w n office, is co-rival it feems for the per
fection of the city, along with its wifiiom, temperance, and fortitude.
Extremely fo, faid he. W i l l you not then conftitute juftice to be this
co-rival with thefe, for the perfection of the city ? By all means. Confider
it likewife in this manner, whether it fhall thus appear to you. W i l l you
enjoin the rulers to give juft decifions in judgment ? W h y not ? But will
they give juft judgment, if they aim at any thing preferable to this, that no
one fhall have what belongs to others, nor be deprived of his own? N o ;
but they can only give juft judgment, when they aim at this. And do
they not aim at this as being juft ? Yes. And thus juftice is acknowledged
to b e the habitual practice of one's o w n proper and natural work. It is
fo. See then if you agree with me. If a carpenter take in hand to do
the work of a fhoemaker, or a fhoemaker the work of a carpenter, or
exchange either their utenfils or prices; or if the fame man take in hand
to do both, and all elfe be exchanged ; do you imagine the ftate would b e
a n y w a y greatly injured? N o t very much, faid he. But I imagine, that
when one who- is a craftsman, or w h o is born to any lucrative employment,
fhall afterwards^being puffed up by riches, by the mob, or by ftrength, or
any other fuch thing, attempt to go into the rank of counfellor and guardian,
when unworthy of i t ; and when thefe fhall exchange utenfils and rewards
2 N 2 with
T H E R E P U B L I C .
with one another; or when the fame man fhall take in hand to do all thefe-
things at once ; then I imagine you will be of opinion that this interchange
o f thefe things, and this variety of employments pradtifed by one, is the-
deftruction of the ftate. By all means. Pragmaticalnefs then in thefe
three fpecies, and their change into one another, is the greateft hurt to the
ftate, and may moft juftly be called its depravity. It may fo truly. But
will not you fay that injuftice is the greateft ill of the ftate ? W h y not ?-
T h i s then is injuftice. But let us again fpeak of it in this manner. When-
the craftsman, the auxiliary and the guardian-band do their proper work,,
each of them doing their o w n work in the city ; this is the contrary of the
other, that is juftice, and renders the city juft. It feems to me, faid he, to*
be no otherwife than thus. But let us not, faid I, affirm it very ftrongly :•
but if it fhall be allowecf us that this fpecies of thefe, when it enters into any
individual, is likewife juftice in him, w e fhall then be agreed; (for what fhall
w e fay?) if not, w e fhall confider fomething elfe. But now let us finifh that
ij>eculation, which we thought proper, when w e judged that, if we attempted,
firft to contemplate juftice in fome of the greater objects which poffefs it, it
would more eafily be feen in one man ; and a city appeared to us to be the
moft proper object of this kind. And fo w e eftablifhed the very beft w e
could, well knowing that juftice would be in a good one. L e t us nov*r
transfer and apply to a fingle perfon what has there appeared to us with,
refpect to a whole city : and, if the fame things correfpond, it fhall be
well ; but, if any thing different appear in the individual, going back
again to the city, w e fhall put it to the proof; and, inftantly confidering
them, w h e n placed by one another, and ftriking them, we fhall make
juftice fhine out as from flints ; and, w h e n it is become manifeft, w e fhall
firmly eftablifh it among ourfelves. You fay quite in the right way, faid
he, and w e muft do fo. W h y then, faid I, when w e denominate any
thing the fame, though different in degrees, is it diflimilar in that refpect
in which w e call it the fame, or is it fimilar? It is fimilar, faid he. T h e
juft man then, faid I, will differ nothing from the juft city, according to
the idea of juftice, but will be fimilar to it. H e will be fimilar to it, faid
h e . But indeed with refpect to this inquiry, the city at leaft appeared then
to be juft, w h e n the three fpecies of difpofitions in it did each of them its
o w n work, v i z . t|ae temperate, the brave, and the wife, by virtue of their
own
T H E R E P U B L I C .
own proper natures, and not according to any other affections and habits.
T r u e , faid he. And fhall w e not, friend, judge it proper, that the indi
vidual, who has in his foul the fame principles ( v i z . temperance, forti
tude, wifdom), fhall from having the fame affections with thofe in the
y
m i n e thefe things, whether they are the fame with one another, or
different. H o w are we to do it ? It is plain, that one and the fame thing
cannot, at one and the fame time, do or fuffer contrary things in the fame
refpect, and with reference to the fame object; fo that, if we any w h e r e
find thefe circumftances exifting among them, w e fhall know that it was
n o t one and the fame thing, but feveral. Be it fo. Confider then what I
a m faying. Proceed, replied he. Is it poffible for the fame thing to ftand
and to be moved at once in the fame refpect ? By no means. Let us
determine this more accurately ftill; left, as w e proceed, we be any way
uncertain about it. For, if one fhould fay that when a man ftands, yet
moves his hands and his head, that the fame perfon at once ftands and is
moved, we fhould not, I imagine, think it proper to fpeak in this manner;
but that one part of him ftood, and another part was moved. Should we
not fpeaking this manner ? In this manner. But if one who fays thefe
things fhould, i n ' a more jocofe humour ftill, and facctioufly cavilling,
allege that tops ftand wholly, and are at the fame time moved , when
their centre is fixed on one point, and they are whirled about,—or that
any thing elfe going round in a circle in the fame pofition doth this,—we
fhould not admit it, "as it is not in the fame refpect that they ftand ftill and'
are moved : but w e fhould fay, that they have in them the ftraight line
and the periphery ; and that, with relation to the ftraight line, they ftood ;
(for towards no fide they declined); but with relation to the periphery,
they moved in a circle. But, when its perpendicularity declines either to
the right or left hand, forwards or backwards, whilft it is at the fame time
whirling round; then in no refpect doth it ftand. Very right, faid he.
N o t h i n g then of this kind fhall move us, when it is faid : nor fhall any
one perfuade us, as if any thing, being one and the fame thing, could do'
and fuffer contraries at one and the fame time, with reference to the fame
object, and in the fame refpect. H e fhall not perfuade m e , faid he. But?
however, faid I, that w e may not be obliged to be tedious in going over
albthefe quibbles, and in evincing them to be falfe, let us proceed on this
fuppofition, that fo it is ; after w e have agreed that, if at any time thefe
1
things appear otherwife than as w e now fettle them, w e fhall yield up
again all w e fhall gain by it. It is neceffary, faid he, to do fo. Would)
not you then* faid I, deem thefe things among thofe which are oppofite to
o n e
3
T H E R E P U B L I C . 11Q
all the other, deiires. Perhaps, replied he, the man who mould mention
thefe things would feem to fay fomething material. But however, faid I,
whatever things are of fuch a nature as to belong to any genus, have a
general reference to the genus ; but each particular of thefe refers to a
particular fpecies of that genus. I have not underftood you, faid he. Have
you not underftood, faid J, that greater is of fuch a kind as to be greater
than fomewhat ? Yes, indeed. Is it not greater than the leffer ? Yes,
A n d that which is confiderably greater than that which is confiderably
leffer; is it not? Y e s . And that which was formerly greater than that
w h i c h was formerly leffer; and that which is to be greater than that which
is to be leffer ? W h a t elfe ? faid he. And after the fame manner, what
is more numerous with refpect to what is lefs numerous, and what is double
w i t h reference to what is half, and all fuch like things ; and further, what
is heavier with refpect to lighter, and fwifter to flower, and further ftill,
hot to c o l d ; and all fuch like things, are they not after this manner?
Entirely fo. But what as to the fciences ? Is not the cafe the fame ? For,
fcience itfelf is the fcience of learning itfelf, or of whatever elfe you think
proper to make it the fcience : but a certain particular fcience, and of fuch a
particular kind, refers to a certain particular object, and of fuch a kind.
W h a t I mean is this. After the fcience of building houfes arofe, did it not
feparate from other fciences, fo as to be called architecture? W h a t elfe? W a s
it not from its being of fuch a kind as none of others were ? Yes. W a s it
not then from its being the art of fuch a particular thing, that itfelf became
fuch a particular art ? And all other arts and fciences in like manner ? T h e y
are fo. A l l o w then, faid I, that this is what I wanted to exprefs, if you
have now underftood i t ; where things are confidered as having reference to
other things, generals alone refer to generals, and particulars to particulars.
I do not however fay that the fcience altogether refembles that of which it
is the fcience ; (as if, for example, the fcience of healthy and fickly were
itfelf healthy and fickly; or that'the fcience of good and evil were it
felf good and evil.) But as fcience is not conftituted the fcience of
that thing in general of which it is the icience, but only of a certain
quality of it (to wit, of its healthy and fickly ftate), fo itfelf comes to be
a certain particular fcience ; and this caufes it to be called no longer
funply a fcience, but the medicinal fcience; the particular fpecies to which
it
T H E R E P U B L I C . 281
it belongs being fuperadded. I have underftood you, laid he, and it ap
pears to me to be fo. But will not you, faid I, make thirft now, what
ever it be, to be one of thofe things which refpecT fomewhat elfe, confi
dered as what it is, and it is furely thirft ? I will, faid he, and it refpecls
drink. And does not a particular thirft defire a particular drink ? But
third: in general is neither of much nor of little, nor of good nor bad,
nor, in one word, of any particular kind ; but of drink in general alone
is thirft in general naturally the defire. Entirely fo, indeed. T h e foul of
the man then who thirfts, lb far as he thirlts, inclines for nothing further
than to drink ; this he defires, to this he haftens. It is plain. If then at
any time any thing draw back the thirfting foul, it muft be fome dif
ferent part of it from that which thirfts, and leads it as a wild beafl to
drink : for, have we not faid that it is impoffible for the fame thing, in
the fame refpecls, and with the fame parts of it, to do at once contrary
things ? It is indeed impoffible. In the fame manner, I imagine, as it is not
proper to fay of an archer, that his hands at once pufh out and likewife pull
in the bow; but that the one hand is that which pufhes out, and the other that
which pulls in. Entirely fo, faid he. But whether may w e fay, that there are>
fome who when athirft are not willing to drink ? Yes, indeed, faid he, there;
are many, and many times that is the cafe. W h a t n o w , faid I, may one
fay of thefe perfons? Might it not be faid, that there was in their foul
fomewhat prompting them to drink, and likewife fomething hindering
them, different from the other, and fuperior to the prompting principle?
It feems fo to me, faid he. Does not then the reftraining principle arife
from reafon when it arifes; but thofe which pufh, and drive forwards*"
proceed from paffions and difeafes ? It appears fo. W e fhall then, faid I,
not unreafonably account thefe to be two, and different from one another;
calling the one part which reafons, the rational part of the foul; but
that part with which it loves, and hungers, and thirfts, and thofe other
appetites, the irrational and concupifcible part, the friend of certain gra
tifications and pleafures. W e fhall not, faid he ; but w e may moft reafon-
ably confider them in this light. Let thefe then, faid I, be allowed to be
diftincr fpecies in the foul. But as to that of anger, is it a third princi
ple, or has it affinity to one of thofe two ? Perhaps it has, faid he, to the
concupifcible part. But 1 believe, faid I, what I have fomewhere heard,
V O L . i. 2 0 how
282 T H E R E P U B L I C .
how that Leontius, the fon o f Aglaion, as he returned from the Pyraeunr,,
perceived fome dead bodies lying in the fewer, below the outfide of the
north wall, and had both a defire to look at t h e m , and at the fame time
was averfe from it, and turned himfelf away ; and for a while he ft rug-
gled with his defire, and covered his eyes ; but, at laft, being overcome
by his appetite, with eager eyes, running towards the dead bodies, L o
n o w , faid he, you wretched eyes 1 glut yourfelves with this fine fpectaclc
I too, faid he, have heard it. This fpeech n o w , faid I, fhows that anger
fometimes oppofes the appetites, as being different one from another. It
fhows it, indeed, faid he. A n d do not w e often perceive, faid I , when,
the appetites compel any one contrary to reafon, that he reproaches-
himfelf, and is angry at the compelling principle within him r And when;
the rational and concupifcible are in a ftate of fedition, anger in fuch a
perfon becomes as it were an ally to reafon: but when the appetite goes
along with reafon,' then anger gives no oppofition. You will fay, I ima
gine, that you have perceived nothing of this kind in yourfelf at any time,,
nor yet in another. N o , by Jupiter, faid he. W h a t n o w , faid 1,. when:
one imagines he does an injury, the more generous he is, is he not fo-
m u c h the lefs apt to be angry, when he fuffers hunger and cold,, or any-
other fuch things,, from one who inflicts, as he imagines, thefe things with,
juftice ? And, as I have faid, his anger will not incline him to rife u p
againft fuch an one. T r u e , faid he. But what? when a man imagines
he is injured, does not anger in fuch an one burn? is he not indignant? and
does he not fight, as an ally, on the fide of what appears to he juft ? and«
under all the fufferings o f hunger, cold, and fuch like, does he not bear up?
and conquer; and ceafe not from his generous toils, till either he accomplish,
them, or die, or be reftrained by the rational principle within him, like a.
dog by the fhepherd, and is rendered mild ? It perfectly refembles, faid
he, what you fay ; for, in our city, w e appointed the auxiliaries to be
obedient, as dogs, to the rulers of the city, as to fhepherds- Y o u rightly
underftand, faid I, what I would fay. But have you befides confidered tbis ?
As what ? That here the reverfe appears concerning the irafcible from that
in the former cafe: for there w e were:deeming it the fame with the con^
cupifcible; but now w e fay it is far from i t ; or that, in the fedition o£
the foul, it much rather joins its arms with the rational part. Entirely fo, ?
fcid
T H E I t E P t J k L I C .
For, in that paffage, Homer has plainly made one part reprehend another;
the part which reafons about good and evil, reprehend the part which is
unreafonably angry. You fay perfectly right, faid he. Thefe things, faid
I, w e have with difficulty agreed to and it is now Sufficiently acknow
;
ledged, that the fame fpecies of principles as are in a city are in every
individual, and in the fame number. T h e y are fo. Muft it not there
fore of neceflity follow, that after what manner the city was wife, and in
what refpect, after the fame manner, and in the fame refpect, is the indivK
dual wife alfo. W h y not ? And in what refpects, and after what manner,
t h e individual is brave, in the fame refpect, and after the fame manner, is a city
brave. And fo in all other refpects, both of them are the fame as to virtue.
O f neceffity. And I think, Glauco, w e fhall fay that a man is juft in the fame
way as we faid a city was fo? This likewife is quite neceflary. But have w e
not fomehow forgot this, that the city was juft, when every one of the three
fpecies in it did each its own work ? W e do not appear to m e , faid he,
to-Jiave forgot it. W e muft then remember likewife, that each one of
us will be juft, and do his own work, when he doth his own affaiis
within himfelf. W e muft, faid he, carefully remember it. Is it not then
proper that the rational part fhould govern, as it is wife, and hath the
care of the whole foul ? and that the irafcible part fhould be obedient, and
an auxiliary of the other ? Certainly. Shall not then the mixture, as
w e obferved, of mufic and gymnaftic make thefe two harmonious, raifing
and nourifhing the one with beautiful reafonings and difciplines, and un
bending the other, foothing and rendering it mild by harmony and rhythm ?
Moft perfectly, faid he. A n d when thofe two are in this manner nou-
rifhed, and have been truly taught, and inftructed in their own affairs,
let them be fet over the concupifcible part, which in every one is tfie
greater part of the foul, and in its nature moft infatiably defirous of being
gratified: and let them take care of this part, left, being filled with thefe
bodily pleafures, as they are called, it become great and vigorous, and do
not its o w n work, but attempt to enflave and rule over thofe it ought
not, and overturn the whole life of all in general. Entirely fo, faid he.
And might he not, faid I, by this principle, guard likewife in the beft
manner againft enemies from without, by its influence both over the whole
foul and body likewife, the one deliberating, and the other fighting in
obedience to its leader, and executing with fortitude the things deliberated?
It is fo. And I think that w e call a man brave, when., through all the
pains and pleafures of life, the irafcible part preferves the opinion
dictated by reafon concerning what is terrible, and what is not. Right,
faid he. And w e call him wife, from that fmall part which governs in
h i m , and dictates thefe things, having in it the knowledge of what is
advantageous for each one, and for the whole community of the three
themfelves. Perfectly fo. But what, do w e not calj him temperate,
moreover, from the friendfhip. and harmony of thefe very things, when
the governing and governed agree in one, that reafon ought to govern,
and wfcen they do not raife fedition ? Temperance, faid he, is no other
than this, both as to the city and the individual. But, as we have often
faid, he fhall be juft, by thefe things, and in this manner. It is quite
neceffary. W h a t then, faid I,, has any thing blunted us, that we fhould
think ji ftice to be any thing elfe than what it has appeared to be
in a city ? Nothing appears to me at leaft, faid he, to have done it...
Cut
T H E R E P U B L I C . 285
But in this manner, let us, by all means, confirm ourfelves, if there yet
remain any doubt in the foul, that can be an objection to this principle,
by bringing the man into difficult circumftances. As what ? Such as
this: if we were obliged to declare concerning fuch a city, and concern
ing a man born and educated conformably to it, whether w e thought fuch
a one, when intruded with gold or filver, would embezzle i t ; do you
imagine that any one would think fuch a one would do it fooner than
thofe who are not of fuch a kind ? N o one, faid he. W i l l not fuch a
one then be free of facrileges, thefts, treacheries, againft companions in
private, or the city in public ? H e will be free. N o r will he ever, in
any fhape, be faithlefs, either as to his oaths, or other declarations. H o w
can he I Adulteries, and neglect of parents, impiety againft the Gods,,
will belong to every one elfe, fooner than to fuch an one. T h e y will be
long to every one elfe, truly,, faid he. And is not this the caufe of all
thefe things, that, of all the parts within him, each one thing does its o w n
work, as to governing and being, governed ?. This, is it, and nothing elfe.
•Do you defire juftice to be any thing elfe, but fuch a power as produces
fuch men and cities ? N o t I , truly,, faid he, for my part. Our dream
then which w e conjectured is at laft accomplifhed • that when w e firft
began to build our city, we feemed, by fome God's affiftance, to have got
to a beginning and pattern of juftice. Entirely fo. And that, Glauco,
was a certain image of juftice, according to which, it behoved the man
who was fitted by nature for the office of a fhoermaker, to perform pro
perly that office, and to do nothing elfe, and he who is a carpenter to
perform that office, and all others in the fame way. It appears fo.
»And of fuch a kind truly was juftice, as it appeared to us, I do not mean
as to external action, but concerning that which is really internal, j a -
k t j n g to the man himfelf,. and thofe things which are properly his own ;
not allowing any principle in himfelf to attempt to do what belongs to
others, nor the principles to be pragmatical, engaging in one. another's
affairs ; but in reality well eftablifhing his own proper affairs, and holding
the government of himfelf, adorning himfelf, and becoming his o w n friend,
and attuning thofe three principles in the moft natural manner, as three mu-
fical firings, bafe, tenor, and treble, or whatever others may chance to inter
vene. T h u s he will be led to combine, all thefe together,, and become of many
.3 aiv
280* T H E R E P U B L I C .
THE
THE REPUBLIC.
B O O K V.
itands the truth,about the greateft and the moft interefting affairs,(peaks with
fafety and confidence among the wife and friendly; but to be diffident of one
felf, and doubtful of the truth, and at the fame time to be haranguing as I do
n o w , is both dreadful and dangerous; not only left he fhould be expofedto
ridicule {for that is but a trifling thing), but left that, miftaking the truth,
I not only fall myfelf, but draw my friends along with me into an error
about things in which w e ought leaft o f all to be miftaken. I adore there
fore Adraftia, for the fake of what, Glauco, I am going to fay. For 1 truft
it is a fmaller offence to be a man-flayer without intention, than to be an
impoftor with regard to what is good and excellent, juft and lawful: and
it were better to hazard fuch a thing among enemies than friends ; fo that
you muft give me better encouragement. T h e n Glauco, laughing: But,
Socrates, faid he, if w e fuffer any thing amifs from your difcourfe, we fhall
acquit you as clear of any man-flaughter, and as no impoftor: fo proceed
boldly. But indeed, faid I, he w h o is acquitted at a court of juftice is deemed
clear o f the crime, as the law fays ; and if it be fb in that cafe, 'tis reafon-
able it fhould be fo in this. For this reafon then, faid he, proceed. We
muft n o w , faid I, return again to what it feems fhould, according to method,
have been recited before; and perhaps it is right to proceed in this manner,
that, after having entirely finiihed the drama reflecting the men, we go over
that which concerns the w o m e n ; efpecially fince you challenge me to pro
ceed in this manner. For, in my opinion, men who have been born and
educated in fuch a manner as w e have defcribed, can have no right poffeffion
and enjoyment of children and wives, but in purfuing the fame track in which
w e have proceeded from the beginning; for w e have endeavoured, in our
reafoning, to form fomehow men as the guardians of a flock. W e have%
L e t us proceed then, having eftablifhed likewife affairs relating to propaga
tion and education in a manner fimilar to that of the males; and let us confider
whether it be proper for us to do fo or not. H o w do you mean ? replied he.
T h u s : Whether fhall w e judge it proper for the females of our guardian
d o g s , to watch like ife in the fame manner as the males do, and to hunt
along with t h e m , arid do every thing elfe in common ? Or fhall we judge it
proper for them to manage domeftic affairs w k h i n doors, as being unable
for the other exercifes, becaufe of the bringing forth and the nwrfing the
w h e l p s ; and the males to labour, and to have the whole oarc of the flocks i
They
T H E R E P U B L I C . 291
but what is bad, and attempts to rally upon any other idea of the ridiculous
but that of the foolifh and the vicious, or to be fefious in any other purfuit
but that of the good. By all means, faid he. Is not this then lirft of all t o
be agreed on, whether thefe things be poffible or not ? And we muff allow
it to be a matter of difpute, if any one, either in jeft or earned, incline to
doubt, whether the human nature in the female fex be able, in every thing,
to bear a fhare w i t h the male ? or if it be not in any one thing ? or if it be
able in fome things, but not in others ? and among which of thefe are the
affairs of war ? Would-not the man who thus fets out in the mofl: handfome
manner conclude too, as it feems, mofl handfomely ? By far, faid he. Are-
you willing, then, faid I, that w e ourfelves, inflead of others, difpute about
:
thefe things, that the oppofite fide may not be deftitute of a defence ? N o -
thing hinders, faid he. L e t us then fay this for them : That there is n o
need, Socrates and Glauco, of others to difpute with you about this matter r
for yourfelves in the beginning of your effablifhment, when you eftablifhed
your city, agreed, that it was neceffary for each individual to practife one
bufinefs, according to their feveral genius. I think we acknowledged i t ;
for why fhould they not ? Does not then the genius of the male differ
widely from that of the female ? W h y does it not differ ? And is it not fit
r
to enjoin each a different w ork, according to their genius ? W h y not ?
Are not you then in the wrong now, and contradict yourfelves, when voir
fay that men and w o m e n ought to do the fame things, whilif their nature is
extremely different? Can you in anfwer to thefe objections, admirable
Glauco, make any defence ? It is not quite an eafy matter, faid he, to do it
immediately; but I will entreat you, and do now entreat you, to go through
the arguments on our fide, whatever they may be. Thele are the things,
Glauco, replied I, and many other fuch like, which I long ago forefeeing,
was both afraid and backward to touch on the law concerning the pof
feffion o f wives, and the education of children. It is not eafy, by Jupiter,
replied he. It is not, faid I. But the cafe is thus : If a man fall into a
fmall fifh-pond, or into the middle of the greateft. fea, he muff ftill fwim
in the one no lefs than in the other. Entirely fo. Muff not we fwim
then, and endeavour to efcape from this reafoning, expecting that either
fome dolphin is to carry us out, or that we fhall have fome other remark
able deliverance ? It feems w e muff do fo, replied he. Come then, faid I,
let
T H E R E P U B L I C . 2G3
fl.all ftill be of opinion, that both our guardians and their wives ought to
purfue the fame employments. And with reafon, faid he. Shall we not
then henceforth defire any one w h o fays the contrary, to inftmet us in
this point, what is that art or fludy refpedting the eftablifhment of a city,
where the nature of the man and woman is not the fame, but different ?
It is reafonable, truly. Poflibly fome one may fay, as you was faying
fome time fince, that it is not eafy to tell this fufficiently on the fudden, but
that it is not difficult to one w h o has confidered it. One might indeed fay
fo. Are you willing then that w e defire fuch an opponent to liften to us,
if by any means we fhall fhow him that there is in the adminiftration of
the city no employment peculiar to the w o m e n ? B y all means. Come on
then, (fhall w e fay to him) anfwer us. Is not this your meaning ? That
one man has a good genius for any thing, and another a bad, in this re
fpect, that the one learns any thing eafily, and the other with difficulty ;
and the one with a little inftruction difcovers much in what he learns; but the
other, w h e n he obtains much inftruction and care, does not retain even what
he has learned : w i t h the one, the body is duly fubfervient to the mind; with
the other, it oppofes its improvement: arc there any other marks than thefe
by which you would determine one to have a good genius for any thing, and
another to have a bad one ? N o one, faid he, would mention any other.
K n o w you then of any thing which is managed by mankind, with reference
to w h i c h the men have not all thefe marks in a more excellent degree than
the w o m e n ? Or, fhould w e not be tedious, if we mentioned particularly
the weaving art, and the dreffing pot-herbs and victuals, in which the fe
male genius feems to be fomewhat confiderable, and is moft: ridiculous
where it is furpaffed ? Y o u fay true, faid he, that in the general, in every
thing the one genius is fuperior to the other, yet there are many women
w h o in many things excel many men : but, on the whole, it is as you
fay. T h e r e is not then, my friend, any office among the whole inhabit
ants of the city peculiar to the woman, confidered as woman, nor to the
m a n , confidered as m a n ; but the geniuses are indifcriminately diffufed
through both : the w o m a n is naturally fitted for fharing in all offices, and
fo is the man ; but in all the woman is weaker than the man. Perfectly
fo. Shall w e then commit every thing to the care of the m e n , and no
thing to the care of the women ? H o w fhall w e do fo ? It is therefore, I
3 imagine,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 295
imagine, as w e fay, that one woman too is fitted by natural genius for
being a phyfician, and another is n o t ; one is naturally a mufician, and
another is not ? W h a t elfe ? And one is naturally fitted for gymnaftic, and
another is n o t ; one is fitted for war, and another is not. I at leaft am of
this opinion. And is not one likewife a lover of philofophy, and another
averfe to i t ; one of high fpirits, and another of low ? T h i s likewife is
true. And has not one woman a natural genius for being a guardian, and
another not ? And have not w e made choice of fuch a genius as this for
our guardian men ? O f fuch a genius as this. T h e nature then of the
w o m a n and of the man for the guardianfhip of the city is the fame, only
that the one is weaker, and the other ftronger. It appears fo. And fuch
w o m e n as thefe are to be chofen to dwell with thefe m e n , and be guar
dians along with them, as they are naturally fit for them, and o f a kindred
genius. Entirely fo. And muft not the fame employments be affigned
to the fame natures ? T h e fame. W e are now arrived by a circular
progreffion at what we formerly mentioned ; and, w e allow that it is not
contrary to nature, to appoint for the wives of our guardians mufic and
gymnaftic. By all means. W e are t then eftablifhing things impoffi
n o
ble, or fuch as can only be wifhed for, fince w e eftablifh the law according
to nature; and what is at prefent contrary to thefe things, is contrary to
nature rather, as appears. It feems fo. W a s not our inquiry to hear o f
what was poffible and beft ? It was. And we have agreed, that thefe
things are poffible. W e have.* And we muft next agree, that they are
beft. It is plain we muft. In order therefore to make a guardian w o m a n ,
at leaft the education will not be different from that of the m e n , efpecially
as fhe has received the fame natural genius. It will not be different.
W h a t do you think then of fuch an opinion as this ? O f what ? That o f
imagining with yourfelf one man to be better, and another worfe,—or do
you deem them to be all alike? By no means. In the city now which w e
eftablifh, whether do you judge, that our guardians with this education w e
have dcfcribed, or fhoe-makers with education iu their art, will be render
ed the better men ? T h e queftion, replied he, is ridiculous. I underftand
you, faid 1. But what ? O f all the other citizens, are not they the beft?
By far. But what ? W i l l not thefe women too be the beft, o f women? T h e y
will be fo, replied he, by far.. Is there any thing better in a city than
that
2(J<3 T7IE R E P U B L I C .
that both the w o m e n and the men be rendered the very beft ? There is not.
T h i s then will be effected by mufic and gymnaftic, being afforded them ac
cording as w e have defcribed. W h y will it not r W e have then eftablifhed
a law which is not only poffible, but moreover beft for the ftate. W e .
have. T h e wives, then, of our guardians muft be unclothed, fince they
are to-put on virtue for clothes ; and they muft bear a part in war, and the
other guardianfhip of the city, and do nothing elfe. But the lighteft part
of thefe fervices is to be allotted to the w o m e n rather than to the men,
on account of the weaknefs of their fex. And the man who laughs at
naked w o m e n , whilft performing the exercifes for the fake of what is beft,
reaps the empty fruit o f a ridiculous wifdom, and in no refpect knows, as
appears, at what he laughs, nor w h y he does it. For that ever was and
will be deemed a noble faying, That what is profitable is beautiful, and
what is hurtful is bafe. By all means. L e t us fay then, that w e have
efcaped one w a v e ; as it were, having thus fettled the law with refpect to
the w o m e n , without being wholly overwhelmed, ordaining that our male
and female guardians are to manage all things in common : but our reafon
ing has been confiftent with itfelf, as it refpects both what is poffible and
likewife advantageous.
It is truly no fmall wave you have efcaped, faid he. You will not, re
plied I, call it a great one, when you fee what follows. Mention it, faid
he, that I may fee. That law, replied I, and thofe others formerly
mentioned, are adopted, as I imagine, by the following. W h i c h ? That
thefe w o m e n muft all be c o m m o n to all thefe men, and that no one w o
man dwell with any man privately, and that their children likewife be
common ; that neither the parent know his o w n children, nor the chil
dren their parent. T h i s is much greater than the other, as to the incre
dibility, both o f its being poffible, and at the fame time advantageous. I
do not believe, replied I, that any one will doubt of its utility, at leaft,
as if it were not the greateft good to have the women and children in
c o m m o n , if it were but poflible. But I think the, greateft queftion will
be, whether it be poflible or not ? O n e may very readily, faid he, dif
pute as to both. Y o u mention, replied I, a crowd of difputes. But I
thought that I fhould at leaft have efcaped from the one, if its utility had
been agreed on, and that it fhould have only remained to confider its pof-
fibility.
THE REPUBLIC. 207
fibility. But you have not, faid he, efcaped unobferved ; give then an ac
count of both. I mull: then, faid I, fubmit to a trial. But, however, in
dulge me thus far : allow m e to feaft myfelf, as thofe are wont to feaft
themfelves w h o are fluggifh in their dianoetic part, when they walk alone.
For men of this fort, fometimes before they find out how they fhall attain
what they defire; waving that inquiry, that they may not fatigue them
felves in deliberating about the poflibility or impoffibility of it, fuppofe
they have obtained what they defire, and then go through what remains.
And they delight in running over what they will do w h e n their defire is
obtained, rendering their foul, otherwife indolent, more indolent ftill, I
am now effeminate after this manner, and wifh to defer thofe debates, and
to inquire afterwards whether thefe things be poffible. But at prefent,
holding them poffible, if you allow m e , I will confider in what manner
our rulers fhall regulate thefe things, when they take place, that they
may be done in the moft advantageous manner, both to the ftate and the
guardians. Thefe things I fhall endeavour, in the firft place, to go over
with your affiftance, and the others afterwards, if you allow m e . I allow,
faid he, and inquire accordingly. I imagine then, faid I, that if o u r
rulers.are worthy of that name, and in like manner thefe w h o are their
auxiliaries, their minifters in the government, the latter will be difpofed
to do whatever is injoined them, and the former will be ready to command;
enjoining them fome things in direct obedience to the law, and imitating
the law in whatever things are intrufted to them. It is likely, faid he.
Do you now, faid I, who are their lawgiver, in the fame manner as you
have chofen out the men, choofe out likewife the w o m e n , making their
genius as fimilar as poffible: and as they dwell and eat together in com
mon ; and as no one poffeffes any of thefe things privately, they will
meet together ; and being mingled in their exercifes and other converfa
tion, they will be led from an innate necefiity, as I imagine, to mutual
.embraces. D o not I feem to fay what will neceffarily happen ? N o t ,
replied he, by any geometrical, but amatory necefiity, which feems to be
more pungent than the other, to perfuade and draw the bulk of mankind.
Much more, faid I. But after this, Glauco, to mix together in a difor-
derly manner, or to do any thing elfe, is neither holy in a city of happy
perfons, nor will the rulers permit it. It were not juft, laid he. It is
V£>L. 1. 2 Q plain
298 T H E R E P U B L I C ,
plain then, that after this we muft make marriages as much as poftible
facred ; but the moft advantageous would be facred. By all means. H o w
then fhall they be moft advantageous ? Tell me that, Glauco, for I fee
in your houfes dogs of chace, and a great many excellent birds. Have
you then indeed ever attended at all, in any refpect, to their marriages*
and the propagation of their fpecies ? H o w ? faid he. Firft of all, that
among thefe, although they be excellent themfelves, are there not fome
w h o are moft excellent ? T h e r e are. Whether then do you breed from
all of them alike? or are you careful to breed chiefly from the beft?
From the beft. But how ? From the youngeft or from the oldeft, or
from thofe who are moft in their prime ? From thofe in their prime.
And if the breed be not of this kind, you reckon that the race of birds
and dogs greatly degenerates. I reckon fo, replied he. And what think
you as to horfes, faid I, and other animals ? is the cafe any otherwife
w i t h refpect to thefe ? T h a t , faid he, were abfurd. Strange, faid I, my
friend ! W h a t extremely perfect governors muft w e have, if the cafe be
the fame with refpect to the human race ! However, it is fo, replied h e ;
but what then ? Becaufe there is a necefiity, faid I, for their uiing many
medicines : for where bodies have no occafion for medicines, but are
ready to fubject themfelves to a regimen of diet, w e reckon that a weaker
phyfician may fufHce; but w h e n there is a neceffity for medicines, we
k n o w that a more able phyfician is then requifite. True ; but with what
v i e w do you fay this ? W i t h this view, replied I. It appears that our
rulers are obliged to ufe much fiction and deceit for the advantage of the
governed; and w e faid fomewhere, that all thefe things were ufeful in the
way o f medicines. And rightly, faid he. T h i s piece of right now feems
not to be the moft inconfiderable in marriages, and the propagation of
children. H o w n o w ? It is proper, faid I, from what w e have acknow
ledged, that the beft men embrace for the moft part the beft w o m e n ;
and the moft depraved m e n , on the contrary, the moft depraved women ;
and the offspring of the former is to be educated, but not that of the lat
ter, if you defire to have the flock of the moft perfect kind ; and this
muft be performed in fuch a manner as to efcape the notice of all but the
governors themfelves, if you would have the whole herd of the guar
dians to be as free from fedition as poffible. Moft right, faid he. Shall
there
T H E R E P U B L I C . 2Q9
age of forty ; and the man, after he has paffed the moft raging part of his
courfe, from that period, is to beget children to the ftate until the age of
fifty-five. T h i s indeed is the acme, replied he, in both fexes, both of body
and of mind. If then any one who is older or younger than thefe fhall
meddle in generating for the public, w e fhall fay the trefpafs is neither
holy nor juft, as he begets to the ftate a child, which, if it be concealed, is
born and grows up not from facrifices and prayers, (which, upon every
marriage, the priefteffes and priefts, and the whole of the city, fhall offer,
that the defcendants of the good may be ftill more good, and from ufeful
defcendants ftill more ufeful may arife); but is born from darknefs, and with
a dreadful intemperance. Right, faid he. And the law, faid I, muft be
the fame. If any of thofe m e n , w h o are yet of the age for generating, fhall
touch w o m e n of a proper age, without the concurrence of the magiftrate,
w e fhall confider him as having raifed to the ftate a baftardly, illegitimate
and unhallowed child. Moft right, faid he. And I imagine, that when
the w o m e n and men exceed the age of generating, w e fhall permit the men
to cohabit with any woman they incline, befides their daughter and mother,
and thofe w h o are the children of their daughters, or thofe upwards from
their mother: and fo likewife the women to embrace any but a fon and
father, and the children of thefe, either downwards or upwards: all this
liberty w e will allow them, after w e have enjoined them to attend care
fully, in the firft place, if any thing fhould be conceived, not to bring it to
the l i g h t ; but if, by any accident, it fhould be brought forth, to expofe it
as a creature for which no provifion is made. All thefe things, faid he,,
are reafonably faid. But how fhall fathers and daughters, and thofe other
relations you now mentioned, be k n o w n of one another ? T h e y fhall not
be known at all, faid I. But from the day on which any one is a bride
groom, whatever children are born in the tenth or in the feventh month;
after it, all thefe he fhall call, the male his fons, and the female his daughters,,
and they fhall call him father. And in the fame way again, he fhall call the
children of thefe grandchildren, and they again fhall call them grandfathers,
and grandmothers: and thofe w h o were born iu that period in which their
fathers and mothers were begetting children, they fhall call fifters and
brothers, fo as not to touch each other, as I juft now faid. But the law
fhall allow brothers and fifters to live together, if their lot fo fall out, and
the
T H E R E P U B L I C . 3d
the Pythian oracle give confent. Moft right, faid he. T h i s , Glauco, and
fuch as this, is the community of w o m e n and children, among your city
guardians: and that it is both confonant to the other parts of our polity,
and by far the belt, we mufl, in the next place, eftablifh from reafon ; or
how mall we do ? Juft fo, by Jupiter, faid he. Did not w e then agree on
this at the beginning? to inquire what w e can mention as the greateft
good with relation to the eftablifhment of a ftate, with an eye to which
the lawgiver ought to enact the laws, and what is the greateft e v i l ; and
then to inquire, whether what we have hitherto gone over contributes
towards leading us in the fteps of this good, and away from that evil ?
By all means, faid he. Is there, then, any greater ill to a city than that
which lacerates i t ; and, inftead of one, makes it many ? Or, is there any
greater good than that which binds it together, and makes it one ? T h e r e
is not. Does not then the communion of pleafure and pain bind them
together, when the whole of the citizens as much as poftible rejoice and
mourn in the fame manner, for the fame things when they are obtained,
and when they are loft? By all means fb, replied he. But a feparate
feeling of thefe things deftroys it, when fome of the citizens are extremely
grieved, and others extremely glad, at the fame fufferings of the city, or o f
thofe who are in it. W h y not ? D o e s not then fuch an evil as the following
arife from this, when they do not all jointly in the ftate pronounce thefe
words, mine, and not mine ? And will not that city be beft regulated,, w h e n
every individual, with regard to the concerns of another, in the fame w a y
with him, pronounces thefe words, mine, and not mine? By far. And it
is fuch as comes neareft to one man. As when our ringer is any how hurt ;
the whole common feeling fpread through the body to the foul, with one
co-ordination of its governing part, perceives it, and the entire whole
mourns along with the diftreffed part: and fo w e fay that the man is
diftreffed in his finger: and the reafoning is the fame as to any Other part
of a man, both with refpect to grief, when any part is in pain; or with
refpect to pleafure, when any part is at eafe. It is the fame, faid he. And
to return to your queftion, the city which comes neareft to this is governed
in the beft manner; and when any one of the citizens receives any good or
ill, fuch a city, I imagine, will moft efpecially fay, that fhe herfelf receives it,
and the whole city rejoice or mourn together. O f necefiity, faid he, this
4 muft
302 T H E R E P U B L I C .
rewards! faid he. D o you remember then, faid I, that in our former
reafonings, I do not know who it was objected to us, that w e were not
making our guardians happy, who, though they had it in their power to
have the whole wealth of their citizens, had neverthclefs nothing at all ?
and we propofed to confider of this afterwards, if it fell in our way ; but
that at the prefent we were making our guardians only guardians, and the
city itfelf as happy as poffible, but without regarding one particular tribe
in it, with a view to make it happy. I remember it, faid he. What
think you now of the life of our auxiliaries, which appears far more
noble and happy than that of thofe who gain the prize at the Olympic
games ? It does not at all appear to refemble the life of the leather-cutter,
the handicraft, or farmer. I do not think it, faid he. But however, it is.
proper that I mention here what I likewife faid on a former occafion, that
if the guardian fhall attempt to be happy in fuch a way as to be no longer,
a guardian, nor be content with this moderate, and fteady, and, as w e
fay, beft life ; but, being feized with a foolifh and youthful opinion about
happinefs, fhall, becaufe he has it in his power, be driven to make h i m
felf the mafter of every thing in the city, he fhall know that Hefiod wa»
truly wife, in faying that the half is fomehow more than the whole. If
he take me, faid he, for his counfellor, he will remain in fuch a life. Y o u
allow then, faid I, that the women act in common with the men, as w e
have explained, with refpect to education and the breeding of children,
and the guardianfhip of the other citizens; both in remaining in the city,
and in going forth to war ; and that along with the men they ought to
keep guard, and to hunt like dogs, and in every cafe to take a fhare in all
things as far as they can; and that while they do thefe things they w i l l
do what is beft, and no way contrary to the nature of the female, with
refpect to the male, by which nature they are made to act jointly with one
another. I agree, faid he. Does not then this, faid I, remain to be d i £
cuffed, whether It be poffible that this community take place among m e n
likewife, as among other animals? and how. far.it is poffible. You have
prevented me, faid he, in mentioning what I was going to afk. For, with
relation to warlike affairs, it is plain, I imagine, faid I, how they w i l l
fight. J l o w ? faid he. That they will jointly go out on their military
expeditions, and befides will carry along with them fuch of their children
VOL. i. 2 & as
30f3 T H E R E P U B L I C .
as are grown up, that, like thofe of other artiifs, they may fee what iC
will be neceffary for them to practife when they are grown up ; and, be
fides feeing, that they may ferve and adminifter in every thing with rela
tion to the war, and affift both their fathers and mothers. Or, have you
not obferved what happens in the c o m m o n arts ? as for inftance, that the
children, o f the potters, miniftering to them for a long time, look on be
fore they apply themfelves to the making earthen ware ? Yes, indeed.-
Whether now are thefe or our guardians to inftruct their children with
greater care, by the practice and view of what belongs to their office ?
T o fuppofe thofe, replied he, fhould take greater care than our guardians,
were ridiculous. But every creature fights more remarkably in the prefence
of its offspring. T h e cafe is fb ; but there is no fmall danger, Socrates,,
when they are defeated, as is often the cafe in war, that when their chil
dren, as well as themfelves, are cut off, it fhall be impoffible to raife a n
other city. You fay true, replied I; but you imagine we ought, firft of all r
not on high-mettled and warlike horfes, but on the fleeteft, and thofe that
are the moft obedient to the rein ; for thus they fhall, in the beft manner,
obferve their proper work, and, on any neceffity, (hall efcafte with t h e
greateft fafety, following the aged leaders. Y o u feem to me, faid he, to
fay right. But what, faid I, as to the affairs of war? how are you to m a
nage your foldiers, both with refpect to one another and their enemies ?
have I imagined rightly or not ? As to what ? faid he. T h a t whoever of
them, faid I, leaves his rank, throws away his arms, or does any fuch
thing from cowardice, muft he not be made a handicraft, or land-labourer?
By all means. And fhall not the man w h o is taken alive by the enemy
be given gratis to any w h o incline to employ him in the country juft
as they pleafe ? By all means. And are you of opinion, that he w h o
gains a character, and excels, ought, in the firft place, in the expedition
itfelf, to be crowned in fome meafure by every one of the youths and boys
w h o are his fellow foldiers ? or think you otherwife ? I am of opinion,
for my part, they ought to be crowned. But what, and get the right
hand likewife ? T h i s likewife. But this further, I imagine, faid I, you
are not yet fatisfied about. W h a t ? T h a t they embrace and be embraced
by every one. T h e y fhould moft of all others, faid he : and I will add
to this law, that whilft they are upon this expedition no one fhall be
allowed to refute them, whoever they incline to embrace, that if any
happen to be in love with any one, male or female, he may be the more
animated to win the prizes. Very well, faid I ; for w e have already faid
that there are more marriages provided for the good citizen than for
others, and more frequent choice in fuch matters allowed them than
others, that the defcendants of fuch an one may be as numerous as pof
fible. W e have already faid fo, replied he. But furely, even according
t o Homer's opinion, it is juft that fuch of the youth as are brave be
honoured in this way. For Homer fays that Ajax, w h o excelled in war,
was rewarded with a large fhare at the entertainments, this being the
moft natural reward to a brave man in the bloom of youth, by which
he at the fame time acquired honour and ftrength. Moft right, faid he.
W e fhall then obey H o m e r , faid I, at leaft, in thefe things. And w e
.(hall honour the good, both at our facrifices, and on all fuch occafions, in as
far as they appear to be deferving, with hymns likewife, and with thofe
* * 2 things
308 T H E R E P U B L I C .
things w e lately mentioned; and befides thefe things, with feats, and difhes,
and full cup ; that at the fame time we may both honour and exercife
the virtue of worthy men and w o m e n . You lay mofl: admirably well, re
plied he. Be it fo. If any one of thofe who die in the army fhall have
diftinguifhed himfelf, fhall w e not, in the firft place, fay that he is of
the golden . race ? Moft efpecially. And fhall we not believe Hefiod,,
telling us, that when any of thefe die,
W e fhall believe him. And we mall afk the oracle in what manner we
ought to bury demoniacal and divine men, and with what marks of di-
ftinclion ; and thus fhall w e bury them in that very manner which fhall be
explained. W h y fhall w e not ? And we fhall in all after time reverence
and woifhip their tombs as thofe of daemons. And we fhall enact by
l a w , that the fame things be performed, and in the fame manner, to any
w h o fhall have been deemed to have remarkably diffinguifhed themfelves
in life, when they die of old age, or any thing elfe? It is right, faid he.
But what now ? H o w fhall our foldiers behave towards enemies ? As to
what ? Firft, as to bringing into flavery. D o you think it juft that
Greeks fhould enflave Greek cities ? or rather, as far as they are able, not
fuffer any other to do it, and accuftom themfelves to this, to be fparing
of the Grecian tribe, being greatly on their guard againft being enflaved
by the Barbarians ? It is, faid he, in general, and in every particular cafey
beft to be fparing. Are they not to acquire any Grecian flave themfelves,
and to counfel the other Greeks to act in the fame manner ? By all means,
faid he. T h e y will the more, at leaft, by fuch a conduct, turn themfelves
againft the Barbarians, and abftain from one another. But what ? T o
ftrip the dead, faid I, of any thing but their arms after they conquer
them, is it handfome or not? It gives a pretence to cowards not to go
againft the enemy who is alive, as being neceffarily occupied when they
are thus employed about the one w h o is dead ; and many armies have been
loft by this plundering. Very many. And does it not appear to you to
! Hefiod. O p . et D i . l i b . i .
be
T H E R E P U B L I C . 309
be illiberal and fordid, and the part of a womanifh and little mind, to ftrip
the dead body, and deem the body of the deceafed an enemy, when the enemy-
is fled off, and there is only left behind that with which he fought? Or, do you
imagine that they who act in this manner do any way different from dogs,
who are in a rage at the ftones which are thrown at them, not touching the
man who throws them? N o t in the leaft, faid he. W e muft let alone then
this ftripping the dead, and thefe hinderances arifing from the carrying
off booty. Truly, faid he, thefe muft be banifhed. N o r fhall we at any
time bring the arms into the temples, as if w e were to dedicate them, at
leaft not the arms of Grecians, if w e have any concern to obtain the bene
volence of the other Greeks: but we fhall rather be afraid, left it fhould
be a kind of profanation to bring into the temple fuch things as thefe from
our own kinfman, unlefs the oracle fhall fay otherwife. Moft right,
replied he. But what, with reference to the laying wafte Grecian lands,
and burning of houfes, how fhall your foldiers behave towards their
enemies ? I fhould be glad, faid he, to hear you fignifying your opinion.
Truly then, faid I, in my opinion, neither of thefe ought to be done, but
only one year's produce to be carried off. And would you have me tell
you the reafon why this fhould be done ? By all means. It appears to me,
that as thefe two words, war and fedition, are different, fo they are two
different things which are fignified by them : I call them two different
miners, becaufe the one is domeftic and akin, the other foreign and ftrano-e.
W h e n hatred is among ourfelves, it is called fedition ; when it refpects
foreigners, it is called war. W h a t you fay, replied he, is no way unreafon-
able. But confider now, if I fay this likewife reafonably : for I aver that
the Greek nation is friendly and akin to itfelf, but is foreign and ftrange
to the Barbarian. This too is right. W h e n then the Greeks fight with
the Barbarians, and the Barbarians with the Greeks, w e fhall fay they wage
war, and are naturally enemies ; and this hatred is to be called war. But
when Greeks do any fuch thing to Greeks, we fhall fay that they are friends
by nature, and that Greece in fuch a cafe is diftempered, and in fedition ;
and fuch a hatred is to be called a fedition. I agree, faid he, to account
for it in the fame manner. Confider then, faid I, that in the fedition now
mentioned, wherever fuch a thing happens, and the city is disjointed, if
they fequcfter the lands, and burn the houfes of one another, how de-
ftructive
310 T H E R E P U B L I C
fons, and brothers; and if the female fhall encamp along with them, w h e
ther in the fame rank, or drawn up behind them, that they will ftrike terror
into the enemies, and at the fame time affift if ever there be neceffity for it,
I know that in this way they will entirely be invincible. And I plainly fee
too what advantages they have at home, which w e have omitted. But
fpeak no more about this government, as I allow that all thefe, and ten
thoufand other things, will belong to it, if it actually exift. But let us
endeavour to perfuade one another of this itfelf, whether it be poffible,
and in what refpect it is fo ; and let us omit thofe other things. You have
fuddenly, faid I, made an affault on my reafoning, and make no allowance
for one who is fighting; for perhaps you do not advert, that, with difficulty,
I am efcaped from two waves, and now you are bringing upon me the
greateft and moft dangerous of the three. After you have feen and heard
this, you wdl entirely forgive m e ; allowing, that I with reafon grudged,
and was afraid to mention fb great a paradox, and undertake to examine
it. T h e more, faid he, you mention thefe things, the lefs will you be freed
from explaining in what refpecT this government is poffible. Proceed then,
and do not delay. Muft not this then, faid I, in the firft place, be re
membered, that w e are come hither in fearch of juftice, what it is ? and
what injuftice is ? It muft, faid he. But what is this to the purpofe ?
Nothing. But if w e difcover what juftice is, fhall w e then judge that the
juft man ought in no refpecT to differ from it, but in every refpect to be
fuch as juftice is ? and fhall w e be fatisfied if he approach the neareft to
it, and, of all others, partake of it the moft ? W e fhall, faid he, be thus
fatisfied. As a model then, faid I, we were inquiring into this, what kind
of thing juftice is ; and we likewife were in queft of a juft man ; and c o n
fidered what fort of man he fhould be, if he did exift. W e likewife in
quired what injuftice is, and what too the moft unjuft m e n — i n order that,
looking into thefe two models, what kind of men they appeared w i t h
refpect to happinefs and its oppofite, w e might be obliged to acknowledge
concerning ourfelves^ that whoever fhould moft refemble them in character
fhall have a fortune the moft refembling theirs; and not for this end, to
fhow that thefe things are poffible or not. In this, faid he, you fay true.
D o you imagine then that the painter is in any degree the lefs excellent,
w h o having painted a model of the moft beautiful man, and brought every
thing
312 T H E R E P U B L I C .
thing fully into his piece, is yet unable to fhow that fuch a man does really
exiff ? By Jupiter, laid he, I do not. What then, have we not made in our
reafonings (ihall we fay) a model of a good city ? Yes, indeed. Have we
then fpoken any thing the worfe, do you imagine, on this account, that we
are not able to fhow, that it is poffible for a city to be eftablifhed fuch as we
have defcribed ? N o , indeed, faid he. This then, faid I, is the truth of the
cafe. But if truly I muft now likewife, on your account, haften to this,
to fhow how efpecially, and in what refpedls, it is moft poflible, in order
to this difcovery, you muft again grant the fame things as formerly.
W h a t things ? Is it poffible for any thing to be executed fo perfectly as
it is defcribed ? or, is fuch the nature of practice, that it approaches not fo
near the truth as theory, though fome may think otherwife? But whether
will you allow this or not ? I allow it, faid he. D o not then oblige me
to fhow you all thefe things, and in every refpect, exifting in fact, fo
perfectly as w e have defcribed in our reafoning; but if we be able to find
out how a city may be eftablifhed the neareft poffible to what we have
mentioned, you will fay w e have difcovered that thefe things which you
require are poffible? Or will you not even be fatisfied if this be obtained?
For my o w n part, I fhould be fatisfied. And I too, faid he. W e are now,
it feems, in the next place, to endeavour to find out and to fhow what, at
all, is the evil which is now practifed in cities through which they are not
eftablifhed in this manner w e have defcribed ; and what is that fmalleft
change, which, if made, would bring the city to this model of government;
and let us chiefly fee, if this can be effected by the change of one thing, if
not by the change of two, if not that, by the change of the feweft things
in number, and the fmalleft in power. By all means, faid be. Upon the
change then of one thing, faid I, I am able I think to fhow that the ftate
can fall into this model of government. But the change is not indeed fmall
nor eafy, yet it is poffible. W h a t is it? faid he. I am now come, faid
I, to what I compared to the greateft w a v e : and it fhall now be
mentioned, though, like a breaking wave, it fhould overwhelm us with
exceftive laughter and unbelief. But confider what I am going to fay.
Proceed, replied he. Unlefs either philofophers, faid I, govern in cities,
or thofe who are at prefent called kings and governors philofophize
genuinely and fufticiently, and thefe t w o , the political power and phi-
lofophy,
THE REPUBLIC. 313
lofophy, unite in one ; and till the bulk of thofe w h o at prefent purfue each
of thefe feparately are of neceffity excluded, there fhall be no end, Glauco,
to the miferies of cities, nor yet, as I imagine, to thofe of the human race ;
nor till then fhall ever this republic, which w e have gone over in our rea
fonings, fpring up to a pofTibility, and behold the light of the fun. But
this is that which all along made me grudge to mention it, that I faw what
a paradox I was to utter: for it is difficult to be convinced that no other
but this republic can enjoy happinefs, whether public or private. You
have thrown out, Socrates, faid he, fuch an expreflion and argument, as
you may imagine will bring on you a great many, and thefe courageous to
fuch a degree as to put off their clothes, and naked to fhatch whatever
weapon fortune affords each of t h e m ; and, as if they were to perform
prodigies, rufh upon you in battle array. And unlefs, m o w i n g them down
with argument, you make your efcape, you will pay for it by fuffering
moft fevere ridicule. And are not you the caufe of all this ? faid I. But
in acting handfomely at leaft, replied he. H o w e v e r , in this affair, I will
not betray you, but defend you with fuch things as I am able. And I am
able both by my good-will and by encouraging you, and probably I will
anfwer your queftions more carefully than any other; only do you endea
vour, with the help of fuch an afTiftant, to fhow thofe who are backward
to believe thefe things, that the cafe really is as you reprefent it. 1 muft en
deavour, faid I, fince even you afford fo great an alliance. And here it
feems to me to be neceffary, if we are any how to make our efcape from
thofe you mention, accurately to define to them what kind of men thefe
are whom we call philofophers, when we dare to affert that they alone ought
to govern, in order that, when they are made perfectly manifeft, any one may
be able to defend himfelf, when he affcrts that to thefe it naturally belongs
both to apply themfelves to philofophy, and likewife to take upon them the
government of the ftate: but others are to apply themfelves neither to
philofophy nor government, but to obey their leader. It is proper, faid he,
to define them. Come then, follow me this way, if together any how w e
fhall fufficiently explain this matter. Lead on then, faid he. W i l l it then
be needful, faid I, to. remind you, or do you remember it, that when we
fay of any one, that he loves any thing, when we fpeak w i t h propriety, he
muft not appear to love one part of it, and not another, but to have
an affection for the whole ? I need, it feems, replied he, to be put in mind ;
VOL. i. 2 s for
814 T H E R E P U B L I C .
as never to reject any one who is of a blooming age? If you incline, faid he>
to judge by me of other lovers, that they act ii>this manner, I agree to it for
the fake o f the argument. And what, faid I, with refpect to the lovers of
w i n e ; do you not obferve them acting in the fame manner, cheerfully
drinking every kind of wine upon every pretext ? Yes, indeed. And you
perceive, as I imagine, that the ambitious likewife. if they cannot obtain
the command of a whole army, will take the third command; and, if they
cannot be honoured by greater and better men, are content if they be
honoured by the lower and more contemptible, being defirous of honour at
any rate ? It is perfectly fo. Agree to this or n o t : if w e fay, one is
defirous of any thing, fhall w e fay that he defires the whole fpecies, or that
he defires one part of it, but not another ? T h e whole, replied he. Shall
w e not then likewife fay, that the philofopher is defirous of wifdom, and
that not of one part only, but of the whole ? T r u e . H e then who is averfe
t o difciplines, efpecially if he be young, and has not at all underftanding to
difcern what is good, and what is otherwife, fhall not be called a lover of
learning, nor a philofopher; in the fame manner as w e fay of one who is
difgufted with meats, that he neither hungers after nor defires meats, nor
is a lover but a hater of them. And we fhall fay right. But the man w h o
readily inclines to taffe of every difcipline, and with pleafure enters on
the fludy of it, and is infatiable of it, this man we fhall with juftice call a
philofopher: fhall w e not? O n this Glauco faid, There will be many fuch
philofophers as thofe very abfurd : for all your lovers of fhows appear to
3 me
T H E R E P U B L I C , 31*
felf, and is able to difcern both it and fuch things as participate of it, and
neither deems the participants to be beauty, nor beauty to be the parti
cipants ? whether does fuch an one feem to you to live awake, or in
a dream ? Perfectly awake, faid he. May w e not then properly call
this man's dianoetic perception, as he really knows, knowledge, but that
of the other, opinion, as he only opines ? By all means. But what if
the perfon who we fay only opines things, but does not really know them,
be enraged at us, and difpute with us, alleging that what we fay is not
true ; fhall w e have any method of foothing and perfuading him, in a
gentle manner, by concealing that he is not in a found ftate ? At leaft
there is need of it, replied he. Come now, confider what w e fhall fay to
him. Or do you incline w e fhaLl thus interrogate him? telling him, that
if he knows any thing, no one envies him for it, but w e fhall gladly fee
him poffeffed of fome k n o w l e d g e ; but only tell us this, does the man w h o
has knowledge, know fomething or nothing ? D o you now anfwer me
for him ? I will anfwer, faid he, that he knows fomething. Whether
fomething which really exifts, or which does not ? W h a t does really
exift : for how can that be known which has no real exiftence ? W e have
then examined this fufficiently, though w e might have confidered it more
fully ; that what really is, may be really known ; but what does not at all
exift, cannot at all be known. W e have examined it moft fufficiently.
Be it fo. But if there be any thing of fuch a kind, as both to be and not
to be, muft it not lie between that which perfectly is, and that which is
not at all ? Between them. As to what really is, then, is there not know
ledge ? and as to that which is not at all, is there not of neceffity igno
rance ? And for that which is between thefe, w e muft feek for fomething
between ignorance and fcience, if there be any fuch thing. By all means.
D o we fay then that opinion is any thing ? W h y not ? Whether is it a
different power from fcience, or the fame ? Different. Is opinion then
converfant about one thing, and fcience about another, by virtue of the
fame power, or each of them by virtue of a power of its o w n ? This laft.
Is not the power o f fcience converfant about what really exift?, to know
that it is ? Or rather it feems to me to be neceffary to diftinguifh in this
manner. H o w ? W e fhall fay, that powers are a certain fpecies of real
exiftences, by which w e can both do whatever we can do, and every
being elfe whatever it can do. Thus, I fay, that feeing and hearing are
4 among
T H E R E P U B L I C . 317
It is like their riddles at feafts, laid he, and the riddle of children about
the eunuch's fti iking the bat, puzzling one another in what manner and
how far he ftrikes it. For all thefe things have a double meaning, and it
is impoffible to know accurately that they are, or are not, that they are
both, or neither of the two. H o w can you do with them then ? faid I, or
have you a better clafs for them than a medium between being and non-
being r For nothing feems more obicure than non^being in refpect o f
having no being at all, nor more perfpicuous than being in refpect of real "
being. Molt true, laid he. W e have then difcovered, it feems, that moft
of the maxims of the multitude concerning the beautiful, and thofe other
things, roll fomehow between being and non-being, W e have accurately
difcovered it. But w e formerly agreed, that if any fuch thing fhould
appear, it ought to be called that which is opined, and not what is k n o w n ;
and that which fluctuates between the two is to be perceived by the power
between the two. W e agreed. Thofe then who contemplate many
beautiful things, but who never perceive beauty itfelf, nor are able to fol
low another leading them to i t ; and many juft things, but never juftice
itfelf, and all other things in like manner, we will fay that they opine all
things, but know none of the things which they opine. O f neceffity,
laid fit'. But what now ? Thofe who perceive each of the things them
felves, always exifting in the fit me manner, and in the fame refpect, fhall
we not lay that they know, and do not opine ? O f necefiity this likewife.
And fhall we not fay, that thefe embrace and love the things of w h i c h
they have knowledge, and the others the things of which they have opi
nion ? Or do we not remember, that wc faid they beheld and loved line
founds and colours, and fuch things; but that beauty itfelf they do not
admit of as any real being r W e remember. Shall w e then act wrong
in calling them lovers of opinion, rather than philofophers ? And yet they
will be greatly enraged at us if w e call them fo. Not, if they be per
fuaded by me, laid he ; for it is not lawful to be enraged at the truth..
Thofe then who admire every thing which has a real being, are t o b e called
philofophers, and not lovers of opinion,. B y all means.
BOOK VI.
1
Viz an intelligible and intellectual eflencc.
beautiful,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 321
beautiful, and juft, and good, if there be occafion to eftablifh them, and to
guard and preferve fuch as are already eftablifhed ? N o , by Jupiter, faid
he. They do not differ much. Shall w e then appoint thofe to be guar
dians, or thofe w h o know each being, and who in experience are nothing
behind thofe others, nor inferior to them in any other part of virtue ? It
were abfurd, faid he, to choofe others, at leaft if thefe are not deficient in
other things ; for in this, which is almoft the greateft, they excel. Shall
w e not then fpeak to this point,—In what manner the fame perfons fhall
be able to have both the one and the other of thofe things ? By all means.
It is then firft of all neceflary, as w e obferved in the beginning of this dif
courfe, thoroughly to underftand their g e n i u s ; and I think if w e Efficiently
agree refpecting it, w e fhall likewife agree that the fame perfons be able
to poffefs both thefe things, and that no others but thefe ought to be the
governors of cities. H o w fo ? L e t this now be agreed among us con
cerning the philofophic geniuses, that they are always defirous of fuch
learning as may difcover to them that effence which always is, and is not
changed by generation or corruption. L e t it be agreed. And likewife,
faid I, that they are defirous of the whole of fuch learning, and that they
will not willingly omit any part of it, neither fmall nor great, more
honourable or more difhonourable, as w e formerly obferved concerning
the ambitious, and concerning lovers. You fay right, faid he. Confider
then, in the next place, if, befides what w e have mentioned, it be neceflary
that this alfo fhould fubfift in the genius of thofe who are to be fuch as w e
have defcribed. W h a t ? T h a t they be void of falfehood, nor willingly
at any time receive a lie ; but hate it, and love the truth. It is likely,
faid he. It is not only likely, m y friend, but is perfectly neceflary, that
one who is naturally in love with any thing fhould love every thing allied
and belonging to the objects of his affection. Right, faid he. Can you
then find any thing more allied to wifdom than truth? H o w can we? faid
he. Is it poffible then that the fame genius can be philofophic, and at
the fame time a lover of falfehood ? By no means. H e then w h o is in
reality a lover of learning, ought immediately from his infancy to be in
the greateft meafure defirous of all truth. By all means. But w e k n o w
fomehow, that whoever has his defires vehemently verging to one thing,
has them upon this very account weaker as to other things, as a current
VOL. i. 2 T diverted
$22 T H E R E P U B L I C .
'diverted from its channel. W h y are they not ? But whofoever hath h i i
defires running out after learning, and every thing of this kind, would.be
converfant, 1 think, about the pleafure of the foul itfelf, and would for*
fake thofe pleafures whieh arife from the body, provided he be not a coun*-
terfeit, but fome real philofopher. T h i s follows by a mighty neceffity.
And fuch an one is moderate, and by no means a lover of money. For
the reafons why money is with fo much trouble anxioufly fought after,
have weight with any other than fuch an one to make him folicitous.
Certainly. And furely fomehow you muff likewife confider this when
you are to judge what is a philofophic genius, and what is not. W h a t ?
That it do not without your knowledge partake of an illiberal turn : for
pufillanimity is mofl: oppofite to a foul which is always to purfue earneftly
the whole and every thing of that which is divine and human. Moft
true, faid he. D o you then fuppofe that he who poffeffes magnificent
conceptions in his dianoetic part, and a contemplation of the whole of
time, and the whole of being, can poflibly confider human life as a thing
of great confequence. It is impoffible, faid he. Such an one then will
not account death any thing terrible. Leaft of all. A cowardly and
illiberal genius, then, will not, it feems, readily participate of true philofb-
phy. It does not appear to me that it will. W h a t now, can. the moderate
man, and one w h o is not a lover of money, nor illiberal, nor arrogantj
nor cowardly, ever pofiibly be an ill co-partner, or unjuft ? It is i m
poffible. And you will likewife confider this, when you are viewing
from its infancy what is the philofophic foul, and what is not, whether it
be juft and mild, or unfocial and favage. By all means. Neither indeed*
as I think, will you omit this. W h a t ? Whether it learn with facility ox
difficulty. Or d o you expect that ever any one will love any thing fuf
ficiently, in performing which he performs with uneafinefs and with
difficulty, making fmall progrefs ? It cannot be. But what if he can re
tain nothing of what he learns, being quite forgetful, is it poflible for
him not to be void of fcience ? H o w is it poffible? And when he labours
unprofitably, do you not imagine he will be obliged at laft to hate both
himfelf and fuch practice ? W h y muft he not ? W e fhall never then
reckon a forgetful foul among thofe w h o are thoroughly philofophic, but
w e fhall require it to be o f a good memory. By all means. But never
fhall
T H E R E P U B L I C . 323
fhall we fay this at leaft, that an unmufical and indecent genius leads any
where elfe but towards intemperance. W h e r e elfe ? But whether do you
reckon truth allied to intemperance or to temperance ? T o temperance.
Let us require then among other things a dianoetic part naturally t e m
perate and graceful, as a proper guide towards fpontaneoufly attaining the
idea of each particular being. W h y not ? W h a t now ? D o w e not
in fome meafure feem to you to have difcuffed the neceflary qualifications,
and fuch as are confequent to each other, in a foul which is to apprehend
being iufhciently, and in perfection ? T h e moft neceflary, faid he. Is it
poffible then for you in any meafure to blame fuch a ftudy as this, which
a man can never be able fufficiently to apply to, unlefs he be naturally
pofleffed of a good memory, learn with facility, be magnificent, graceful,
and the friend and ally of truth, juftice, fortitude and temperance ? N o t
even Momus himfelf, faid he, could find fault with fuch a ftudy. But,
faid I, will it not be to thefe alone, when they are perfected by education
and age, that you will entruft the city ? Here Adimantus faid, Indeed,
Socrates, no one is able to contradict you as to thefe things; but all w h o
hear you at any time advancing what you do at prefent, are fomehow af
fected in this manner. Being led off a little by your reafoning on each
queftion, through their inexperience in this method of queftion and anfwer,
when all thefe littles are collected together, at the clofe of your reafon
ings, they reckon that the miftake appears confiderable, and the contrary
of their firft conceflions ; and like thofe who play at talus with fuch as are
dexterous, but are themfelves unfkilful, they are in the end fhut up, and
can do no more ; fo your hearers have nothing to fay, being fhut up by this
other kind of game, not with pieces, but with your reafonings. Though
the truth at leaft is not by this any way advanced : I lay this with refer
ence to the prefent inquiry ; for one may tell you that he has nothing
to oppofe to each of your queftions by way of argument, but that in fact
he fees that all thofe who plunge into philofophy, applying to it not with
this view, that being early inftructed they may be liberated from it w h e n
in their prime, but that they may continue in it much longer, become
the moft of them quite awkward, not to fay altogether depraved; and
thofe of them who appear the moft worthy, do yet fuffer thus much
from this ftudy you fo much commend, that they become ufelefs to the
z T 2 public.
324 T H E R E P U B L I C .
public. W h e n I had heard this, D o you imagine then, faid I, that fuch a s
fay thefe things are telling a falfehood ? I do not know, faid he, but
would gladly hear your opinion. You would then hear that they appear
to *ne to fay true. H o w t h e n , replied he, is it right to fay that the
miferies of cities fhall never have an end till they be governed by philo
fophers, w h o m w e are n o w a c k n o w l e d g i n g to be ufelefs to them ? You afk
a queftion, laid I, which needs an anfwer through an image. And you,
faid I, are not wont, I think, to fpeak through images. Be it fo, faid I.
Y o u jeft now, w h e n you have brought me on a fubjed which is fo dif
ficult to be explained. But attend to the image, that you may fee
further with what difficulty I aflimilate ; for the fufferings of the mofl
worthy philofophers in the management of public affairs are fo grievous, that
there is not any one other fuffering fo fevere: but in making our fimile,
and in apologizing for t h e m , w e muff c o l l e d from many particulars, in
the fame manner' as painters m i x the figures of t w o different animals
together, and paint a creature which is both goat and ffag in one, and
others of this kind. Conceive now that fuch an one as this is the pilot of
a fleet, or of a fingle fhip, one w h o exceeds all in the fhip, both in bulk
and in ftrength, but is fomewhat deaf, and fees in like manner but a fhort
way, and whofe fkill in fea affairs is much of the fame kind. Conceive
likewife that the failors are all in fedition among themfelves, contending
for the pilotfhip, each imagining he ought to be pilot, though he never
learned the art, nor is able to fhow w h o was his mafter, nor at what
time he learned it. That befides this, all of them fay that the art itfelf
cannot be taught, and are ready to cut in pieces any one who fays that it
can. Imagine further, that they continually furround the pilot himfelf,
begging, and doing every thing that he may put the helm into their
h a n d s ; and that even fometimes w h e n they are not fo fuccefsful in per-
fuading him as others are, they either kill thefe others, or throw them
overboard ; and after they have by mandragora, or wine, or fome other
thing, rendered the noble pilot incapable, they manage the fhip with the
afliftance o f the crew, and whilft. they drink and feaft in this manner,
they fail as it may be e x p e d e d of fuch people. And befides thefe things,
if any one be dexterous in aflifting them to get the government into their
o w n hands, and in fetting afide the pilot, either by perfuafion or force,
they
T H E R E P U B L I C . 325
they commend fuch an one, calling him failor and pilot, and intelligent
in navigation ; but they contemn as ufelefs every one who is not of this
kind, whilft they never in the leaft think that the true pilot muff ne-
ccffarily pay attention to the year, the feafons, the heavens, and ftars,
and winds, and every thing belonging to the art, if he intends to be a
governor of a fhip in reality : but the art and practice of governing men,
whether fome be willing or not, they think impoffible for a man to
attain in conjunction with the art o f navigation. W h i l f t affairs are in
this fituation with regard to the fhips, do you not think that the true pilot
will be called by the failors aboard of fhips fitted out in this manner, a
ftar-gazer, infignificant, and unprofitable to them ? Undoubtedly, faid
Adimantus. I think then, faid I, that you will not want any explana
tion of the image, to fee that it reprefents how they are affected in
cities towards true philofophers, but that you underftand what I fay.
Perfectly, faid he. Firft of all then with refpect to this, if any one w o n
ders that philofophers are not honoured in cities, teach him our i m a g e ,
and endeavour to perfuade him that it would be much more wonderful
if they were honoured. I will teach him fo, replied he. And further,
that it is indeed true, what you now was obferving, that the beft of thofe
who apply to philofophy are ufelefs to the bulk of mankind ; but h o w
ever, for this, bid them blame fuch as make no ufe of thefe philofophers,
and not thefe philofophers themfelves. For it is not natural for the pilot
to entreat the failors to allow him to govern them, nor for the wife to
be reforting to the gates of the rich. But whoever pleafantly faid this was
miftaken; for this is truly the natural method, that whoever is lick, whether
rich or poor, muft of necefiity go to the gates o f the phyfician, and w h o
ever wants to be governed muft wait on him who is able to govern j
for it is not natural that the governor who is really of any value fhould
entreat the governed to fubject themfelves to his government. But you
will not greatly err, when you compare our prefent political governors
to thofe failors w e now mentioned, and thofe w h o are called by them in
fignificant and ftar-gazers to thofe who are truly pilots. Moft right,
faid he. From hence then it would feem that the beft purfuit is not
likely to be held in efteem among thofe who purfue ftudies of an op
pofite nature ; but by far the greateft and moft violent accufation of phi
lofophy
T H E R E P U B L I C .
m e m o r y : and when you replied that every one would be obliged to agree
to what we faid, w e quitted that fubjedt, and turned to that which is the
fubject of difcourfe at prefent, on your faying that you obferved fome of
the philofophers were infignineant, and many of them altogether depraved.
And while we were examining into the caufe of that calumny, w e are
now come to this, whence it is that many of them are depraved. And on
this account we have gone over again the genius of true philofophers, and
have neceffarily defined what it is. It is fo, faid he. It is neceffary
now, faid I, that we confider the corruptions of this genius, and in
what manner it is deftroyed in the moft ; but one fmall particular
efcapes us : who thofe are that they call not depraved, but ufe-
lefs. And next, what thofe geniuses are which counterfeit the philc-
fophic nature, and pretend to its purfuit: and what is the nature of
thofe fouls who afpire to a purfuit which does not belong to them, and is
above their reach: for thefe, by their manifold errors, have every where,,
and among all men, introduced this opinion of philofophy which you
mention. What fort of corruptions, faid he, do you mean ? I fhall en*
deavour to rehearfe them, faid I, if I be able. And this now, I think,
every one will allow us, that fuch a genius, with all thofe qualifications
we have enjoined one who is to be a perfect philofopher, rarely arifes among
men, and that there are but few of them : do not you think fo ? Entirely
fb. And of thofe few, confider how many and how great are the caufes of"
corruption. W h a t are they? That which is mo ft of all wonderful to
hear, that each o f thofe things we commended in the genius of a philo
fopher, corrupts the foul which poffeffes them, and withdraws it from phi
lofophy;. fortitude, I mean, and temperance, and all thofe other qualifica
tions which we have difcuffed. That is ftrange to hear, faid he. And further
ftill, faid I, befides thefe things, all thofe which are commonly called
good, fuch as beauty, riches, ftrength of body, a powerful alliance in the
city, and every thing akin to thefe, corrupt and withdraw it from philofo
phy ; for you have now a fpecimen of what I mean. I have, replied he;
and would gladly underftand more accurately what you fay. Underftand
then, faid I, the whole of it aright, and it will appear manifeft, and what
we formerly faid will not feem to be abfurd. H o w then, faid he, do y o u
bid me act ? W i t h refpect to every kind of feed, or plant, faid I>. whether
off
328 T H E R E P U B L I C .
of vegetables or animals, w e know, that whatever does not meet with the
proper nourishment, nor feafon, nor place belonging to it, the more vigo
rous it is by nature, the more it is defective in the excellencies of its kind;
for evil is more contrary to good, than to that which is not good. W h y
is it not? It is then reafonable, I think, that the beft genius, when
meeting with nouriihment foreign to it, fhall be more changed to what is
evil, than a bad genius. It is. And fhall we not, Adimantus, faid I, in
the fame manner, fay that fouls naturally the beft, when they meet with
bad education, become remarkably depraved ? Or do you think that great
iniquity, and the extremeft wickednefs, arife from a weak genius, and not
from a vigorous one ruined in its education ; but that an imbecil genius
will never be the caufe either of mighty good or evil ? I do not think it
will, faid he, but the cafe is as you fay. If then this philofophic genius,
which w e have eftablifhed, meet with fuitable inftruction, it will, I think,
neceffarily grow up, and attain to every virtue; but if, when fown in an
improper foil, it grow up and be nourifhed accordingly, it will on the
other hand become perfectly the reverfe, unlefs fome one of the Gods
afford it affiftance. Or do you think, w i t h the multitude, that certain
o f the youth are corrupted by the fophifts, and that the corruptors are
certain private fophifts, which is worthy of our notice ? Or think you
rather, that the perfons who fay thefe things are themfelves the greateft
fophifts, conveying their inftruction in the moft powerful manner, and
rendering young and old, men and w o m e n , fuch as they wifh to be ?
W h e n do they effect this ? replied he. W h e n many of them, faid I, are
fet down, crowded together in an affembly, in their courts of juftice, the
theatre, or the camp, or any other public meeting of the people, with
m u c h tumult they blame fome of the fpeeches and actions, and commend
others, roaring and vociferating the one and the other beyond meafure.
A n d befides this, the rocks and the place where they are refounding, the
tumult is redoubled, whilft they thus blame and applaud. In fuch a
fituation n o w , what kind of heart, as w e fay, do you think the youth are
to have ? Or what private inftruction can make him withftand, fo as not
to be 'perfectly overwhelmed by fuch blame or applaufe, and, giving way,
be borne along the ftream wherever it carries him, and fay that things are
beautiful and bafe, according as thefe people fay, and purfue the things
4 the^
T H E R E P U B L I C . 3 *
they purfue, and become of the very fame kind himfelf ? This, faid he,
mult by a n abundant neceffity happen, Socrates. But, faid I, w e have
not yet mentioned, what muft of the greateft neceffity be the cafe. What
is that ? faid he. That which thefe inftruclors and fophifts fuperadd by
action, not being able to perfuade by fpeech : or, do you not k n o w , that
they punifh with difgraces, and f i n e s , and deaths, the man w h o m they
cannot perfuade ? I know that, faid he, extremely well. W h a t other
fophift then, or what private reafonings do you think capable, drawing
oppofite to thefe, to overpower them ? I know none, faid he. But is it
not befides, faid I, great folly even to attempt it ? For there neither is,
nor was, nor ever can be, a different method of attaining virtue, befides
this education by thefe fophifts. I mean a human method, my friend; for
a divine one, according to the proverb, I keep out of the queftion : for
you muft know well, with refpect to whatever temper is preferved, and
becomes fuch as it ought to be in fuch a conftitution of politics, that you
will not fay amifs when you fay that it is preferved by a divine deftiny.
N o r a m i , faid he, of a different opinion. But further n o w , befides thefe
things, faid I, you muft likewife be of this opinion. O f what ? T h a t
each of thefe private hirelings, which thefe men call fophifts, and deem
the rivals of their art, teach no other things but thofe dogmas of the vul
gar, which they approve when they are affembled together, and call it
wifdom. Juft as if a man had learned what were the wrathful emotions
and defires of a great and ftrong animal he were nourifhing, how it muft:
be approached, how touched, and when it is moft fierce or moft m i l d ;
and from what caufes, and the founds which on thefe feveral occafions it
was wont to utter, and at what founds uttered by another, the animal is
rendered both mild and favage ; and, having learned all thefe things by
affociating with the animal for a long time, fhould call this wifdom ; and,
a s if he had eftablifhed an art, fhould apply himfelf to the teaching it ;
whilft yet, with reference to thefe dogmas and defires, he knows not in
reality what is beautiful, or bafe, or good, or ill, or juft, or unjuft, but
fhould pronounce all thefe according to the opinions of the great animal,
calling thofe things good in which it delighted, and that ev il with which
it was vexed, and fhould have no other meafure a s to thefe things. Let
us likewife fuppofe that he calls thofe things which are neceffary, beauti-
VOL. T. 2 U ful
#30
THE REPUBLIC.
ful and juft, but that he hath never difcovered himfelf, nor is able tofhow
t,o another* the nature of the neceflary and the good, h o w much they really
differ from each other. Whilft he is fuch an one, does he not, by Jupiter,
appear to you an abfurd teacher ? T o me he appears fo, faid he. And from
this man, think; you, does he. any way differ, w h o deems it wifdom to have
underftood the auger and the pleafures of the multitude, and of affembliea
of all kinds of men, whether with relation to painting, mufic, or poli
tics ? For, if any one converfes with thefe, and fhows them either a poem,
or any other production of art, or piece of adminiftration refpecting the
city, and makes the multitude the judges of it, he id under what is called
1
a Diomedaean necefiity, which is above all other neceffities, of doing
whatever they commend. But to fihow that thefe things are in reality
g o o d and beautiful, have you at any time heard any of them advance a
reafon that was not quite ridiculous ? N o r do I think, faid he, I ever
fhall. Whilft you attend then to all thefe things, bear this in mind, thaJL}
the multitude never will admit or reckon that there is the one beautiful
itfelf, and not many beautifuls, one thing itfelf which has a fngle fub
fiftence', and not many fuch things. T h e y will be the, laft to dp fo, replied
he. It is impoffible then for the multitude to be philofophers. Impoffi
ble. And thofe who philofophize muft of neceffity be reproached by
them. O f neceffity. And likewife by thofe private perfons, who, in
converfing with the multitude, defire to pleafe them. It is plain. From,
this ftate of things, n o w , what fafety do you fee for the philofophic genius-
to continue in its purfuit, and arrive at perfection ? And confider from
1
A Dioraedaean necefiity is a proverbial expreflion applied to thofe w h o do any thing from
necefiity; and originated f r o m the f o l l o w i n g hiflory : D i o m e d and Ulyfles, having ftolen the
Palladium from Ilium, returned by night t o their fhips. But U l y f l e s , being ambitious that th«
glory of the deed might be g i v e n to him alone, endeavoured to flay D i o m e d , w h o walked b e
fore h i m w i t h the Palladium. I } i o m e d , h o w e v e r , by the light of the m o o n , behofding the
(hadow of the fword raifed over hiro, caught hold of U l y f l e s , bound his hands, ordered him
to walk before h i m , and, ( h i k i n g him on the back with the broad part of his fword, arrived
a m o n g the Greeks. T h i s note is extracted from the Greek Scholia on Plato, collected from
many manufcripts by R u h n k e n i u s , and publiflied at L y o n s i8oo. A s this work is but juft
c o m e to my hands, I could not avail myfelf of it before j but I (hall endeavour to fupply this
deficiency in the additional notes at the end of this volume, and (hall felect what appears to me?
to be moft important, as notes to this and the fubfequent books and dialogues. Unfortunately,
thefe Scholia are moftly grammatical.
what
T r i E R E P U B L I C . six
what was formerly faid, for w e have allowed that facility in learning,
memory, fortitude, and magnanimity belong to this genius. W e have.
And (hall not fuch an one, of all men, immediately be the firft in every
thing, efpecially if he has a body naturally adapted to the foul ? W h y
fhall he not ? faid he. And w h e n he becomes more advanced in age,
his kindred and citizens, I think, will incline to employ him in their af
fairs. W h y will they hot ? And making Replications to him, and paying
him homage, they will fubmit to him, and anticipate and flatter befofe'-
hand his growing power. T h u s , faid he, it ufually happens. W h a t riov/,
faid I, do you think fuch an one will do, in fuch a cafe, efpecially if he
1
happen to belong to a great city, and be rich, and 6f a noble defcent, ana
withal beautiful and of a large ftature ? W i l l he not be filled with extra
vagant hopes, deeming himfelf capable of managing both the affairs o f Greeks
and Barbarians, and on thefe accounts carry himfelf loftily, without any fcv-
lid judgment, full of oftentation and vain conceit ? Extremely fb, replied rife.
If one fhould gently approach a rrian of this difpofitibn, and tell him the
truth, that he has no judgment, yet needs i t ; but that it is not to be acquired
but by one w h o fubjecls himfelf to this acquifition, do you think that, with all
these evils about him, he would* be ready to hearken ? Far from if, laid
he. If now, faid I, through a good natural temper, and ail innate dif-
pofition to reafon, any one fhould fomehow be made fenfible, and be bent
and drawn towards philofophy, what do w e imagine thofe others will do,
when they reckon they fhall lofe his company, and the benefit which they
received from him ? W i l l they not by every action, and every fpeech, fay
and do every thing to the man not to fuffer himfelf to be perfuaded; and
to his advifer, to render him incapable by mfnaring him in private, and
bringing him to public trial ? T h i s , faid he, muft of necefiity happen.
Is it likely now fuch an one will philofophize ? N o t altogether. You fee
then, faid I, that we were not wrong when w e faid that even the very
parts of the philofophic genius, when they meet with bad education, are
in fome meafure the caufe of a falling off from this purfuit, as well as
thofe vulgarly reputed goods, riches, and all furniture of this kind. We
Were not, replied he, but it was rightly faid. Such then, faid I, admirable
friend! is the ruin, fiich and fo great the corruption of the beft g e
nius for the nobleft purfuit, and which befides but rarely happens, as wc*
2 u 2 obferved;
332 T H E R E P U B L I C .
obferved; and from among fuch as thefe are the men w h o do the greateft
mifchicfs to cities, and to private perfons, and likewife they who do the
greateft good, fuch as happen to be drawn to this fide. But a little genius
never did any thing remarkable to any one, neither to a private perfon nor
to a city. Moft true, faid he. Thefe indeed, then, whofe bufinefs it chiefly
was to apply to philofophy, having thus fallen off, leaving her defolate and
imperfect, lead themfelves a life neither becoming nor genuine ; whilft
other unworthy perfons, intruding themfelves on philofophy, abandoned
in a manner by her kindred, have difgraced her, and loaded her with re
proaches, fuch as thefe you fay her reproachers reproach her with: viz.
that of thofe who converfe with her, fome are of no value, and moft of
them worthy of the greateft puniihments. Thefe things, replied he, are
commonly faid. And with reafon, replied I, they are faid. For other
contemptible men feeing the field unoccupied, and that the poffeffion of it is
attended with dignities and honourable names, like perfons who make their
efcape from prifons to temples, thefe likewife gladly leap from their handi
crafts to philofophy; I mean fuch of them as are of the greateft addrefs in
their o w n little art. For, even in this fituation of philofophy, her remain
ing dignity, in comparifon with all the ojher arts, ftill furpaffes in magni
ficence; of which dignity many are defirous, who by natural difpofition
are unfit for it, and whofe bodies are not only deformed by their arts and
handicrafts, but whofe fouls alfo are in like manner confufed, and crufhed
. by their fervile works. Muft it not of neceffity be fo ? Undoubtedly,
faid he. D o e s it then appear to you, faid I, that they are any way dif
ferent in appearance from a blackfmith, who has made a little money, bald
and puny, recently liberated from chains, and wafhed in the bath, with a
new robe on him, juft decked out as a bridegroom, prefuming to marry
the daughter of his mafter, encouraged by the poverty and forlorn cir
cumftances with which he fees him oppreffed? There is, faid he, no great
difference. W h a t fort of a race muft fuch as thefe produce ? Muft it not
be baftardly and abject ? By an abundant necefiity. But what now ?
W h e n men who are unworthy of inftruction apply to it, and are conver
fant in it, in an unworthy manner, what kind of fentiments and opinions
fhall w e fay are produced ? Muft they not be fuch as ought properly to. be
termed fophifms, and which poffefs nothing genuine, or worthy of true pru
dence ?
T H E R E P U B L I C . 333
» Ifcraclitus the Ephefian faid that the fun defcending to the weftern fea, and fetting in it,
was e x t i n g u i f h e d ; and that afterwards, afcending above the earth, arriving at the eaft, it was
ajjam enkindled j and that this took place perpetually. S e e the Introduction t o the Timaeus.
fun,
T H E R E P U B L I C . $35
fun, becaufe they are never again rekindled. But h o w fhould they act ?
faid he. Quite the reverfe. Whilft they are lads and boys they fhould
apply to juvenile inftruction and philofophy *, and, in taking proper care o f
their body, whilft it fhoots and grows to firmnefs, provide for philofophy a
proper afliftant: and then, as that age advances in which the foul- begins
to be perfected, they ought vigoroufly to apply to her exercifes; and w h e n
ftrength decays, and is*no longer adapted for civil and military employments,
they fhould then be difmiffed, and live at pleafure, and, excepting a by-work,
do nothing elfe but philofophize, if they^propofe to live happy, and, when they
die, to poffefs in the other world a deftiny adapted to the life they have led in
this. H o w truly, faid he, Socrates, do you feem to me to fpeak with?
z e a l ! Yet,. I think, the greater part of your hearers will ftill more z e a l -
oufly oppofe you, and by no means be perfuaded, and that Thrafymachus
will be the firft of them. D o not divide, faid I, Thrafymachus and m e ,
w h o are now become friends ; nor were w e enemies heretofore. F o r w e
fhall no way defift from our attempts, till w e either perfuade both him a n d
the reft, or make fome advances towards that life at which when they arrive
they fhall again meet with iuch difcourfes as thefe. Y o u have fpoken, faid
he, but a fhort time. N o n e at all, faid I, with refpect at leaft to the w h o l e
of t i m e : but that the multitude are not perfuaded by what is faid, is n o t
wonderful; for they have never at any time feen exifting what has now" b e e n
mentioned, but rather fuch difcourfes as have been induftrioufly compofed,
and have not fallen in fpontaneoufly * as thefe do at prefent. But as for
the man w h o has arrived at the model of virtue, and is rendered fimilar
to it in the moft perfect manner poflible both in word and in deed, they
have never at any time feen fuch a man, neither one nor more of the kind.
Gr do you think the^ have ? By no means. Neither yet, O bleffed man !
have they fufficiently attended to beautiful and liberal reafonings, fo a s
ardently to inveftigate the truth, by every method, for the fake o f k n o w -
4 ing
336 T H E R E P U B L I C .
ing it, faluting only at a diftance fuch intricate and contentions debates, as
tend to nothing elfe but to opinion and ftrife, both in their courts of
juftice and in their private meetings. T h e cafe is juft fo, replied he.
O n thefe accounts then, faid I, and forefeeing thefe things, w e were for
merly afraid. H o w e v e r , being compelled by the truth, w e did affert, that
neither city nor republic, nor even a man in the fame way, would ever
become perfect, till fome necefiity of fortune oblige thefe few philofophers,
w h o are at prefent called not depraved, but ufelefs, to take the govern
ment of the city whether they will or not, and compel the city to be
obedient to them ; or till the fons of thofe w h o are now in the offices of
power and magistracies, or they themfelves, by fome divine infpiration, be
poffeffed with a genuine love of genuine philofophy: and I aver that no
one has reafon to think that either of thefe, or both, are impoffible; for
thus might w e juftly be laughed at, as faying things which are other-
wife only fimilar to wifhes. Is it not fo ? It is. If then, in the infinite
feries o f paft ages, the greateft neceffity has obliged men that have
arrived at the fummit of philofophy to take the government of a ftate, or
fuch men now govern in fome barbarous region, remote from our obfer-
vation, or fhall hereafter, w e are ready in that cafe to contend in our reafon
ing, that this republic we have defcribed has exifted and fubfifts, and fhall
arife at leaft when this our mufe fhall obtain the government of the ftate:
for this is neither impoffible to happen, nor do we fpeak of impoffibilities,
though w e ourfelves confefs that they are difficult. I am likewife, faid he,
o f the fame opinion. But you will fay, replied I, that the multitude do
not think fo too. It is likely, faid he. O bleffed man ! faid I, do not
thus altogether accufe the multitude ; but, whatever opinion they*may have,
without upbraiding them, but rather encouraging them, and removing the
reproach thrown on philofophy, point out to them the perfons you call
philofophers, and define diftinclly, as at prefent, both their genius and their
purfuits, that they may not think you fpeak of fuch as they call philofo
phers ; or, if they mean the fame men, you will tell them they have con
ceived a different opinion of the men from what you have, and give very
different anfwers about them from yours. Or, do you think that one man
can be enraged at another, w h o is not in a paflion ? or, that a man fhall envy
the envious, who is himfelf both void of envy, and is of a mild dif
pofition ?—
T H E R E P U B L I C . 337
pofition?—I will prevent you, and fay that I think there is in fome few
fuch a naturally bad temper, but not in the greater part of mankind. I
likewife, faid he, think fo. Are you not then of the fame opinion with me
in this ? T h a t thefe men are the caufe of the multitude being ill affected
towards philofophy, who openly revile what is no way becoming them,
behaving in a fcoffing and diftafteful manner towards the multitude, always
making difcourfes about particular men, and doing what is leaft of all
becoming philofophy. Certainly, faid he. For fomehow, Adimantus, the
man at leaft who really applies his dianoetic part to true being, has not
leifure to look down to the little affairs of mankind, and, in fighting with
them, to be filled with envy and ill nature; but, beholding and con
templating fuch objects as are orderly, and always fubfift in the fame
manner, fuch as neither injure nor are injured by each other, but are in all
refpects beautiful, and according to reafon, thefe he imitates and refembles
as far as poffible ; or, do you think it poffible by any contrivance that a man
fhould not imitate that, in converfing with which he is filled with admira
tion ? It is impoflible, replied he. T h e philofopher then w h o con verfes
with that which is decorous and divine, as far as is poflible for man, becomes
himfelf decorous and divine. But calumny is powerful in every thing.
It is entirely fo. If then, faid I, he be under any neceffity, not merely of
forming himfelf alone, but likewife of endeavouring to introduce any
thing he beholds there among mankind, in order to form their manners,
both in private and in public life, would he prove, think you, a bad artift
o f temperance and o f juftice, and of every focial virtue ? N o t at all, faid
he. But if now the multitude perceive that w e fay the truth of fuch an
one, will they be angry at philofophers, and difbelieve us when w e fay, that
the city can never otherwife be happy unlefs it be drawn by thofe painters
w h o follow a divine original ? T h e y will not be angry, faid he, if they per
ceive f o : but what method of painting do you mean ? W h e n they have
obtained, faid I, the city and the manners of men as their canvafs, they
would firft make it pure; which is not altogether an eafy matter. But in
this, you know, they differ from others, that they are unwilling to meddle
either with a private man or city, or to prefcribe laws, till once they either
receive thefe pure, or purify them themfelves. And rightly, faid he. A n d
after this, do not you think they will draw a fketch of the republic ? W h y
V O L . i» 2 x not ?
33S T H E R E P U B L I C .
not ? Afterwards, I think, as they proceed in their work, they will fre
quently look both ways, both t o what i s naturally juft and beautiful*
and temperate and the l i k e ; and likewife again to that which they
can eftablifh among mankind, blending and compounding their human
form from different human characters and purfuits, drawing from this-
which H o m e r calls the divine likenefs, and the divine refemblance fub-
fifting among men. Right, faid he. T h e y will then, I think, ftrike out
one thing and infert another, till they have rendered human manners, as-
far as is poffible, dear to the Gods. It will thus, faid he, be the moft
beautiful picture. D o w e now then, faid I, any way perfuade thefe m e n r
w h o , you faid, were coming upon us in battle array, that fuch a painter
o f republics is the man we then recommended to them, and on whofe a c
count they were enraged at us, that w e committed cities to him, and will
they now be more mild when they hear us mentioning it ? Certainly,,
k
faid he, if they be wife : for what is there now they can further queftion ?
W i l l they fay that philofophers are not lovers of real being and of truth ?.
T h a t , faid he, were ahfurd. Or that their genius, as w e defcribed it, is-
not allied to that which is beft ? N o r this neither. W h a t then ? Whilft
their genius is fuch as this, and meets with fuitable exercifes, fhall it not
become perfectly good and philofophic, if any other be fo ? or, will yon
fay thofe will be more fb w h o m w e fet afide ? N o t at all. W i l l they
ftill then be enraged at us when w e fay that till the philofophic race have
the government of the city, neither the miferies of the city nor of the
citizens fhall have an end, nor fhall this republic, which we fpeak of in the
way of fable, arrive in reality at perfection? Perhaps, faid he, they will
be lefs enraged. Are you willing then, faid I, that we fay not of them
they are lefs enraged at us, but that they are altogether appeafed, and per
fuaded, that if w e make no more of them, they may at leaft confent by
their blufhing ? By all means, faid he. L e t them then, faid I, be per
fuaded of this. But is there any one w h o will call this into queftion,
that thofe of the philofophic genius do not ufually fpring from kings and
fovereigns ? N o t one, faid he, would allege that. And though they
were born with a philofophic genius, one may fay they are under a great
necefiity of being corrupted ; for indeed that it is a difficult matter for
thefe geniuses to be preferved untainted, even we ourfelves agree. But
that
T H E R E P U B L I C .
that in the infinite feries of time, of the whole of the human race, there
fhould never be fo much as a fingle one preferved pure and untainted, is
there any who will contend ? H o w can there be any one ? But furely,
faid I, a fingle one is fufficient, if he exifts, and has a city fubject to him,
to accomplish every thing now fo much difbelieved. H e is fufficient,
faid he. And when the governor, faid I, has eftablifhed the laws and
cuftoms we have recited, it is not at all impoffible that the citizens fhould
be willing to obey him. N o t at all. But is it wonderful or impoffible,
that what appears to us fhould alfo appear to others ? I do not think it,
faid he. And that thefe things are beft, if they be poffible, w e have
fufficiently, as I think, explained in the preceding part of our difcourfe.
Sufficiently indeed. N o w then it feems w e are agreed about our legifl
lation ; that the laws we mention are the beft, if they could exift ; but
that it is difficult to eftablifh then*, not, however, impoffible. W e are
agreed, faid he. After this has with difficulty been brought to a con-
clufion, fhall we not in the next place confider what follows ? In what
manner, and from what difciplines and ftudies, they fhall become the pre-
fervers of our republic ? and in what periods of life they fhall each of
them apply to the feveral branches of education ? W e muft indeed con
fider that, faid he. I acted not wifely, faid I, when in the former part of
our difcourfe I left untouched the difficulty attending the poffeffion of
w o m e n , and the propagation of the fpecies, and the eftablifhing governors,
k n o w i n g with what envy and difficulty they muft be introduced, or be
carried no further than theory. For now w e are under no lels a necefiity
o f difcuffmg thefe things at prefent. W h a t relates to women and children
is already finifhed; and we muft now go over again, as from the begin
ning, what refers to governors. W e faid, if you remember, that they
•fhould appear to be lovers of the city, and be tried both by pleafures and
l>y pains, and appear to quit this dogma neither through toils nor fears,
nor any other change ; and that he who was not able to do this was to
be rejected; but he who came forth altogether pure, as gold tried in the
fire, was to be appointed ruler, and to have honours and rewards paid
him both alive and dead. Such were the things we faid whilft our rea
foning paffed over, and concealed itfelf, as afraid to roufe the prefent
argument. You fay moft truly, faid he, for I remember, it. For I was
2x2 averfe,
340 T H E R E P U B L I C .
Jedge, though w e underftood every thing elfe in the higheft degree, you
k n o w that it is of no advantage to us : in the fame manner as it would
avail us nothing though we poffeffed any thing whatever without the pof
feflion of the g o o d : or do you think there is any greater profit in pof.
feffing all things without the poffeflion of the good, than in knowing all
things without the knowledge of the good, knowing nothing at all that is
beautiful and good ? By Jupiter, not I, faid he. But furely this too at
leaft you k n o w , that to the multitude pleafure feems to be the good ; and
to the more elegant it feems to be prudence. And very ridiculoufly, faid
he. H o w indeed can it be otherwife ? replied I, if, when they upbraid us
that w e know not what is the good, they tell us that they know, and call
it the prudence of what is good, as if w e underftdod what they fay when
they pronounce the word good. Moft true, faid he. But what ? thofe
w h o define pleafure to be good, do they lefs err than the others ? or are not
thefe too obliged to confefs that pleafures are evil ? Extremely fo. It
happens then, I think, that they acknowledge the fame things are both
good and evil, do they not ? Undoubtedly. Is it not evident, then, that
there are great and manifold doubts about it ? W h y are there not ? But
w h a t ? is it not alfo evident, that w i t h reference to things juft and beau
tiful, the multitude choofe the apparent, even though they be not really
fo? yet they a d , and poffefs, and appear to poffefs them ; but the acquifi-
tion of goods, that were only the apparent, never yet fatisfied any one ;
but in this they feek what is real, and here every one defpifes what is only
the apparent. Extremely fo, faid he. T h i s then is that which every
foul purfues, and for the fake of this it does every thing, prophefying that
it is fomething, but being dubious, and unable to comprehend fufEciently
what it is, and to poffefs the fame ftable belief refpecting it as of other
things; and thus are they unfuccefsful alfo in other things, if there be in
them any profit. About a thing now of fuch a kind, and of fuch mighty
confequence, fhall w e fay that even thefe our beft men in the city, and to
w h o m w e commit the management of every thing, fhall be thus in the
dark ? A s little at leaft as poffible, faid he. I think then, faid I, that
whilft it is unknown in what manner the juft. and beautiful are good, they
are not of any great value to a guardian to poffeis, if it be likely he fhall
k n o w thefe, whilft he is ignorant of this ; but I prophefy that no one will
arrive
T H E R E P U B L I C * 343
you (hall afterwards explain to us what the father is. I could wifh, faid I,
both that I were able to give that explanation, and you to receive it, and
not as now the offspring only. Receive now then this child and offspring
o f the good itfelf. Y e t take care however that unwillingly I deceive you
not, in any refpect, giving an adulterate account of this offspring. We
fhall take care, laid he, to the beft of our ability ; only tell us. I fhall tell,
then, faid I, after w e have thoroughly aflented, and I have reminded you
of what was mentioned in our preceding difcourfe, and has, been frequently
faid on other occafions. W h a t is it ? faid he. That there are many things,
faid I, beautiful, and many good, and each of thefe w e fay is fo, and w e
diftinguifh them in our reafoning. W e fay fo. But as to the beautiful
itfelf, and the good itfelf, and in like manner concerning all thofe things
which w e then confidered as many, now again eftablifhing them according
to one idea of each particular, as being one, w e aftign to each that appel
lation which belongs to i t ; and thefe indeed w e fay are feen by the eye,
but are not objects of intellectual perception; but that the ideas are per
ceived by the intellect, but are not feen by the eye. Perfectly fo. By
what part then of ourfelves do we fee things vifible ? By the fight, faid he.
And is it not, faid I, by hearing, that w e perceive what is heard ; and by
the other fenfes, all the other objects of fenfe ? W h y not ? But have you not
obferved, faid I, with regard to the artificer of the fenfes, how he has
formed the power of fight, and o f being vifible, in the moft perfect manner ?
I have not entirely perceived it, replied he. But confider it in this manner.
Is there any other fpecies, which hearing and found require, in order that
the one may hear, and the other be heard, which third thing if it be not
prefent, the one fhall not hear, and- the other not be heard ? There is
nothing, faid he. Imagine then, faid I, that neither do many others (that
I may not fay n o n e ) require any fuch t h i n g : or can you mention any one
that does require it ? N o t I, replied he. But with reference to the fenfe
o f feeing, and the object of fight, do not you perceive that they require
fomething ? H o w ? W h e n there is fight in the eyes, and when he who
has it attempts to ufe it, and when there is colour in the objects before him,
unlefs there concur fome third genus, naturally formed for the purpofe,
you know that the fight will fee nothing, and the colours will be invifible.
W h a t is that you fpeak of? faid he. W h a t you call light, faid I. You fay
true,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 345
true, replied he. This fpecies then is not defpicable ; and by no fmall idea
are the fenfe of feeing, and the power of being feen, connected together ;
but by a bond the moft honourable of all bonds, if light be not difhonour-
able. But it is far, faid he, from being difhonourable. W h o m then of
the Gods in heaven can you aflign as the caufe of this, that light makes our
fight to fee, and vifible objects to be feen, in the beft manner ? T h e fame as
you, faid he, and others d o ; for it is evident that you mean the fun. Is
not the fight then naturally formed in this manner with reference to this
God ? H o w ? T h e fight is not the fun, nor is that the fun in which fight
is ingenerated, which we call the eye. It is not. But yet I think that
of all the organs of fenfe it is moft folar-form. Very much fo. And the
power which it poffeffes, does it not poflefs as difpenfed and flowing from
hence ? Perfectly fo. Is not then the fun, which indeed is not light itfelf,
yet as it is the caufe of it, feen by fight itfelf? It is fo, faid he. Conceive
then, faid I, that this is what I called the offspring of the good, which the
good generates, analogous to itfelf; and that what this is in the intelligible
place, with refpect to intellect, and the objects of intellect, that the fun is
in the vifible place with refpect to fight and vifible things. H o w is it ? faid
h e : explain to me yet further. You know that the eyes, faid I, when they
are no longer directed towards objects whofe colours are fhone upon by the
light of day, but by the fplendour of the night, grow dim, and appear
almoft blind, as if they had in them no pure fight, Juft fo, faid he. But
when they turn to objects which the fun illuminates, then 1 think they fee
clearly, and in thofe very eyes there appears now to be light. T h e r e does.
Underftand then, in the fame manner, with reference to the foul. W h e n it
firmly adheres to that which truth and real being enlighten, then it under-
ftands and knows it, and appears to poffefs intellect: but when it adheres
to that which is blended with darknefs, which is generated, and which
perifties, it is then converfant with opinion, its virion becomes blunted, it
wanders from one opinion to another, and refembles one without in
tellect. It has fuch a refemblance. That therefore which imparts truth
to what is known, and difpenfes the power to him w h o knows, vou
may call the idea of the good, being the caufe of fcience and of truth, as
being known through intellect. And as both thefe t w o , knowledge and
truth, are fo beautiful, when you think that the good is fomething different,
you i. 2 Y and
346 T H E R E P U B L I C .
and ftill more beautiful than thefe, you fhall think aright. Science and
truth here are as light and fight there, which w e rightly judged to be
folar-form, but that w e were not to think they were the fun. So here
it is right to judge, that both thefe partake of the form of the good;
but to fuppofe that either o f them is the good, is not right, but the
good itfelf is worthy of ftill greater honour. You fpeak, faid he, of an
ineftimable beauty, fince it affords fcience and truth, but is itfelf fuperior
to thefe hi beauty. And you never any where faid that it was pleafure.
Predict better things, faid I, and in this manner rather confider its image
yet further. H o w ? You will fay, I think, that the fun imparts to things
which are feen, not only their vifibility, but likewife their generation,
1
growth and nourifhment, not being itfelf g e n e r a t i o n . W h y not? W e
may fay, therefore, that things which are known have not only this from
the good, that they are k n o w n , but likewife that their being and effcnce
are thence derived", whilft the good itfelf is not effence, but beyond elfence,
1
tranfcending it both in dignity and in p o w e r . Here Glauco, laugh
ing
1
"When w e confider the generation of things illuminated by the fun, w e fhall find that it is
perfectly u n b e g o u e n . T o r , according to the Platonic philofophy, the fun alone of all things in
the univerfe w h i c h are connected with a body is w i t h o u t generation, neither receiving any
acceflion nor diminution. But every thing elfe which it illuminates receives light from a different
part of it, through the motion of the folar fphere about its proper centre, which at different
t i m e s fends different rays in a circle to the celeftial and fublunary bodies. T h e fun however has
generation and corruption fo far as it is illuminated, juft as the moon alfo receives augmen
tations and diminutions of light. S o far therefore as the fun illuminates, it is unbegotten ; and
according to this it is afiimilated to the good, and not fo far as it is a body. See more concerning
the fun in the N o t e s t o the Cratylus.
a
The good, which is here celebrated by Socrates as that w h i c h reigns in the intelligible place,
is neither the fame w i t h that w h i c h fubfifts in our nature, (for w e rank in an order far below
intelligibles) nor w i t h that form of things g o o d , w h i c h is coordinate with the juft and the
beautiful. F o r , forms being twofold, fome alone diftinguifhing the ejfences of the things
faihioned by f o r m , but others their perfections, the genus of eflence, fame and different, and the
form of animal, horfe and m a n , and every thing of this kind, give distinction to eflence and
fubjectsi but the form of the good, the beautiful and the juft, and in like manner the form
of virtue, health, ( l i e n g t h , and every thing of a fimilar n r / u r e , are perfective of the beings to
w h i c h they belong : and of fome, eflence is the leader of every thing, but of others the good.
F o r , as Plato fays, every thing muft neceflarily participate of e f l e n c e ; and whatever preferves,
gives perfection t o , or defends any being muft be g o o d . H e n c e , fince thefe t w o are leaders,
the one of forms w h i c h give fubfiftence to things, and the other of fuch as are the fources of
* their
T H E R E P U B L I C . 347
1
ing very much, faid, By Apollo this is a divine tranfeendency indeed! Y o u
yourfelf, replied I, are the caufe, having obliged m e to relate what appears
to
1
T h e G r e e k Scholiaft o n the laughter o f G l a u c o obferves, " T h a t this laughter is through
tranfeendency; for the good is uncomparable w i t h refpeel to all things. O r this laughter m a y
be confidered according to a mundane fignification ; for the junior and mundane G o d s are o b
fcurely fignified by i t ; fince every thing corporeal is a jeft w h e n compared with intelligibles.
Eut to jeft and laugh belong to youth. And
yap TO crafjuxTiKOV nav TOIJ VOJTOJJ 7rapaGa\*OjMevov' TO & vraiZeiv KM ythav rotv vtuv otxsiov' KM TO,
irtpi TWV eyxofffMuv etpvrai $f<uv* b y* ouv y^avHm ava*oya$ tyxoa-^iu Trpowxa eixora; ytXoiug Xeytt.
w h i c h the bleatean gueft in the Sophifla (hows to be the g e n u s o f being. A n d if the good is the
fame with effence, an abfurdity muft e n f u e : for being and well-being are not the fame. But i f
the good is fomething different from effence, it muft neceffarily participate o f effence, in c o n
fequence of that being the genus of all forms. B u t if genera are more antient than forms, the
good which ranks among forms, and is pofterior to their g e n u s , will not be the good w h i c h reigns
over intelligibles; but this muft be afferted o f that good under w h i c h this and every form is
arranged w h i c h poffeffes being, and w h i c h is the leader of the other genera o f being. When
therefore Plato fays that the good reigns over intelligibles, h e means that good w h i c h is fuperior
to effence.
But to lead us up to this fupreme good, h e appears to employ three orders of good as fo many
Heps in this arduous a f c e n t ; vi^. that w h i c h is imparticipable and fuperefien.ial, t i n t w h i c h is
imparticipable and effential, and that w h i c h is effential and participab! . O f t h e k the laft is
fuch as our nature c o n t a i n s ; the good which ranks among forms is effential; and that w h i c h is
beyond effence is fupereffential. O r w e may fay that the good w h i c h fubfifts in u s may be c o n
f u t e d as a habit, in confequence of its fubfifting in a f u b j e c t ; the next to this ranks as effence,
and a part of effence, I mean the good w h i c h ranks among forms ; and the laft as that which is
neither a habit nor a part. W h e n therefore Socrates fays, " T h a t t o the multitude pleafure
feems to be the gccd> and to the more elegant it feems to be prudence," he figninejs that good
which is refiJent in our nature, and w h i c h , from its being an impreffion of the ineffable principle
of things, may be called the fummit or flower of our efience. A n d w h e n he alfo fays that the
idea of the good is the greateft difcipline, which renders b o . h fuch things as are juft, and other
2 T 2 things
348 T H E R E P U B L I C .
to me 1 efpedfcing it. And by no means, faid he, flop, if fomething does not
hinder you, but again difcufs the refemblance relating to the fun, if you
have
things w h i c h e m p l o y it, ufeful and profitable, and that w e do not fufficiently k n o w it,—thefe
aflertions accord w i t h the good which is in us, with that w h i c h is in forms, and with that which
is underftood to be before all things. For the idea of the good fignifies a participated form, a
feparate intelligible, and that w h i c h has a feparate fubfiftence prior to intelligibles ; fince the
term idea, according to Plato, indicates that object of defire which is eftablifhed prior to all
things, viz. prior to all things belonging to a certain feries. T h u s , for inftance, the good in our
nature is prior to every thing elfe pertaining to the f o u l ; the good w h i c h ranks among forms is
prior to every thing w h i c h is the fource of efTential perfection; and the good w h i c h reigns inf
the intelligible world is prior to every feries, and to all things.
A g a i n , w h e n Socrates fays, " L e t us at prefent difmifs this inquiry what the good is, for it
appears to m e a greater thing than w e can arrive at according to our prefent impulfe," it may
be inferred, that t h o u g h he appears t o fay fomething concerning the good from an image, and t o
unveil fomething pertaining to things occult, yet he does not unfold the whole truth concerning
i t ; and this perhaps in confequence of T h r a f y m a c h u s and Clitopho being prefent, and n o t
thinking it fit to difclofe the moft myftical truths to fophifts. H e n c e , on his afTerting after
wards that the good is fupereflential, he appeared to Glauco to fpeak ridiculoufly ; and in c o n
fequence of Glauco in vain attempting the vifion of that w h i c h is beyond all things, he again
fays that he willingly omits many things, and alone unfolds the analogy refpecting the fun.
B u t if his hearers had been adapted to fuch difcourfe3, he would have difclofed to us many and
truly theological particulars refpecting i t ; and fuch as he difclofes to us in the Parmenides
concerning the one.
A s w e have faid, therefore, Plato, transferring the inveftigation from the good which is in u s ,
and concerning w h i c h thofe inquire w h o fay that it is prudence or pleafure, to the good itfelf,
and beginning the image refpecting the fun, in the firft place, h e exhorts his hearers to take
care that he does not give them an adulterate account of the offspring of the good; calling the
fun the offspring, and transferring the term adulterate from the impreflions in coin. H e alfo
indicates that the m o d e of teaching by analogy is not fafe. For there is danger of introducing
fophiftry into the demonftration, by confidering things beyond what the analogy will admit.
T h u s , in the prefent inftance, if in confequence of Plato afTerting that the fun is analogous to
the good, fo far as the former is the caufe of light, as the latter is of truth, fome one fhould c o n
fider the fun, no longer as the caufe alone of light, but fo far as it is m o v e d , and lhould invefti-
gate that which is fimilar t o this m o t i o n , in the good, he would n o longer preferve the proper
analogy. For the fun is not analogoufly afTumed, fo far as he is a thing caufed, but fo far as he
is a caufe a l o n e ; fince it is impoffible to aflume any thing which is in all refpects fimilar to the
good. For every thing poftcrior to the good, by the afiumption of fomething becomes worfe than
the good; one thing by afTuming intelligence, as i n t e l l e c t ; another by afTuming motion, as f o u l ;
and another by the afiumption of generation, as body. If therefore, in intellects, in fouls, and
in bodies, you confider that w h i c h is firft in each, as analogous to the good, you muft confider it
fo far only as it is fimilar t o the good, v i z . fo far as it is the leader of its fubject feries, and is
imparticipable
THE R E P U B L I C . 349
have omitted any thing. But I omit, faid I, many things. D o not omit,
replied he, the fmalleft. particular. I think, laid I, that much will be
omitted :
imparticipable with refpect to a fubordinate nature, and not fo far as it is feparated from the
good. For every thing which is aflumed analogously to the good, muft necefTarily pofiefs diflimili-
tude in conjunction with fimilitude. Analogies however and ratios are not aflumed according
to the diflimilar, but on the contrary according to the fimilar.
A g a i n , w h e n in the beginning of this difcourfe about the good, and wifhing to determine that
fome forms are intelligible and others fenfible, h e makes mention of the beautiful itfelf and the
good itfelf, and, placing thefe as the forms of many things beautiful and g o o d , h e fays that
fenfible forms are feen indeed, but are not the objects of intellect, but that ideas are the objects
of intellect, and not of the fenfible e y e , — i t is evident that he refers us to ideas, and the u n i -
verfal prior to the many. If therefore P l a t o had added nothing further, w e fhould not have
had any authority from the Republic for conceiving any other good than this, w h i c h is the
firft among forms that give perfection to things ; but fince he touches on the analogy refpecting
the fun, fight and light, he in a wonderful manner afierts that all intelligible ideas, the beautiful
itfelf, the good itfelf, the juft itfelf, and not thefe only, but thofe of actions alfo, are illuminated
by the good. H e r e therefore he afcends to the firft caufe of w h o l e s , w h i c h he is unable to call
by a better name than the good: for the good is the moft venerable of all t h i n g s , and is that w h i c h
all things defire; and that which all things defire is the caufe of all. Fearful h o w e v e r left w e
fhould apprehend a firft of fuch a kind as that good w h i c h is the caufe of perfection alone in
ideas, he (hows in the firft place that the goad is beyond fcience and truth, in the fame manner
as the fun is beyond fight and l i g h t ; and afterwards he evinces that it is the primary caufe of
intelligibles, and is fuperefTential, in the fame manner as the fun is above g e n e r a t i o n ; and thus
he fhows that the good itfelf is the firft caufe of the good and the beautiful in forms, and of all
intelligible efTences.
But that w e may not deviate from the doctrine through analogy, he fays that the fun is
analogous to the good, not according to any thing elfe than his being the caufe of light, through
which all vifible things are feen : I m e a n , not fo far as the fun has a body, and a corporeal place,
and is moveable. A n d again, fuch a light is analogous to truth, not fo far as it poflefTes interval,
or all-various refractions, but fo far only as it imparts the power of being feen to things vifible,
and fight to things that f e e ; in the fame manner as truth imparts to intelligibles the p o w e r
of being intellectually apprehended, and to intelligent natures the power of intellectual per
ception and vifible objects are analogous to intelligibles, not as fubfifting in place and being
moved, but as vifible alone.
Tliefe things being premifed, it is m o w n by Socrates that the good is beyond truth, in the
fame manner as the fun is beyond l i g h t : and hence it follows that the good does not participate
of truth. For that which is above truth neither is truly, nor can truly be any thing e l f e : fo that
if the good is, but // not truly, it will be that which is not truly being. But this is impoffible.
For, according to Plato, that w h i c h is not truly being fubfifts after true being. B u t the good is
not true being, fince it generates t r u t h ; and it muft be entirely unreceptive of that which it
generates. But all true being ncceflarily participates of truth. H e n c e it follows tint the gocd
+ ia
350 T H E R E P U B L I C .
is above being. For, if being is truly being, but the good gives fubfiftence to truth, which is i n -
feparable from and characterizes being, it muft alfo be above being.
A g a i n , w h e n Socrates fays, " Y o u k n o w that the eyes, w h e n they are no longer directed
towards objects whofe colours are (hone upon by the light of day, but by the fplendour of the
night, grow d i m , and appear almoft blind, as if they had in them no pure fight. Hut w h e n
they turn to objects w h i c h the fun illuminates, then I think they fee clearly, and in thofe very
eyes there appears n o w to be fight: " he here makes a divifion in things vifible into colours,
light, e y e s , and the fun. Afterwards he adduces things analogous to thofe in the obje6ts of
intellect, as follows : " Underftand then in the fame manner with reference to the f o u l : w h e n
it firmly adheres to that w h i c h truth and real being enlighten, then it understands and knows
it, and appears t o poflefs i n t e l l e c t : but w h e n it adheres t o that which is blended with dark-
nefs, w h i c h is generated, and w h i c h periihes, it is then converfant with opinion, its virion
b e c o m e s blunted, it wanders from one opinion to another, and refembles one without intel
lect." Socrates, therefore, aflumes being analogous to colour, truth to light, and the good to
the fun. H e alfo places being after truth, in the fame manner as colour after light and the
fun. The good therefore is beyond being. For he does not fay that which beings enlighten,
but that w h i c h being enlightens. If therefore the good is above being, it will alio necefiarily be
above eflTence.
H a v i n g aflerted thefe things through analogy, he adds what is ftill greater, that the good is
the caufe of intelligibles, not o f their being underftood only, but alfo of their eflence, in the
fame manner as the fun is the caufe to things vifible, not only of their being feen, but of
their generation, nouriftiment and increafe; and, as he is not generation, in like manner the
good is not eflence. It is evident, therefore, that the good, being the caufe of an intelligible
eflence, will be in the moft eminent degree fupereflential; for thefe, as will appear from the
P a r m e n i d e s , are fupereflential eflences, or, in other words, beings abforbed in the fupereflential.
It likewife follows from this analogy that truth alfo is fupereflential : for Socrates fays rhat this
illuminates all things that are k n o w n , in the fame manner as the light of the fun irradiates vifi
ble objects. T r u t h indeed appears to be an illumination from the fupereflential principle of
w h o l e s , w h i c h both intelligible and intellectual natures participate, and which unites them to
themfelves, and to each other. H e n c e it is faid to impart the power of being intellectually
apprehended to the former, and of intellectual vifion to the latter: for thefe could not be c o n
joined without a certain c o m m o n bond. A s light therefore illuminates vifible and vifive na
tures, but conjoins both through fimilitude, imparting to both a greater light than they con
tained before—in the fame manner that w h i c h is intellective and that which is intelligible,
being united by truth, coalefce w i t h each other.
F r o m hence alfo it will follow that the good cannot be k n o w n either by opinion or fcience•
T h a t it cannot indeed be k n o w n by opinion may be eafily proved. For Plato, with great pro.
priety, confiders the object of opinion as that w h i c h is partly being, and partly non-being. It
is alfo evident that the good is not the object of fcience. F o r , if every object of fcience is known
from
T H E R E P U B L I C . 351
arc t w o ; and that the one reigns over the intelligible genus and place, and
the other over the vifible, not to fay the heavens, left I mould feem to you
to
and are the objects of fcientific k n o w l e d g e , according to that moft accurate mode of fcience
which he defines, and according to w h i c h he defpifes the fciences which originate from h y p o -
thefis. For thus he fpeaks, teaching us his conceptions about thefe particulars : that other
fciences, or w h i c h appear to be fuch, make hypothefes their principles; but dialectic alone
being impelled to the principle, takes away hypothefes, till it difcovers that w h i c h is truly the
principle, not as an hypothefis, but truly unhypothetical. But fuch a principle is the one, in
w h i c h every fubfiftence o f things k n o w n terminates. From thefe things, therefore, it is e v i
dent, that calling dialectic the defenfive enclofure of things w h i c h appear to be fciences, and
defining that which is truly fcience, he fays that dialectic, beginning from an unhypothetic p r i n
ciple, confiders the nature of every thing. If therefore beholding alfo the idiom of the good,
and in what refpect it differs from other things, this fcience ("peculates from an unhypothetic
principle, this perhaps will be a certain fcience, and a fcience of the good, what it truly is, or
is not. But if this is the principle of all things, and a principle cannot be aflumed o f a p r i n c i .
pie, by what contrivance can it be faid that there is a certain fcience of the good? For every
fcientific object is apprehended from an unhypothetic principle; and that w h i c h is fo appre-
* In the 7th book of this Dialogue, near the end : A« man is a microcofm, this ray of his foul will,
evidently be analogous to truth, or fupereflential light, in th<; intelh'gihle world . v.:!l be the fummit of
the foul, and that which the Platonifts very properly call the one and the flower of our nature : for it is an
illumination from the ineffable principle of all things..
bended?
352 THE REPUBLIC.
to employ fophiftry in the expreflion : you underftand then thefe two fpe
cies, the vifible and the intelligible ? I do. As if then you took a.
line, cut into two unequal parts, and cut over again each feclion according
to the fame ratio, both that of the vifible fpecies, and that of the intelligi
ble, you will then have perfpicuity and obfcurity placed by each other. In
the vifible fpecies you will have in one feclion images : but I call images,
in the firft place, fhadows, in the next, the appearances in water, and
fuch as fubfift in bodies which are denfe, polifhed and bright, and every
thing of this kind, if you underftand me. I do. Suppofe now the other
feclion of the vifible which this refembles, fuch as the animals around us,
and every kind of plant, and whatever has a compofite nature. 1 fup
pofe it, faid he. Are you willing then that this feclion appear to be
divided into true and untrue ? And that the fame proportion, which
the object of opinion has to the object of knowledge, the very fame
bended is properly a fcientific o b j e c t : but the good is not apprehended from an unhypothetic
principle, becaufe it has not any principle whatever. So that, if this is the definition of fcience,
the good is by n o means an object of fcientific k n o w l e d g e . From hence alfo ir again follows that
the good is not being, fince Plato m o d clearly afferts that fcience is of b e i n g ; but that faith per*
tains to that w h i c h appears and is fenfible, the dianoetic power to dianoetic objects, aflimilation
t o things aflimilated, opinion to fenfibles and things aflimilated, and intelligence to intelligibles.
A n d this he not only aflerts here, but in the Timaeus alfo he fays, " That what eflence is to
generation, that faith is to truth, and attributes arguments which cannot be confuted to beings,
but aflimilative arguments to generated natures, fignifying that fcience is fpeculative of true
beings. If therefore being is the object of fcientific knowledge, but the good cannot be fcien-
tifically k n o w n , the good is not being.
H e n c e w e muft conclude that the good is only to be k n o w n by an ablation of all things from
its ineffable nature and this is what Socrates infinuates w h e n in the 7th book he fpeaks of f e -
parating the idea of the good from all others, and as in a battle piercing through all arguments. It
i s not therefore either fcience, or truth, or being : and if employing thefe things as principles
«re are willing to confider the confequences, w e (hall find that if the good is not being, it is nei
ther fame nor different, neither moved nor at reft, neither poflefles figure nor number, is nei
ther fimilar nor diflimilar, is neither equal nor unequal, nor participates of time all which
Parmenides collects in the firft hypothefis, a n d , having collected, adds, that there is neither
fcience nor opinion of the one, for it is beyond generation and eflence. S o that whatever is
aflerted o f the one, in the Parmenides of Plato, muft alfo neceflarily be aflerted of the good,
from what is here delivered by Plato concerning i t ; and hence the good, according to Plato, is
t h e fame with the one. W e not only therefore have this information from the aflertions of S o -
prates, that the good is not the object of fcientific k n o w l e d g e , but that it may after another m a n .
QCT be k n o w n through arguments and ablations.
proportion
THE REPUBLIC. 353
1
T h e rational and gnoftic powers of the foul receive a triple divifion: for o n e of thefe is
opinion, another the dianoetic power, and another intellect. Opinion therefore is converfant
w i t h the univerfal in fenfibles, w h i c h alfo it k n o w s , as that every man is a biped, and that all
colour is the object of fight. It likewife k n o w s the conclufions of the dianoetic energy i but
it docs not k n o w them fcicntifically. F o r it k n o w s that the foul is immortal, but is ignorant
xvhy it is fo, becaufe this is the province of the dianoetic power. H e n c e the Eleatean gueft in
the Sophifta very properly defines opinion to be the termination of the dianoetic power. For
the dianoetic power, having collected by a fyllogiftic procefs that the foul is immortal, opinion
Teceiving the conclufion k n o w s this alone that it is immortal. But the dianoetic power is that
w h i c h pafTes through as it were a certain way (hbor nvee havuti) by making a tranfition from p r o -
pofitions to conclufions, from which alfo it derives its appellation. T h u s , for inltance, the dia
noetic power inveftigates w h e n c e it is that the foul is immortal. Afterwards,beginning from thing6
moft clear, it pafTes on to the object of inveftigation, faying that the foul is f e l f - m o v e d ; that
which is fclf-moved is alfo perpetually moved; and this is immortal. T h e foul therefore is i m m o r
tal. A n d this is the employment of the dianoetic p o w e r . But the province oiintelUft is to dart
vol. i . 2 z itfelf
354 T H E R E P U B L I C .
fpecies, but about thofe of which they are the rcfemblances, employing;
their reafonings about the fquare itfelf, and the diameter itfelf, and not
about that which they defcribe ? And, in the fame manner, with refe
rence to other particulars, thofe very things which they form and defcribe,
in which number, fhadows and images in water are to be reckoned, thefe
they ufe as images, feeking to behold thofe very things, which a man can
no otherwife fee than by his dianoetic part. You fay true, replied he.
T h i s then I called a fpecies of the intelligible ;. but obferved that the foul
was obliged to ufe hypothefes in the inveftigation of it, not going back to
the principle, as not being able to afcend higher than hypothefes,. but made
ufe of images formed from things below, to lead to thofe above, as per-
fpicuous, as objects of opinion and diftinct from the things themfelves.
r
I underftand, faid he, that you fpeak of things pertaining to the geome
trical, and other fifter arts. Underftand now, that by the other feclion of
the intelligible, I mean that which reafon itfelf attains, making hypothefes
by its own reafoning power,, not as principles, but really hypothefes, as
fteps and handles, that, proceeding as far as to that which is unhypothetical,
v i z . the principle of the univerfe, and coming into contact with it, again
adhering to thofe things which adhere to the principle, it may thus de
fcend to the end ; ufing no where any thing which is fenfible, but forms
themfelves, proceeding through fome toothers, and at length in forms termi*-
l
nating its progreffion . I underftand, faid he, but not fufficiently. For you.
feem:
itfelf as it w e r e to things themfelves, by fimple projecTions^like the emiflion of the vifual rays,
and by an e n e r g y fuperior to demonftration. A n d in this refpect intellect is fimilar to the
fenfe of fight, w h i c h by fimple intuition k n o w s the objects w h i c h prefent themfelves to its
view. T h a t w e actually poflefs all thefe gnoftic p o w e r s , thus diftinguiflied from each other, is
evident from our poflefling thefe different kinds of knowledge ; for it is impoffible that one and
the fame p o w e r could know things demonstratively, and in a manner fuperior and inferior to
demonftration ; fince diverfity of k n o w l e d g e muft arife from a diverfity of gnoftic energy.
It may alfo be proper to obferve that opinion is the boundary of the rational part of the foul4
and that the phaniafy, or that p o w e r w h i c h apprehends things inverted w i t h figure, is the f u m -
mit of the irrational part, under w h i c h anger like a raging lion, and defire like, a many-headed
beaft, fubfift.
1
W i t h refpect to the manner in w h i c h Plato reprefents the diftribution of all things by the
feet ion of a line, it is neceflary to obferve, that as the progreflion of all things from the one is
c o n t i n u e d and u n i t e d , P l a t o prefents us with a n i m a g e of this continuity in one line, through
the
T H E R E P U B L I C . 355
the fimilitude and coherence of fecondary natures always proceeding from fuch as are firft, n o
vacuum by its intervention feparating them from each other. F o r , as the one produces all
things, it is necelTary that their proceffion from him fhould be continued : for the continued is
allied to the one. A n d the caufe of this continuity is the fimilitude of thofe feclions w h i c h are
in a confequent to thofe w h i c h are in a precedent order : for fimilitude is onenefs. O n this
account he aflumes one line, but this he cuts into t w o parts, and thefe not equal but u n e q u a l :
the parts are however t w o . For in the Philebus he exhorts thofe that fpeculate t h i n g s , after the
cue, to confider t w o things, if they have a fubfiftence, if not, the number w h i c h is allied t o
the duad. T h e divifion therefore of all things into unequal parts, indicates the rank of the
divided natures, the inequality according to continuity exhibiting an image of inequality a c
cording to hyparxis. But each of thefe unequal feclions he cuts analogous to the firft divifion
o f the l i n e ; this analogy again clearly rnanifefting the fubjeclion through famenefs of fecon-
dary from primary natures. For analogy is identity of ratio, and the moft beautiful of b o n d s ,
as we learn in the Timaeus, and is the j u d g m e n t of Jupiter, as w e are informed in the L a w s . As
therefore the univerfe was fabricated according to analogy, all things receiving an indiflblublc
friendfhip with each other, fo all things proceed b o u n d , and in mutual confent through analogy.
But as there are four feclions of one line, two of thefe, w h i c h complete its larger f e c l i o n ,
Plato eftablifhes as the genus of the intelligible, but the other t w o , w h i c h form the leffer divi
fion, as the genus of that w h i c h is vifible. For it was necefTary to aflign the larger feclion to
the intelligible, as being more excellent, and c o m p r e h e n d i n g the other, but the leffer to that
w h i c h is vifible ; for it is comprehended in the intelligible order according to caufe. A n d that
w h i c h is comprehended is every where lefs than that w h i c h comprehend?, whether the c o m -
prehenfion is confidered according to eflence, or according to p o w e r , or according to energy ;
as is feen in all continued and divided natures.
I only add that Plato in this reprefentation o f the feries of things, by the fections of a line,
follows the Pythagoreans, Brontinus and A r c h y t a s ; but his explanation is both more elegant
and more extended, as the learned reader may be convinced by confulting that part of the A n e c -
dota Graeca of Villoifon, w h i c h contains the Treatife o f Jambiichus o n the c o m m o n M a t h e
matical Science.
2 2 2 not
35$ T H E R E P U B L I C .
not intellect ' ; the dianoetic part fubfifting between opinion and intellecT-
You have comprehended, faid I, moft fufficiently : and conceive now, that
correfponding to the four fections there are thefe four paffions in the foul;
intelligence anfwering to the higheft, the dianoetic part to the fecond j
and affign faith to the third ; and to the laft aflimilation. Arrange them
likewife analogoufly ; conceiving that as their objects participate of truth*
fo thefe participate of perfpicuity. I underftand, laid he, and I affent*
and I arrange them as you fay.
1
T h e original here is ax*' o w ; but from t h e verfioa o f Ficinus,, it appears that w e ( h o u l #
read a*V OUM VW* A n d the fenfe indeed requires this-emendation.
THE
THE REPUBLIC.
BOOK VII.
echo, when any of thofe who paffed along fpake, do you imagine they
would reckon that what fpake was any thing elfe than the paffing
fhadow ? N o t I, by Jupiter! faid he. Such as thefe then, faid I, will
entirely judge that there is nothing true but the fhadows of utenfils. By an
abundant neceffity, replied he. W i t h reference then, both to their free
dom from thefe chains, and their cure of this ignorance, confider the
nature of it, if fuch a thing fhould happen to t h e m . W h e n any one
fhould be loofed, and obliged on a fudden to rife up, turn round his neck,
and walk and look up towards the light; and in doing all thefe things
fhould be pained, and unable., from the fplendours, to behold the things of
which he formerly faw the fhadows, what do you think he would fay, if
one fhould tell him that formerly he had feen trifles, but now, being fome
what nearer to reality, and turned toward what was more real, he faw
w i t h more rectitude ; and fo, pointing out to him each of the things
paffing along, fhould queftion him, and oblige him to tell what it w e r e ;
do not you think he would be both in doubt, and would deem what he
had formerly feen to be more true than what was now pointed out to
h i m ? By far, faid he. And if he fhould oblige him to look to the light
itfelf, would not he find pain in his eyes, and fhun i t ; and, turning to fuch
things as he is able to behold, reckon that thefe are really more clear than
thofe pointed out ? Juft fo, replied he. But if one, faid I, fhould drag
h i m from thence violently through a rough and fteep afcent, and never
flop till he drew him up to the light of the fun, would he not, whilft he
was thus drawn, both be in torment, and be filled with indignation ? And
after he had even come to the light, having his eyes filled with fplendour,
he would be able to fee none of thefe things now called true. H e would
jiot, faid he, fuddenly at leaft. But he would require, I think, to be ac-
cuftomed to it fome time, if he were to perceive things above. And, firft
of all, he would moft eafily perceive fhadows, afterwards the images of
men and of other things in water, and after that the things themfelves.
A n d , with reference to thefe, he would more eafily fee the things in the
heavens, and the heavens themfelves, by looking in the night to the
light of the ftars, and the moon, than by day looking on the fun, and the
light of the fun. H o w can it be otherwife? And, laft of all, he may be able,
J think, to perceive and contemplate the fun himfelf, not in water, nor re-
femblances
T H E R E P U B L I C . 339
and rather fuffer any thing than to poffefs fuch opinions, and live after
fuch a manner ? I think fo, replied he, that he would fuffer, and embrace
any thing rather than live in that manner. But confider this further, faid
1: If fuch an one fhould defcend, and fit down again in the fame feat,
would not his eyes be filled with darknefs, in confequence of coming fud-
denly from the fun ? Very much fo, replied he. And fhould he n o w
again be obliged to give his opinion of thofe fhadows, and to difpute about
them with thofe who are there eternally chained,- whilft yet his eyes were
dazzled, and before they recovered their former ftate, (which would not
be effected in a fhort time) would he not afford them laughter ? and would
it not be faid of him, that, having afcended, he was returned with vitiated
eyes, and that it was not proper even to attempt to go above, and that
whoever fhould attempt to liberate them, and lead them up* if ever they
were able to get him into their hands, fhould be put to death ? T h e y
would
300 T H E R E P U B L I C .
would by all means, faid he, put him to death. T h e whole of this image
n o w , faid I, friend Glauco, is to be applied to our preceding difcourfe ;
for, if you compare this region, which is feen by the fight, to the habitation
o f the prifbn ; and the light of the fire in it, to the power of the fun ; and
the afcent above, and the virion of things above, to the foul's afcent into
the intelligible place ; you will apprehend my meaning, fince you want to
hear it. But God knows whether it be true. Appearances then prefent
themfelves to my view as follows. In the intelligible place, the idea of the
good is the laft object of vifion, and is fcarcely to be feen ; but if it be feen,
w e muft collect by reafoning that it is the caufe to all of every thing right
and beautiful, generating in the vifible place, light, and its lord the f u n ;
and in the intelligible place, it is itfelf the lord, producing truth and intel
1
l e c t ; and this muft bcbeheld by him who is to act wifely, either privately
or
• Every thing in this cave is analogous to things vifible ; the m e n , animals and furniture of
every kind in it correfponding to the third, and the fhadows in it, and the images appearing in
mirrors, to the fourth feclion in the divifion of a line at the end of the preceding book. T h i n g s
fenfible alfo are imitations o f things dianoetic, or, in other words, of the objects of fcientific
energy, w h i c h form the fecond feclion of Plato's line. For the circle and triangle which are
dcfcribed upon paper are imitations of thofe w h i c h geometry confiders; and the numbers w h i c h
are beheld in things vifible, of thofe which the arithmetician contemplates ; and fo with refpect
t o every thing elfe. But obferve that Plato here does not confider human life fo far as it is
efTence, and is allotted a particular p o w e r , but merely with reference to erudition and the want
o f erudition. F o r in the ninth book h e affimilatcs our eflence to an animal whofe nature is
m i n g l e d from a man and a lion, and a certain many-headed beaft. But the prefent image in the
firft place f h o w s what h u m a n life is without erudition, and what it will be w h e n educated c o n
formably to the abovementioned fections, and acquiring knowledge correfponding to that
arrangement. | j n the next place, w h e n Plato fays that w e muft conceive a road above between
the fire and the fettered m e n , and that the fire from o n high illuminates the m e n bearing u t e n -
fils, and the fettered m e n w h o fee nothing but the fhadows formed by the fire, it is evident that
there is a certain afcent in the cave itfelf from a more abject to a more elevated life. By this
afcent, h e fignifies the contemplation of dianoetic objects, ( w h i c h form the fecond feclion of his
l i n e , ) in the mathematical difciplines. ^For as the fhadows in the cave correfpond to the fhadows
o f vifible objects, and vifible objects are the immediate images of dianoetic forms, or the elTen-
tial reafons of the foul, it is evident that the objects from w h i c h thefe fhadows are formed muft
correfpond to fuch as are dianoetic. It is requifue therefore, that the dianoetic power, excr-
cifing itfelf in thefe, fhould draw forth from their latent retreats the reafons of thefe w h i c h fhe
contains, and fhould contemplate thefe, not in images, but as fubfifling in herfelf in impartible invo
lution \ w h i c h w h e n (he evolves, (he produces fuch a beautiful multitude of mathematical theorems.
After
THE REPUBLIC.
arrive hither are unwilling to aft in human affairs, but their fouls always
haften to converfe with things above ; for it is fomehow reafonable it mould
be fb, if thefe things take place according to our abovementioned image.
It is indeed reafonable, replied he. But what ? do you think that this is any
thing wonderful, that w h e n a man comes from divine contemplations to
human evils, he fhould behave awkwardly and appear extremely ridiculous,
Whilft. he is yet dazzled, and is obliged, before he is fufficiently accuftomed to
the prefent darknefs, to contend in courts of juffice, or elfewhere, about
the fhadows of juftice, or thofe ftatues which occalion the fhadows ; and
to difpute about this point, how thefe things are apprehended by thofe
w h o have never at any time beheld juftice itfelf? This is not at all
wonderful, faid he. But if a man poffeffes intellect, faid I, he muft
remember, that there is a twofold difturbance of the fight, and arifing
from t w o caufes, when w e betake ourfelves from light to darknefs,
and from darknefs to light: and when a man confiders that thefe very
things happen with reference alfo to the foul, whenever he fees any one
difturbed, and unable to perceive any thing, he will not laugh in an un-
reafonable manner, but will confider, whether the foul, coming from a
more fplendid life, be darkened by ignorance, or, going from abundant
ignorance to one more luminous, be filled with the dazzling fplendour,
and fo will congratulate the one on its fate and life, and compafTionate
the life and fate of the other. And if he wifhes to laugh at the foul that
goes from darknefs to light, his laughter would be lefs improper, than if
he Were to laugh at the foul which defcends from the light to darknefs.
Y o u fay very reafonably, replied he. It is proper then, faid I, that w e
judge of them after fuch a manner as this, if thofe things be true. That
education is not fuch a thing as fome announce it to b e ; for they fome
how fay, that whilft there is no fcience in the foul, they will infert it, as
if they were inferting fight in blind eyes. T h e y fay fo, replied he. But
our prefent reafoning, faid I, now fhows, that this power being in the
foul of every one, and the organ by which every one learns, and being in
place being itfelf the lord of all things, producing intellect and truth." For, if it generates the
f u n , it muft by a m u c h greater priority be the caufe of thofe things w h i c h originate from the f u n ;
and if it is the caufe of eflence t o intelligibles, it muft be celebrated as in a greater degree the
caufe of things of w h i c h thefe are the caufes.
THE REPUBLIC. 363
the fame condition as the eye, if it were unable otherwife, than with the
whole body, to turn from darknefs to light, m u d , in like manner, with
the whole foul, be turned from generation, till it be able to endure the
contemplation of being itfelf, and the mofl fplendid of being ; and this
w e call the good. D o we not ? W e do. This then, faid I, would ap
pear to be the art of his converhon, in what manner he fhall, with
greateft eafe and advantage, be turned. N o t to implant in him the power
o f feeing, but confidering him as poffeffed of it, only improperly fituated,
and not looking at what he ought, to contrive fome method by which
this may be accomplifhed. It feems fo, replied he. T h e other virtues n o w
then of the foul, as they are called, feem to be fomewhat refembling thofe
o f the body (for when, in reality, they were not in it formerly, they are
afterwards produced in it by habits and exercifes); but that of wifdom,
as it feems, happens to be of a nature fomewhat more divine than any
other ; as it never lofes its power, but, according as it is turned, is ufeful
and advantageous, or ufelefs and hurtful. Or have you not obferved of
thofe who are faid to be wicked, yet wife, how fharply the little foul fees,
and how acutely it comprehends every thing to which it is turned, as hav
ing no contemptible fight, but compelled to be fubfervient to wickednefs:
fo that the more acutely it fees, fo much the more productive is it of
wickednefs ? Entirely fb, replied he. But however, faid I, with reference
to this part of fuch a g e n i u s ; if, immediately from childhood, it fhould
be ftripped of every thing allied to generation, as leaden weights, and of
all thofe pleafures and lufts which relate to feaftings and fuch like, which
turn the fight of the foul to things downwards ; from all thefe, if the foul,
being freed, fhould turn itfelf towards truth, the very fame principle in
the fame men would moft acutely fee thofe things as it now does thefe
t o which it is turned. It is likely, replied he. But what? is not this
likely, faid I, and neceffarily deduced from what has been mentioned ?
that neither thofe who are uninftrucled and unacquainted with truth can
ever fufhcieiuly take care of the c i t y ; nor yet thofe w h o allow themfelves
to fpend the whole of their time in learning. T h e former, becaufe they
have no one fcope in life, aiming at which they ought to do whatever
they do, both in private and in public; and the latter, becaufe they are
not willing to manage civil affairs, thinking that whilft they are yet alive,
3 A 2 they
364 T H E R E P U B L I C .
they inhabit the iflands of the blelTed. T r u e , faid he. It is our bufinefi
then, faid I, to oblige thofe of the inhabitants w h o have the beft geniuses*
to apply to that learning which we formerly faid was the greateft, both to
view the good, and to alcend that a (cent; and when they have afcended>
and fufficiently viewed it, w e are not to allow them what is now allowed
them. W h a t is that ? T o continue there, faid I, and be unwilling to
defcend again to thofe fettered men, or (hare with them in their toils- and
honours, whether more trifling or more important. Shall w e then, faid
he, act unjuftly towards t h e m , and make them live a worfe life when they
have it in their power to live a better ? You have again forgot, friend*
faid I, that this is not the legiflator's concern, in what manner any one
tribe in the city fhall live remarkably happy ; but this he endeavours ta
effectuate in the whole city, connecting the citizens together; and by
neceffity, and by perfuafion,, making them fhare the advantage with one
another with which they are feverally able to benefit the community: and
the legiltator, when he makes fuch men in the city, does it not that he
may permit them to go where each may incline,, but that himfelf may
employ them for connecting the city together. T r u e , faid he^ I forgot*
indeed. Confider then, faid I, Glauco, that w e fhall no way injure the
philofophers w h o arife among us, but tell them what is juft, when we
oblige them to take care o f others-, and to be guardians. W e will allow>
indeed, that thofe w h o in other cities become philofophers, w i t h reafon do
not participate of the toils of public offices in the ftate (for they fpring
up of themfelves, the policy of each city oppofing them, and it is juft,
that what fprings of itielf,, owing its growth t o none, fhould not be
forward to pay for its nurture to any o n e ) ; but you have we generated
both for yonrfelves, and for the reft of the ftate, as the leaders and kings
in a hive, and have educated you better, and in a more perfect manner
than they, and made you more capable of fharing both in the rewards and
labours attending public offices. Every one then muft, in part, defcend
to the dwelling of the others, and accuftom himfelf to behold obfcure
objects : for, when you are accuftomed to them, you will infinitely better
perceive things there, and will fully know the feveral images what they
are, and of what, from your having perceived the truth concerning things
beautiful, and juft, and good. And thus, as a real vifion, both to us and
4 >ou.
THE REPUBLIC. 365
you, fhall the city he inhabited, and not as a dream, as moft cities are at
prefent inhabited by fuch as both fight w i t h one another about fhadows,
and raife fedition about governing, as if k were fome mighty good. But
the truth is as follows : In whatever city thofe who are to govern, are the
moft averfe to undertake government, that city, of necefiity, will be the
beft eftablifhed, and the moft free from fedition and that city, whofe
governors are of a contrary character, will be in a contrary condition.
Entirely fo, replied he. D o you think then that our pupils will difobey
us, when they hear thefe injunctions, and be unwilling to labour jointly in
the city, each bearing a part but fpend the moft of their time with one
r
another, free from public affairs ? Impoffible, faid he. For we prefcribe
juft things to juft men. And each of them enters on magiftracy from
this confideration beyond all others, that they are under a necefiity o f
governing after a manner contrary to all the prefent governors of all other
cities. For thus it is, my companion, faid I r if you difcover a life for
thofe who are to be our governors, better than that of governing, then it
will be poflible for you to have the city well eftablifhed ; for in it alone
fhall thofe govern who are truly rich, n o t in gold, but in that in which a
happy man ought to be rich,, in a good and prudent life. But if, whilft
they are poor, and deftitute of goods of their o w n , they come to the pub
lic, thinking they ought thence to pillage good, it is not poffible to
have the city rightly eftablifhed. For the conteft being w h o fhall govern,
fuch a war being domeftic, and within them, it deftroys both themfelves^
and the reft of the city. Moft true, faid he. Have you then,, faid I,
any other kind of life which defpifes public magiftracies, but that of true
philofophy ? N o , by Jupiter !• faid he. But, however, they ought at-leaft
not to be fond of governing w h o enter on it, otherwife the rivals will
fight about it. H o w can it be otherwife? W h o m elfe then will you
oblige to enter on the guardianfhip of the city, but fuch as are moflintel*
ligent in thofe things by which the city is beft eftablifhed, and who have
other honours, and a life better than the political one ? N o others, faid
he. Are you willing then, that we now confider this, by what means
fuch men fhall be produced, and how one fhall bring them into the light,
as fome are faid, from Hades, to have afcended to the Gods ? W h y fhould
I not be willing? replied he. T h i s now,, as it feems, is not the turning
of
360 T H E R E P U B L I C .
1
of a lhell ; but the c o n v e r f i o n of the foul coming from fome benighted
day, to the true re-afcent to real being, which w e fay is true philofophy.
Entirely fo. Ought w e not then to confider which of the difciplines poi-
feffes fuch a power ? W h y not ? W h a t now, Glauco, may that difci-
pline of the foul be, which draws her from that which is generated to
wards being itfelf? But this I confider whilft I am fpeaking. Did not
w e indeed fay, that it was neceflary for them, whilft young, to be wreft-
lers in war ? W e faid fo. It is proper then, that this difcipline likewife
be added to that which is now the object of our inquiry. Which ? N o t
to be ufelefs to military men. It muft indeed, faid he, be added if poffi
ble. T h e y were fome where in our former difcourfe inftrudted by us in
gymnaftic and mufic. T h e y were, replied he. Gymnaftic indeed fome
how refpects what is generated and deftroyed, for it prefides over the in
creafe and corruption of body. It feems fo. This then cannot be the dif
cipline which w e inveftigate. It cannot. Is it mufic then, fuch as w e
formerly defcribed ? But it was, faid he, as a counterpart of gymnaftic,
if you remember, by habits inftructing our guardians, imparting no
fcience, but only with refpect to harmony, a certain propriety, and with
regard to rhythm, a certain propriety of rhythm, and in difcourfes, certain
other habits the fifters of thefe, both in fuch difcourfes as are fabulous, and
in fuch as are nearer to truth. But as to a difcipline refpecting fuch a
good as you now inveftigate, there was nothing of this in that mufic You
have, moft accurately, faid I, reminded m e ; for it treated, in reality, of no
fuch thing. But, divine Glauco, what may this difcipline be ? For all
the arts have fomehow appeared to be mechanical and illiberal. H o w
fhould they not ? And what other difcipline remains diftinct from mufic,
gymnaftic, and the arts ? Come, faid I, if w e have nothing yet further
befides thefe to take, let us take fomething in thefe which extends over
them all. W h a t is that ? Such as this general thing, which all arts, and
dianoetic powers, and fciences employ, and which every one ought, in the
firft place, neceffarily to learn. W h a t is that ? faid he. This trifling
thing, faid I, to k n o w completely one, and t w o , and three : I call this
1
T h e G r e e k Scholia inform us that this is a proverb, faid of thofe w h o do any thing quickly.
I t is alfo the name of a fport. It is likewife applied to thofe w h o rapidly betake themfelves to
flight, or to thofe w h o are eafily changed.
g fummarily
T H E R E P U B L I C , 367
ing more plain'y in this manner. Thefe, we fay, are three ringers, the
little fingi-r, the next to it, and the middle finger. Plainly fo, replied he.
Confider me then as fpeaking of them when feen near, and take notice of
this concerning them. W h a t ? Each of them alike appears to be a fin^er 9
ftudy it, not in a common way, but till by intelligence itfelf they arrive
at the contemplation of the nature of numbers, not for the fake of buying,
nor of felling, as merchants and retailers, but both for war, and for facility
in the energies of the foul itfelf, and its converfion from generation to
truth and effence. Moft beautifully faid, replied he. And furely now,
1 perceive likewife, faid I, at prefent whilft this difcipline refpecting c o m
putations is mentioned, how elegant it is, and every way advantageous
towards our purpofe, if one applies to it for the fake of knowledge, and
not with a view to traffic ! W h i c h way ? replied he. T h i s very thing
w h i c h w e now mentioned, how vehemently does it fomehow lead up
the foul, and compel it to reafon about numbers themfelves, by no means
admitting, if a man in reafoning with it fhall produce numbers which have
vifible and tangible bodies ! For you know of fome who are fkilled in
thefe things, and w h o , if a man in reafoning fhould attempt to divide
unity itfelf, would both ridicule him, and not admit it; but if you divide it
into parts, they multiply them, afraid left anyhow unity fhould appear
not to be unity, but many parts. You fay, replied he, moft true. W h a t
think you now, Glauco, if one fhould afk t h e m : O admirable men ! about
what kind of numbers are you reafoning ? in which there is unity, fuch as
you think fit to approve, each whole equal to each whole, and not differ
ing in the fmalleft degree, having no part in itfelf, what do you think* they
would anfwer ? T h i s , as I fuppofe; that they mean fuch numbers as can
be conceived by the dianoetic part alone, but cannot be comprehended in
any other way. You fee then, my friend, faid I, that in reality this
difcipline appears to be neceflary for us, fince it feems to compel the foul
to employ intelligence itfelf in the perception of truth itfelf. And furely
n o w , faid he it effects this in a very powerful degree. But what ? have
you hitherto confidered this ? that thofe w h o are naturally fkilled in com
putation appear to be acute in all difciplines; and fuch as are naturally
flow, if they be inftructed and exercifed in this, though they derive no
other advantage, yet at the fame time all of them proceed fo far as to
become more acute than they were before. It is fo, replied he. And
furely, as I think, you will not eafily find any thing, and not at all many,
w h i c h occafion greater labour to the learner and ftudent than this. N o ,
indeed. O n all thefe accounts, then, this difcipline is not to be omitted,
9 but
T H E R E P U B L I C . 371
but the beft geniuses are to be inftructed in it. I agree, faid he. Let this
one thing then, faid I, be eftablifhed among u s ; and, in the next place,
let us confider if that which is confequent to this in any refpect pertains
to us. W h a t is it ? laid he : or, do you mean geometry ? That very thing,
faid I, As far, faid he, as it.relates to warlike affairs, it is plain that it
belongs to us ; for, as to encampments, and the occupying of ground, c o n
tracting and extending an army, and all thofe figures into which they form
armies, both in battles and in marches, the fame man would differ from
himfelf when he is a geometrician, and when he is not. But furely n o w ,
faid I, for fuch purpofes as thefe, fome little geometry and fome portion
of computation might fuffice : but w e muft inquire, whether much o f it,
and great advances in it, would contribute any thing to this great end, to
make us more eafily perceive the idea of the good. And w e fay that every
thing contributes to this, that obliges the foul to turn itfelf towards that
region in which is the moft divine of being, which it muft by all means
perceive. You fay right, replied he. If therefore it compel the foul to
contemplate effence, it belongs to u s ; but if it oblige it to contemplate
generation, it does not belong to us. W e fay fo indeed. Thofe then
w h o are but a little converfant in geometry, faid I, will not difpute with
us this point at leaft, that this fcience is perfectly contrary to the c o m m o n
modes of fpeech, employed in it by thofe w h o practife it. H o w ? faid he.
T h e y fpeak fomehow very ridiculoufly, and through neceffity : for all the
difcourfe they employ in it appears to be with a v i e w to operation, and to
practice. Thus they fpeak of making a fquare, of prolonging, of adjoining,
and the like. But yet the whole of this difcipline is fomehow ftudied
for the fake of knowledge. By all means indeed, faid he. Muft not this
further be affenied to? W h a t ? That it is the knowledge of that which
f
always is, and not of h:n winch is fometimes generated and deftroyed.
This, faid he, muft be p a n t e d ; for geometrical knowledge is of that which
always is. It would feem then, generous Glauco, to draw the foul towards
truth, and to be p r o d u ^ v e of a dianoetic energy adapted to a philofopher,
fo as to raife this power of the loul to things above, inftead of caufing it
improperly, as at prefent, to contemplate things below. A s much as
poffible, replied he. As much as poihble then, faid 1, muft w e give orders,
that thofe in this moft beautiful cny of yours by no means omit geometry;
3 B z for
372 T H E R E P U B L I C .
for even its by-works are not inconfiderable. W h a t by-works ? faid he.
T h o f e , faid I, which you mentioned relating to w a r ; and indeed with
reference to all difciplines, as to the underftanding of them more hand
fomely, w e know fomehow, that the having learned geometry or not,
makes every way an entire difference. E v e r y w a y , by Jupiter! faid he.
L e t us then eftablifh this fecond difcipline for the youth. Let us eftablifh
it, replied he. But what ? fhall we, in the third place, eftablifh aftronomy ?
or are you of a different opinion ? I am, faid he, of the fame : for to be
well ikilled in the feafons of months and years, belongs not only to agri
culture and navigation, but equally to the military art. You are pleafant,
faid I, as you feem to be afraid of the multitude, left you mould appear to
enjoin ufelefs difciplines: but this is not altogether a contemptible thing,
though it is difficult to perfuade them, that by each of thefe difciplines a
certain organ of the foul is both purified and exfufcitated, which is blinded
and buried by ffudies of another kind ; an organ better worth faving than
ten thoufand eyes, f i n c e truth is perceived by this alone. T o fuch there
fore as are of the fame opinion, you will very readily appear to reafon
admirably w e l l : but fuch as have never obferved this will probably think
you fay nothing at all: for they perceive no other advantage in thefe things
worthy of attention. Confider now from this point, with which of thefe
t w o you will reafon ; or carry on the reafonings with neither of them, but
principally for your own fake, yet envy not another, if any one fhall be
able to be benefited by them. In this manner, replied he, I choofe, on my
o w n account principally both to reafon, and to queffion and anfwer. Come
then, faid I, let us go back again : for w e have not rightly taken that which
is confequent to geometry. H o w have w e taken? replied he. After a
plain furface, faid I, w e have taken a folid, moving in a circle, before we
confidered it by itfelf: but if w e had proceeded rightly we mould have
taken the third argument immediately after the fecond, and that is fome
h o w the argument of cubes, and what participates of depth. It is fo,
replied he. But thefe things, Socrates, f e e m not yet to be difcovered.
T h e reafon of it, faid I, is twofold. Becaufe there is no city which
fufficiently honours them, they are flightly inveftigated, being difficult; and
Jbefides, thofe who doinveftigate them want a leader, without which they
cannot difcover them. And this leader is in the firft place hard to be
obtained ;
T H E R E P U B L I C . 373
am not able to conceive, that any other difcipline can make the foul look
upwards, but that which refpects being, and that which is invifible ; and
if a man undertakes to learn any thing of fenfible objects, whether he gape
upwards, or bellow downwards, never fhall I fay that he learns ; for I aver
he has no fcience of thefe things, nor fhall I fay that his foul looks upwards,
but downwards, even though he fhould learn lying on his back, either at
land or at fea. I am punifhed, faid h e ; for you havejuftly reproved me. But
which was the proper way, faid you, o f learning aftronomy different from
the methods adopted at prefent, if they mean to learn it with advantage
for the purpofes we fpeak of? In this manner, faid I, that thefe varie
gated bodies in the heavens, as they are varied in a vifible fubject, be
deemed the mofl beautiful and the mofl accurate of the kind, but far i n
ferior to real beings, according to thofe orbits in which real velocity, and
real flownefs, in true number, and in all true figures, are carried with
refpect to one another, and carry all things that are within them. W h i c h
things truly are to be comprehended by reafon and the dianoetic power, but
not by fight ; or do you think they can ? By no means, replied he. Is
not then, faid I, that variety in the heavens to be made ufe of as a para
digm for learning thofe real things, in the fame manner as if one fhould
meet with geometrical figures, drawn remarkably well and elaborately by
Daedalus, or fome other artift or painter ? For a man who was fkilled
in geometry, on feeing thefe, would truly think the workman fhip moft
excellent, yet would efteem it ridiculous to confider thefe things ferioufly,
as if from thence he were to learn the truth, as to what were in equal,
in duplicate, or in any other proportion. W h y would it not be ridicu
lous r replied he. Aud do not you then think, that he who is truly an
aftronomer is affected in the fame manner, when he iooks up to the
orbits of the planets ? And that he reckons that the heavens and all in
them are indeed eftablifhed by the demiurgus of the heavens, in the moft
beautiful manner poffible for fuch works to be eftablifhed ; but would not
he deem him abfurd, who fhould imagine that this proportion of night
w i t h day, and of both thefe to a month, and of a month to a year, and
of other ftars to fuch like things, and towards one another, exifted always
in the fame manner, and in no way Offered any change, though they have
a body, and are vifible; and fearch by every method to apprehend the
truth
T H E R E P U B L I C . 375
plaints of the firings, their refufals and ftubbornnefs, but bring the image
to an end. But I fay w e ought not to choofe thefe to fpeak of harmony,
but thofe true muilcians w h o m w e mentioned. For thefe do the fame
things here as the others did in aftronomy ; for in thefe fymphonies which
are heard, they fearch for numbers, but they pafs not thence to the pro
blems, to inquire what numbers are fymphonious, and what are not, and
the reafon why they are either the one or the other. You fpeak, faid he,
of a divine work. It is then indeed profitable, faid I, in the fearch of the
beautiful and good, but if purfued in another manner it is unprofitable.
It is likely, faid he. But 1 think, faid I, that the proper method of in
quiry into all thefe things, if it reach their communion and alliance with
each other, and reafon in what refpects they are akin to one another, will
contribute fomething to what w e want, and our labour will not be unpro
fitable ; otherwife it will. I likewife, faid he, prophefy the fame thing.
But you fpeak, Socrates, of a very mighty work. D o you mean the in
troduction, or what elfe ? faid I. Or do w e not know that all thefe things
are introductory to the law itfelf? which w e ought to learn ; for even thofe
that are fkilled in dialectic do not appear expert as to thefe things. N o ,
by Jupiter, faid he, unlefs a very few of all I have met with. But whilft
they are not able, faid I, to impart and receive reafon, will they ever be
able to know any thing of what w e fay is neceffary to be known ? Never
will they be able to do this, replied he. Is not this itfelf then, Glauco,
faid I, the law ? T o give perfection to dialectic ; which being intelligible,
may be faid to be imitated by the power of fight; which power endea
vours, as w e obferved, firft to look at animals, then at the ftars, and laft of
all at the fun himfelf. So when any one attempts to difcufs a fubject
without any of the fenfes, by reafoning he is impelled to that which each
particular is ; and if he does not defift till he apprehends by intelligence
what is the good itfelf, he then arrives at the end of the intelligible, as
the other does at the end of the vifible. Entirely fo, faid he. W h a t
now ? D o not you call this progreffion dialectic ? W h a t elfe ? And now,
faid I, as in our former comparifon you had the liberation from chains,
and turning from fhadows towards images, and the light, and an afcent
from the cavern to the fun ; and when there, the looking at images in
water, from an inability at firft to behold animals and plants, and the
light
T H E R E P U B L I C. 3/7
light of the fun ; fo here you have the contemplation of divine phantafm>,
and the fhadows of real beings, and not the fhadows of images fhadowed
out by another light of a fimilar kind, as by the fun. And all this bufinefs
refpecting the arts which we have difculfcd, lias this power, to lead back
again that which is heft in the foul, to the contemplation of that which is
he if in beings ; as in the former cafe, that which is brightcit in the body
is led to that which is moft fplendid in the corporeal and vifible place. I
admit, faid he, of thefe things ; though truly it appears to me extremely
difficult to admit of them, and in another refpect it is difficult not to admit
of them. But however (for we fhall hear thefe things not only now at
prefent, but often again difcufs them), eftablifhing thefe things as now
expreffed, k t us go to the law itfelf, and difcufs it as we have finifhed the
introduction. Say then what is the mode of the power of dialectic % and
into what fpecies is it divided, and what are the paths leading to it ? For
thefe, it is likely, conduct us to that place, at which when we are arrived,
we fhall find a refling-place, and the end of the journey. You will
not as yet, friend Glauco, faid I, be able to follow ; for otherwife no
zeal fhould be wanting on my part; nor fhould you any longer only
fee the image of that of which w e are fpeaking, but the truth itfelf. But
this is what to me at leaft it appears ; whether it be fo in reality or not,
this it is not proper ftrenuoufly to affirm ; but that indeed it is fomewhat
of this kind may be ftrenuoufly affirmed. May it not ? W h y not ? And
further that it is the power of dialectic alone, which can difcover this to
one who is fkilled in the things we have difcuffed, and that by no other
power it is poffible. This alfo, faid he, w e may ftrenuoufly affirm. This
at leaft no one, faid I, will difpute with us : That no other method can
attempt to comprehend, in any orderly way, what each particular being
is ; for all the other arts refpect either the opinions and defires of men, or
generations, and compofitions, or are all employed in the culture of things
generated and compounded. Thofe others, which w e faid participated
fomewhat of being, geometry, and fuch as are connected with her, w e
fee as dreaming indeed about being; but it is impoffible for them to have a
1
For a copious account of the dialeelic of Plato, w h i c h is the fame w i t h the metaphyfics o f
Ariftotle, fee the Introduction and N o t e s to the Parmenides.
VOL, i. 3 c true
3/S T H E R E P U B L I C .
1
true vifion, fo long as employing hypothefes they preferve thefe immove
able, without being able to affign a reafon for their fubfiftence. For where the
principle is that which is unknown, and the conclufion and intermediate
fteps arc connected with that*unknown principle, by what contrivance
can an affent of fuch a kind ever become fcience ? By none, replied he.
D o e s not then, faid I, the dialectic method proceed in this way alone, to
the principle itfelf, removing all hypothefes, that it may firmly eftablifh
it, and gradually drawing and leading upwards the eye of the foul, which
was truly buried in a certain barbaric mire, ufing as affiftants and circular
leaders thofe arts w e have mentioned, which through cuftom we fre
quently call fciences, but which require another appellation more clear
than opinion, but more obfeure than fcience ? W e have fomewhere in the
former part of our difcourfe termed it the dianoetic power. But the con-
troverfy is not, as it appears to m e , about a name, with thofe who inquire
into things of fuch great importance as thofe now before us. It is not,
faid he. D o you agree then, faid I, as formerly, to call the firft part
fcience, the fecond the dianoetic power, the third faith, and the fourth
affimilation ? and both thefe laft opinion ? and the two former intelli
gence? A n d that opinion is employed about generation, and intelligence
about effence ? L i k e w i f e , that as eflence is to generation, fo is intelligence
to opinion, fcience to faith, and the dianoetic power to affimilation ? But
as for the analogy of the things which thefe powers refpect, and the twofold
divifion of each, viz. of the object of opinion, and of intellect, thefe we omit,
Glauco, that w e may not be more prolix here than in our former reafon-
ings. As for me, laid he, with reference to thofe other things, as far as
I am able to follow, I am o f the fame opinion. But do not you call him
Ik i lied i:i dialectic, w h o apprehends the reafon of the effence of each
particular : And as for the man who is not able to give a reafon to himfelf,.
and to another, fo far as he is not able, fo far will you not fay he wants
intelligence of the thing ? W h y fhould I not fay fo ? replied he. And is.
not the cafe the fame with reference to the good? Whofoever cannot
define it by reafon, feparating the idea of the good from all others, and
as in. a battle piercing through all arguments, eagerly driving to confute,.
7
Inftcad of rwn.here, I read eufyvtn.
not
T H E R E P U B L I C . 379
thofe who are converfant with dialectic ? In this. W e have certain dog
mas from our childhood concerning things juft and beautiful, in which w e
have been nourifhed as by parents, obeying and honouring them. We
have, faid he. Arc there not likewife other purfuits oppofite to thefe,
with pleafures llattering our fouls, and drawing them towards thefe?
T h e y do not however perfuade thofe who are in any degree moderate, but
they honour thofe their relations, and obey them. Thefe things are
fo. W h a t now, faid I, when to one who is thus affected the queftion is
propofed, W h a t is the beautiful? and when he, anfwering what he has heard
from the lawgiver, is refuted by reafon ; and reafon frequently and every
way convincing him, reduces him to the opinion, that this is no more
beautiful than it is deformed ; and in the fame manner, as to what is juft
and good, and whatever elfe he held in higheft eftecm, what do you think
fuch an one will after this do, with regard to thefe things, as to honouring
and obeying them ? O f neceffity, faid he, he will neither honour nor obey
them any longer in the fame manner as formerly. W h e n then he no
longer deems, faid I, thefe things honourable, and allied to him as formerly,
and cannot difcover thofe which really are fo, is it poflible he can readily join
himfelf to any other life than the flattering one ? It is not poflible, faid he.
And from being an obferver of the law, he fhall, I think, appear to be a
tranfgreffor. O f necefiity. Is it not likely then, faid I, that thofe fhall
be thus affected who in this fituation apply to reafoning, and that they
fhould deferve, as I was juft now faying, great forgivenefs? And pity too,
laid he. Whilft you take care then, left this compaffionable cafe befall
thefe of the age of thirty, ought they not by every method to apply them
felves to reafoning? Certainly, faid he. And is not this one prudent
caution ? that they tafte not reafonings, whilft they are young : for you.
have not forgot, I fuppofe, that the youth, when they firft tafte of reafon
ings, abufe them in the way of amufement, whilft they employ them
always for the purpofe of contradiction. And imitating thofe w h o are
refuters, they themfelves refute others, delighting like whelps in dragging
and tearing to pieces, in their reafonings, thofe always who are near them.
Extremely fo, faid he. And after they have confuted many, and been*
themfelves confuted by many, do they not vehemently and ijpeedily l.iy afide-
all the opinions they formerly poffeffed ? And by thefe means they t h e m
felves,,
384 T H E R E P U B L I C .
fuperior beings ; and if it do not, as to happy and divine men. You have,
Socrates, faid he, like a fhtuary, made our governors all-beautiful. And
our governeffes likewife, Glauco, laid I. For do not fuppoie that 1 have
fpoken what I have (aid any more concerning the men than concerning
the women,—fuch of them as are of a fufficient genius. Right, laid he, if
at leaft they are to fhare in all things equally with the men, as we related.
What then, faid I, do you agree, that with reference to the city and re
public, we have not altogether fpoken what can only be confidered as
vviflies; but fuch things as are indeed difficult, yet poflible in a certain
refpe<t, and in no other way than what has been mentioned, viz. when
thofe who are truly philofophers, whether more of them or a fingle one,
becoming governors in a city, fhall defpife thofe prefent honours, confider-
ing them as illiberal and of no value; but efteeming rectitude and the
honours, which are derived from it above all things; accounting the juft
as a thing of all others the greateft, and moft absolutely neceffary; and
miniftering to it, and, increafing it, thoroughly regulate the conftitution of
their own city ? How ? faid he. As many, faid I, of the more advanced
in life as have lived ten years in the city they will fend into the country,
and, removing their children away from thofe habits which the domeftics
poffefs at prefent, they will educate them in their own manners and laws,
which are what we formerly mentioned: and the city and republic we
have defcribed being thus eftablifhed in the fpeedieft and eafieft manner, it
will both be happy itfelf, and be of the greateft advantage to that people
among whom it is eftablifhed. Very much fo indeed, faid h e . And you
feem to me, Socrates, to have told very well how this city fhall arife, if it
arife at all. Are not now then, faid I, our difcourfes fufficient both con
cerning fuch a city as this, and concerning a manfimilarto it? For it i s
alfo now evident what kind of a man w e fhall fay h e ought to b e . It is
evident, replied he; and your inquiry feems to me to b e at an end.
VOL. I. T H E
THE REPUBLIC.
BOOK VIII.
of them, and when w c have agreed which is the bed, and which is the
word man, we may inquire whether the bed: man be the happieft, and
the worft the moft miferablc, or otherwife. And when I afked you, which
you call the four republics, Polemarchus and Adimantus hereupon inter
rupted ; and you, in this manner having refumed the fubjecl, are come to
this part of the reafoning. You have recollected, faid I, moft accurately.
Again therefore afford me the fame opportunity, and, whilft I afk you the
fame queftion, endeavour to fay what you then intended to affert. If in
deed I am able, laid I. And I am truly defirous, faid he, for my part, to
hear which you call the four republics. You mall hear that, faid I, with
out difficulty. For they are thefe I mention, and they have names too.
There is that which is commended by many, the Cretan and the Spartan.
There is, fecondly, that which has a fecondary praife, called Oligarchy, a
republic full of many evils; that which is different from this, and follows
next in order, a Democracy ; and then genuine Tyranny, different from all
thefe, the fourth and laft difeafe of a city. Or have you any other form
of a republic belonging to any diftinct: fpecies ? For your little principali
ties and venal kingdoms, and fuch like republics, are fomehow of a mid
dle kind between thefe, and one may find of them as many among the
barbarians as among the Greeks. They are indeed, faid he, faid to be
very many, and very ftrange ones. D o you know n o w , faid I, that there
is fomehow a necefiity that there be as many fpecies of men as of repub
lics ? Or do you imagine that republics are generated fomehow of an
x
oak , or a rock, and not of the manners of thofe who are in the city, to
which, as into a current, every thing elfe likewife is drawn ? By no
means do I imagine, faid he, they are generated from any thing but from
hence. If then there be five fpecies of cities, the fpecies of fouls in indi
viduals fhall be likewife five. W h y not ? W e have already difcufled
that which refembles an Ariftocracy, which wc have rightly pronounced
to be both good and juft. W e have fo. Are we now, in the next place,
to go over the worfe fpecies, the contentious and the ambitious man, w h o
1
T h e Greek Scholiaft on this paflage obferves, that the antients apprehended their anceftors
were generated from oaks and rocks, b e c a u f e mothers u f e d to place their infants in caverns and
the trunks of trees. For m e n , in times of remote antiquity, were accuftomed to have c o n
nexion with w o m e n near oaks or rocks.
3 D 2 is
388 T H E R E P U B L I C
to
T H E R E P U B L I C . 389
1
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1
T h e obfeurity of thefe numbers, w h i c h is fo great as to have become proverbial among the
antients, is not elucidated in any of thofe invaluable remains of Grecian philofophy which have
furvived to the prefent t i m e . A n d yet it may be fairly concluded that this myfterious pafTage
w a s moft fatisfactorily unfolded by the commentaries of fuch men as Jamblichus, Syrianus-and
P r o c l u s , on this part of the R e p u b l i c , though they have unfortunately perifl.ee! in the wreck of
ages. T h e f o l l o w i n g attempt, h o w e v e r , may perhaps (how that it is not impoffible to penetrate
this myftery, t h o u g h deprived of fuch mighty aid, fince it is only to be folved by the afiiftance
of Mathefis, w h o at all times v/illingly acts miniftrant to Infpiration.
In the firft place t h e n , let us confider what Plato means by augmentations furpafting and fur-
pafled ; things affimilating and diflimilating, increasing and decreafing, correfpondent and eftablc.
A u g m e n t a t i o n s furpafting, are ratios of greater inequality, viz. w h e n the greater is c o m
pared to the leffer, and are multiples * , fupcrparticulars, fuperpartients, multiplc-fuperpar-
* Multiplex ratio is when a greater quantity contains a leffer many times. Superparticular ratio is
when the greater contains the kffer quantity once, and fome part of it b e f i d e 9 ; and fuperpartient ratio,
13 when the greater eontains the leffer quantity once, and certain parts of it likewife. Again, multiple
fuperparticular ratio is when the greater contains the leffer many times and fome part of it befides; and
multiple fuperpartient ratio is when the greater contains the leffer many times, and alfo fome of its parts.
ticulars
T H E R E P U B L I C . 391
O f which when our governors being ignorant, join our couples toge
ther unfeufonably, the children fhall neither be of a good genius, nor for
tunate.
ticulars and muhiple-fuperpartients. But augmentations furpaffed are, ratios of letter in
equality, v i z . w h e n the leffer is compared w i t h the greater quantity, as for inftance, fub-
multiples, fubfuperparticulars, fubfuperpartients, and thofe w h i c h are compofed from thefe three.
Thofe numbers are called by Plato affimiLting and diffimilating, w h i c h are denominated by
arithmetician*: fimilar * and diffimilar: but he calls thofe increafing and decreafmg, w h i c h they
denominate abounding \ and dimini/hed, or more than perfetl and imperfect. T h i n g s correfpondent
and effable, are boundaries w h i c h correfpond in ratio w i t h each other, and can be expreffed i n
numbers either integral or fractional, fuch as are thefe four terms or boundaries, 2 7 , 18, 12, 8 ,
w h i c h are in fefquiaker and fubfefquialter ratios ; fince thefe mutually correfpond in ratio, and
are effable. For effable quantities are thofe w h i c h can be expreffed in w h o l e n u m b e r s , o r
fractions; and, in like manner, ineffable quantities are fuch as cannot be expreffed in either o f
thefe, and arc called by modern mathematicians furds.
In the next place, let us confider what w e are to underftand by the fcfquitertian progeny when
conjoined with the pentad and thrice increafd, affording two harmonies. B y the fefquitertiati progeny
then Plato means the number 9 5 : for this number is compofed from the addition of the fquares
of the numbers 4 and 3, which form the firft fcfquitertian ratio, ( v i z . 2 5 ) and the number 7 0 ,
which is compofed from 4 0 and 3 0 , and therefore confifts of t w o numbers in a fcfquitertian ratio.
H e n c e , as 95 is compofed from 25 and 7 0 , it may with great propriety be called a fefquitertian
progeny. T h i s number conjoined w i t h 5 and thrice increafed produces ten thoufand and a
m i l l i o n : for 100 X 100 = i c o o o , and 1 0 0 0 0 X 100 = 1000000. B u t it muft here be
obferved that thefe t w o numbers, as will fhortly be feen, appear to be confidered by Plato as
analogous to t w o parallelopipedons, the former, v i z . ten thoufand, being formed from 10 X
ID X 100, and the latter from i c o o X 10 X r o o . T h e f e t w o numbers are called by P l a t o
t w o harmonies, for the following reafon : Siniplicius, in his C o m m e n t a r y on Ariftotle's books
D e Ccelo, informs us that a cube was denominated by the P y t h a g o r e a n s harmony, becaufe it
confifts of 12 bounding lines, 8 angles, and 6 Cu\?s ; and 1 2 , ft, 6, are in harmonic proportion :
for the difference between 12 and 8 is to the difference b e t w e e n 8 and 6, i. e. 4 is to 2 as the
firft term to the third, i. e. as 12 to 6, w h i c h , as is well k n o w n , is the law of harmonic pro
portion. A s a parallelopipedon therefore has the fame number of fides, angles, and bounding
lines as a cube, the reafon is obvious w h y the numbers 1 0 0 0 0 and 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 are called by Plato
harmonies. H e n c e alfo it is evident w h y he fays " t h a t the other of thefe harmonies, viz. a
* Similar numbers are thofe whofe fides are proportional, i. e. which have the fame ratio j but diffimi-
lar numbers thofe whofe fides arc not proportional.
+/ As perfect number* are thofe which are equal to their paTts collected into one, fuch as 6 and 2&>
(for the parts of the former are I , 2, 3, which are equal to 6,atid the parts of the latter are 14, 7, 4, 2, 1,
the aggregate cf w h i c h is 28) fo a diminiflitd number is ihat which is greater than the fum of its
parts, as 8, who A; parts are 4, 2, 1, the a g g r e g a t e of which is 7 ; and an a b o u n d i n g number is t h a t which.
i6 exceeded by tht fum of its parts, as 12, whofe parts are C, ^, 3, z, 1, the fum of which is 16.
million.
T U E K E P U B L I C .
million, is of equal length indeed, but more o b l o n g : " for, if we call i c o the breadth and 10 the depth
both of ten thoufand and a million, it is evident that the latter number, w h e n confidered as pro
duced by i COO X i o X l o o , will be analogous to a more oblong parallelopipedon than the former.
A g a i n , w h e n h e fays " t h a t the number i o o d o o o confifts of a hundred numbeis from effable
diameters of pentads, each being deficient by unity, and from t w o that are ineffable, and from a
hundred cubes of the triad," his meaning is as follows : T h e number i o o o o o o confifts of a hundred
n u m b e r s , i. e. of a hundred fuch numbers as i o c o o , each of which is compofed from effable
diameters of pentads, & c . But in order to underftand the truth of this affertion, it is neceflary
t o obferve that there are certain numbers w h i c h are called by arithmeticians effable diameters.
T h e f e alfo are twofold •, for fome are the diameters of even fquares, and others of odd fquares.
A n d the diameters of effable even fquares, w h e n multiplied into themfelves, produce fquare
numbers double of the fquares of w h i c h they are the diameters, with an excefs of unity : T h u s ,
for inftance, the number 3 multiplied into itfelf produces 9 , w h i c h is double of the fquare n u m
ber 4 , with an excefs of u n i t y , and therefore 3 will be the diameter of the even fquare 4 . But
the diameters of effable odd fquare numbers are in power double of the fquares of which they
are the diameters, by a deficiency of unity. T h u s , the number 7 multiplied into itfelf produces
4 9 , w h i c h is double of the odd fquare number 25 by a deficiency of unity. T h i s being pre-
mifed, it follows that the number 1 0 0 0 0 will confift of a certain number of h e p t a d s ; for 7 is
the effable diameter of the fquare n u m b e r 25 : and from what follows it will be found that this
number is 1 3 8 6 .
B u t the number 1 0 0 0 0 not only confifts of 1 3 8 6 heptads, but Plato alfo adds, " f r o m two
1
numbers that are ineffable *," viz. from t w o numbers the roots of which cannot be exactly o b
tained, nor expreffed either in w h o l e numbers or fractions, fuch as the roots of the numbers 2
and 3. T h e numbers 15 and 13 are alfo of this kind •, and, as w e (hall fee, appear t o be the
numbers fignified by Plato. In the laft place he adds, " a n d from a hundred cubes of the
triad," v i z . from the n u m b e r 2 7 0 ; for this is equal to a hundred times 27, the cube of 3 . The
numbers therefore that form i c o o o are as b e l o w :
1386
7
9702
15
>3
270
10000
* A s every number may be meafured by unity, no number is properly fpeaking ineffable; but the
truly ineffable belongs to continued quantity.
On
THE REPUBLIC. 393
O n e Maffey, w h o publifhed a Greek and Latin edition of the Republic, at Cambridge, in the
year 1 7 1 3 , obferves refpecting this m o d obfeure paffage, "that what Plato diilinctly means by
it, he neither k n o w s nor c a r e s ; fince it appears to him that what affords fo m u c h difficulty has
but little w e i g h t . " " Q u i d in hoc loco diftin&c velit Plato profe&o nefcio, nec euro. Quod
enim tantum difficultatis prxbet minimum ponderis habere fufpicor." T h i s is in the true fpirit
of a verbal critic : and the reafon w h i c h he affigns for this careleffnefs is admirable j fince oil
the fame account the higher parts of the mathematics ought to be rejected.
VOL. 1. 3 E rulers,
3Q4 T H E R E P U B L I C .
rulers, and in this that their military abftain from agriculture, from
mechanical and other gainful employments, in their eftablifhing common
meals, and in ftudying both gymnaftic exercifes and contefts of war, in
all thefe things fhall they not imitate the former republic ? Yes. But in
this, that they are afraid to bring wife men into the magiftracy, as having
no longer any fuch as are truly fimple and inflexible, but fuch as are of
a mixed kind; and in that they incline for thofe who are more forward and
rough, whofe natural genius is rather fitted for war than peace, and in
that they efteem tricks and ftratagems, and fpend the whole of their time
in continual war, in all thefe refpecTs fhall it not have many things pecu
liar to itfelf? Yes. And fuch as thefe, faid I, fhall be defirous of wealth,
as thofe w h o live in Oligarchies, and in an illiberal manner, value gold
and filver concealed in darknefs, as having repofitories of their own, and
domeftic treafuries, where they hoard and hide them, and have their houfes
circularly enclofecl, where, as in nefts altogether peculiar, they fquander
every thing profufely, together with their wives and fuch others as they
fancy. Moft true, faid he. And will they not likewife be fparing of their
fubftance, as valuing it highly, and acquiring it not in an open manner,
but love to fquander the fubftance of others, through their diffolutenefs,
and fecretly indulging their pleafures? T h e y will likewife fly from the
law, as children from their father, who have been educated not by per-
fuafion but by force, having neglected the true mufe, which is accompa
nied with reafon and philofophy, and honoured gymnaftic more than
mufic. You defcribe entirely, faid he, a mixed republic, compounded of
good and ill. Jt is indeed mixed, faid I. One thing is moft remarkable
in it, from the prevalence of the irafcible temper, contention, and ambi
tion. Exceedingly, faid he. Does not then, faid I, this republic arife in
this manner ? And is it not of fuch a kind as this, as far as the form of a
republic can be defcribed in words where there is not perfect accuracy; as
it fuffices us to contemplate in defcription likewife the moft juft and the
moft unjuft man ; and it were a work of prodigious length to difcufs all
republics, and all the various manners of men, without omitting any
thing ? Very right, faid he. W h a t now will the man be who correfponds
to this republic ? how fhall be be formed, and of what kind ? I think, faid
Adimantus, he will be fomewhat like Glauco here, at leaft in a love of
contention. Perhaps, faid I, as to this particular. But in other refpetts
9 he
T H E R E P U B L I C . 305
"way doing injuftice, they exhort him to punifh all fuch perfons when h e
comes to be a man, and to be more of a man than his father. And
when he goes abroad, he hears other fuch like things. And he fees that
fuch in the city as attend to their o w n affairs are called fimple, and held in
little efteem, and that fuch as do not attend to their affairs are both honoured
and commended. T h e young man n o w hearing and feeing all thefe
things, and then again hearing the fpeeches of his father, and obferving
his purfuits in a near v i e w , in comparifon with thofe of others \ being
drawn by both thefe, his father watering and increafing the rational part in
his foul, and thefe others the concupifcible and irafcible ; and being natu
rally no bad man, but fpoiled by the bad converfations of others, he is
brought to a mean between the t w o , and delivers up the government
within himfelf to a middle power, that which is fond of contention and
irafcible, and fo he becomes a haughty and ambitious man. You feem,
faid he, to have accurately explained the formation of fuch an one. W e
have n o w then, faid I, the fecond republic and the fecond man. W e have-,
faid he. Shall w e not after this fay with jEfchylus ?
u
W i t h different cities difPrent m e n accord."
Or, rather, according to our plan, fhall w e firft eftablifh the cities ? By
all means fo, replied he. It would be an Oligarchy then, I think, which
fucceeds this republic. But what conftitution, faid he, is it you call an
Oligarchy ? I l i a t republic, faid I, which is founded on men's valuations,
in which the rich bear rule, and the poor have no fhare in the govern
ment. I underftand, faid he. Muft we not relate, firft, how the change
is made from a Timocracy to an Oligarchy ? W e muft. And furely at
leaft h o w this change is made, faid I, is manifeft even to the blind. H o w ?
That treafury, faid I, which every one has filled with gold deftroys fuch a
republic ; for, firft of all, they find out for themfelves methods of expenfe,
and to this purpofe ftrain the laws, both they and their wives difobeying
them. T h a t is likely, faid he. And afterwards, I think, one obferving
another, and coming to rival one another, the multitude of them are ren
dered of this kind. It is likely. And from hence then, faid I, pro
ceeding ftill to a greater defire of acquiring wealth, the more honour
able they account this to be, the more will virtue be thought difhonour-
able :
T H E R E P U B L I C . SO?
garchic, and at the fame time to be unwilling to advance money for the
public fervice, through a natural difpofition of covetoufnefs. This is not
handfome. But what ? with reference to what w e long ago condemned,
the engaging in a multiplicity of different things, the fame perfons, at the
fame time, attending in fuch a republic to agriculture, lucrative employ
ments, and military affairs, does this appear to be right ? N o t in any
degree. But fee n o w whether this form o f republic be the firft which
introduces this greateft of all evils. W h a t is that ? T h a t one fhall be allowed
to difpofe of the whole of his effects, and another to purchafe them from
him, and the feller be allowed to dwell in the city, whilft he belongs to
no one clafs in the city, and is neither called a maker of money, nor me
chanic, nor horfe-man, nor foot-foldier, but poor and deftitute. It is the
firft, laid he. But yet fuch an one fhall not be prohibited in Oligarchic
governments ; for otherwife fome of them would not be over-rich, and
others altogether poor. Right. But confider this likewife. W h e n fuch
a rich man as this is fpends of his fubftance, was it of any more advan
tage to the city with reference to the purpofes we now mentioned ? or did
he appear to be indeed one of the magiftrates, but was in truth neither
magiftrate of the city, nor fervant to it, but a waiter of fubftance ? So
lie appeared, replied he. H e was nothing but a waiter. Are you willing
then, faid I, that w e fay of him, that as when a drone is in a bee-hive, it
is the difeafe of the fwarm ; in like manner fuch an one, when a drone in
his houfe, is the difeafe of the city ? Entirely fo, Socrates, replied he.
And has not God, Adimantus, made all the winged drones without any
fting ; but thefe with feet, fome of them without ftings, and fome of
them with dreadful ftings? And of thofe who are without ftings, are
they w h o continue poor to old a g e ; and of thofe who have ftings, are all
thefe who are called mifchievous. Moft true, faid he. It is plain then,
faid I, that in a city where you obferve there are poor, there are fome
where in that place concealed thieves and purfe-cutters, and facrile-*
gious perfons, and workers of all other fuch evils. It is plain, faid he.
W h a t then ? D o not you perceive poor people in cities under Oligarchic
government ? T h e y are almoft all fo, faid he, except the governors.
A n d do w e not think, faid I, that there are many mifchievous per
sons in them with ftings, w h o m the magiftracy by diligence and by
force
T H E R E P U B L I C . 300
force reftrains ? W e think fo indeed, faid he. And fhall w e not fay, that
through want of education, through bad nurture, and a corrupt confti
tution of ftate, fuch fort of perfons are there produced ? W e fhall fay fo.
Is not then the city which is under Oligarchy of fuch a kind as this, and
hath it not fuch evils as thefe, and probably more too? It is nearly fo, faid
he. W e have now finiihed, faid I, this republic likewife, which they call
Oligarchy, having its governors according to valuation. And let us n o w
confider the man w h o refembles it, in what manner he arifes, and what
fort of man he is. By all means, faid he. And is not the change from
the Timocratic to the Oligarchic chiefly in this manner ? H o w ? W h e n
fuch a one has a fon, firft of all, he both emulates his father, and follows
his fteps; afterwards he fees him, on a fudden, dafhed on the city, as on a
rock, and wafting both his fubftance and himfelf, either in the office of a
general, or fome other principal magiftracy ; then falling into courts of
juftice, deftroyed by fycophants, and either put to death, or ftripped of his
dignities, difgraced, and lofing all his fubftance. It is likely, faid he.
W h e n he has feen and fuffered thofe things, friend, and has loft his fub
ftance, he inftantly in a terror pufhes headlong from the throne of his foul
that ambitious and animated difpofition, and, being humbled by his poverty,
turns his attention to gain, lives meanly and fparingly, and, applying to
work, collects wealth. Or do you not think that fuch a man will then feat
in that throne the covetous and avaricious difpofition, and make it a mighty
king within himfelf, begirt with tiaras', and bracelets, and fceptres ? I
think fo, faid he. But he, I imagine, having placed both the rational and
the ambitious difpofition low on the ground on either fide, and having
enflaved them under it, the one he allows to reafon on nothing, nor ever
to inquire, but in what way leifer fubftance fhall be made greater ; and
the other again he permits to admire and honour nothing but riches and
the rich, and to receive honour on no other account but the acquifition of
money, or whatever contributes towards it. There is no other change,
faid he, of an ambitious youth to a covetous one fo fudden and fo powerful
1
The tiara, fays the Greek Scholiafl on this place, is that w h i c h h called hurbofa. It is an
ornament for the head, w h i c h the Perfian kings alone wore in an upright, but the commanders
of the army in an inclined pofition. S o m e alfo call it kilarisy ae Theophraftus in his treatise
concerning the kingdom of the Cyprians.
as
400 T H E R E P U B L I C .
as this. Is not this, then, laid I, the Oligarchic m a n ? And the change
into fuch an one is from a m a n refembling that republic from which the
Oligarchic republic arifes. L e t us confider, now, if he any way refembles
it. L e t us confider. D o e s he not, in the firft place, refemble it in valu
ing m o n e y above all things ? W h y does he not ? And furely at leaft in
being fparing and laborious, fatisfying only his neceffary defires, and not
allowing of any other expenfes, but fubduing the other defires as foolifh.
C e r t a i n l y . And being, faid I, an emaciated m a n , and m a k i n g gain of
every t h i n g , a m a n intent on hoarding, fuch as the multitude extols—will
not this be the m a n w h o refembles fuch a republic ? It appears fo to m e ,
replied he. Riches then muft be moft valued both by the city and by
fuch a m a n . F o r I do not think, faid I, that fuch a m a n has attended to
education. I do not think he has, faid h e ; for he would not have taken a
1
blind one to be the leader of his life. B u t further ftill, confider this
attentively, faid I," Shall we not fay that there are in h i m , from the want of
education, the defires of the dro-ne, fome of t h e m beggarly, and fome of
t h e m mifchievous, forcibly k e p t in by fome other purfuit ? Entirely fo,
faid h e . D o you k n o w t h e n , faid I, w h e r e you will beft obferve their
wickednefs ? W h e r e ? faid h e . I n their tutelages of orphans, or in what
ever t i l e of this kind comes in their w a y , where the} have it much in
their power to do injuftice. T r u e . And is not this now manifeft, that in
every other c o m m e r c e of life, w h e r e v e r fuch n n one acts fo as to be ap
proved, appearing to be juft, and, by a certain moderate behaviour,
reftrains the other w r o n g defires within h i m , he docs fo, not from any
2
perfuafion that it is not better to indulge t h e m , nor from fober reafon,
but from neceffity and fear, t r e m b l i n g for the reft of his fubftance. En
tirely fo, faid he. And truly, faid I, friend, you iha'll find in moft of t h e m
defires p a r t a k i n g of the n a t u r e of the d r o n e , w h e r e there is occafion to
fpend the property of others. V e r y m u c h fo, faid he. Such a one as this,
t h e n , will n o t be w i t h o u t fedition within himfelf; nor be one, but a kind
o f double m a n ; he will, h o w e v e r , have for the moft part defires governing
other defires, t h e better g o v e r n i n g the worfe. It is fo. And on thefe
1
V i z . wealth.
%
V i z . as the Greek Scholiafc well obferves, not perfuading himfelf, nor giving an orderly
motioii to the parts of his foul, and iludying virtue on account of that w h i c h is more excellent,
accounts
T H E R E P U B L I C. 401
accounts fuch a'one, as I imagine, will be more decent than many others,
but the true virtue of a harmonized and confident foul would far efcape
him. It appears fo to me. And the parfimonious man will, in private
life, be hut a poor rival for any victory, or in any conteft of the honour
able kind. And being unwilling, for the fake of good reputation, or for
any fuch contefts, to fpend his fubftance, being afraid to waken up ex-
penfive defires, or any alliance or conteft of this kind, fighting with a
fmall part of his forces in an Oligarchic manner, he is generally defeated,
and increafes his wealth. Very true, faid he. D o we then yet hefitate,
faid I, to rank the covetous and parfimonious man as moft of all
refembling the city under Oligarchic government ? By no means, faid he.
Democracy now, as feems, is next to be confidered, in what manner it
arifes, and what kind of man it produces when arifen ; that, underftand
ing the nature of fuch a man, we may bring him to a trial. W e fhall
in this method, faid he, proceed confiftently with ourfelves. Is not, faid
I, the change from Oligarchy to Democracy produced in fome fuch way
as this, through the infatiable deiire of the propofed good, viz. the defire
of becoming as rich as poffible ? H o w ? As thofe w h o are its governors
govern on account of their poffefling great riches, they will be unwilling,
I think, to reftrain by law fuch of the youth as are diftblute from having
the liberty of fquandering and wafting their fubftance ; that fb, by pur-
chafing the fubftance of fuch perfons, and lending them on ufury, they
may ftill become both richer, and be held in greater honour. T h e y will
be more unwilling than any other. And is not this already manifeft in the
city, that it is impoffible for the citizens to efteem riches, and at the
fame time fufficiently poffefs temperance, but either the one or the other
muft of neceffity be neglected ? It is abundantly plain, faid he. But
whilft in Oligarchies they neglect education, and fuffer the youth to grow
licentious, they arc fometimes under a neceffity of becoming poor, and
thefe fuch as are of no ungenerous difpofition. Very much fo. And
thefe, I imagine, fit in the city, fitted both with flings and with armour,
fome of them in debt, others in contempt, others in both, hating and
confpiring againft thofe who poffefs their fubftance, and others likewife,
being defirous of a change. Thefe things are fo. But the money-catchers
ftill brooding over it, and not fceming to obferve thefe; wherever they
vor,. i. 2 F ie
402 T H E R E P U B L I C .
fee any o f the reft giving way, they wound them by throwing money
into their hands, and, drawing to themfelves exorbitant ufury, fill the city
w i t h drones, and the poor. H o w is it poflible they mould not ? faid he.
N o r yet, faid I, when fo great an evil is burning in the city, are they
willing to extinguifh it, not even by that method, reftraining any one
from fpending his fubftance at pleafure ; nor yet to take that method, by
w h i c h , according to the fecond law, fuch diforder might be removed.
According to which ? According to that, which after the other is fecon-
dary, obliging the citizens to pay attention to virtue; for, if one fhould
enjoin them to traffic much in the way of voluntary commerce, and upon
their o w n hazard, they would in a lefs fhameful way make money in the
city, and likewife lefs o f thofe evils w e have n o w mentioned would arife
in it. M u c h lefs, faid he. But at prefent, faid I, by means of all thefe
things, the governors render the governed of this kind. And do they
not render both themfelves and all belonging to them, and the youth
likewife, luxurious and idle with refpect to all the exercifes of body and
of mind, and effeminate in bearing both pleafures and pains, and likewife
indolent ? W h a t elfe ? A s to themfelves, they neglect every thing
t u t the acquifition o f wealth, and pay no more attention to virtue than
the poor do. T h e y do not indeed. After they are trained up in this
manner, when thefe governors and their fubjedts meet together either on
the road in t.heir journeying, or in any other meetings, either at public
1
fpeclacles , or military marches, either. w h e n fellow-failors or fellow-
ibldiers, or w h e n they fee one another in c o m m o n dangers, by no means
are the poor in thefe cafes contemned by the rich ; but very often a robuft
fellow poor and fun-burnt, w h e n he has his rank in battle befide a rich
m a n bred up in the made, and fwoln with a great deal of adventitious
flefh, and fees him panting for breath and in agony, do not you imagine
that he thinks it is through their own fault that fuch fellows grow rich,
and that they fay to one another, w h e n they meet in private, that our
rich m e n are good for nothing at all ? I k n o w very well, faid he,
1
By public fpeclacles here, Plato means folemn feflhrals, which, as the Greek Scholiaft on
this place informs us, were called fpeElacles, from the concourfe of ihofe that came to behold the
celebration of them. For the tranfactions on thefe occaiions were entirely different from thofe
at any other period of life.
that
THE REPUBLIC.
that they do fo. For, as a difeafed body needs but the fmalleft fhock
from without to render it fickly, and fometimes without any i m -
preffion from without is in fedition with itfelf, will not in like
manner a city refembling it in thefe things, on the fmalleft occasion
from without, when either the one party forms an alliance with the
Oligarchic, or the other with the Democratic, be fickly, and fight with it-
itfelf, and, fometimes without thefe things from abroad, be in fedition ?
And extremely fo. A Democracy then, I think, arifes when the poor
prevailing over the rich kill fome, and banifh others, and fhare the places
in the republic, and the magiftracies equally among the remainder, and for
the moft part the magiftracies are difpofed in it by lot. T h i s truly, faid
he, is the eftablifhment of a Democracy, whether it arife by force of arms,
or from others withdrawing themfelves through fear. In what manner
now, faid I, do thefe live, and what fort of a republic is thisi for it is plain
that a man of this kind will appear fome Democratic man. It is plain,
faid he. Is not then the city, in the firft place, full of all freedom o f a&ion,
and of fpeech, and of liberty, to do in it what any one inclines ? So truly
it is faid at leaft, replied he. And wherever there is liberty, it is plain that
every one will regulate his own method of life in whatever way he pleafes.
It is plain. And I think that in fuch a republic moft: efpecially there
would arife men of all kinds. H o w can it be otherwife ? T h i s , faid I,
feems to be the fineft o f all republics. As a variegated robe diverfified with
all kinds of flowers, fo this republic, variegated with all forts o f manners,
appears the fineft. W h a t elfe ? faid he. And it is likely, faid I, that the
multitude judge this republic to be the beft, like children and w o m e n
gazing at variegated things. Very likely, faid he. And it is very proper
at leaft, O bleffed man ! faid I, to fearch for a republic in fuch a ftate as
this. H o w now ? Becaufe it contains all kinds of republics on account o f
liberty; and it appears neceflary for any one w h o wants to conftitute a
city, as we do at prefent, to come to a Democratic city, as to a general
fair of republics, and choofe that form which he fancies. It is likely in
deed, faid he, he would not be in want o f models. But what n o w , faid I ,
is not this a divine and fweet manner of life for the prefent: T o be under
no necefiity in fuch a city to govern, not though you were able to govern,
nor yet to be fubject unlefs you incline, nor to be engaged in war w h e n
3 F 2 others
4J04 T H E R E P U B L I C .
others are, nor to live in peace when others do fo unlefs yon be defirous of
peace ; and though there be a law retraining you from governing or ad-
miniftering juftice, to govern neverthelefs, and adminifter juftice, if YOU
incline? It is likely, faid h e ; it is pleafant for the prefent at leaft. But
what n o w , is not the meeknefs of fome of thofe who are condemned very
curious ? Or have you not as yet obferved, in fuch a republic, men con
demned to death or banifhment, yet neverthelefs continuing ftill, and walk
ing up and down openly ; and as if no one attended to or obferved him,
the condemned man returns like a hero ? I have obferved very many, faid
he. But is not this indulgence of the city very generous, not to mention
the fmall regard, and even contempt, it mows for all thofe things we cele
brated fo much when w e fettled our city, as that unlefs a man had an extra
ordinary genius, he never would become a good man, unlefs when a child
he were inftantjy educated in things handfome, and fhould diligently apply
to all thefe things \ how magnanimoufly does it defpife all thefe things,
and not regard from what kind of purfuits a man comes to act in political
affairs, but honours him if he only fays he is well affected towards the mul
titude ? This contempt, faid he, is very generous indeed. Thefe now, faid
I, and fuch things as are akin to thefe, are to be found in a Democracy;
and it will be, as it appears, a pleafant fort of republic, anarchical, and
variegated, diftributing a certain equality to all alike without diftinction.
W h a t you fay, replied he, is perfectly manifeft. Confider now, faid I,
what kind of man fuch an one is in private; or, firft, muft w e not confider,
as we did with refpect to the republic, in what manner he arifes ? Yes, faid
he. And does he not in this manner arife, v i z . from that parfimonious
one, w h o was under the Oligarchy as a fon, I think, trained up by his
father in his manners ? W h y not ? Such a one by force governs his own
pleafures, thofe of them which are expenfive, and tend not to the acquifition
of wealth, and which are called unneceffary. It is plain, faid he. Are
you willing then, faid I, that we may not reafon in the dark, firft to deter
mine what defires are neceffary, and what are not ? I am willing, faid he.
May not fuch be juftly called neceffary, which w e are not able to remove/and
fuch as when gratified are of advantage to us? For both thefe kinds our
nature is under a necefiity to purfue ; is it not ? Very ftrongly. This then
\ve fhall juftly fay makes the neceffary part in our defires. Juftly. But
what
THE REPUBLIC. 405
1
B y the L otop hagi w e muft underftand, fays the Greek Scholiaft, that falfe and arrogant
reafons and o p i n i o n s are allegorically fignified.
6 And
T H E R E P U B L I C . 407
neither to revere nor to ftand in awe of his parents, that fo indeed he may
be free, as if a ftranger were to be equalled with a citizen, and a citizen
with a ftranger, and, in like manner, a foreigner. It is juft fo, faid he.
Thefe things, faid I, and other little things of a like nature happen. T h e
teacher in fuch a city fears and flatters the fcholars, and the fcholars
defpife their teachers and their tutors in like manner : and in general
the youth refemble the more advanced in years, and contend with them
both in words and deeds: and the old men, fitting down with the young,
are full of merriment and pleafantry, mimicking the youth, that they may
not appear to be morofe and defpotic. It is entirely fo, replied he. But
that extreme liberty of the multitude, faid I, how great it is in fuch a city
as this, when the men and women (laves are no lefs free than thofe who
purchafe them, and how great an equality and liberty the wives have with
their hufbands, and hufbands with their wives, w e have almoft forgotten
to mention. Shall we not then, according to iElchylus, laid he, fay
whatever now comes into our mouth ? By all means, faid I ; and accord
ingly I do fpeak thus: W i t h reference even to brutes, fuch of them as are
under the care of men, how much more free they are in fuch a city, he
who has not experienced it will not eafily believe: for indeed even the
puppies, according to the proverb, refemble their miftreffes; and the
horfes and affes are accuftomed to go freely and gracefully, marching up
againft any one they meet on the road, unlefs he give way ; and many other
fuch things thus happen full of liberty. You tell me, faid he, my dream ;
for I have often met with this when going into the country. But do you
obferve, laid I, what is the fum of all thefe things collected together, how
delicate it makes the foul of the citizens, fo that, if any one bring near to
them any thing pertaining to flavery, they are filled with indignation, and
cannot endure it. And do you know, that at length they regard not even
the laws, written or unwritten, that no one by any means whatever may
become their mafters ? I know it well, faid he. This now, friend, faid I,
is that government fo beautiful and youthful, whence Tyranny fprings, as
it appears to me. Youthful truly, replied he; but what follows this ? T h e
fame thing, faid I, which, fpringing up as a difeafe in an Oligarchy, de
ftroyed i t ; the fame arifing here in a greater and more powerful manner,
through its licentioufnefs, enflaves the Democracy: and in reality, the
VOL. 1. 30 doing
410 T H E R E P U B L I C .
doing any thing to excefs ufually occafions a mighty change to the reverfe:
for thus it is in feafons, in vegetable and in animal bodies, and in re
publics as much as in any thing. It is probable, faid he. And excefflve
liberty feems to change into nothing elfe but exceftive flavery, both with
a private perfon and a city. It is probable, indeed. It is probable then,
faid I, that out of no other republic is Tyranny conftituted than a D e m o
cracy ; out of the moft exceffive liberty I conceive the greateft and moft
favage flavery. It is reafonable, faid he, to think fo. But this I think,
faid I, was not what you was afking; but what that difeafe is which
enflaves Democracy, refembling that which deftroys Oligarchy? You fay
true, replied he. That then, faid I, I called the race of idle and profufe
men, one part of which was more brave, and were leaders, the other more
cowardly, and followed. And w e compared them to drones; fome to
fuch as have ftings, others to fuch as have none. And rightly, faid he.
Thefe t w o n o w , faid I, fpringing up in any republic, raife difturbance, as
phlegm and bile in a natural body. And it behoves a wife phyfician and
law-giver of a city, no lefs than a wife bee-mafter, to be afraid of thefe, at
a great diftance principally, that they never get in; but, if they have entered,
that they be in the fpeedieft manner poffible cut off, together with their
very cells. Y e s , by Jupiter, faid he, by all means. L e t us take it then,
faid I, in this manner, that w e may fee more diftincTly what w e want. In
what manner? L e t us divide in our reafoning a Democratic city into
three parts, as it really i s ; for one fuch fpecies as the above grows
through licentioufnefs in it no lefs than in the Oligarchic. It does fo.
But it is much more fierce at leaft in this than in that. H o w ? In an
Oligarchy, becaufe it is not in places of honour, but is debarred from the
magiftracies, it is unexercifed, and does not become ftrong. But in a
D e m o c r a c y this, excepting a few, is fomehow the prefiding party, and
n o w it fays and does the moft outrageous things, and then again approach
ing courts of juftice, it makes a humming noife, and cannot endure any
other to fpeak different from i t ; fo that all things, fome few excepted, in
fuch a republic, are adminiftered by fuch a party. Extremely fo, faid he.
Some other party now, fuch as this, is always feparated from the multi
tude. W h i c h ? Whilft the whole are fomehow engaged in the purfuit
of gain, fuch as are naturally the moft temperate become for the moft
3 part
T H E R E P U B L I C . 411
part the wealthier!:. It is likely. And hence, I think, the greateft: quan
tity of honey, and what comes with the greateft eafe, is preffed out of
thefe by the drones. For how, faid he, can any one prefs out of thofe
who have but little ? Such wealthy people, I think, are called the pafture
of the drones. Nearly fo, replied he. And the people will be a fort o f
third fpecies, fuch of them as mind their o w n affairs, and meddle not with
any others, w h o have not much fubftance, but yet are the moft numerous,
and the moft prevalent in a Democracy, whenever it is fully affembled.
It is f o ; but this it will not wifh to do often, if it does not obtain fome
fhare of the honey. Does it not always obtain a fhare, faid I, as far as
their leaders are able, robbing thofe that have property, and giving to the
people that they may have the moft themfelves ? T h e y are indeed, faid
he, fharers in this manner. Thefe* then w h o are thus defpoiled are
obliged to defend themfelves, faying and doing all they can among the
people. W h y not ? Others then give them occafion to form defigns
againft the people, though they fhould have no inclination to introduce a
change of government, and fo they arc Oligarchic. \ y h y not? But at
length, after they fee that the people, not of their o w n accord, but being
ignorant and impofed on by thofe flanderers, attempt to injure t h e m , — d o
they not then indeed, whether they will or not, become truly Oligarchic?
yet not fpontaneoufly, but this mifchief likewife is generated by that drone
flinging them. Extremely fo, indeed. And fo they have accufations,
law-fuits, and contefts one with another. Very much fo. And are not
the people accuftomed always to place fome one, in a confpicuous manner,
over themfelves, and to cherifh him, and greatly increafe his power?
T h e y are. And this, faid I, is plain, that whenever a tyrant arifes it is
from this prefiding root, and from nothing elfe, that he bloffoms. This is
extremely manifeft. W h a t is the beginning then of the change from a
prefident into a tyrant? Or is it plain, that it is after the prefident begins
to do the fame thing with that in the fable, which is told in relation to
the temple of Lycasan Jupiter, to whom was dedicated the wolf in Arcadia?
W h a t is that? faid he. That whoever tafted human entrails which were
mixed with thofe of other facrifices, neceffarily became a wolf. H a v e you
not heard the ftory ? I have. And muft not he in the fame manner,
who being prefident of the people, and receiving an extremely fub-
3 G2 miflive
All T H E R E P U B L I C .
mifTive multitude, abftains not from kindred blood, but unjuftly ac-
curing them, (of fuch things as they are wont) and bringing them
into courts of juftice, ftains himfelf with bloodfhed, taking away the
life o f a man, and, with unhallowed tongue and mouth, tafting kindred
blood, and befides this, banifhes and (lays, and propofes the abolition of
debts, and divifion of lands,—muft not fuch an one, of neceffity, and as
it is deftined, be either deftroyed by his enemies, or exercife tyranny, and,
from being a man, become a wolf ? O f great neceffity, faid he. T h i s is
he n o w , faid I, who becomes feditious towards thofe w h o have property,
and, w h e n he fails, he goes againft his enemies with open force, and
becomes a n accomplished tyrant. It is plain. And if they be unable to
expel him, or to put him to death, o n an accufation before the city, they
truly coufpire to cut him off privately by a violent death. It is wont in
deed, faid he, to happen fo. And, o n this account, all thofe w h o mount
1
up to tyranny invent this celebrated tyrannical d e m a n d , to demand of the
people certain guards for their perfon, that the a f f i f t a n c e o f the people may
be fecured to them. O f this, faid he, they take fpecial care. And they
grant them, I imagine, being afraid of his fafety, but fecure as to their
o w n . Extremely fo. And when a man w h o has property, and who along
with his property has the crime of hating the people, obferves this,—he
then, my friend, according to the anfwer of the oracle to Crcefus,
. . . . T o craggy H e r m u s flies,
N o r flays, nor fears to be a coward deemed . . . .
Becaufe he would not, faid he, be in fear again a fecond time. But he at
leaft, I imagine, faid I, w h o is caught, is put to death. O f neceffity. It
is plain, then, that this prefident of the city does not himfelf behave like a
truly great man, in a manner truly great, but, hurling down many others,
fits in his chair a confummate tyrant of the city, inftead of a prefident.
W h y is he not? faid he. Shall w e confider n o w , faid I, the happinefs of
1
T h i s , fays the Greek Scholiaft, is faid of Pififlratus, w h o , inftdioufly endeavouring to
tyrannize over the c i t i z e n s , gave himfelf many and dangerous w o u n d s , and then prefented
himfelf to the Greeks as if h e had been thus w o u n d e d by his e n e m i e s . H e alfo requeued guards
for his body, and received three hundred fpearmen from the city ; w h i c h introducing into his
h o u f e , and rendering i'ubfei vicnt to his purpofe, he tyrannized over the Athenians.
T H E R E P U B L I C . 413
the man, and of the city in which fuch a mortal arifes ? By all means,
faid he, let us confider it. Does he not then, faid I, in the firft days, and
for the firfl feafon, fmile, and falute every one he meets; fays he is no tyrant,
and promifes many things,both in private and inpublic;and frees from debts,
and diflributes land both to the people in general, and to thofe about him,
and affects to be mild and patriotic towards all ? O f neceffity, faid he. But
w h e n , I think, he has reconciled to himfelf fome of his foreign enemies,
and deflroyed others, and there is tranquillity with reference to thefe, he in
the firfl place always raifes fome wars, in order that the people may be in
need of a leader. It is likely. And is it not likewife with this view, that,
being rendered poor by payment of taxes, they may be under a neceffity of
becoming intent on daily fuflenance, and may be lefs ready to confpire
againft him? It is plain. And, I think, if he fufpects that any of thofe
who are of a free fpirit will not allow him to govern,—in order to have fome
pretext for deftroying them, he expofes them to the enemy ; on all thefe
accounts a tyrant is always under a neceffity of raifing war. O f neceffity.
And, whilft he is doing thefe things, he muft readily become more hateful
to his citizens. W h y not ? And muft not fome of thofe w h o have been
promoted along with him, and w h o are in power, fpeak out freely both
towards him, and among themfelves, finding fault with the tranfactions,
fuch of them as are of a more manly fpirit? It is likely. It behoves the
tyrant, then, to cut off all thefe, if he means to govern, till he leave no
one, either of friends or foes, worth any thing. It is plain. H e muft
then carefully obferve who is courageous, w h o is magnanimous, who wife,
who rich; and in this manner is he happy, that willing, or not willing, he is
under a neceffity of being an enemy to all fuch as thefe ; and to lay fnares
till he purify the city. A beautiful purification, faid he. Yes, faid I, the
reverfe of what phyficians do with refpeel to animal bodies ; for they,
taking away what is worft, leave the beft ; but he does the contrary.
Becaufe it feems, faid he, he muft of neceffity do fo, if he is to govern.
In a bleffed neceffity, then, truly, is he bound, faid I, which obliges him
either to live with many depraved people, and to be hated too by them, or
not to live at all. In fuch necefiity he is, replied he. And the more he is
hated by his citizens whilft he does thefe things, fhall he not fo much the
more want a greater number of guards, and more faithful ones ? H o w is
it poffible he fhould not ? W h o then are the faithful, and from w h e n c e
fhall
414 T H E R E P U B L I C .
fhall he fend for them ? Many, faid he, of their own accord, will c o m e
flying, if he give them hire. You feem, by the dog, faid I, again to
mention certain drones foreign and multiform. You imagine right, re
plied he. But thofe at h o m e , would he not incline to have them alfo as
guards ? H o w ? After he has taken away the citizens, to give the flaves
their liberty, and make of them guards about his perfon. By all means,
faid he ; for thefe are the moft faithful to him. W h a t a bleffed pofleffion,
faid I, is this which you mention belonging to the tyrant, if he employ
fuch friends and faithful m e n , after having deftroyed thofe former o n e s !
But furely fuch at leaft, faid he, he does employ. And fuch companions,
faid I, admire him, arid the n e w citizens accompany him: but the worthy
m e n both hate and fly from him. W h y fhould they not ? It is not with
out reafon, faid I, that tragedy in the general is thought a wife thing, and
that Euripides is thought to excel in it. For what ? Becaufe he uttered
this, which is the mark of a condenfed conception, " That tyrants are
wife, by the converfation of the wife and he plainly faid thofe were wife
with whom they hold converfe. And he commends too, faid he, Tyranny as
a divine thing, and fays a great many other things of it, as do likewife the
other poets. Thofe compofers then of tragedy, faid I, as they are wife,
will forgive us, and fuch as eftablifh the government of cities in a man
ner nearly refembling ours, in not admitting them into our republic as
being panegyrifts of Tyranny. I think, faid he, fuch of them at leaft as
are more polite will forgive us. But going about among other cities,
I think, and drawing together the crowds, and putting to fale their fine,
magnificent and perfuafive words, they will draw over the republics to
Tyrannies and Democracies. Extremely fo. And do they not further re
ceive rewards, and are they not honoured chiefly by Tyrants, as is natural,
and in the next place by Democracy ? But the further on they advance
towards the republics, the reverfe of thefe, their honour forfakes them the
more, as if it were difabled by an afthma to advance. Entirely fo. Thus
far, faid I, w e have digreffed: but now again let us mention in what
manner that army o f the Tyrant, which is fo beautiful, fo numerous and
multiform, and no way the fame, fhall be maintained. It is plain, faid
1
T h i s , fays the Greek Scholiaft, is from the Ajax of S o p h o c l e s , but here it is faid to be an
iambic of Euripides. H e adds, there is nothing wonderful in poets according with each other.
T h i s iambic is in the A n t i g o n e of Euripides.
he,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 413
he, that if at any time there be any facred things in the city, thefe they
will fpend, that fo what they fell for may ftill anfwer their demands, and
the people be obliged to pay in the lighter taxes. But what will they do
when thefe fail them ? It is plain, faid he, that he and his intoxicated
companions, and his alfociates, male and female, will be maintained out
of the paternal inheritance. I underftand, faid I, that the people w h o
have made the Tyrant will nouriifi him and his companions. T h e y are
under great neceffity, faid he. H o w do you fay ? replied I. W h a t if the
people be enraged, and fay that it is not juft, that the fon w h o is arrived
at maturity be maintained by the father, but contrariwife that the father
be maintained by the fon ; and that they did not make and eftablifh h i m
for this purpofe, to be a flave to his flaves when he fhould be grown up,,
and to maintain him and his flaves with their other turbulent attendants ;
but in order that they might be fet at liberty from the rich in the city,
w h o are alfo called the good and worthy, by having placed him over
them ? And now they order him and his companions to leave the city, as
a father drives out of the houfe his fon with his turbulent drunken c o m
panions. T h e n , by Jupiter, fhall the people, faid he, k n o w what a beaft
they are themfelves, and what a beaft they have generated, and embraced,
and nurtured, and that whilft they are the weaker they attempt to drive
out the ftronger. H o w do you fay ? replied L W i l l the Tyrant dare to-
offer violence to his father, and, if he cannot perfuade h i m , will he ftrike
him ? Yes, faid he, even ftripping him of his armour. Y o u call, faid I ,
the Tyrant a parricide and a miferable nourifher of old age : and yet, as it is
probable, Tyranny would really feem to be of this kind ; and according
to the faying, the people defending themfelves againft the fmoke of flavery
amid free men, have fallen into the flavifh fire o f defpotifm; inftead o f
that exceffive and unfeafonable liberty, embracing the moft rigorous and
the moft wretched flavery of bond-men. Thefe things, faid he, happen
very much fo. W h a t then, faid I, fhall w e not fpeak modeftly, if we.
fay that w e have fufficiently fhown how Tyranny arifes out of Democracy*
and what it is when it does arife ? Very fufficiently, replied h e .
THE
THE REPUBLIC.
BOOK IX.
ciently diftingiiiftied with refpect to the defires; of what kind they are,
and how many ; and whilft this is defective, the inquiry we make will be
lefs evident. May it not be done opportunely yet ? faid he. Certainly.
And confider what it is I wifli to know about t h e m ; for it is this: O f
thofe pleafures and defires which are not neceffary, fome appear to me to be
repugnant to law : thefe indeed feem to be ingenerated in every one ; but
being punifhed by the laws, and the better defires, in conjunction with
reafon, they either forfake fome men altogether, or are lefs numerous
and feeble ; in others they are more powerful, and more numerous.
W i l l you inform me what thefe are? faid he. Such, faid I, as are
excited in deep ; when the other part of the foul, fuch as is rational and
mild, and which governs in it, is afleep, and the part which is favage and
ruftic, being filled w i t h meats or intoxication, frifks about, and, driving
away fleep, feeks to go and acccmplifh its practices. In fuch a one you
k n o w it dares to do every thing, as being loofed, and difengagcd from all
modefty and prudence : for it fcrnplcs not the embraces, as it imagines, of
a mother, or of any one elfe, whether of Gods, of men, or of hearts;
nor to kill any one, nor to abftain from any fort of meat,—and, in one
word, is wanting in no folly nor impudence. You fay moft true, replied
he. But I imagine, when a man is in health, and lives temperately, and
goes to fleep, having excited the rational part, and feafted it with worthy
reafonings
T H E R E P U B L I C . 417
father and all the domeftics are aiding to thofe defires which are in the
middle, and others alfo lend their affiftance. But when thofe dire ma
gicians and tyrant-makers have no hopes of retaining the youth in their
power any other way, they contrive to excite in him a certain love which
prefides over the indolent defires, and fuch as minifter readily to their
pleafures, which love is a certain winged and large drone; or do you
think that the love of thefe things is any thing elfe ? I think, faid he, it
is no other than this. And when other defires make a humming noife
about him, full of their odours and perfumes, and crowns, and wines, and
thofe pleafures of the mofl diffolute kind which belong to fuch copartner-
fhips; and, being increafed and chcrifhed, add a fling of defire to the drone,
then truly he is furrounded with madnefs as a life-guard, and that prefident
of the foul rages with phrenfy; and if he find in himfelf any opinions or
defires which feem to be good, and which yet retain modefly, he kills them,
and pufhes them from him, till he be cleanfed of temperance, and is filled
w i t h additional madnefs. You defcribe perfectly, faid he, the formation of
a tyrannical man. Is it not, faid I, on fuch an account as this, that, of old,
L o v e is faid to be a tyrant ? It appears fo, replied he. And, my friend, faid
I, has not a drunken man likewife fomewhat of a tyrannical fpirit? He
has indeed. A n d furely at leafl he who is mad, and is difturbed in his
mind, undertakes and hopes to be able to govern not only men, but like-
wife the Gods. Entirely fo, faid he. T h e tyrannical character then, O
divine man! becomes fo in perfection, when either by temper, or by his pur
suits, or by both, he becomes intoxicated, and in love, and melancholy. Per
fectly lb, indeed. Such a one, it feems, then, arifes in this manner. But in
what manner does he live ? As they fay in their plays, replied he, that you
will tell me likewife. 1 tell then, faid 1. For I think that after this there are
feaftings among them, and revellings, and banquetings, and iniftreffes, and all
fuch things as may be expected among thofe where Love the tyrant dwelling
within governs all in the foul. O f neceffity, faid he. Every day and night,
therefore, do there not bloffom forth many and dreadful defires, indigent of
many things ? Many indeed. And if they have any fupplies, they are foon
fpent. W h a t elfe ? And after this there is borrowing and pillaging of fub
ftance. W h a t elfe ? And when every thing fails them, is there not a necefiity
that the defires, on the one ha,nd, neftling in the mind, fhall give frequent
and
T H E R E P U B L I C .
and powerful cries; and the men, on the other hand, being driven as b y
1
flings, both by the other defires, and more efpecially by love itfelf, c o m
manding all the others as its life-guards*, fhall rage with phrenfy, and'
fearch what any one pofleffes which they are able, by deceit or violence, to
carry away ? Extremely fo, faid he. T h e y muft of necefiity therefore be
plundering from every quarter, or be tormented with great agonies and
pains. O f neceffity. And as with fuch a man his new pleafures poffefs
more than his antient ones, and take away what belonged to them, fhall
not he deem it proper in the fame manner, that himfelf, being young, fhould
have more than his father and mother, and take away from them, and, i f
he has fpent his own portion, encroach on that of his parents ? W h y will
he not ? faid he. And if they do not allow him, will he not fir ft endeavour
to pilfer from and beguile his parents ? By all means. And where he is
not able to do this, will he not in the next place ufe rapine and violence ?
1 think fo, replied he. But, O wonderful man ! when the old man and
the old woman oppofe and fight, will he not revere them, and beware o f
doing any thing tyrannical ? I, for my part, am not quite fecure, faid he,
with reference to the fafety of the parents of fuch an one. But by Jupiter,
Adimantus,do you think that, for the fake of a newly beloved and unneceffary
miftrefs, fuch a one would give up his antiently beloved and neceffary
mother ; or, for the fake of a blooming youth newly beloved, and not necef
fary, give up his decayed, his neceffary and aged father, the moft antient
of all his friends, to ffripes, and furfer thefe to be enflaved by thofe others*
if he fhould bring them into the fame houfe ? Yes, by Jupiter, I do, faid
he. It feems, faid I, to be an extremely bleffed thing to beget a tyrannical
fon. N o t altogether fo, faid he. But what, when the fubftance of his
father and mother fails fuch an one, and when now there is the greateft
fwarm of pleafures affembled in him, fhall he not firft break into fome
houfe, or late at night ftrip fome one of his coat, and after this fhall he
not rifle fome temple; and in all thefe actions, thofe defires newly loofed
from flavery, and become as the guards of love, fhall along with him rule
over thofe antient opinions'he had from his infancy, the eftablifhed decifions
* V i z . the love of evil, w h e n it fafhions evil images in the phantafy. Schol. Graec. p. i8e>
* V i z . evil defires, acting as life-guards to love, vanquifh the good opinions w h i c h fuch men
formerly polTeflTed. Idem.
3 Hz concerning
420 T H E R E P U B L I C .
concerning good and e v i l ; thefe defires which heretofore were only loofe
from their flavery in fleep, when he Was as yet under the laws, and his
father when under Democratic government, now when he is tyrannized
over by love, fuch as he rarely was when afleep, fuch fhall he be always
w h e n awake ; and from no horrid flaughter, or food, or deed of any kind,
fhall he abftain. But that tyrannical love within him, living without any
reftraint of law or government, as being fole monarch itfelf, will lead on
the man it poffelfes, as a city, to every mad attempt, whence he may fupport
himfelf, and the crowd about him ; which partly enters from without,
from ill company, and, partly through their manners and his o w n , is be
come unreftrained and licentious. Or is not this the life of fuch a one ?
It is this truly, faid he. And if there be, faid I, but a few fuch in the
city, and the reft of the multitude be fober, they go out and ferve as guards
to fome other tyrant, or affift him for hire, if there be any w a r ; but if they
rfemain in peace and quiet, they commit at home in the city a great many
fmall mifchiefs. W h i c h do you mean ? Such as thefe: they fteal, break
open houfes, cut purfes, ffrip people of their clothes, rifle temples, make
people flaves; and where they ca,n fpeak they fometimes turn falfe in
formers, and give falfe teftimony, and take gifts. You call thefe, faid he,
fmall mifchiefs, if there be but a few fuch perfons. W h a t is fmall, faid I,
is fmall in comparifon of great. And all thofe things, with regard to the
tyrant, w h e n compared with the wickednefs and mifery of the city, do not,
as the faying is, come near the mark; for when there are-many fuch in
the city, and others accompanying them, and when they perceive their
o w n number, then thefe are they w h o , through the foolifhnefs of the
people, eftablifh as tyrant the man w h o among them has himfelf moft of
the tyrant, and in the greateft ftrength, within his foul. It is probable
indeed, faid h e ; for he will be moft tyrannical. Will he not be fo, if they
voluntarily fubmit to him ? But if the city will not allow him, in the fame
maimer as he formerly ufed violence to his father and mother, fo now
again w i l l he challife his country if he be able; and bringing in other young
people, he will keep and nourifh under fubjection to thefe, his formerly
beloved mother- and father-country, as the Cretans fay? And this will be
the iffue of fuch a man's defire. It will be entirely this, faid he. But do
not thefe, faid I, become fuch a s this, firft in private, and before they
govern £
T H E R E P U B L I C . 422
govern ? In the firft place, by the company they keep* either converting
with their own flatterers, and fuch as are ready to minifter to them in
every thing; or, if they need any thing themfelves, falling down to thofe
they converfe with, they dare to affume every appearance as friends; but,
after they have gained their purpofe, they acT as enemies. Extremely fb.
T h u s they pafs the whole of their life, never friends to a n y o n e , but always
either domineering, or enflaved to another. But liberty and true friendfhip
the tyrannic difpofition never taftes. Entirely fo. May w e not then
rightly call thefe men faithlefs ? W h y not ? x^nd furely w e may call them
moft of all unjuft, if we have rightly agreed about juftice, in our former
reafonings, what it is. But we did rightly agree, faid he. Let us fmifh
then, faid I, our worft man. He would then feem fuch a one awake, as
we defcribed as afleep. Entirely fo. And does not that man become fuch
a one, who being moft tyrannical by natural temper, is in poffeflion o f
fupreme power, and the longer time he lives in tyranny, the more he
becomes fuch a one ? O f neceffity, replied Glauco, taking up the difcourfe.
And will not the man, faid I, who appears the moft wicked, appear like-
wife the moft wretched ; and he who fhall tyrannize for the longeft t i m e ,
and in the greateft meafure, fhall he not in reality, in the greateft meafure,
and for the longeft time, be fuch a one ? But as many men as many minds.
O f neceffity, faid he, thefe things at leaft muft be fo. And would this
Tyrannic man differ any thing, faid I, as to fimilitude, when compared with
the city under tyranny, and the Democratic man when compared with the
city under democracy, and after the fame manner with refpect to others ?
H o w fhould they ? As city then is to city, as to virtue and happinefs, will
not man be to man in the fame way? W h y not ? W h a t then ? H o w is
the city which is tyrannized over, in refpecl: of that under kingly govern
ment, fuch as w e at the firft defcribed ? Quite the reverfe, faid he ; for the
one is the beft, and the other is the worft. I will not afk, faid I, which
you mean, for it is plain ; but do you judge in the fame way, or otherwife*
as to their happinefs and mifery ? And let us not be ftruck with admira
tion, whilft we regard the tyrant alone, or fome few about h i m ; but let us,
as we ought to do, enter into the whole of the city, and confider it ; and
going through every part, and viewing it, let us declare our opinion. Y o u
propofe rightly, faid he. And it is evident to every one that there is no.
city
422 THE REPUBLIC.
city more wretched than that which is under Tyranny, nor any more
happy than that under regal power. If n o w , faid I, I fhould propofe the
fame things with refpect to the men, fhould I rightly propofe, whilft I
account him worthy to judge aoout them, who is able, by his dianoetic
power, to enter within, and fee through the temper of the man, and who
may not, as a child beholding the outfide, be ftruck with admiration of
tyrannical pomp, which he makes a fhow of to thofe without, but may
fufficiently fee through him ? If then I fhould be of opinion, that all of us
ought to hear fuch a one, who, having dwelt with the man in the fame
houfe, and having been along with him in his actions in his family, is able
to judge in what manner he behaves to each of his domefties, (in which
moft efpecially a man appears fti ipped of theatrical fhows,) and likewife in
public dangers; after he has obferved all thefe things, w e fhall bid him
declare, how the Tyrant is as to happinefs and mifery, in companion
k
o f others. You 'would advife to thefe things, faid he, moft properly.
Are you willing then, faid I, that we pretend to be ourfelves of the num
ber of thofe who are thus able to judge, and that we have already met
with fuch men, that w e may have one w h o ihall anfwer our queftions ?
By all means.' Come then, faid 1, confider in this manner. Recollect
the refemblance o f the city, and the man, to one another, and, thus con-
fidering each of them apart, relate the paffions of each. Which paflions ?
faid he. T o begin firft, faid I, with the city. D o you call the one
under Tyranny, either free or enfhved? Slavifh, faid he, in the greateft
degree poflible. And yet, furely, at leaft, you fee in it mafters and free
m e n . I fee, faid he, fome fmall part fb. But the whole in it, in the
general, and the moft excellent part, is difgracefully and miferably flavifh.
If then the man, faid I, refembles the city, is it not neceffary that there
be the fame regulation in him likewife ; and that his foul be full of the
greateft flavery and illiberality ; and that thefe parts of his foul, which are
the nobleft, be enflaved, and that fome fmall part, which is moft wicked
and frantic, is mafter ? O f necefiity, faid he. W h a t now? will you fay
that fuch a foul is flavifh, or free ? Slavifh fomehow, I fay. But does
not then the city which is flavifh, and tyrannized over, leaft of all do
what it inclines? Very much fo. And will not the foul too, which is
tyrannized over, leaft of all do what it fhall incline, to fpeak of the whole
foul;
T H E R E P U B L I C . 423
1
foul ; but, hurried violently by fome fringing paflion, be full of tumult
and inconftancy ? H o w fhould not it be fo ? But whether will the city
which is tyrannized over be neceffarily rich or poor? Poor. And the
foul under Tyranny be of neceffity likewife indigent and infatiable ? Juft
fo, faid he. But what? Muft not fuch a city, and fuch a man, of ne
ceffity be full of fear? Very much fo. D o you think you will find more
lamentations, and groans, and weepings, and torments, in any other city?
By no means. But with reference to a man, do you think that thefe things
are greater in any other than in this tyrannical one, who madly rages by
his defires and luffs ? H o w can they ? faid he. It is then on confidera-
tion of all thefe things, and other fuch as thefe, I think, that you have
deemed this city the moft wretched of cities ? And have I not deemed
right? faid he. Extremely fo, faid I. But what fay you again with
reference to the tyrannical man, when you confider thefe things ? T h a t
he is by far, faid he, the moft wretched of all others. You do not as yet
fay this rightly, replied I. H o w ? faid he. I do not as yet think, faid I,
that he is fuch in the greateft degree. But w h o then is fo ? T h e follow
ing will probably appear to you to be yet more miferable than the other.
Which ? H e , faid I, w h o , being naturally tyrannical, leads not a private
life, but is unfortunate, and through fome misfortune is led to become a
Tyrant. I conjecture, faid he, from what was formerly mentioned, that
you fay true. It is fo, faid I. But w e ought not merely to conjecture
about matters of fuch importance as thefe, but moft thoroughly to inquire
into them by reafoning of this kind: for the inquiry is concerning a thing
of the greateft confequence, a good life and a bad. Moft right, faid he.
Confider then whether there be any thing in what I fay; for, in confidering
this queftion, I am of opinion that w e ought to perceive it from thefe
things. From what ? From every individual of private men, viz. fuch
of them as are rich, and poffefs many flaves ; for thofe have this refem-
blance at leaft of Tyrants, that they rule over many, with this difference,
that the Tyrant has a great multitude. There is this difference. You
1
T h e reafoning power of the foul of a tyrant, fays the Greek Scholiaft, p. 190, being v a n -
quilhed by anger and defire, the foul does not accomplish that which it w i f h c s ; but not acting
according to its better part, it is faid, as fpeaking of the whole foul, to do w h a t it w i l h e s i n
the fmalleft degree: for the w h o l e foul does not then act.
know
4Q4 T H E R E P U B L I C .
k n o w then that thefe live fecurely, and are not afraid of their domeftics.
What fhould they be afraid of? N o t h i n g , faid I; but do you confider the
reafon? Yes. It is becaufe the whole city gives affiftance to each parti
cular private man. Y o u fay right, replied I. But what now ? If fome
God fhould lift a man w h o had fifty flaves or upwards out of the city, both
him, aod his wife and children, and fet him down in a defert, with his
other fubftance, and his domeftics, where no freeman was to give him
affiftance,—in what kind of fear, an<l in how great, do you imagine he
would be about himfelf, his children and wife, left they fhould be de-
ffroyed by the domeftics? In the greateft poffible, faid he, I imagine.
W o u l d he not be obliged even to flatter fome of the very flaves, and pro-
mife them many things, to fet them at liberty when there was no occafion
for it; and appear to be himfelf a flatterer of fervants ? H e is under great
neceffity, faid he, to do fo, or be deftroycd. But what, faid I, if the
God fhould fettle round him many other neighbours, who could not endure
if any one fhould pretend to lord it over another; but, if they any where
found fuch a one, fhould punifh him with the extremeft rigour? I ima
gine, faid he, that he would be ftill more diftreffed, thus befet by every
kind of enemies. And in fuch a prifon-houfe is not the Tyrant bound,
being fuch, by difpofition, as w e have mentioned, full of many and moft
various fears and loves of all kinds? And whilft he has in his foul the
greateft define, he alone of all in the city is neither allowed to go any
where abroad, nor to fee fuch things as other men are defirous o f ; but,
creeping into his houfe, lives moftly as a woman, envying the other citU
zens if any o f them go abroad, and fee any good. It is entirely fo, faid
he. And befides fuch evils as thefe, does not the man reap ftill more of
them, w h o , being under ill policy within himfelf, (which you juft now
deemed to be the moft wretched Tyranny,) lives not as a private perfon,
but through fome fortune is obliged to act the tyrant, and, without holding
the government of himfelf, attempts to govern others, as if one with a
body difeafed, and unable to fupport itfelf, were obliged to live not
in a private way, but in wreftling and fighting againft other bodies ?
Y o u fay, Socrates, replied he, what is altogether moft likely and true.
Is not then, friend Glauco, faid I, this condition altogether miferable ?
and does not the Tyrant live more miferably ftill, than the man deemed by
you
T E R fc t> U B L i C. 425
you to live moft miierably ? Very much fo, laid he. T r u e ' i t is then,'
though one may fancy otherwife, that the trlily tyrannical man is truly
flavifh with refpect to the greateft flatteries and ftaveries, and is a flatterer
of the moft abandoned m e n ; nor' does he ever in the fmalleft degree obtain
the gratification of his defires* but is of all the moft indigent of moft thing3,
and appears poor indeed, if a man knows how to contemplate his w h o l e
foul; and full of feat through the whole of life, being filled with anxieties
and griefs, if indeed he refembles the conftitution of that city which he
o-overns. But he does refemble it. Dbes he not ? Extremely, faid.he.
And fhall we not, befides thefe things, likewife afcribe to this man what
w e formerly mentioned, that he muft neceffarily be, and, by governing
ftill, become more than formerly envioiis, faithlefs, unjufb, tinfrieridly,
unholy, and d general recipient and nourifher 6f all wickednefs ; and from
all thefe things be moft efpecially unhappy himfelf, and then render all
about him unhappy likewife ? N o one, faid he, w h o hath underftanding
will contradict you. Ctfrrie itbw, faid I, as a judge whd pronounces, after
confidering all, fo do yoii tell me, whoj accbrding td your opinion, Is the
?
firft as to happinefs, and who fecond, and the reft iri drdef, they being
five in all ? T h e Regal, the Timocratic, the Oligarchic, the Democratic,
and the Tyrannic. But the judgment, faid h e , ' i s eafy; for, as if I had
entered among them, I judge of them as of public performers, by their
virtue and vice, and by their happiriefs, and its contrary. Shall w e then
hire a Herald? faid I. Or fhall I myfelf declare that the fon o f Arifton
hath judged the beft and jufteft man to be the happieft; (and that this is
the man who hath moft of the regal fpiritj and rules himfelf with a kingly
power;) and that the worft and the moft .unjuft is the moft wretched ; and
that he again happens to be the man w h o is moft tyraunical, who in the
greateft degree tyrannizes over himfelf, and the city ? L e t it be publifhed
by youj faid he. Shall I add, faid I, whether they be unknown to be fuch
or not bom to all men and Gods ? Add it, faid he. Be it fb, faid I : this
would feem to be one proof of ours. And this* if you are o f the fame
opinion, muft be the fecond. W h i c h is it? Since the foul, faid I, o f
every individual is divided into three parts, in the fame manner as the city
was divided, it will, in my opinion* afford a lecohd proof. W h a t is that?
It is this. Of the three parts of the foul, there appear to m e to be three
V O L . i. 31 pleafures,
426 T H E R E P U B L I C .
pleafures, one peculiar to each. And the defires and governments are in
the fame manner. H o w do you fay ? replied he. There is one part, w e
faid, by which a man learns, and another by which he is irafcible; the
third is fo multiform, w e are unable to exprefs it by one word peculiar to
itfelf, but w e denominated it from that which is greateft and moft impe
tuous in i t ; for w e called it the defiderative, on account of the impetu-
ofity of the defires relative to meat, drink, and venereal pleafures, and
whatever others belong to thefe ; and we called it avaricious likewife, be
caufe it is by means of wealth moft efpecially that fuch defires are ac
complished. And w e faid rightly, replied he. If then w e fay that its
pleafure and delight are in gain, fhall w e not beft of all reduce it under
one head in our difcourfe, fo as to exprefs fomething to ourfelves, when
w e make mention of this part of the foul ? and, calling it the covetous,
and the defirous of gain, fhall w e not term it properly ? So it appears to
m e , faid he. But what ? D o not w e fay that the irafcible ought to be;
wholly impelled to fuperiority, victory, and applaufe ? Extremely fo. I f
then we term it the contentious and ambitious, will it not be accurately
expreffed ? Moft accurately. But it is evident to every one, that the part
of the foul, by which w e learn, is wholly intent always to know the truth;
and as to wealth and glory, it cares for thefe leaft of all. Extremely fo.
W h e n we call it then the defirous of learning, and the philofophic, we fhall
call it according to propriety. H o w fhould we not ? And do not thefe,
faid I, govern-in fouls, one of them in fome, and in.others another, as it
happens? Juft fo, faid he. On this account then, w e faid there were
three original fpecies of m e n ; the philofophic, the ambitious, and the
avaricious. Entirely fo. And that there were likewife three fpecies of
pleafures, one fubject to each of thefe. Certainly. You know then, faid
I, that if you were to afk thefe three m e n , each of them apart, which of
thefe lives is the moft pleafaift, each would moft of ail commend his o w n .
And the avaricious will fay, that in comparifon with the pleafure of ac
quiring wealth, that arifing from honour, or from learning, is of no value,
u n l e f s - o n e make m o n e y by them. True,, faid he. And what fays the
ambitious ? faid I. Does not he deem the pleafure arifing from making
money a fort o f burthen ? And likewife that arifing from learning, unlefsr
learning bring him honour, does he not deem it fmoke and trifling? If
is
T H E R E P U B L I C . 427
is fo, faid he. And we fhall fuppofe the philofopher, faid I, to deem the
other pleafures as nothing in comparifon of that of knowing the truth, how
it is, and that whilft he is always employed in learning fomething o f this
kind, he is not very remote from pleafure; but that he calls the other
pleafures truly neceffary, as wanting nothing of the others, but where
there is a neceffity for it. Tfu9, faid he, w e muft well underftand. W h e n
therefore, faid I, thefe feveral lives, and the refpective pleafure of each,
difpute among themfelves, not with reference to living more worthily or
more bafely, or worfe or better ; but merely with reference to this of liv
ing more pleafantly, or on the contrary more painfully,—how can we know'
which of them fpeaks moft conformably to truth? I am not quite able,
faid he, to tell. But confider it thus. By what ought w e to judge o f
whatever is to be rightly judged of ? Is it not by experience, by pru
dence, and by reafon ? Or has any one a better criterion than thefe ?'
H o w can he ? faid he. Confider n o w ; of the three m e n , w h o is the
moft experienced in all the pleafures? Whether does it appear to you that
the avaricious man, in learning truth itfelf, what it is, is more experi
enced in the pleafure arifing from knowledge, than the philofopher is in
that arifing from the acquifition^ of wealth? T h e r e is, faid he, a great
difference : for the philofopher, beginning from his childhood, muft, of
necefiity, tafte the other pleafures; but what it is to know real beings,
and how fweet this pleafure is, the lucrative man has no neceffity of tafte-
ing, or of becoming experienced in ; but rather, when he earneftly endea
vours to effect this, it is no eafy matter. T h e philofopher then, faid I,
far furpaffes the lucrative man, at leaft in experience of both the pleafures.
Far indeed. But what with reference to the ambitious man ? Is he more
experienced in the pleafure arifing from honour, than the philofopher is
in that arifing from intellectual energy ? Honour, faid he, attends all o f
them, if they obtain each of them what they aim at : for the rich man is
honoured by many, and fo is the brave, and the wife ; fo, as to that o f
honour, what fort of pleafure it is, all of them have the experience. But
in the contemplation of being itfelf, what pleafure there is, it is impoffible
for any other than the philofopher to have tafted. On account of e x p e
rience then, faid I, he of all men'judges the beft. By far. And furely,
along with prudence at leaft, he alone becomes experienced. W h y fhould
3 to
4*& T H E R E P U B L I C .
he not? But even the organ by which thefe pleafures mull: be judged is
not the organ of the lucrative, nor of the amjbitious, but of the philo
fopher. W h i c h is it ? W e faid fome where, that they muft be judged of
by reafon, did we not ? Yes. But reafoning is chiefly the. organ of the
philofopher. H o w fhould it not ? If then the things to be determined
were beft determined by riches and gain, what the lucrative man com-,
mended, or defpifed, • would of neceffity be moft agreeable to truth. En-,
tirely. And if by honour, and victory and bravery, muft it not be as the.
ambitious and contentious m a a determined? It is evident. But fince it is,
by experience, and prudence, and reafon,—of neceffity, faid he, what the ;
philofopher and the lover of reafon commends muft be thq moft true.,
O f the three pleafures, then, that is the moft pleafant which belongs to.
that part of the foul by which w e learn moft, and he among us in
w h o m this part governs lives the moft pleafant life. H o w can it,, faid
he, be otherwife ? For the wife man, being the fovereign commender, i
commends his o w n life. But which life, faid I, does our judge pronounce
the fecond, and which the fecond pleafqre? It is plain, that of the war-v
like and ambitious m a n ; for this is nearer to his o w n than that of the
lucrative. And that o f the covetous, as it appears, is laft of all. W h y
not ? faid he. T h e f e things now have 'thus ftjcceeded one another i n
order. And the juft man has twice now overcome the unjuft. T h e third
victory n o w , as at the Olympic games, is facred to Olympic Jupiter, the
favioqr ; for confider, that the pleafure of the others is not every way
genuine, but that of the wife man i s : nor are they pure, but fomehow
ihadp^etf over, as I appear to, myfelf to have heard from one of the.
wife, m e n . And this truly would be the greateft and moft complete
downfall of the imjuft. Extremely fo. But how do you mean ? 1 fhall
thus trace it put, faid I, whilft in fearching you anfwer my queftions. Afk
tljen, faid he. Tell me then, replied I, do w e not fay that pain is oppo
fite to pleafure ? Entirely fo. And do w e not fay likewife, that to feel
neither pleafure nor pain is fomewhat ? W e fay it is. That being in the
middle of both; thefe, it is a certain tranquillity of the foul with reference
to.them. D o y o u not thus underftand it ? T h u s , replied he. D o you not
remember, faid I, the fpeeches of the difeafed* which they utter in their
ficknefs ? W h i c h ? H o w that nothing is more pleafant than health, but
o that
T H E R E P U B L I C ,
that it efcaped their notice before they became fick, that it was the mofl
pleafant. I remember it, faid he. And are you not wont to hear thofe
who are under any acute pain fay, that there is nothing more pleafant
than a ceflation from pain ? I am wont to hear them. And you may
perceive in men, I imagine, the fame thing, when they are in many other
fuch like cuxurafiances, where, when in pain, they extol a freedom from
pain, and the tranquillity of fuch a ftate, as being the moft pleafant, and
do not extol that of feeling joy. Becaufe this, it is likely, faid he, be
comes at that time pleafant and defirable tranquillity. And when any ona
ceafeth, faid. I, to feel joy, this tranquillity from pleafure will be painful.
It is likely, faid he. T h i s tranquillity, then, which w e juft now faid w a s
between the two, will at times become each of thefe, pain and pleafure.
It appears fo. But is it truly poffible, that what is neither of the t w o
fhould become both ? It does not appear to me that it is. And furely a*
leafl, when any thing pleafant or any thing painful is in the foul, both
fenfations are a certain m o t i o n ; are they not ? Y e s . But did not that
which is neither painful nor pleafant appear juft now to be tranquillity*
and in the middle of thefe two? It appears fo, indeed. H o w is it rightv
then, to deem it pleafant not to be in pain, or painful not to enjoy plea
fure ? It is by no means right. In thefe cafes, then, tranquillity is not
really fo, faid I, but it appears pleafant in refpect of the painful, and
painful in refpect of the pleafant. And there is nothing, genuine in thefe
appearances as to the truth of pleafure, but a certain magical delufion. A s
our reafoning fhows, faid he. Confider then, faid \ the pleafures which
t
do not arife from the ceffation of pains, that you may not frequently in
the prefent difcourfe fuppofe that thefe two naturally thus fubfift, vi&.<
that pleafure is the ceffation of pain, and pain the ceffation of pleafure.
H o w , faid he, and which pleafures do you mean? T h e r e are many
others, faid I, but chiefly if you wifh to confider the pleafures from;
fmells ; for thefe, without any preceding pain, are on a fudden immenfely
great, and, when they ceafe, they leave no pain behind them. Moft true;
faid he. Let us not then be perfuaded that pure pleafure is the removal
of pain, or pain the removal of pleafure. L e t us not. But yet, faid I,
thofe which extend through the body to the foul, and which are Called!
pleafures, the greateft part of them almoft, and the moft confiderable, arp
of
430 T H E R E P U B L I C .
of this fpecies, certain ceffations of pain. T h e y are fo. And are not the
preconceptions o f pleafure and pain, which arife in the mind from the
expectation of thefe things, of the fame kind ? O f the fame. D o you
k n o w then, faid I, what kind they are of, and what they chiefly refem
ble ? W h a t ? faid he. D o you reckon, faid I, there is any fuch thing in
nature as this, the above, the below, and the middle? I do. D o you
think then that any one, when he is brought from the below to the mid
dle, imagines any thing elfe than that he is brought to the above ? and w h e n
he ftands in the middle, and looks down whence he was brought, will he
imagine he is any where elfe than above, whilft yet he has not feen the true
above? By Jupiter, faid he, I do not think that fuch an one will imagine
otherwife. But if he fhould again, faid I, be carried to the below, he would
conjecture he was carried to the below, and would conjecture according to
truth. H o w fhould he not ? W o u l d he not be affected in all thefe refpects,
from his not having experience in what is really above, and in the middle,
and below ? It is plain. W o u l d you wonder then, that whilff. men are inex
perienced in the truth, they have unfound opinions about many other things,
— and that as to pleafure and pain,and what is between thefe, they are likewife
affected in this fame manner? So that, even when they are brought to what
is painful, they imagine truly, and are truly pained ; but when from pain
they are brought to the middle, they ftrongly imagine that they are arrived
at fulnefs of pleafure. In the fame manner as thofe who along with the
black colour look at the gray, through inexperience of the white, are de
ceived ; fo thofe who confider pain along with a freedom from pain, are
deceived through inexperience of pleafure. By Jupiter, faid he, I fhould
not wonder, but much rather if it were not fo. But confider it, faid I,
in this manner. Are not hunger and thirft, and fuch like, certain empti-
T
nefles in the bodily habit ? W hat elfe ? And are not ignorance and folly
an emptinefs in the habit of the foul ? Extremely fo. And is not the.
one filled when it receives food, and the other when it polfeffes intellect ?
W h y ngt ? But which is the more real repletion, that of the lefs, or that
of the more real being ? It is plain, that of the more real. Which fpe
cies, then, do you think, participates mofl of a more pure eflence ; whether
thefe which participate of bread and drink, and meat, and all fuch fort of
nourifhment; or that fpecies which participates of true opinion and fcience,
and
T H E R E P U B L I C . 431
and intellect, and', in fhort, of all virtue ? But judge or*it in this manner.
That which adheres to what is always fimilar, and immortal, and true, and
is fo itfelf, and arifes in what is fuch, does it appear to you to have more
of the reality of being, than that which adheres to what is never fimilar,
and is mortal, which is fo itfelf, and is generated in a thing of this kind ?
This, faid he, differs much from that which is always fimilar. Does then
the effence of that which is always fimilar participate more of effence than
of fcience ? By no means. But what with relation to truth ? N o r o f this
neither. If it participate lefs of truth, does it not likewife do fo of effence?
O f neceffity. In fhort, then, do not the genera relating to the care of the
body participate lefs o f truth and effence, than thofe relating to the care of
the foul ? By far. And the body lefs than the foul; do you not think fo ?
1 do. Is not that which is filled w i t h more real beings, and is itfelf a more
real being, in reality more truly filled than that which is filled with lefs
real beings, and is itfelf a lefs real being ? H o w fhould it not ? If then it
be pleafant to be filled with what is fuitable to nature, that which is in
reality filled, and with more real being, muff be made both more really
and more truly to enjoy true pleafure; but that which participates o f lef?
real being, muff be lefs truly and firmly filled, and participates of a more
uncertain and lefs genuine pleafure. Moll: neceffarily, faid he. Such then
as are unacquainted with wifdom and virtue, and are always converfant
in feaftings and fuch like, are carried as it appears to the below, and back
again to the middle, and there they wander for life. But never, paffing
beyond this, do they look towards the true above, nor are carried to it; nor
are they ever really filled with real being; nor have they ever tafled folid and
pure pleafure; but, after the manner of brutes looking always downwards,and
bowed towards earth and their tables, they live feeding and coupling; and
from a luff of thefe things, kicking and pufhing at one another with iron
horns and hoofs, they perifh through their unfatiablenefs, as thofe w h o are
filling with unreal being that which is no real being, nor friendly to t h e m
felves. You pronounce mofl perfectly, Socrates, as from an oracle, faid
Glauco, the life of thp multitude. Muft they not then, of neceffity, be
converfant with pleafures mixed with pains, images of ,the true pleafure*
fhadowed over, and coloured by their pofition befide each other? fo that
both their pleafures and pains will appear vehement, and engender their
raai
432 T H E R E P U B L I C .
mad paffions in the foolifh. Hence alfo they muft fight about thefe things,
as Stefichorus fays thofe at T r o y fought about the image of Helen, through
ignorance of the true one. O f neceffity, faid he, fomething of this kind
muft take place. And what as to the irafcible part of the foul ? Muft
not other fuch like things happen, wherever any one gratifies it, either in
the way of envy, through ambition, or in the way of violence, through
contentioufnefs, or in the way of anger, through morofenefs, purfuing a
glut of honour, of conqueft, and of anger, both without reafon, and with
out intelligence ? Such things as thefe, faid he, muft neceffarily happen
with reference to this part of the foul. W h a t then, faid I, fhall w e boldly
fay concerning all the pleafures, both refpecting the avaricious and the
ambitious part, that fuch of them as are obedient to fcience and reafon,
and, in conjunction w i t h thefe, purfue and obtain the pleafures of svhich the
prudent part of the foul is the leader, fhall obtain the trueft pleafures, a3
far as it is poffible for them to attain true pleafure, and in as much as they
follow truth, pleafures which are properly their own ; if indeed what is
beft for every one be moft properly his o w n ? But furely it is moft properly,
faid he, his o w n . W h e n then the whole foul is obedient to the philofo
phic part, and there is no fedition in it, then every part in other refpects
performs its proper bufinefs, and is juft, and alfo reaps its own pleafures,
and fuch as are the beft, and as far as is poffible the moft true. Certainly,
indeed. But when any of the others governs, it happens that it neither
attains its o w n pleafures, and it compels the other parts to purfue a plea
fure foreign to them, and not.at all true. It does fo, faid he. D o not then
the parts w h i c h arc the moft remote from philofophy and reafon moft
efpecially effectuate fuch things ? Very much fo. And is not that which
is moft remote from law and order, likewife moft remote from reafon ?
It plainly is. And have not the amorous arid the tyrannical defires ap
peared to be moft remote from law and order ? Extremely fo. And the
royal and the moderate ones, the leaft remote ? Yes. T h e tyrant then, I
think, fhall be the moft remote from true pleafure, and fuch as is moft
properly his o w n , and the other fhall be the leaft. O f neceffity. And
the tyrant, faid I, fhall lead a life the moft unpleafant, and the king the
moft pleafant. O f great neceffity. D o you know then, faid I, how much
more unpleafant a life the tyrant leads than the king ? If you tell me, faid
he.
T H E R E P U B L I C . 433
he. As there are three pleafures, as it appears, One genuine, and t w o
illegitimate; the Tyrant in carrying the illegitimate to extremity, and
flying from law and reafon, dwells with flavifh pleafures as his life-guards,
and how far he is inferior is not eafily to be told, unlefs it may be done in
1
this manner. How? faid he. T h e Tyrant is fomehow the third remote
from the Oligarchic character; for the Democratic was in the middle
between them. Yes. Does he not then dwell with the third image o f
pleafure, diftant from him with reference to truth* if our former reafon
ings be true ? Juft fo. But the Oligarchic is the third again from the
Royal, if w e fuppofe the Ariftocratic and the Royal the fame. H e is the
third. The Tyrant then, faid I, is remote from true pleafure, the third
from the third. It appears fo. A plain furface then, faid I, may be *be
image of tyrannical pleafure, as to the computation of length. Certainty-.
But as to power, and the third augment, it is mafiifeft by hbw great a
diftance it is remote. It is manifeft, faid he, to the computer at leaft. If
now, converfely, any one fhall fay the King is diftant from the Tyrant as
to truth of p>teafure, as much a*s is the diftance of 9, and 20, and 700, fhall
he not, on completing the multiplication, find him leading the more
pleafant life, and the Tyrant the more wretched one, by this fame diftance?
You have heaped up, faid he, a prodigious account of the difference be
tween thefe two men, the juft and the unjuft, with reference to plealure
and pain. Yet the numbers are true, faid I, and correfponding to their
lives, if indeed days, and nights, and months, and years, correfpond to them.
But thefe, faid he, do correfpond to them. If then the good and juft
man furpaffes fo far the evil and unjuft man in pleafure, in what a pro
digious degree further fhall he furpafs him in decorum of life, in beauty
1
T h e following numbers are employed by Plato in this place. H e confiders the Royal c h a -
rafter as analogous to unity, the Oligarchic to the number 3, and the T y r a n n i c to the number
9. A s 3 therefore is triple of unity, the Oligarchic is the third from the Royal character; and
in a fimilar manner the Tyrant is diftant from the Oligarchift by the triple in n u m b e r ; for
9 is the triple of 3 , juft as 3 is the triple of 1. But 9 is a plane number, the length o f w h i c h
is 3 , and alfo its breadth. A n d a tyrannic, fays P l a t o , is the laft image of a royal life. He
alfo calls 3 a power, becaufe unity being multiplied by it, and itfelf by itfelf, and 9 by it, there
will be produced 3 , 9, 27. But he calls the third augment 27, arifing from the multiplication
of the power 3 , and producing depth or a folic! number. Laftly, 27 multiplied into itfelf pro
duces 729, w h i c h may be confidered as a perfect multiplication, this number being the 6 t h
power of 3 ; - a n d 6 as is well known is a perfect number. H e n c e , as the K i n g is analogous t o
1, he is faid, by Plato, to be 729 times diftant from the Tyrant.
VOL, i. 3 K and
434 T H E R E P U B L I C .
1
B y this many-headed b e a d , defire is /ignificd.
a
T h e lion fignifies anger, and the figure of a man reafon; for the whole foul is divided into
reafon, anger, aid defire.
fight
T H E R E P U B L I C . 435
fight and devour each other. H e , faid he, w h o commendeth the doing
injuftice, undoubtedly afTerts thefe things. And does not he again, w h o
fays it is profitable to do juftice, fay that he ought to do and to fay fuch
things by which the inner man fhall come to have the moft entire c o m
mand of the man, and, as a tiller of the ground, fhall take care of the
many-headed creature, cherifhing the mild ones, and nourifhing them,
and hindering the wild ones from growing up, taking the nature of the
Hon as his ally, and, having a common care for all, make them friendly
to one another, and to himfelf, and fo nourifh them ? H e who commends
juftice undoubtedly fays fuch things as thefe. In all refpecls, then, he who
commends juftice would feem to fpeak the truth, but he w h o commends
injuftice, to fpeak what is falfe ; for, with regard to pleafure, and ap-
plaufe, and profit, he w h o commends juftice fpeaks the truth, and he w h o
difcommends it fpeaks nothing genuine. N o r does he difcommend with
underftanding what he difcommends. N o t at all, faid he, as appears to
me at leaft. Let us then in a mild manner perfuade him (for it is not w i l
lingly he errs), afking him, O bleffed man ! do not w e fay that the
maxims of things beautiful and bafe become fo, upon fuch accounts as
thefe ? Thofe are good which fubjec~t the brutal part of our nature moft
to the man, or rather perhaps to that which is divine: but thofe are evil
which enflave the mild part of our nature to the brutal. W i l l he agree
with us ? or how ? H e will, if he be advifed by me, faid he. Is there
then any one, faid I, whom it avails, from this reafoning, to take gold
unjuftly, if fomething of this kind happens, if, whilft he takes the money,
he at the fame time fubje&s the beft part of himfelf to the worft ? Or, if/
taking gold, he mould enflave a fon or daughter, and that even to favage and
wicked men, fhall we not fay this would not avail him, not though he fhould
receive for it a prodigious fum ? But if he enflaves the moft divine part of
himfelf to the moft impious and moft polluted part, without any pity, is he
not wretched ? and does he not take a gift of gold to his far more dreadful
ruin, than Euriphyle did when fhe received the necklace for her hufband's
life ? By far, faid Glauco; for I will anfwer you for the man. And do
you not think that to be intemperate, has of old been difcommended o n
fuch accounts as thefe, becaufe that in fuch a one that terrible, great and
multiform beaft was indulged more than was meet? It is plain, faid he.
And are not arrogance and morofenefs blamed, when the lion and the
3 K 2 ferpentine
436 T H E R E P U B L I C .
truly mufical. That arrangement then, faid I, and fymphony arifing from
the poffeffion of wealth, and that vulgar magnificence, he will not, in c o n
fequence of being aftonifhed with the felicity of the multitude, increafe
to infinity, and bring on himfelf infinite evils. I do not think it, faid he.
But looking, faid I, to that polity within himfelf, and taking dare that
nothing there be moved out of its place, through the greatnefs or fmall-
nefs of his property, governing in this manner as far as he is able, he
will add to his fubftance, and fpend out of it. Entirely fb, faid h e .
H e will regard honours likewife in the fame m a n n e r ; fome he w i l l
willingly partake of, and tafte, which he judges will render him a
better man, but thofe which he thinks would diiTolve that habit of foul
which fubfifts within him, he will fly from both in private and in public.
H e will not then, faid he, be willing to act in polities, if he takes care
of this. Yes truly, faid I, in his own city, and greatly too. But not
probably in his country, unlefs fome divine fortune befall him. I under
ftand, faid he. You mean in the city we have now eftablifhed, which
exifts in our reafoning, fince it is nowhere on earth, at leaft, as I imagine.
But in heaven, probably, there is a model of it, faid 1, for any one w h o
inclines to contemplate it, and on contemplating to regulate himfelf accord
ingly ; and it is of no confequence to him, whether it does exift any where,,
or fhall ever exift here. H e does the duties of this city alone, and of no-
other. It is reafonable, laid he.
B O O K X.
excellent, and preparing that which is more divine alone to e n e r g i z e , the inferior nature being
withdrawn, and concealing its own idiom in that which is fuperior. T h i s then, in fhort, is a
mania better than temperance, and is diftinguifhed by a divine charactf.riftic. A n d as every
different kind of poetry fubfifts according to a different hyparxis, or fummit o f divine effence, fo
this fills the foul energizing from divine infpiration, with f y m m e t r y ; and hence it a d o r n s it
laft: energies with meafures and rhythms. A s therefore we fay that prophetic fury fubfifts
according to truth, and the a m a t o r y according to beauty, in like manner we fay, that the
poetic mania is defined according to divine fymmetry.
" T h e fecond kind of poetry which is fubordinate to this firft and divinely infpired fpecies, and
which has a middle fu^fift nee in the foul, is allotted its effence, according to a fcientific and
intellectual habit. H e n c e it knows the effence of things, and loves to contemplate beautiful
works and reafonings, and leads forth every thing into a meafured and rhythmical interpretation.
F o r you will find many progeny of good poets to be of this kind, emulous of thofe that I r e truly
wife, full of admonition, the beft counfels, and intellectual fymmetry. It likewife extends the
communication of prudence and every other virtue to thofe of a naturally good difpofition, and
affords a reminifcence of the periods of the foul, of its eternal reafons, and various powers.
" T h e third fpecies of poetry fubfequent to thefe, is mingled with opinions and phantafies,.
receives its completion through imitation, and is faid to b e , and is nothing elfe than imitative
poetry. A t one time, it alone ufes affimilation, and at another time defends apparent and not
real affimilation. It confiderably raifes very moderate paffions, aftonifhes the hearers ; together
with appropriate appellations and w o r d s , mutations of harmonies and varieties of rhythms, c h a n g e s
the difpofitions of f o u l s ; and indicates the nature of things not fuch as they a r e , but fuch a s
they appear to the m a n y ; being a certain a d u m b r a t i o n , and not an accurate knowledge of things.
It alfo eftablifhes as its end the delight of the h e a r e r s ; and particularly looks to the paffive p a r t
of the foul, which is naturally adapted to rejoice and be afflicted. B u t of this fpecies of poetry,,
as we have faid, one divifion is affimi/ative, which is extended to rectitude of imitation, but the
other \spbantajiicy and affords apparent imitation alone.
" S u c h then in fhort are the genera of poetry. It now remains to fhow that thefe are alfo m e n
tioned by Plato, and to relate fuch particulars as are conformable to his d o g m a s refpecYing e a c h .
A n d in the firft place we fhall difcufs thofe wonderful conceptions refpecting divine poetry
which may be collected by him who does not negligently perufe his writings. F o r , thefe things
being previoufly determined, it will I think be eafy to affign apt reafons refpecting the fubfequent
fpecies. In the Phsedrus, then, he denominates this divine poetry, ' a poffeffion from the
M u f e s , and a mania, and fays, that it is fupernally imparted to a tender and folitary f o u l ; b u t
that its employment is to excite and infpire with Bacchic fury, according to odes, and the reft
of poetry, and its end, to inftruct pofterity in celebrating the infinite tranfactions of the a n t i e n t s / '
F r o m thefe words, it is perfectly evident that he calls the original and firft-operating caufe o f
poetry, the gift of the M u f e s . F o r , as they fill all the other fabrications of the father of the.
univerfe, both the apparent and u n a p p a r e n t , with harmony and rhythmical motion, in like
roannejr
440 T H E R E P U B L I C .
fpicuity, that it is not to be admitted, fince the feveral forms of the foul
have been diitinguifhed apart from one another. H o w do you mean ?
That
manner in the fouls w h i c h are pollened by them they produce a veftige of divine fymmetry
w h i c h illuminates divinely infpired poetry. But fince the whole energy of the illuminating
p o w e r is in divine advents, and that which is illuminated gives itfelf up to the motions pro
c e e d i n g from t h e n c e , and, abandoning its o w n habits, fpreads itfelf under the energies of that
w h i c h is divine and uniform ; on this account, I think, he denominates fuch an illumination
a pojfeffion and mama. He calls it a pojjejjion, becaufe the whole illuminated foul gives itfelf up
t o the prefent effect of illuminating d e i t y ; and a mania, becaufe fuch a foul abandons its o w n
proper energies for the idioms of the illuminating powers.
" I n the next place, h e defcribes the habit of the foul poflefied by the M u f e s ; and fays it
ought to be tender and folitary. For a foul hard and refilling, and inobedient to divine illumi
nation, is difpofed contrary t o the energy of divinely infpired polTeflion; fince it thus rather
fubfifts from itfelf than from that w h i c h illuminates, and is incapable of being properly i m -
preffed w i t h its gifts. B u t a foul w h i c h is pollened by other all-various opinions, and is filled
w i t h reafonings foreign from a divine nature, obfeures divine infpiration, mingling with the
m o t i o n s t h e n c e derived its o w n lives and energies. It is requifite therefore that the foul
w h i c h is to be pofie/Ted by the M u f e s fhould be tender and folitary, that it may be properly
paflive t o , and perfectly fympathize w i t h , divinity, and that it may be impaflive, unreceptive,
and unmingled w i t h Tefpect to other things.
" I n the third place, therefore, he adds the c o m m o n employment of fuch an aptitude, and o f
pofiefiion and mania from the M u f e s . For to excite and infpire with Bacchic fury, is the pro
vince both of that w h i c h illuminates and that w h i c h is illuminated, and which gives completion
t o the fame t h i n g ; the former m o v i n g fupernally, and the latter fpreading itfelf under the
m o v i n g caufe. Excitation is indeed a refutreclion and unperverted energy of the foul, and a
convejfion to divinity from a lapfe into generation. But Bacchic fury is a divinely infpired
m o t i o n , and an unwearied dance, as it w e r e , towards a divine nature, giving perfection to the
poflefled. B u t again, both thefe are requifite, that the poflefled may not incline to that which
is worfe, but may be eafily moved to a more excellent nature.
" In the fourth place he add.;, that the end of this divine poetry is lo inflrudt pofterity in
celebrating the infinite deeds of the antients. H e n c e , he evidently teftifies that human affairs
b e c o m e more perfect and fplendid when they are delivered from a divine m o u t h , and that true
erudition is produced in the auditors of fuch poetry. N o t that it is adapted to juvenile tuition,
but pertains to thofe that are already perfect in politic difcipline, and require a more myftic
tradition refpecting divine concerns. S u c h poetry, therefore, inftructs the hearers more than
any other, w h e n it is divine, and w h e n its divine nature becomes manifeft to its auditors.
H e n c e Plato very properly prefers this poetry w h i c h fubfifts from the Mufes in tender and foli
1
tary fouls, to every other h u m a n art. For the poet, fays h e , w h o approaches to the poetic
g a t e s w i t h o u t fuch a mania, will be imperfect, and his poetry, fo far as it is dictated by pru
dence, will vanifh before that w h i c h is the progeny of fury.' In this manner, therefore, dees
Socrates in the Phvedrus inftruct us in the peculiarities of divine poetry, which differs
both
T H E R E P U B L I C . 441
That I may tell it as to yon, (for you will not accufe me to the compofers
of tragedy, and the reft of the imitative kind) all fuch things as thefe feem
tO-
both from divine prophecy, and the teleftic art, and refer its firft unfolding into light, t o
the Gods.
" W i t h thefe things alfo, what he fays in the I o accords, w h e n he is dificourfing with ({he
rhapfodift about this fpecies of p o e t r y ; for here h e moft clearly evinces that the poetry of
H o m e r is divine, and, to others that are converfant with it, is the caufe of enthufiaftic energy.
For when the rhapfodift fays, that he can fpeak copioufly on the p o e m s of H o m e r , but by n o
means on the writings of other poets, Socrates affigning the reafon of this fays, ' It is n o t
from art, that you fpeak well concerning H o m e r , but becaufe you are m o v e d by a divine
power/ A n d that this is true is indeed perfectly evident. For thofe w h o do any thing by art,
are able to produce the fame effect in all fimilars ; but thofe that operate by a certain divine
power about any thing which fubfifts with fymmetry, can no longer thus operate w i t h refpect
to other things which neceflarily have the fame power. W h e n c e then a p o w e r of this kind is
derived to the rhapfodift, w h i c h particularly connects h i m w i t h H o m e r , but no longer w i t h
other poets, Socrates afterwards teaches us, ufing the ftone w h i c h is vulgarly called H e r c u -
laean, as a moft perfpicuous example of the moft perfect pofTcffion from the Mufes. ' This
ftone then,' fays he, ' not only draws to itfelf iron rings, but inferts in t h e m a p o w e r attractive
of things fimilar, fo as to enable them to draw other rings, and form a chain of rings, or pieces
of iron, depending one from another.*
" L e t us in the next place hear what Socrates adds fimilar to thefe things, refpecting divine
poetry. ' T h u s then,' fays he, ' the Mufe makes m e n divine ; and from thefe m e n thus infpired,
others catching the facred power form a chain of divine enthufiafts.' H e r e , in the firft place,
h e fpeaks of the divine caufe in the fingular number, calling it the M u f e , and not, as in the
Phaedrus, a poiTefiion from the Mufes, and a mania pertaining to their w h o l e multitude, that
h e may refer all the number of thofe that are moved enthufiaftically to one m o n a d , as it w e r e ,
the primary principle of poetry. For poetry fubfifts uniformly and occultly in the firft m o v e r ;
but fecondarily, and in a revolved manner, in poets moved by that m o n a d ; and laftly, and in a
miniftrant degree, in the rhapfodifts, who are led back to this caufe through poets as the media*
In the next place, by extending d m n e infpiration fupernally, as far as to the laft mixtures, h e
evidently, at the fame time, celebrates the fecundity of the firft moving principle, and moft
clearly evinces the participation of the firft participants. F o r that poets fhould be able to
excite others by their poems to a divinely infpired energy, indicates that there is a moft confpi-
cuous prefencc in them of a divine nature. Confequent to thefe things, therefore, he alfo adds
what follows refpecting the pofleflion of poets. " T h e beft epic poets,' fays h e , * and all fuch as
excel in compofing any kind of verfes to be recited, frame not thofe their admirable p o e m s
from the rules of art, but, pofTefled by the M u f e , they write from divine infpiration. N o r is it
otherwife with the beft lyric poets, and all other fine writers of verfes to be fung.' And
again, afterwards, he fays, ' For a poet is a thing light and volatile, and facred, nor is he able
to write poetry till he becomes divine, and has no longer the c o m m a n d of his intellect.* And
laftly, he adds: < H e n c e it is that the poets indeed fay many fine things, whatever their fub-
VOL.I. 3L je&
442 T H E R E P U B L I C .
f Inftead of reading tois ev rots after $xvu.3.7srai I read rev; eyQsovr ^t'3oyj.
able
T H E R E P U B L I C . 443
able to diftinguifh what is allegory, and what is not.* W e muft: fay, therefore, that he e n
tirely admits infpired poetry, w h i c h he calls divine, and thinks it proper that thofe by w h o m it
is pofleficd fhould be venerated in filence. A n d thus m u c h concerning the firft kind of poetry,
w h i c h fubfifts, from a divine origin, in tender and folitary fouls.
" In the next place, let us contemplate that fpecies of poetry, w h i c h has a fcientific knowledge
of things, and w h i c h energizes according to intellect: and prudence j w h i c h unfolds to m e n
many names concerning an incorporeal nature, and leads forth into light many probable
dogmas refpecting a corporeal fubfiftence j inveftigates the moft beautiful fymmetry in manners,
and the difpolition contrary to t h i s ; and adorns all thefe with proper meafures and rhythms.
T h e Athenian gueft fays, that the poetry of T h e o g n i s is of this kind, which he praifes beyond
that of Tyrtseus, becaufe T h e o g n i s is a teacher of the whole of virtue, and w h i c h extends to
the whole political life. For the one admits a fidelity w h i c h receives its completion from all
the virtues, expels from politics that moft true vice fedition, and leads into confent the lives
of thofe that are perfuaded. But the other praifes the habit of fortitude by itfelf alone, and
exhorts to this thofe that neglect the other virtues. It will h o w e v e r be better to hear the
words themfelves of Plato * : ' W e have, t o o , the poet T h e o g n i s a witnefs in our favour, w h o
was a citizen of the Megarenfians in Sicily. For he fays,
which I have had from my childhood, reft rains me from telling i t ; for he
feems truly both to have been the firft teacher and leader of all * thefe good
compofers
iiftence of good from the p o w e r of divinity, t o obliterate the generation of true evils through
the benevolence of a more excellent nature, and, in fhort, to affert that thefe things are u n k n o w n
t o thofe that pray, but are feparated by divinity according to proper boundaries, is the work
o f w i f d o m and fcience, and not of any thing cafual. V e r y properly therefore do w e fay that
fuch poetry is wife and fcientific. For the poetry w h i c h is able to affign right opinions to m i d
dle habits, muft itfelf fubfift according to perfect fcience,
" In the third place, therefore, let us fpeak concerning imitative poetry, w h i c h , w e have already
faid, at one time aflimilates things, and at another expreffes them according to appearance.—
T h e Athenian gueft clearly delivers to us the affimilative part of this p o e t r y ; but Socrates, in
the R e p u b l i c , defcribes its phantaftic p a r t : and h o w thefe differ from each other, I mean the
affimilative and phantaftic fpecies of imitation j the Eleatean gueft fufficiently informs u s : ' For
I appear,* fays h e , ' to perceive t w o fpecies of imitation, o n e , the conjectural or affimilative art,
w h i c h then efpecially takes place w h e n fome one gives birth to imitation by imparting to every
particular fuch things as are fit, in length, breadth, and depth, according to the fymmetries of
its exemplar, and befides thefe things colours a l f o . — T H E M . D O not all imitators endeavour to
effect this ? — G U K S T . N o t thofe w h o perform or paint any great work. For, if they were to i m
part to them the true fymmetry of things beautiful, you know that the parts above would appear
fmaller, and thofe below larger than is fit; through the one being feen by us afar off, and the other
near.—T HE^E. Entirely fo. Artifts therefore, bidding farewell to truth, do not produce in
images truly beautiful fymmetries, but thofe w h i c h appear to be fo.' V e r y properly there
fore, I think, does the Eleatean gueft at the end of the dialogue, wifhing to bind the fophift by
the definitive m e t h o d , eftablifh one part of the art effective of images to be affimilative, and the
other phantaftic; the one fabricating the image fuch as is the e x e m p l a r ; the other preparing
that w h i c h it produces to appear like that w h i c h it imitates. H o w e v e r , of affimilative poetry^
the A t h e n i a n gueft fpeaks feparately in the fecond book of the L a w s , w h e r e he treats of mi&fic
•which does not make pleafure its e n d , but a true and fimilar imitation of its exemplar, to w h i c h
place w e refer the reader.
" B u t Socrates fpeaking in this book of phantaftic poetry, and having fhown that a poet o f
this kind is the third from truth, and imitative, compares fuch poetry to a picture, which repre
fents not the works of nature but of artificers, and thefe not fuch as they are, but fuch as they
appear. Hence, he clearly evinces that the phantaftic fpecies of poetry regards pleafure
a'one, and the delight of thofe that hear it. For, of imitative poetry, the phantaftic falls fhort
of the affimilative, fo far as the latter regards rectitude of imitation, but the former the" plea
fure produced in the multitude from the energies of the phantafy. S u c h then are the genera of
poetry w h i c h are t h o u g h t worthy of diftinction by P l a t o ; o n e , as better than fcience, a n
other as fcientific, a third as converfant w i t h , and a fourth as falling off from, right opinion.
•* T h e f e things then b e i n g d e t e r m i n e d , let us return to the poetry of H o m e r , and c o n t e m
plate refplendent in it every poetic habit, and particularly thofe w h i c h regard rectitude and
beauty. For w h e n h e energizes enthufiaftically, is poffefTed by the M u f e s , and narrates myftic
conceptions
T H E R E P U B L I C . 449
compofers of tragedy : but the man muft not be honoured preferably to the
truth. But what I mean muff, be fpoken. By all means, faid he. Hear
me
appear directly to refer to the fabled blindnefs of H o m e r . H e therefore clearly contends, that
D e m o d o c u s fays what he does fay from divine infpiration. B u t it is well that w e have m e n
tioned D e m o d o c u s , and his divinely infpired fong. For it appears to m e that the muficians
w h o are thought worthy of being mentioned by H o m e r , unfold the abovementioned genera-
of poetry. F o r D e m o d o c u s , as w e have faid, was divinely infpired, both in narrating divine
m e then, or rather anfwer me. Afk. Can you tell me perfectly, what
at all imitation is ? for I do not myfelf altogether underftand what it
means.
a n d h u m a n concerns, and is faid to have fufpended his mufic from divinity. But Phemius, the
Ithacenfian bard, is principally characterized according to a mere knowledge of divine and
h u m a n affairs. For P e n e l o p e fays to h i m ,
Alluring arts thou know'fl, and what of old
O f G o d s and Heroes facred bards have told *.
T h e third is the lyrift of Clytemneftra, w h o w a s as it feems an imitative poet, employed right
o p i n i o n , and extended the melodies of temperance to that female. H e n c e , as long as h e
remained with her, fhe perpetrated no unholy d e e d , in confequence of her irrational life being
charmed to temperance by difciplinative fong. T h e fourth mufician may be placed as ana
logous to the phantaftic fpecies of poetry ; and this is that Thamyris with whofe fong the
M u f e s being indignant, are faid to have caufed it to ceafe. For he was converfant with a mufic
m u c h more diverfified and fenfible, and calculated to pleafe the vulgar. H e n c e he is faid to have
contended with the M u f e s , as preferring a more various mufic to that which is more fimple and
more adapted to thofe divinities, and as falling from the benevolence of the Goddeffes. For
the anger of the Mufes does not refer any paflion to t h e m , but indicates the inaptitude of
T h a m y r i s to their participation. T h i s then is the fong w h i c h is moft remote from truth, w h i c h
calls forth the paffions of the foul, and is phantaftic, and neither poflefles with refpect to imita
t i o n , right opinion, or fcience. W e may therefore behold all the kinds of poetry in Homer,
but particularly the enthufiaftic, according to w h i c h , w e have faid, he is principally characte-
rifed. N o r are w e Angular in this opinion ; but, as w e have before obferved, Plato himfelf,
in many places, calls h i m a divine poet, the moft divine of poets, and in the higheft d e
gree worthy o f imitation. But the imitative and at the fame time phantaftic poetry
has a moft obfeure fubfiftence in H o m e r ; fince he never ufes it but for the purpofe of
procuring credibility from the vulgar, and w h e n it is perfectly unavoidable. A s there
fore, if a man entering into a w e l l regulated city, and beholding intoxication there em
ployed for a certain ufeful purpofe, fhould neither imitate the prudence in the city, nor its
w h o l e order, but intoxication itfelf alone,—as in this cafe the city is not to be blamed as the
caufe of his c o n d u c t , but the peculiar imbecility of his judgment •, in like manner, I think, tra
gic poets, being e m u l o u s of the laft fpecies of H o m e r i c poetry, fhould refer the principle of their
error not to H o m e r , but to their o w n impotency. H o m e r therefore may be called the leader
o f tragedy, fo far as tragic poets emulate him in other refpects, and diftribute the different
parts of his p o e t r y ; imitating pbantaflically what he afferts affimilaUvely, and adapting to the
<ar3 of the vulgar what he compofes fcientifically. H o m e r , h o w e v e r , is not only the teacher
pf tragedy (for h e is this according to the laft fpecies of his p o e t r y ) , but likewife of the whole
o f that w h i c h is imitative in P l a t o , and of the w h o l e theory of that philofopher."
u
Proclus concludes his apology for H o m e r with obferving as f o l l o w s : T h e reafon," fays h e ,
** as it appears to m e , that impelled Plato to write w i t h fuel) feverity againft H o m e r , and the
* Odyff, lib. i.
imitative
T H E R E P U B L I C . 447
means. And fhall I then any how underftand it ? faid he. T h a t would
be no way ftrange, faid I ; fince thofe w h o are dim-fighted perceive many
things fooner than thofe w h o fee more clearly. T h e cafe is fo, faid he ;
but whilff you are prefent, I fhould not be able to adventure to tell, even
though fomething did appear to m e . But confider it yourfelf. Are y o u
willing then, that we hence begin our inquiry in our ufual method ? for
w e were wont to fuppofe a certain fpecies with refpecf, to many individuals,
to which w e give the fame n a m e ; or do you not underftand me ? I u n
derftand. Let us fuppofe now fuch among the many, as you pleafe ; a s y
for example, there are many beds and tables, if you pleafe. W h y are
there not? But the ideas at leaft refpecting thefe pieces of furniture,
are
imitative fpecies of poetry, was the corruption o f the times in which he l i v e d : for philofophy
was then defpifed, being accufed by fome as ufelefs, and by others entirely c o n d e m n e d . O n the
contrary, poetry was then held in immoderate admiration ; its imitative power w a s the fubject
of emulation ; it was confidered as adequate alone to difciplinative p u r p o f e s ; and p o e t s , b e c a u f e
they imitated every thing, perfuaded themfelves that they knew all things, as is evident from-,
what Socrates fays in this dialogue. H e n c e Plato, indignant at the prevalence of fuch an
opinion, Ihows that the poetic and imitative genus wanders far from the truth, w h i c h p h i l o f o
phy, the faviour of fouls, imparts. For, from the fame benevolent wifh through w h i c h he accufes-
the fophifts and popular orators, as unable to contribute any thing to virtue, he alfo blames the
poets, and particularly the compofers of tragedy, and fuch imitators as devife that w h i c h m a y
charm their hearers, and not that which may promote virtue ; and w h o inchant, but do n o t
inftruct, the multitude. But he confiders H o m e r as deferving a fimilar reprehenfion, becaufe
he is the leader of this fpecies o f poetry, and affords to tragedians the feeds of imitation. For
thus it was requifite to recall the m e n of his age from aftonifhment refpecling poetry, through;
an immoderate attachment to w h i c h , they neglected true difcipline. W i t h a view therefore to-
the inftruction of the multitude, to correct an abfurd phantafy, and exhort t o a philofophic life,,
he reprobates the tragedians, w h o were then called public preceptors, as directing their attention
to nothing fane; and, at the fame t i m e , remits his reverence for H o m e r , and, ranking h i m in
the fame clafs with tragic poets, blames him as an imitator.
*' N o r is it wonderful, that the fame poet fhould be called by h i m , both divine, and the third*
from the truth. For, fo far as he is poflefTed by the Mufes,. he is d i v i n e ; b u t , fo far as he is-
an imitator, he is the third from the truth."
1
W e muft not fuppofe that Plato, in fpeaking of the idea- of a bed and table, mean t o fignify
that there is an idea of each of thefe in the intellect of the demiurgus of the u n i v e r f e ; or, in
fhort, that there are ideas of things artificial j but he calls by the name of idea, t h e reafon or
productive principle w h i c h fubfifts in the dianoetic power of the artificer: and this reafon, he
fays, is the offspring of deity, becaufe he is of opinion, that this very artificial principle itfelf
is>
448 THTE REPUBLIC.
are t w o ; one of bed, and one of table, Yes. And are w e not wont to
fay, that the workmen of each of thefe fpecies of furniture, looking to
wards the idea, make in this manner, the one the beds, and the other
the tables which we ufe ? and all other things after the fame manner.
For no one of the artifts makes, at leaft, the idea itfelf; for how can he ?
By no means. But fee n o w whether you call fuch a one as this an artift ?
W h i c h ? One who does all fuch things, as each manual artificer does.
You mention fome fkilful and wonderful man. N o t yet, at leaft ; but
you will much more fay fo prefently ; for this fame mechanic is not only
able to make all forts of utenfils, but he makes alfo every thing which
fprings from the earth, and he makes all forts of animals, himfelf as well as
others : and befides thefe things, he makes the earth, and heaven, and the
Gods, and all things in heaven, and in Hades under the earth. You mention,
faid he, a perfectly wonderful fophift. Y o u do not believe m e ; but tell
m e , does it appear to you that there is not any fuch artift ? or that, in
one refpect, he is the maker of all thefe things, and in another he is not?
or do you not perceive that even you yourfelf might be able to make all
thefe things, in a certain manner at leaft? And what, faid he, is this
manner? It is not difficult, faid I, but is performed in many ways, and
quickly; but in the quickeft manner of all, if you choofe to take a mirror,
and carry it round e v e r y w h e r e ; for then you will quickly make the fun,
and the things in the heavens, quickly the earth, quickly yourfelf, and
the other animals, and utenfils, and vegetables, and all that was now
mentioned. Y e s , faid he, the appearances, but not however the real
things. You come well, faid I, and feafonably, with your remark; for
I imagine that the painter too is one of thefe artifts. Is he not? H o w is
it poffible he fhould not? But you will fay, I think, that he does not
make what he makes, true, although the painter too, in a certain man
ner, at leaft, makes a bed, does he not? Yes, faid he, he too makes only
is imparted to fouls from divinity. Proclus, on the Parmenides, well obferves, that an argument
o f the truth of this may be derived from h e n c e , — that Plato calls a poet the third from, or with
refpect t o . the truth, placing h i m analogous to a painter, w h o does not make a bed, but the
image of it. T h e form of bed, therefore, in the dianoetic part of the artificer, ranks as firft
w i t h refpect to t r u t h ; the bed w h i c h he makes as fecond j and that which is painted as the third.
B u t if there w a s an idea of bed in the intellect of divinity, the painter would be the fourth and
» o t the third from the truth.
6 the
T I I \L R E P U B L I C.
the appearance. But what with reference to the bed-maker: Did you
not indeed fay, juft now, that he does not make the form which we lay
cxifts, which is bed, but a particular bed? I faid lb indeed. If then he
does not make that which is, he does not make real Ix-ing, but fome fuch
thing as being, but not being itfelf: but if any one mould fay, that the
work of a bed-maker, or of any other handicraft, were real being, he would
feem not to fay true. H e would, faid he, as it muft appear to thofe who
arc converfant in fuch kind of reafonings. Let us not then at all wonder
if this likewife happen to be fomewhat obfeure with reference to the truth.
Let us not. Are you willing then, faid I, that, with reference to thefe
very things, we inquire concerning the imitator, who he really is? If you are
willing, faid he. Are there not th.cn thefe three forts of beds? One which
exifts in nature, and which we may fay, as I imagine, God made, or w h o
elfe ? N o n e , I think. And one which the joiner makes. Y e s , faid he.
And one which the painter makes. Is it not fo ? Be it fo. N o w the
painter, the'bed-maker, God, thefe three prefide over three fpecies of beds.
They are three, indeed. But God, whether it were that he was not willing,
or whether there was fome.necefiity for it, that he fhould not make but
one bed in nature, made this one only, which is really bed; but t w o
fuch, or more, have never been produced by God, nor ever will be pro
duced. H o w fo? faid he. Becaufe, faid I, if he had made but t w o , again
one would have appeared, the form of which both thefe t w o would have
poffeffed, and that form would be, that which is bed, and not thofe t w o .
Right, faid he. God then, I think, knowing thefe things, and willing to
be the maker of bed, really, and really exifting, but not of any particular
bed, nor to be any particular bed-maker, produced but one in nature. It
appears fo. Are you willing, then, that w e call him the planter of this, or
fomething of this kind? It is juft, faid he, fince he has, in their nature,
made both this, and all other things. But what as to the joiner? Is not
he the workman of a bed? Yes. And is the painter, too, the workman
and maker of fuch a work ? By no means. But what will you fay he is
with relation to bed? T h i s , faid he, as it appears to me, w e may moft
reafonably call him, the imitator of what thefe are the workmen of. Be it
jb, find I; you call him then the imitator w h o makes what is generated
the third from nature? Entirely fo, faid he. And this the compofer of
VOL. i. 3 M tragedy
450 T H E R E P U B L I C .
retained him with gold, and obliged him to fray with them ? or, if they
could not perfuade him, would they not as fcholars have followed him every
where, till they Had obtained fufficient education ? You feem to me, (aid
he, Socrates, to fay what is in every refpecl: true. Shall w c not then
eftablifh this point,—That all the poetical men, beginning with H o m e r ,
are imitators of the images of virtue, and of other things about which
they coiiipofe, but that they do not attain to the truth : but as w e juft
now faid, a painter who himfelf knows nothing about the making of (hoes,
will draw a ihoemaker, who (hall appear to be real to fuch as are not in
telligent, but who view according to the colour and figures? Entirely fo.
In the fame manner, I think, we fhall fay that the poet colours over w i t h
his names and .words certain colours of the feveral arts, whilft he under-
ftands nothing himfelf, but merely imitates, fo as to others fuch as himfelf
who view things in his compoiitions, he appears to have knowledge : and
if he fays any thing about fhoemaking in meafure, rhythm and harmony,,
he feems to fpeak perfectly well, and in like manner if o f an expedition*
or of any thing elfe : fo great an inchantment have thefe things naturally,
fince you know, 1 think, in what manner poetical things appear w h e n
ftript of muiical colouring, and expreffed apart by themfelves, for y o u
have fomewhere beheld it. I have, faid he. D o they not, faid I, re
femble the faces of people who are in their prime, but w h o are not beau
tiful, fuch as they appear when their bloom forfakes them ? Entirely,
faid he. Come now, and confider this. The maker of the image, w h o m
we call the imitator, knows nothing of real being, but only of that w h i c h
is apparent. Is it not fo ? Yes. L e t us not then leave it expreffed by
halves, but let us fufficiently perceive it. Say on, replied he. A painter,,
w e fay, will paint reins, and a bridle. Yes. And the leather-cutter, aud
the fmith, will make them. Certainly. Does then the painter under
ftand what kind of reins and bridle there ought to be ? or not even he w h o
makes them, the fmith, nor the leather-cutter, but he who knows how to
ufe them, the horfeman alone ? Moft true. Shall w e not fay it is fo in
every thing elfe? H o w ? That with reference to each particular thing,
there are thefe three arts. That which is to ufe it, that which is to make
it, and that which is to imitate it. Yes. Are then the virtue, and the
beauty, and the rectitude of every utenfil, and animal, and action, for
nothing
T H E R E P U B L I C .
nothing elfe but for the ufe for which each particular was made, or gene
rated ? Juft fo. By a great neceffity, then, he who ufes each particular
muft be the moft fkilful, and be able to tell the maker what he makes good
or bad, with reference to the ufe for which he ufes i t : thus, for exam
ple, a player on the pipe tells the pipe-maker concerning pipes, what
things are of fervice towards the playing on the pipe, and he will give
orders how he ought to make them, but the workman does not fo. H o w
ihould it be otherwife? Does not the one then, being intelligent, pronounce
concerning good and bad pipes, and the other, believing him, make ac
cordingly ? Y e s . W i t h reference then to one and the fame inftrument,
the maker fhall have right opinion concerning its beauty or deformity,
whilft he is converfant with one who is intelligent, and is obliged to hear
from the intelligent; but he w h o ufes it fhall have fcience. Entirely fo.
But whether fhall the imitator have fcience from ufing the things he paints,
whether they be handfome and right, or otherwife ? or fhall he have right
opinion from his being neceffarily converfant with the intelligent, and from
being enjoined in what manner he ought to paint ? Neither of the two.
T h e imitator then fhall have neither knowledge, nor right opinion about
what he imitates with reference to beauty or deformity. It appears not.
T h e imitator then fhould be very agreeable in his imitation, with regard
to wifdom, concerning what he paints. N o t entirely. But however he
will imitate at leaft, without knowing concerning each particular in what
refpect it is ill or g o o d ; but it is likely that he will imitate fuch as ap
pears to be beautiful to the multitude, and thofe who know nothing. W h a t
elfe ? W e have n o w , indeed, fufficiently, as it appears, at leaft, fettled
thefe things : That the imitator knows nothing worth mentioning in
thofe things which he imitates, but that imitation is a fort of amufement,
and not a ferious affair. And likewife that thofe who apply to tragic
poetry in iambics and heroics, are all imitators in the higheft degree.
Entirely fo. But, by Jupiter, faid I, this of imitation is fomehow
in the third degree from the truth. Is it not? Yes. T o what part then
o f man does it belong, having the power it poffeffes? What part do you
fpeak of? O f fuch as this. T h e fame magnitude perceived by fight, does
not appear in the fame manner, near, and at a diftance. It does not.
And the fame things appear crooked and ftraight, when we look at them
in
T H E R E P U B L I C . 455
in water, and out of water, and concave and convex, through the error
of the fight, as to colours. All this difturbance is manifeft in the f o u l ;
and this infirmity of our nature painting attacks, and leaves nothing of
magical feduclion unattempted, together with the wonder-working art,
and many other fuch-like devices. True. And have not the arts of mea-
furing, numbering, and weighing, appeared to be moft ingenious helps in
thefe things, that fo the apparent greater or lefs, the apparent more or
heavier, may not govern us, but the numbered, the meafured, and the
weighed ? H o w fhould it be otherwife ? But this again is, at leaft, the
work of the rational part in the foul. It is fo, indeed. But whilft reafon
often meafures and declares fome things to be greater or lefs than other
things, or equal, the contrary appears at the fame time with reference to
thefe things. Yes. But did not w e fay that it was impoffible for the fame
perfon to have contrary opinions about the fame things at the fame time ?
And thus far w e faid rightly. T h a t part of the foul, then, which judges
contrary to the meafure, would feem not to be the fame with that which
judges according to the meafure. It would not. But furely, at leaft, that
which trufts to meafure and computation would feem to be the beft part
of the foul. W h y not? T h a t then which oppofes itfelf to this will be
fome one of the depraved parts o f us. O f neceffity. It was this then I
wifhed fhould be agreed upon, when I faid that painting, and in fhort imi
tation, being far from the truth, delight in their o w n work, converfing
with that part in us which is far from wifdom, and are its companion and
friend, to no found nor genuine purpofe. Entirely fo, faid he. Imitation
then, being depraved in itfelf, and joining with that which is depraved,
generates depraved things. It feems fb. W h e t h e r , faid I, is the cafe
thus, with reference to the imitation which is by the fight only, or is it
likewife fo with reference to that by hearing, which w e call poetry ? Likely
as to this alfo, faid he. W e fhall not therefore, faid I, truft to the appear
ance in painting, but w e fhall proceed to the conlideration of the dianoetic
part with which the imitation through poetry is converfant, and fee whether
it is depraved or worthy. It muft be done. L e t us proceed then thus :
Poetic imitation, we fay, imitates men acling either voluntarily or invo
luntarily; and imagining that in their acting they have done-either well
or ill, and in all thefe cafes receiving either pain or pleafure: D o e s it
6 any
456 T H E R E P U B L I C .
any more than this? No more. In all t!u ie, n o w , does the man agree
with himfelf? or, as he difagreed with reference to fight, and had con
trary opinions in himfelf of the fame tilings at o n e and the fame time,
does he, in the fame manner, difagrcc likewife in his actions, and fight
with himfelf? But I recollect that there is no occafion for us to fettle
this at leaft; f o r , in o u r reafonings above, we fufficiently determined all
thefe things, that o u r foul is full of a thoufand fuch contrarieties exifting
in it. Right, faid he. Right indeed, faid I ; but it appears to me necef
fary to difcufs n o w , what was then omitted. As what ? faid he. W e faid
ibmewhere formerly, faid I, that a good man, when he meets with fuch a
fortune as the lofs of a fon, or of any thing elfe which he values the
moft, will bear it o f all m e n the eafieft. Certainly. But let us now
confider this further,—whether will he not grieve at all, or is this indeed
impoffible, but he will, however, moderate his grief? T h e truth, faid
he, is rather this laft. But tell me this n o w concerning him, whether do
you think that he will ftrugglc more with grief and oppofe it, when he is
obferved by his equals, or when he is in folitudc, alone by himfelf? Much
more, faid he, w h e n he is obferved. But when alone, he will venture, I
think, to utter many things, which, if any o n e heard him, he would be
afhamed of, and he will do many things which he would not wifh any one
f a w him doing. It is fo, faid he. Is it not then reafon and law which
command him to reftrain his grief,—but what drags him to grief is the
paflion itfelf? True. As then there is in the man an oppofite conduct,
with regard to the fame thing, at one and the fame time, we muft neceffa
rily fay that he has t w o conductors. W h a t elfe ? And fhall we not fay
that one o f them is ready to obey the law wherever law leads him? H o w ?
L a w in a-manner lavs that it is beft in misfortunes to have the areateft
o
tranquillity poffible, and not to bear them ill ; fince the good and evil of
fuch things as thefe is not manifeft, and fince no advantage follows the
bearing thefe things ill; and as nothing of human affairs is worthy o f great
concern; and, befides, their grief proves a hinderance to that in them which
w e ought to have moft at hand. W h a t is it, faid he, you fpeak of? T o
deliberate, faid I, o n the event; and^as on a throw of the dice, to regulate
his affairs according to what cafts up, in whatever way reafon fhall declare
to be beft: and not as children when they fall, to lie ftill, and wafte the
time
T H E R E P U B L I C . 45/
time in crying; but always to accuftom the foul to apply in the fpeedieft
manner to heal and re&ify what was fallen and fick, difmiffing lamenta
tion. One would thus, faid he, behave in the beft manner in every con
dition. And did not we fay that the beft part is willing to follow this
which is rational? It is plain. And fhall not w e fay that the part which
leads to the remembrance of the affliction, and to wailings, and is infa-
tiably given to thefe, is irrational, and idle, and a friend to cowardice ?
W e fhall fay fo truly. Is not then the grieving part that which admits of
much and of various imitation ? But the prudent and tranquil part, which
is always uniform with itfelf, is neither eafily imitated, nor, when imitated,
eafily underftood, efpecially by a popular aflembly, where all forts of men
are affembled together in a theatre. For it is the imitation of a difpofition
which is foreign to them. Entirely fo. It is plain, then, that the imita*
tive poet is not made for fuch a part of the foul as this. N o r is his fkill
fitted to pleafe it, if he means to gain the applaufe of the multitude. But
he applies to the pafhonate and the multiform part, as it is eafily imitated.
It is plain. May w e not then, with juftice, lay hold of the imitative poet,
and place him as correfpondent to the painter ? for he refembles him, both
becaufe, as to truth, he effects but depraved things, and in this too he
refembles him, in being converfant with a different part of the foul
from that which is beft. And thus w e may, with juftice, not admit
him into our city which is to be well regulated, becaufe he excites and
nourifhes this part of the foul, and, ftrengthening it, deftroys the rational.
And as he who in a city makes the wicked powerful, betrays the city, and
deftroys the beft men, in the fame manner w e fhall fay that the imitative
poet eftablifhes a bad republic in the foul of each individual, gratifying the
foolifh part of it, which neither difcerns what is great, nor what is little,
but deems the fame things fometimes great, and fometimes fmall, forming
little images in its o w n imagination, altogether remote from the truth.
Entirely fo. But we have not however as yet brought the greateft accufa-
tion againft it: for that is, fomehow, a very dreadful one, that it is able
to corrupt even the good, if it be not a very few excepted. H o w fhould
it not, fince it acts in this manner? But hear now, and confider; for
fomehow, the beft of us, when w e hear Homer, or any of the tragic
writers, imitating fome of the heroes when in grief, pouring forth long
VOL. i. 3 N fpeeches
458 T H E R E P U B L I C .
fpeeches in their forrow, bewailing and beating their breafts, you know
we are delighted; and, yielding ourfelves, we follow along, and, fympathiz-
ing with them, ferioufly commend him as an able poet whoever moft
affects us in this manner. I k n o w it. But when any domeftic grief befalls
any of us, you perceive, on the other hand, that we value ourfelves on
the oppofite behaviour, if w e can be quiet, and endure, this being the
part of a man, but that of a woman, which in the other cafe w e c o m
mended. I perceive it, faid he. Is this commendation then, faid I, a
handfome one, w h e n w e fee fuch a man as one would not deign to be
onefelf, but would be afhamed of, not to abominate but to delight in
him, and commend Jrim ? N o , by Jupiter, faid he ; it appears unreafon-
able. Certainly, faid I, if you confider it, in this manner. H o w ? If
you confider that the part of us, which in our private misfortunes is forci
bly reftrained, and is kept from weeping and bewailing to the full, being
by nature of fuch a kind as is defirous of thefe, is the very part which is
by the poets filled and gratified : but that part in us, which is naturally the
beft, being not fufficiently inftructed, either by reafon or habit, grows
remifs in its guardianfhip over the bewailing part, by attending to the
fufferings of others, and deems it no way difgraceful to itfelf, to commend
and pity one w h o grieves immoderately, whilft he profeffes to be a good
man. But this it thinks it gains, even pleafure, which it would not choofe
to be deprived of, by defpifing the whole of the poem. For, I think, it
falls to the fhare of few to be able to confider, that what we feel with
refpecl: to the fortunes of others, muft neceffarily be felt with refpecl to
our o w n . Since it is not eafy for a man to bear up under his own misfor*
times, w h o ftrongly cherifhes the bewailing difpofition over thofe of others.
Moft true, faid he, And is not the reafoning the fame with reference t o
the ridiculous ? For w h e n you hear, in imitation by comedy, or in private
converfation, what you would be afhamed to do yourfelf to excite laughter,
and are delighted with it, and imitate it, you do the fame thing here as in
the tragic : for that part, which, when it wanted to excite laughter, was for
merly reftrained by reafon from a fear of incurring the character of fcurrility,
by now letting loofe, and allowing there to grow vigorous, you are often
imperceptibly brought to be in your o w n behaviour a buffoon. Extremely
fo, faid he. And the cafe is the fame as to venereal pleafures, and anger, and
3 the
T H E R E P U B L I C . 45$
the whole of the paffions, as well the forrowful as the joyful, which truly, w e
have faid, attend us in every action; that the poetical imitation of thefe has
the fame effect upon u s ; for it nourifhes and waters thofe things which
ought to be parched, and conftitutes as our governor, thofe which ought
to be governed, in order to our becoming better and happier, inftead of
being worfe and more miferable. I can fay no otherwife, faid^he. When
therefore, Glauco, faid I, you meet with the encomiafts of H o m e r , w h o
tell how this poet inftructed Greece, and that he deferves to be taken as a
matter to teach a man both the management and the knowledge of human
affairs, and that a man mould regulate the whole of his life according to
this poet, w e fhould indeed love and embrace fuch people, as being the
beff they are able; and agree with them that Ilomer is moft poetical, and
the firft of tragic writers: but they muft k n o w , that hymns to the God3,
and the praifes of worthy actions, are alone to be admitted into the city.
But if it fhould admit the pleafurable mufe likewife, in fbngs, or verfes,
you would have pleafure and pain reigning in the city, inftead of law, and
that reafon which alway appears beft to the community. Moft true, faid
he. Let thefe things n o w , faid I , be our apology, when w e recollect what
w e have faid with reference to poetry, that w e then very properly difmifled
it From our republic, fince it is fuch as is now defcribed: for reafon obliged
us. And let us tell it further, left it accufe us of a certain roughnefs, and
rufticity, that there is an antient variance between philofophy and poetry;
for fuch verfes as thefe,
And
H e ' s great in empty eloquence of fools,
And
O n trifles ftill they plod, becaufe they 're p o o r ;
and a thoufand fuch like, are marks of an antient oppofition between them.
But neverthelefs let it be faid, that if any one can afllgn a reafon w h y the
poetry and the imitation which are calculated for pleafure ought to be in
a well regulated city, w e , for our part, fhall gladly admit t h e m , as w e are
at leaft confeious to ourfelves that we are charmed by them. But to betray
what appears to be truth, were an unholy thing. For are not you yourfelf,
3 N 2 my
T H E R E P U B L I C .
m y friend, charmed by this imitation, and moft efpecially when you fee it
performed by H o m e r ? Very much fo. Is it not juft, then, that we intro
duce it apologizing for itfelf, either in fong, or in any other meafure ? By
all means. And w e may at leaft grant, fomehow, even to its defenders,
fuch as are not poets, but lovers of poetry, to fpeak in its behalf, without
verfe, and Ihow that it is not only pleafant, but profitable for republics,
and for human life ; and w e fhall hear with pleafure, for w e fhall gain fome
what if it fhall appear not only pleafant but alfo profitable. H o w is i t
poffible we fhould not gain ? faid he. And if it happen otherwife, my friend,
w e fhall do as thofe who have been in love when they deem their love
unprofitable,—they defift, though with violence: fo w e in like manner,
through this inborn love of fuch poetry that prevails in our beft republics,
fhall be well pleafed to fee it appear to be the beft and trueft: and w e
^hall hear it till it is able to make no further apology. But w e fhall take
along with us this difcourfe which w e have held, as a counter-charm, and
incantation, being afraid to fall back again into a childifh and vulgar love.
W e may perceive then that w e are not to be much in earneft about fuch
poetry as this, as if it were a ferious affair, and approached to the truth ;
but the hearer is to beware of it, and to be afraid for the republic within
himfelf, and to entertain thofe opinions o f poetry which we mentioned: I
entirely agree, faid he. For great, friend Glauco, faid I, mighty is the con
teft, and not fuch as it appears, to become a good or a bad man : fo as not
to be moved, either through honour, or riches, or any magiftracy, or poetic
imitation, ever to neglect juftice, and the other virtues. I agree with you,
from what w e have difcuffed, and fo I think will any other. But we have
not yet, faid I, difcuffed the greateft prize of virtue, and the rewards laid
up for her. You fpeak of fome prodigious greatnefs, faid he, if there be
other greater than thofe mentioned. But what is there, faid I, can be
great in a little time ? for all this period from infancy to old age is but
little in refpect of the whole. N o t h i n g at all indeed, faid he. W h a t then ?
D o you think an immortal being ought to be much concerned about fuch
a period, and not about the whole of time ? 1 think, faid he, about the
whole. But why do you mention this ? H a v e you not perceived, faid I,
that our foul is immortal, and never perifhes? On which he, looking at
m e , and wondering, faid, By Jupiter, not I indeed. But are you able to
fhow
THE REPUBLIC. 401
fhow this ? I fhould otherwife a d unjuflly, faid I. And I think you your
felf can fhow it, for it is in no refpect difficult. T o me at leaft, faid he,
it is difficult; but I would willingly hear from you this which is not difficult.
You fhall hear then, faid I. Only fpeak, replied he. Is there not fome
thing, faid I, which you call good, and fomething which you call evil ? I
o w n it. D o you then conceive of them in the fame manner as I do ?
H o w ? That which deftroys and corrupts every thing is the evil, and:
what preferves and profits it is the good. I do, faid he. But what ? D o
you not fay, there is fomething which is good, and fomething which is
bad, to each particular? as blindnefs to the eyes, and difeafe to every
animal body, blafting to corns, rottennefs to wood, ruft to brafs and iron,
and, as I am faying, almoft every thing has its connate evil, and difeafe ?
I think fo, replied he. And when any thing of this kind befalls any thing,
does it not render that which it befalls bafe, and in the end diffolves and
deftroys it ? H o w fhould it not ? Its own connate evil then and bafenefs
deftroys each particular; or, if this does not deftroy it, nothing elfe can ever
deftroy it. For that which is good can never deftroy any thing, nor yet
that which is neither good nor evil. H o w can they ? faid he. If then w e
fhall be able to find, among beings, any one which has indeed fome evil
which renders it bafe, but is not however able to diffolve and deftroy it,
fhall we not then know that a being thus conftituted cannot be deftroyed
at all ? So, replied he, it appears. W h a t then ? faid I. Is there not
fomething which renders the foul evil ? Certainly, replied he ; all thefe
things which we have now mentioned, injuftice, intemperance, cowardice,
ignorance. But does then any of thefe diffolve and deftroy it ? And"
attend now, that we may not be impofed on, in thinking that an unjuft and
foolifh man, when he is detected acting unjuftly, is then deftroyed through
his injuftice, which is the bafenefs of his foul: but confider it thus. A s
difeafe, which is the bafenefs of animal body, diffolves and deftroys body,
and reduces it to be no longer that body; fo all thofe things w e mentioned,
being deftroyed by their own proper evil adhering to them and poffefling
them, are reduced to a non-exiftence. Is it not fo ? Yes. Confider n o w
the foul in the fame manner. Does injuftice, or other vice, pofTeffing it, by
poffeffing, and adhering to it, corrupt and deface it, till, bringing it to death,
it feparates it from the body ? By no means, faid he. But it were abfurd,
6 faid
402 T H E R E P U B L I C .
faid I, that any thing mould be deftroyed by the bafenefs of another, but
not by its o w n , Abfurd. For confider, Glauco, faid I, that neither.by the
bafenefs of victuals, whether it be their mouldinefs, or rottennefs, or what
ever elfe, do w e imagine our body can be deftroyed; but if this bafenefs
in them create in the body a depravity of the body, w e will fay that,
through their means, the body is deftroyed by its own evil, which is difeafe.
But w e will never allow that by the bafenefs of food, which is one thing,
the body, which is another thing, can ever by this foreign evil, without
creating in it its own peculiar evil, beat any time, deftroyed. You fay moft
right, replied he. According to the fame reafoning, then, faid I, unlefs the
bafenefs of the body create a bafenefs of the foul, let us never allow that
the foul can be deftroyed by an evil which is foreign, without its own
peculiar evil, one thing by the evil of another. There is reafon for it, faid
he. L e t us then either refute thefe things as not good reafoning; or, fo
long as they are unrefuted, let us at no time fay, that the foul fhall be ever
in any degree the more deftroyed, either by burning fever, or by any
other difeafe, or by (laughter, not even though a man fhould cut the whole
body into the fmalleft parts poffible, till fome one fhow that, through thefe
fufferings of the body, the foul herfelf becomes more unjuft and unholy.
But w e will never allow it to be faid, that when a foreign evil befalls any
thing, whilft its own proper evil is not within it, either the foul or any
thing elfe is deftroyed. But this at leaft, faid he, no one can ever fhow,
that the fouls of thofe w h o die are by death rendered more unjuft. But if
any one, replied I, fhall dare to contend with us in reafoning ; and, in
order that he may not be obliged to o w n that fouls are immortal, fhould
fay, that when a man dies he becomes more wicked and unjuft, we fhall
fomehow juftly demand of him to m o w , if he fays true in telling us this,
that injuftice is deadly to the poffeffor, as a difeafe ; and that thofe who
embrace it are deftroyed by it as by a difeafe deftructivc in its own nature
-—thofe moft fpeedily who embrace it moft, and thofe more flowly who
embrace i t . l e f s . And not as at prefent, where the unjuft die having this
punifhment inflicted on them by others. By Jupiter, faid he, injuftice
would not appear perfectly dreadful, if it were deadly to him who practifes
it (for that were a deliverance from evil) ; but I rather think it will appear
to be altogether the reverfe, deftroying others as far as it can, but render-
ins:
T H E R E P U B L I C .
ing the unjuft extremely alive, and, in conjunction with being alive, w a k e
ful likewife; fo far, as it feems, does it dwell from being deadly. You
fay well, replied I ; for, when a man's own wickednefs and peculiar evil is
infufficient to kill and deftroy the foul, hardly can that evil, which aims at
the deftruction of another, deftroy a foul, or any thing elfe but what it
is aimed againft. Hardly indeed, laid he, as appears to me at leaft. Since
therefore it is deftroyed by no one evil, neither peculiar nor foreign, is
it not plain that, of neceffity, it always is ? and, if it always is, it is
immortal? O f neceffity, replied he. L e t this then, faid I, be fixed
in this manner. And if it be, you will perceive that the fame fouls
will always remain, for their number will never become lefs, none being
deftroyed, nor will it become greater; for if, anyhow, the number
of immortals was made greater, you know it would take from the m o r
tal, and in the end all would be immortal. Y o u fay true. But let
us not, faid T, think that this will be the cafe, (for reafon will not al
low of it) nor yet that the foul in its trueft nature is o f fuch a kind a*
to be full of much variety, diffimilitude, and difference, confidered in itfelf.
H o w do you fay ? replied he. That cannot eafily, faid I, be eternal which
is compounded of many things, and which has not the moft beautiful c o m -
pofition, as hath now appeared to us to be the cafe with reference to the
foul. It is not likely. That the foul then is fomething immortal, both
our prefent reafonings, and others too, may oblige us to own ; but in order
to know what kind of being the foul is, in truth, one ought not to c o n
template it as it is damaged both by its conjunction with the body, and by
other evils, as w e now behold it, but fuch as it is when become pure, fuch
it muft by reafoning be fully contemplated; and he ( w h o does this) will
find it far more beautiful at leaft, and will more plainly fee through juftice,,
and injuftice, and every thing which w e have now difcuffed. W e are
now telling the truth concerning it, fuch as it aopears at prefent. We
have feen it, indeed, in the fame condition in which they fee the marine
1
Glaucus , where they cannot eafily perceive his antient nature, becaufe
1
According to the Greek Scholiuft, Glaucus is faid to have been the fon of Sifyphus a n d
Merope, and to have become a marine daemon. For, meeting with an immortal fountain, a n d
defcending into it, he became immortal. N o t being able however to point out this fountain to-
certain perfons, he threw h'.mfclf into the fea s and once every year courfed round all fhorea,
and iflands in conjunction with w h a l e s .
the
464 T H E R E P U*B L I C .
the antient members of his body are partly broken off, and others are worn
a w a y ; and he is altogether damaged by the waves: and, befidesthis, other
things are grown to him, fuch as (hell fifh, fea weed, and ftones: fo that
he in every refpect refembles a beaft, rather than what he naturally was.
In fuch a condition do w e behold the foul under a thoufand evils. But w e
ought, Glauco, to behold it there. W h e r e ? faid he. In its philofophy;
and to obferve to what it applies, and what intimacies it affects, as being
allied to that which is divine, immortal, and eternal; and what it would
become, if it purfued wholly a thing of this kind, and were by this purfuit
brought out of that fea in which it now is, and had the ftones and fhell fifh
fhaken off from it, which, at prefent, as it is fed on earth, render its na
ture, in a great meafure, earthy, ftony, and favage, through thofe aliments,
which are faid to procure felicity. And then might one behold its true
nature, whether multiform, or uniform, and every thing concerning it.
But w e have, 1 think, fufficiently difcuffed its paffions, and forms in
human life. Entirely fo, replied he. Have w e not now, faid I, dif.
cuffed every thing elfe in our reafonings, though w e have not produced
thofe rewards and honours of juftice (as you fay Hefiod and Homer do) ?
but w e find juftice itfelf to be the beft reward to the foul; and that it
ought to do what is juft, whether it have or have not Gyges' ring, and,
1
together with fuch a ring, the helmet likewife of Pluto. You fay moft
true, faid he. W i l l it not n o w then, Glauco, faid I, be attended with
no envy, if, befides thefe, w e add thofe rewards to juftice and the other vir
tues, which are beftowed on the foul by men and Gods, both whilft the
man is alive, and after he is dead ? By all means, faid he. W i l l you then
reftore me what you borrowed in the reafoning ? W h a t , chiefly ? I
granted you, that the juft man fhould be deemed unjuft, and the unjuft be
deemed to be juft. For you were of opinion, that though it were not
poffible that thefe things fhould be concealed from Gods and men, it fhould
however be granted, for the fake of the argument, that juftice in itfelf
might be compared with injuftice in itfelf; or do you not remember it ?
1
T h e h e l m e t of P l u t o is faid to he an immortal and invifible cloud, w i t h which the Gods are
invefted w h e n they wifh not to be k n o w n to each other. A n d it is applied as a proverb to thofe
that do any thing fecretly.—Schol. Grace in Plat. p . 197.
I fhould,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 463
I mould, indeed, be unjuft, faid he, if I did not. N o w after the judgment
is o v e r , I demand again, in behalf o f juftice, that as you allow it to be
indeed efteemed both by Gods and men, you likewife allow it to have the
fame good reputation, that it may alio receive thofe prizes of victory,
which it acquires from the reputation o f juftice, and beftows on thofe who
poffefs it; fince it has already appeared to beftow thofe good things which
arife from really being juft, and that it does not deceive thofe w h o truly
embrace it. You demand what is juft, faid he. W i l l you not then, faid
I, in the firft place, reftore me this ? T h a t it is not concealed from the
Gods, what kind of man each of the t w o is. W e will grant it, laid he.
And if they be not concealed, one o f them will be beloved of the Gods,
and o n e of them hated * , as we agreed in the beginning. W e did fo.
And fhall w e not agree, that as to the man w h o is beloved of the Gods,
whatever comes to him from the Gods will all be the beft poffible, unlefs
he has fome neceffary ill from former mifcarriage. Entirely fo. W e are
then to think in this manner of the juft man, That if he happen to be in
poverty, or in difeafes, or in any other of thofe feeming evils, thefe things
to him iffue in fomething good, either whilft alive, or dead. For never
at any time is he neglected by the Gods w h o inclines earneftly to endeavour
to become juft, and practifes virtue as far as it is poffible for man to refem
ble God. It is reafonable, replied he, that fuch an one fhould not be neg
lected by him whom he refembles. And are w e not to think the reverfe
of thefe things concerning the unjuft man ? Entirely. Such, then, would
feem to be the prizes which the juft man receives from the Gods. Such
they are indeed in my opinion, faid he. But what, faid 1 , do they receive
from men ? Is not the cafe thus ? (if w e are to fuppofe the truth) D o
not cunning and unjuft men do the fame thing as thofe racers, who run well
at the beginning, but not fo at the end ? for at the firft they brifkly leap
forward, but in the end they become ridiculous, and, with their ears on
their neck, they run off without any reward. But fuch as are true racers,
arriving at the end, both receive the prizes, and are crowned. Does it
not happen thus for the moft part as to juft men ? that at the end of every'
action and interconrfe of life they are both held in efteem, and receive
1
T h a t is to fay, one of thefe through aptitude will receive the illuminations of divinity, and
the other through inaptitude will fubject himfelf to the power of avenging daemons.
VOL. i, 30 rewards
466 T H E R E P U B L I C .
rewards from men. Entirely fo. You will then fuffer me to fay of thefe
what you yourfelf faid of the unjuft. For I will aver now, that the juft,
When they are grown up, fhall arrive at power if they defire magiftra-
cies, they fhall marry where they incline, and fhall fettle their chil
dren in marriage agreeably to their wifhes ; and every thing elfe you men
tioned concerning the others, I now fay concerning thefe. And on
the other hand I will fay of the unjuft, that the moft of them, though
they may be concealed whilft they are young, yet being caught at
the end of the race, are ridiculous, and, when they become old, are
wretched and ridiculed, and fhall be fcourged both by foreigners and citi
zens, and they fhall afterwards be tortured, and burnt; which you faid
were terrible things, and you fpoke the truth. Imagine you hear from
me that they fuffer all thefe things. But fee if you will admit of what I
fay. Entirely, faid he, for you fay what is juft. Such as thefe now, faid
I, are the prizes, the rewards and gifts, which a juft man receives in his
life-time, both from Gods and men ; befides thofe good things which juf
tice contains in itfelf. And they are extremely beautiful, faid he, and
likewife permanent. But thefe now, faid I, are nothing in number or
magnitude, when compared with thofe which await each of the two at
death. And thefe things muft likewife be heard, that each of them may
completely have what is their due in the reafoning. You may fay on, re
plied he, not as to a hearer who has heard much, but as to one who hears
with pleafure. But, however, I will not, faid I, tell you the apologue of
Alcinus ; but that, indeed, of a brave man, Erus the fon of Armenius,
by defcent a Pamphylian ; who happening on a time to die in battle, when
the dead were on the tenth day carried off, already corrupted, he was
taken up found ; and being carried home, as he was about to be buried on
the twelfth day, when laid on the funeral pile, he revived • ; and being re
vived,
* In the manufcript Commentary of Proclus on this book of the Republic, five examples arc
given of perfons that have revived after they have been for many days dead. That part of the
Commentary containing thefe examples is preferved by Alexander Moms, in his " Notae ad
quaedam Loca Novi Foederis," which, as the book is fcarcc, I (hall prefent to the public, for
the fake both of the learned and unlearned Englifh reader.
Proclus then, after having obferved that fome in his time have been feen fitting or ftanding
on the fepulchrcs in which they had been buried, which, fays he, is alfo related by the antients
of
THE R E P U B L I C . 467
vived, he told what hefewin the other ftate, and faid: That after his foul
left the body, it went with many others, and that they came to a certain
dasmoniacal
of Arifteas, Hermodonis, and Epimenides, fubjoins the following example, taken from the
Hiftory of Clearchus, the difciple of Ariftotie : " Cleonymus, the Athenian, who was & man
fond of hearing philofophic difcourfes, on the death of one of his afTociates, becoming very
forrowful, and giving himfelf up to defpair, apparently died, and was laid out according to
cuftom. His mother, as fhe was folding him in her embraces, taking off his garmeht, and
killing him, perceived in him a gentle breathing, and, being extremely joyful on the occafion,
delayed his burial. Cleonymus in a fhort time after was reftored to life, and told all that he
faw and heard when he was in a feparate ftate. He faid that his foul appeared, as if liberated
from certain bonds, to foar from its body, and that, having afcended above the earth, he faw in
it places all-various, both for their figure and colour, and dreams of rivers unknown to men.
And that at laft he came to a certain region facred to Vefta, which was under the direction of
1
dxmoniacal powers in indefcribable female forms/ KteMvpoe. o Ahvaiic, Qtxnxoos avnp rut n
$i%o<rofi* *oy«#v, tToupott TWOS amo reXemwavToc, xepieXyif ytvopuvos xai aQufxnras, t\nro-^uxflo-tv TE, not
rtfoavai totaiy rpirns kptpece ovms, xarat TO* vopetv Trpomtdn* vrepiGatocvo-a J* aurm it pump, xai xarwrram
ajrira^ofim TOV TcpoGMtov Soiuariov a<pE\ouja, x a t xaratyi'Kovva rov nxpot, IJO-QETO 0pax*tas avamonc amm
Xiws tyxiifAtvYtf. vtptxapn avrw yEvoptvrtv «5r«rx«v TOV rapw TOV fa Kh.totw/Aot avaftpovra xara uixpow
9
tytpfftivaUy xau ttirtiv oja TE eiretfo XP>pi$ W xai bioi rou vvfiaros ifat xai OXOUO-EIEV. T»r put out avrw 4*X*
Qavai xotpa TOV Savarov biov ex &oy*«v fa^at wan a$U(xevn*> rou ov/xaTo; TrapaQgrro; percmpov optimal, x c u
v affi T0
apQsurav inrsp y%s ifaiv rovovs tv our* Ttaw^aicows, uai rots ax ^"- i **' ' S xpvpwy ftv/iara irorapuiv
u
avpoo-ccvra avQpanoif urn T I Xoj atyixtfftai tt( nva x pov lepov nts Etnas, bv irepisvtiv iaipunw favaptif nr
ymraixum pop<paig avtpinYnrots*
The fecond example is from the hiftorian Naumachius, " who flourifhed (fays Proclus) in
the time of our anceftors, and is of one Polycritus, who was an illuftrious and principal man
among the ^Etolians. This Polycritus died, and returned to life in the ninth month after his
death ; came to the general affembly of the iEtolians, and joined with them in their confu
tations about what meafures were beft to be adopted. Hiero the Ephefian, and other hifto-
rians, teftify the truth of this, in that account of tranfactions which they fent to king
Antigonus, and their other abfent friends." To* tinfavtvrarov AiruXut xai Atrcohapxtas ruxovra %
*ai aico&avw, xai avoGiewou (Mv fjura TOV Savarov m a r u , xai aQixzvQat ets exxhno'iav xoivw TUV AITUXUV,
HOI (rvpGouhMcrai ra apiara ittpx u v EGOUMVOVTO' uai rovroit eivai paprvpas 'izpava TOY EQtrior, xai aXKovf
iaropixout, Arctyom TC ru fiactXei, xai aWois iounuv fiXoif axouai ra av/ASavra ypa^arra.
The third is as follows : " In Nicopolis alfo <fays Proclus), not long fince, tne fame thing
happened to one Eurynous. This man, who was buried before the city, revived fifteen days
after, and faid that he faw and heard many wonderful things under the earth, which he was
ordered not to relate. He lived fome time after this, and his conduct was more juft after his
revival than before." Kai ov revro ptevov, a\Xa xai n rn Nixomxu, ruv ou *po voXkou yeyotorm,
Etffi/vow TO ovoua ravrov iradtiv, x a i raftrra vpo TIK, ffoAcaf VTCO rmv vrpoo^mrruf, avaQmcat fitra irirrt
xai faxarnv h/xepav rvi raffie, MM teyur hi 7ro**a /uv ifai x a t axwrutv wro ync Saufuurra' xiteulhtvat fa
302 vavra
468 T H E R E P U B L I C .
daemoniacal place, where there were t w o chafms in the earth, near to-
each other, and t w o other openings in the heavens oppofite to them, and
that
iravra appnra ^>v\arrtiv t Kai zxiGiuvai xpovov OVK oxiyov, KM o$9nvMtitKMorepovptra TUP avaGiuviv
n Trportpov.
T h e fourth is of R u f u s , a prieft of the Theflalonians, w h o lived near the time of the hifto-
rian N a u m a c h i u s . T h i s m a n w a s reftored to life the third day after his death, for the purpofe
o f performing certain facred c e r e m o n i e s , w h i c h he had promifed to perform, and, having ful
filled his promife, again died. Xfaf, u; <pwi, yeyovora Povpov, TOV EX 4>iAi7r9r<uv TUV EK Maxtfovta, TUS.
3r *v ®eao~aXQViKYi /xiyiffTris apxispuo-vvris a%ia9tvra' TOVTOV yap aito9avovTa Tpnaiov avaGiuvai, Kai avaQiuvTa
avE
tiirtiv OTI VTTO TUV x9ovtuv uirt7reiAQ$n SEWV, IV% Tag $E«J tmT£Xs<rn TU 3VJ/AJ) as bitio-xoy-^oi ETuyx > *«» pety*
TtlS SKEIVUV <ru(A7r*npno-BU{ tmGiuvTa avOig a7ro9avm.
T h e fifth and laft is of o n e Philonsea, w h o lived under the reign of Philip. " She was the
daughter (fays P r o c l u s ) of Demoftratus and Charite, w h o lived in A m p h i p o l i s , and died foon
after her marriage to o n e Craterus. S h e revived, h o w e v e r , in the fixth m o n t h after her death,
a n d , through her love of a youth n a m e d M a c h a t e s , w h o came to Demoftratus from his o w n c o u n
try P e l l e , had c o n n e c t i o n w i t h h i m privately for many nights fucceflively. T h i s amour, how
e v e r , b e i n g at l e n g t h d e t e c t e d , (lie again died ; previous to w h i c h fhe declared, that fhe acted
in this manner according to the will of terrcftrial daemons. H e r dead body was feen by every
o n e , lying in her father's h o u f e ; and o n digging the place, w h i c h prior to this had contained
her b o d y , it was feen to be e m p t y , by thofe of her kindred w h o came thither, through unbe
lief of what had happened to her. The truth of this relation is teftified both b y the epiftles o f
H i p p a r c h u s and thofe of Arridaeus, to P h i l i p , in w h i c h they give an account of the affairs of
AmphipolisKai TOV Ko*o$uva TOUTOU U7rapxuv $i\ovaiov xaTa TOV; <bihi7T7rou @avi\tuo*avTos xpotou?
uvai 3V aoTw SuyaTtpa An/xoo-TpaTou xai Xapnoug TUV AfA<pi7ro\tTuv veoyafMov TeXEinwaaav, tyiyaywxo JE
KpaTtpu' TavTrw 3E EKTU /MYIVI /UTTA TOV SavaTav avaCuuvai, nai TU vtayi^xu M a ^ a T j j , srapa TO> AnpiorTpaTov
aftKOfjievu IK Ueterig TYI; TraTpidog, ha9pa cumvai Jia TOV irpog auTov tpuTa iroXKag E^E^EJ vuKTag' KM <pupa9ti~
vav avQig a7roBavEiv t mpoimouaai) Kara (ZovXnaiv TUV tTtix^onuv tidipovuv avjr\ Tama Ttfnpax^ai, Kai opacr&ai
vtacri vexpav tv TYI naTpua TrpoKEijAEvw optta, xai TOV TtpoTipov foiaptvov auTm TO aufxa TOOTOV avopuxQnra xtvov-
tflhvai Toig outtioig ETT* avrnv tx9ovo~i tiia TYJV amcrTiav TUV ytyovorur KM Taura foxovv smaToXag Tag piy
vtap 'immapx^t t<*S & w&p' Appidaiou ypa$sio~a$ Toug y TO, vrpayptaTa TYI; afAtptTroteug tyKEX*ipio-fxevoug 7rpo$
P r o c l u s then w i t h his ufual fagacity obferves, concerning the caufe of this phaenomenon, as
f o l l o w s : " M a n y other of the antients have collected a hiftory of thofe that have apparently-
died, and afterwards revived and a m o n g thefe are, the natural philofopher D e m o c r i t u s , in
h i s writings c o n c e r n i n g H a d e s , and that wonderful C o n o t e s , the familiar of Plato. * * * For
the death was not, as it feemed, an entire defertion of the w h o l e life of the body, but a cefla-
t i o n , caufed by fome b l o w , or perhaps a w o u n d . B u t the bonds of the foul yet remained rooted
about the m a r r o w , and the heart contained in its profundity the emp.yrcuma of life j and t h i s
remaining, it again acquired the life w h i c h had b e e n extinguiflied, becoming adapted to a n i m a
tion." Tuv /AEV irtpi TUV aito9avtiv JO&XVTWV, ntiiTa avaGiovvTuv, l^ropiav ATOOI TE TTO^XOI TUV TiaXaiuf
vQpoiaav, Kai AnpLOHpnog O f uaiKog tv Toig 7repi TOV dtiov ypufjuiacri, Kai TOV SavfxavTov EKEIVOV KOVWTIJV, TOU
3 n^aTttvcs
T H E R E P U B L I C . *6Q
that the judges fat between thefe. T h a t when they gave judgment, they
commanded the juft to go to the right hand, and upwards through the
heaven, fixing before them the accounts of the judgment pronounced ;
but the unjuft they commanded to the left, and downwards, and thefe
likewife had behind them the accounts of all they had done. But on his
coming before the judges, they faid, it behoved him to be a meffenger t o
men concerning things there, and they commanded him to hear, and to
contemplate every thing in the place. And that he faw here, through
t w o openings, one of the heaven, and one of the earth, the fouls depart
ing, after they were there judged ; and through the other t w o openings h e
faw, rifing through the one out of the earth, fouls full of fqualidnefs and
duft; and through the other, he faw other fouls defcending pure from
heaven; and that always on their arrival they feemed as if they c a m e
from a long journey, and that they gladly went to reft themfelves in the
meadow, as in a public affembly, and faluted one another, fuch as w e r e
acquainted, and that thofe w h o rofe out of the earth afked the others
concerning the things above, and thofe from heaven afked them co'ncern-
RIXATWVOF eratpov, * * * * F ovfo yap b Savaroi U? avoo-aXtwis, ug toixt, TU? <rv(tirao*iK {ctng rov trcofjuxrog,
AAX' v7to fxtv 7RXRJY>){ nvof, io-ug rou rpavfxarog, irapttro' mg fo tyxng bi fctpi rov /KI/EXOF t/xevov en fotrfMi
uartppi(ufi$vr], xai v xap\a ro cfXTruptvfia mg HJCEV tyxeipevov T M fiader xai, rourov pivovrog, avOie
avsxr-wraro mv aiti<j%muiav {mv vnim$iia* npog mv +vx«xriv yevopum*
Laftly, Proclus adds : " T h a t it is poffible for the foul to depart from, and enter i n t o t h e
body, is evident from h i m , w h o , according to Clearchus, ufed a foul-attrafting w a n d , o n a fleeping
lad, and w h o perfuaded the daemoniacal Ariftotlc, as Clearchus relates i n his Treatife o n S l e e p *
that the foul may be feparated from the b o d y , and that It enters into t h e b o d y , and ufes it as a"
lodging. F o r , finking the lad with the w a n d , h e drew out, and as it w e r e led his foul, for the
purpofe of evincing that the body was immoveable w h e n the foul was at a diftance from it, and
that it was preferved uninjured. The foul being again led into the body, by means o f the
wand, after its entrance related every particular. F r o m this circumftance, therefore, both
other fpedlators; and Ariftotle, were perfuaded that the foul is feparate from t h e b o d y . " —
H a i
OTI fo xai tfcvai mv $>vxWt turievai cbvarov tif TO o-»/*a, 3»JXOI xai b irapa rat Kteapxy m ^vxtwkxf
pa&a xpwxpzwt «9T* rou ympaxiou rou xadsvfovrog, xai irei<rag rov Xai/xovior ApiaroriMy %a6airtp b K^capxog't
tv roig 7repi v7rvou Qwi'wej mg-buxWi ug avax»pi{trai rou o-ufjtarog, xai ug eiveurtv eig ro o-ufjux, xai uf
Xpwxi av-T'j) oiov xarayuyiu' m yap paGdco irMZag rov sraiSa, mv -\>uxw tithxwtitv, xai oiov ayuv, or*
aumg noppu rou o-uparog, aKivnrov tvtfoiZi ro aufxa, xai aCxaCn vu^opevov.—Aumg ayo/xsvyv vrakiv mg palSfou-
fxtra mv tio^ov amayyi'hiw ixaara' roiyap ouv, EX rourou iriartujai roug re AXAOW? mg rotavmg irropiag Searxgi
u i77YiV H v a l 7 0 v C r v
xai rov Api?TC7EM xt ™/* A T 0
? * $uxw.
ing the things below, and that they told one another: thofe wailing and
weeping whilft they called to mind, what and how many things they fuf-
fered and faw in their journey under the earth; (for it was a journey of
a thoufand years) and that thefe again from heaven explained their en
joyments, and fpectacles of immenfe beauty. To narrate many of them,
Glauco, would take much time ; but this, he faid, was the fum, that,
whatever unjuft actions any had committed, and how many foever any
one had injured, they were punifhed for all thefe feparately tenfold, and
that it was in each, according to the rate of an hundred years, the life of
man being confidered as fo long, that they might fuffer tenfold punifhment
for the injuftice they had done. So that if any had been the caufe of many
deaths, either by betraying cities or armies, or bringing men into flavery,
Qr being confederates in any other wickednefs, for each of all thefe they
reaped tenfold fufferings; and if, again, they had benefited any by good
deeds, and had been juft and holy, they were rewarded according to their
deferts. Of thofe who died very young, and lived but a little time, he told
what was not worth relating in refpect of other things. But of impiety
and piety towards the Gods and parents, and of fuicide, he told the more
remarkable retributions. For he faid he was prefent-when one was afked
by another, where the greaj Aridaeus was? This Aridaeus had been ty
rant in a certain city of Pamphylia a thoufand years before that time, and
had killed his aged father, and his elder brother, and had done many
other unhallowed deeds, as it was reported : and he faid, the one who was
afked, replied : He neither comes, faid he, nor ever will come hither. For
we then furely faw this likewife among other dreadful fpectacles : When
we were near the mouth of the opening, and were about to afcend after
having fuffered every thing elfe, we beheld both him on a fudden, and
others likewife, moft of whom were tyrants, and fome private per
fons who had committed great iniquity, whom, when they imagined they
were to afcend, the mouth of the opening did not admit, but bellowed
when any of thofe who were fb polluted with wickednefs, or who had
not been fufficiently punifhed, attempted to afcend. And then, faid he,
fierce mex), and fiery to the view', ftanding by, and underftanding the
bellowing, took them and led them apart, Ari&'aet.s and t h e freft, bincVrng
their hands and their feet, and, thrufting down their head, and pulling off
their fkin, dragged them to an outer road, tearing them on thorns; de
claring always to thofe who paffed by, on what accounts they fuffered
thefe things, and that they were carrying them to be thrown into Tar*
tarus. And hence, he faid, that amidft all their various terrors, this terror
furpaffed, left the mouth fhould bellow, and that when it was fijent
every one moft gladly afcended. And that the punifhments and torments
were fuch as thefe, and their rewards were the reverfe of thefe. H e alio
added, that every one, after they had been feven days in the meadow,
arifing thence, it was requifite for them to depart on the eighth day, and
arrive at another place on the fourth day after, whence they perceived from
above through the whole heaven and earth, a light extended as a pillar,
moftly refembling the rainbow, but more fplendid and p u r e ; at which
they arrived in one day's journey ; and thence-they perceived, through t h e
middle of the light from heaven, the extremities of its ligatures extended £
as this light was the belt of heaven, like the tranfverfe beams o f fhips
keeping the whole circumference united. T h a t from the extremities t h e
diftaff of neceffity is extended, by which all the revolutions were turned
round, whofe fpindle and point were both of adamant, but its whirl
mixed of this and of other things ; and that the nature of the whirl was o f
fuch a kind, as to its figure, as is any one w e fee here. But you muft
conceive it, from what he faid, to be of fuch a kind as t h i s : as if in fome
great hollow whirl, carved throughout, there was fuch another, but lefler,
within it, adapted to it, like cafks fitted one within another ; and in t h e
fame manner a third, and a fourth, and four others, for that the whirls
1
were eight in all, as circles one within another, having their lips ap*
pearing upwards, and forming round the fpindle one united convexity o f
one w h i r l ; that the fpindle was driven through the middle o f the e i g h t ;
and that the firft and outmoft whirl had the wideft circumference in the
lip, that the fixth had the fecond wide, and that o f the fourth is the third
wide, and the fourth wide that of the eighth, and the fifth wide that o f the
* B y the eight whirls, we muft underftand the eight ftarry fpheres, viz. the fphere 6 f the
fixed ftars, and the fpheres of the feven planets.
feventh,
472 T,HE R E P U B L I C .
feventh, the fixth wide that of the fifth, and the feventh wide that of the
third, and the eighth wide that of the fecond. Likewife that the circle of
the largeff is variegated, that of the feventh is the brightcft, and that of the
eighth hath its colour from the fhining of the feventh ; that of the fecond
and fifth refemble each other, but are more yellow than the reft. But the
third hath the whiteft colour, the fourth is reddifh ; the fecond in white-
nefs furpaffes the f i x t h ; and that the diftaff muft turn round in a circle
w i t h the whole it carries ; and whilft the whole is turning round, the feven
inner circles are gently turned round in a contrary motion to the whole.
Again, that of thefe, the eighth moves the fwifteft ; and next to it, and
equal to one another, the feventh, the fixth, and the fifth; and that the
third went in a motion which as appeared to them completed its circle in
the fame way as the fourth. T h e fourth in fwiftnefs was the third, and
the fifth was the fecond, and it was turned round on the knees of neceffity.
A n d that on each of its circles there was feated a Syren on the upper fide,
carried round, and uttering one voice variegated by diverfe modulations.
But that the whole of them, being eight, compofed one harmony. That
there were other three fitting round at equal diftance one from another,
1
each on a throne, the daughters of Neceffity, the F a t e s , in white veft-
ments,
1
In order to underftand what is here delivered by Plato refpecting the F a t e s , it is neceflary
t o obferve that there is an order of G o d s immediately above thofe of a mundane charadteriftic,
w h i c h w a s denominated by antient theologifts liberated, and fuperceleftial. T h e peculiarity of
this order is reprefented to us by Plato, in what he n o w fays concerning the Fates. " In this
p l a c e , therefore (fays P r o c l u s ) , Plato inftructing us in the order of the univerfe, which fuper
nally pervades through the whole of mundane natures, from the inerratic fphere, and in that
order w h i c h governs human life, at different times propofing elections of different lives, and
varying the meafure of juftice adapted to t h e m , h e refers the primary caufe of this order to a
fnonad and triad e x e m p t from mundane w h o l e s . A n d to the monad he afcribes an infpective
g o v e r n m e n t , extending its dominion at the fame time to all heaven, and reprefents it as being
impartibly prefent w i t h all things, as governing all things indivifibly, and according to one
energy, and as m o v i n g w h o l e s with its moft fubordinate powers. But to the triad he afligns a
progreflion from the m o n a d , an energy proceeding into the univerfe, and a divisible fabrication.
F o r that which is fimple and united in the e x e m p t providence of the monad is produced into
m u l t i t u d e , through the fecondary i n f l e c t i o n of the triad.
" T h e one caufe, therefore, (i. e. the monad) poffeffes more authority than the triadic multi
tude. For all the variety of powers in the world, the infinity of motions, and the multiform
difference of reafons, is convolved by the triad of the Fates j and this triad is again extended to
one
T H E R E P U B L I C . 473
menfs, and having crowns on their heads; Lachefis, and Clotho, and
Atropos, nnging to the harmony of the Sirens; Lachefis finging the pafr,
Clotho the prefent, and Atropos the future. And that Clotho, at cer
tain
one monad prior to the three, which Socrates calls neceffity, not as g o v e r n i n g w h o l e s by vio
lence, nor as obliterating the felf-motive nature of our life, nor as deprived of intellect and the
moft excellent knowledge, but as comprehending all things intellectually, and introducing bound
t o things indefinite, and order to things difordered. It is likewife fo called by Socrates, as
caufing all things to be obedient to its government, and extending them to the g o o d , as f u b -
jecting them to demiurgic laws, and guarding all things within the w o r l d , and as circularly
comprehending every thing in the univerfe, and leaving nothing void o f the juftice w h i c h per
tains to it, nor fuffering it to efcape the divine l a w .
«* W i t h refpect to the order in which the Fates are arranged, it appears from Plato in the L a w s ,
that the firft is Lachefis, the fecond C l o t h o , and the third Atropos. A n d here it muft be di
ligently obferved, that Socrates ufes the parts of time as fymbols of comprehenfion according to
caufe. For that w h i c h -was, was once future and the prefenr, and that w h i c h n o w is> w a s once
f u t u r e ; but the future is not yet the p a d , but has the w h o l e o f its eflence in b e c o m i n g the f u
ture. T h e f e three caufes, therefore, or the three Fates, are analogous to thefe three portions
o f t i m e : and of thefe, the moft perfect, and w h i c h comprehends the others, is that w h i c h
fings the paft ; for the paft, having once been both the prefent and the future, may be confidered
as comprehending thefe. T h e next to this in perfection is the prefent, w h i c h partly c o m p r e
h e n d s , and is partly comprehended ; for it comprehends the future, and is comprehended in
i h e paft. B u t the third is the future, w h i c h is comprehended both in the paft and the p r e f e n t ;
the latter unfolding, and the former bounding, its progreflion. H e n c e Lachefis is the primary
caufe, comprehending in herfelf the others *, and Clotho is allotted a fuperior, but Atropos an
inferior order. A n d e n this account Lachefis moves w i t h both her hands, as in a greater and
more total degree, giving completion to the more partial energies of the other two. But Clotho
turns the fpindle w i t h her right hand, and Atropos with her left, fo far as the former precedes
with refpect to energy, but the latter f o l l o w s , and, in conjunction with the former, governs all
things. For in mortal animals the right hand is the principle of motion ; and in the w h o l e s o f
the univerfe the motion to the right hand comprehends that to the left.
" Obferve too, that as it w a s before faid that the whole fpindle is turned on the knees o f N e
ceffity, fo the fable fufpends the providence about partial fouls from the knees of Lachefis, w h o ,
w i t h her hands, as with her more elevated powers, perpetually moves the univerfe, but porTefles
w i t h fubjection in her knees the caufes of the periods of fouls.
" I n the next place, let us confider the fymbols with w h i c h the fable celebrates their d o m i n i o n .
T h e i r walking then in the celeftial circles fignifies their exempt and feparate government. But
their being feated on thrones, and not in the circles themfelves, like the Sirens, indicates that
the receptacles w h i c h are firft illuminated by them are eftablifhed above the celeftial orbs. For
a throne is the vehicle and receptacle of thofe that are feated on i t : and this pcrfpicuoufly fig
nifies that thefe divinities are proximately placed above the mundane G o d s . T h e i r being feated
at equal diftances manifefts their orderly feparation, their fubjection proceeding according to
VOL. i . 3 P analogy,
474 T H E R E P U B L I C .
tain intervals, with her right hand laid hold of the fpindle, and along
with her mother turned about the outer circle. And Atropos, in like manner,
turned the inner ones with her left hand. And that Lachefis touched
both of thefe, feverally, with either hand. After they arrive here, it is
neceffary for them to go directly to Lachefis. T h a t then a certain pro
phet firft of all ranges them in order, and afterwards taking the lots, and
the models of lives, from the knees of Lachefis, and afcending a lofty
tribunal, he fays : — T h e fpeech of the virgin Lachefis, the daughter of N e
cefiity : Souls of a day ! T h e beginning of another period of men of mor
tal race. T h e daemon fhall not receive you as his lot, but you fhall choofe
the daemon: H e w h o draws the firft, let him firft make choice of a life,
to which he muft of necefiity adhere : Virtue is independent, which every
one fhall partake of, more or lefs, according as he honours or diifhonours
h e r : the caufe is in him w h o makes the choice, and God is blamelefs.
That when he had'faid thefe things, he threw on all of them the lots, and that
each took up the one which fell befide him, and that he was allowed to take
no other. And that w h e n he had taken it, he knew what number he
had drawn. That after this he placed on the ground before them the
models of lives, many more than thofe w e fee at prefent. And that they
were all-various. For there were liyes o f all forts of animals, and human
lives of every kind. A n d that among thefe there were tyrannies alfo,
fome of them perpetual, and others deftroyed in the midft of their great-
analogy, and their diftribution fupernally derived from their mother : for that which is orderly
in progreffion, and according to dignity in energies, is thence imparted to the Fates. The
crowns on their heads indicate the purity * of their intellectual fummits. Their white garments
fignify that the eflences which participate of thefe divinities are intellectual, luciform, and full
of divine fplendour. And as it is faid that one of thefe fings the paft, the fecond the prefent,
and the third the future, this indicates that all their externally proceeding energies are elegant,
intellectual, and full of harmony.
" Laftly, the Sirens fignify the divine fouls of the celeftial fpheres, who incline all things
through harmonic motion to their ruling Gods. The fong of thefe, and the well-meafured mo
tion of the heavens, are perfected by the Fates, who call forth the fabricative energy of Neceffity
into the univerfe through intellectual hymns, and convert all things to themfelves through the
harmonious and elegant motion of wholes.
* For crowns are of gold; and gold, from its incorrmptibility, and never admitting ruft, is an image of
intellectual and divine purity.
3 nets,
T H E R E P U B L I C . 475
he faid that it is void of trees and every thing that the earth produces.
That w h e n night came on, they encamped befide the river Amelete, whofe
water no veffel contains. O f this water all of them muft neceffarily drink
a certain meafure, and fuch of them as are not preferved by prudence
drink more than the meafure, and that he w h o drinks always forgets
every thing. But after they were laid afleep, and it became midnight,
there was thunder, and an earthquake, and they were thence on a fudden
carried upwards, fome one way, and fome another, approaching to genera
tion like ftars. But that he himfelf was forbidden to drink of the water.
W h e r e , however, and in what manner, he came into his body, he was
entirely ignorant; but fiiddenly looking up in the morning, he faw himfelf
already laid on the funeral pile. And this fable, Glauco, hath been pre
ferved, and is not loft, and it may preferve us, if we are perfuaded by i t ;
for thus w e fhall happily pafs over the river Lethe, and fhall not contami
nate the foul.
But if the company will be perfuaded by me ; confidering the foul to be
immortal, and able to bear all evil, and all good, we fhall always per-
fevere in the road which leads a b o v e ; and fhall by all means purfue juftice
in conjunction with prudence, in order that w e may be friends both to our
felves, and to the Gods, both whilft w e remain here, and when w e receive
its rewards, like vicTors affembled together; and w e fhall, both here, and
in that journey of a thoufand years which w e have defcribed, enjoy a
happy life.
c o n c e r n s , things eternal are n e g l e c t e d , h e n c e h e fays that fouls defcending into the plain of
L e t h e e n c a m p befide the river A m e l e t e , i. e. through a connection with body they pafs into
extreme n e g l i g e n c e ; and there fall afleep; fignifying by this their being merged in a corporeal
nature, no longer poffeffing vigilant energies, and being alone converfant with things analogous
t o the delufions of dreams. Eut w h e n he fays that n o veflel contains the water of A m e l e t e ,
this fignifics that nothing can reftrain the ever-flowing nature of body. T h i s , however, it muft
be obferved, is the condition of the foul while connected with a grofs aerial body, and before its
perfect defcent to the e a r t h : for the defcent from celeftial bodies to fuch as are terrene is
effected through an aerial body. Souls therefore being laid afleep in this body, at midnight fall
to the earth ; i. e. w h e n they enter into a terrene body they become involved in profound night.
ADDITIONAL
ADDITIONAL NOTES
TO
AND
THE REPUBLIC.
ADDITIONAL NOTES
ON T H E
FIRST ALCIBIADES.
that which is better than itfelf, through its own life, and an energy according to na
ture, or it is converted to itfelf, according to a knowledge co-ordinate to itfelf, and a
middle form of motion. A converfion indeed to that which is worfe, is a paflion of
the foul whofe wings fuffer a defluxion, and that is now placed in oblivion both of
herfelf, and of natures prior to herfelf. But a conversion both to itfelf and to a
more excellent nature, takes place not in fouls only, but in divine natures them
felves, as Parmenides teaches us, when he eftablifhes two fpecies of conversion, and
fhows how a divine nature is converted to itfelf, and is in itfelf, and how it is con*
verted to that which is prior to itfelf, fo far as it is comprehended in another, and is-
united with a better nature. On this account Socrates at the end of this dialogue-
fays, that he who is converted to and becomes a fpedtator of himfelf, will by this
mean behold the whole of a divine nature, and through a converfion to himfelf will'
be led to an elevated furvey of divinity, and to a converfion to that which is better
than himfelf. Thefe things, therefore, the preface indicates. For it leads Alcibia
des from a life tending to externals to a furvey of himfelf, and recalls him through-
a knowledge of himfelf to a love of Socratic fcience; fince a defire to learn the
caufe of the conduct of Socrates is to become a lover of the pre-fubfifting fcience
which he contains.
Again, Plato Signifies in the preface, befides other things,, that a worthy mam
will always employ his knowledge on objects properly eo-ordinated to that know-
ledge ; and that he will never attempt to poffefs a nable, definite and immutable-
knowledge of things contingent and mutable, nor a dubious, indefinite, and dif-
ordered apprehenfion of things neccfTary, and which always poflefs a famenefs of
fubfiftence. But, according to the diftinction adopted by Socrates in the Republic,,
he will conjointly contemplate all intelligibles with fimple, uniform, and intellec
tual knowledge; but will furvey the middle reaibns of things with a fcientific and
dianoetic evolution and compofition. Again, with the fenfitive power which is the
third from truth, he will touch upon proper objects of knowledge, through inftru
ments of fenfe, diftinguifhing in a becoming manner every object of fenfe. And
laftly, by an affimilative power he will apprehend the images of fenfiblcs. And
indeed Timaeus, diftinguifhing cognitions analogoufly to the objecls of knowledge,
exhorts us to judge o f true beings by intelligence in conjunction with reafon; but
fuch
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 483
fitch things as are not beings, but are perpetually converfant with generation and
corruption, by opinion and fenfe. H e alfo adds, that the reafons pertaining to true
beings cannot be confuted, and are indubitable; but thofe which belong to things
borne along in the rapid flux of generation, are conjectural and contingent. For
every where reafons imitate the things of which they are the interpreters.
In the third place, Socrates in the Cratylus fays that the names of things eternal
have a certain alliance with the things themfelves; but that the names of things
generated and corrupted are multiformly changed, and partake much o f pofition,
.through the unliable lation of their fubjecls. If therefore the knowledge of things
which fubfift perpetually the fame, differs from that of things contingent, and
reafons are allotted an all-various mutation, and different names accord with different
things, is it wonderful that Socrates, who is here difcourfing concerning an unliable
nature, fhould ufe the word OZ/AAJ/, I opine, or fuppofe? which fignifies that the nature
o f the thing known is mutable, but does not accufe the knowledge o f Socrates as
indefinite, mingled with ignorance, and dubious.
Alcibiades, by defpifing thofe that were unworthy of his love, and admiring thofe
that were worthy of it, teftifies his great alliance to the beautiful, and that he was
abundantly prepared for the reception o f virtue. But perhaps fome one may be
defirous to learn why elevated and grand conceptions move divine lovers, and ap
pear to deferve diligent attention. W e reply, that fuch manners feem to poflefs an
alliance with divine beauty. For to defpife things prefent as fhadowy reprefenta-
tions, and of no worth, and to invefligate fomething prior to thefe, which is great
and wonderful and tranfeends the conceptions of the multitude, is an evident argu
ment of the parturiency of the foul about the beautiful. Hence Socrates in the
Republic reprefents fouls which are about to defcend from the heavens, as choofing
a commanding and magnificent life. For they ftill retain the echo, as it were, o f
the life which is there, and, in confequence of this, convert themfelves to power and
dominion, and defpife every thing elfe as trifling and of no worth. But this affec
tion is the principle of fafety to fouls. For to confider human concerns as fmall,
and vile, and not worthy of ferious attention, and to invefligate that form of life
3 Q_ 2 which
484 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
which is exempt from multitude and inacceffible to the vulgar, is a fufficient viati*
cum for the purfuit of virtue.
P. 2 7 . You think that if you fpeedily male your appearance before the Athenian
people, &c.
T h e defign of all that has been proximately faid is to purify our dianoetic part*
from two-fold ignorance, and to remove all that impedes our refumption of true
fcience. For it is impoffible for things imperfect to obtain their proper perfection
in any other way than by a purification of impediments; for that which purifies
every where pofleftes this power. But the true purification of the foul is triple ;
one kind proceeding through the teleftic a r t * , concerning which Socrates fpeaks
in the Phaedrus; another through philofophy, concerning which much is faid in
the Phaedo; for there prudence and each of the other virtues is denominated a
certain purification; but the purification through this dialectic fcience leads to con*
tradiction, confutes the inequality of dogmas^ and liberates us from two-fold igno
rance. Purification therefore being triple, Socrates here employs the third of thefe
on Alcibiades: for thofe that labour under two-fold ignorance are benefited by
this purification. Hence Socrates does not affert any thing of truth, till he has*
removed thofe opinions which impede the foul in her apprehenfion of truth. Simple
ignorance indeed fubfifts between fcience and two-fold ignorance ; and the firft'
tranfition is from fcience to fimple ignorance,, and the proximate afcent is from'
fimple ignorance to fcience. At the fame time likewife this afcent feparates us
from opinion tending to externals, converts the foul to herfelf; makes her explore
ber own proper dogmas, remove that which impedes her knowledge, and fill up
what is deficient For, as the body when difturbed by foreign humours often corrupts
its aliment, and changes the benefit arifing from it into a noxious property, fo the
foul being diftuvbed through falfe opinion, and receiving the afliftance imparted
from fcience in a manner adapted to her own habit, produces a principle of greater
falfe opinion and deception. T h e purification therefore which precedes all the ar
guments of Socrates is comprehended in thefe words ; and it may be faid to refem
ble the teleftic purifications which take place previous to the operations of the
myfteries, which liberate us from all the defilements we became connected with
from generation, and prepare us for the participation of a divine nature. But this
purification takes place according to the dialectic method, which leads us to contra
diction, confutes that deception which darkens our dianoetic part, and proceeds
through more known and univerfal affumptions to indubitable conclufions, receiving
the major propofitions from common conceptions, and the minor from the confent
of him with whom we converfc. It alfo conjoins the extremes with each other
through media ; denies of the minor whatever is denied of the major terms; and
thinks fit that fuch things as are prefent with things predicated fhould alfo be
prefent with the fubjects of its difcuffioru
P. 27. In fine, that you entertain fuch hopes as I have mentioned, I know with certainty.
From hence we may rightly underftand who it is that inftructs, and who is in-
ftructed. For it is fit that he who inftructs fhould accurately know the aptitudes of
thofe that are inftructed, and conformably to thefe fhould direct his attention ;
fince every one is not to be disciplined in a fimilar manner. But he who is natu
rally a philofopher is to be led back to an incorporeal eflence in one way, he who is
a lover in another, and the mufician in a ftill different way. And again, he whd
through the imagination of that facility of energy which belongs to a divine nature
is aftonifhed about pleafure, is to be led back in one way; he who through the defire
of being fufficient to himfelf defires the poffeffion of riches, in another way ; and in
a ftill different way, He who through the conception of divine power is bufily em
ployed about apparent power. For, images every where affuming the appearance of
their principles draw afide unintelligent fouls ; but it is requifite, departing from
thefe, to pafs on to thofe true and real beings. A nd this was the mode of the Socratic"
doctrine, to lead up every one to the proper object of his defire. Hence, to the'
lover of pleafure he pointed out that which is pkafurable with purity, and unmin--
glcd with pain; for it is evident that this will be more eligible to him who purfues-
pleafure, than that which is mingled with its contrary. T o the lover of riches he
indicated where that which is truly fufficient to itfelf abides, and which is in no
refpect filled with indigence; for this muft be more ardently purfued by him who-
afpires after felf-perfection, and avoids indigence. But to the lover of dominion
he
486 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
he fhowed where that which is powerful and governs is to be Tound, and what the
nature is of the ruling form of life which is free from all fubjection ; for this will be
confidered as more honourable to the ambitious man than what is mingled with that
which is to be avoided. Power therefore, felf-fufnciency, and pleafure are not to
be found in material things. For matter is imbecility and poverty, and is the caufe
of corruption and pain. But it is evident that thefe, if they are any where to be
found, are in immaterial and feparate natures. Thefe natures therefore arc the
proper objects of love, and to thefe an afcent is t o b e made. After this manner,
therefore, he who inftructs ought to introduce difcipline from the phyfical aptitudes
in each, to each imparting fafety; but lie who is inftructed fhould fubmit him
felf to his inftructor, and gradually be led to the truth, departing from images and
a fubterranean cavern * to the light and true eflence, on every fide extending
himfelf to that which is unmingled with its contrary, and difmifling that which is
divifible and fhadowy, but afpiring after that which is univerfal and impartible. For
total good, as Socrates fays in the Philebus, is neither defirable only, nor alone
perfect, and fufficient and able to fill other things, but comprehends at once all
thefe, the perfect, the fufficient, the defirable. For it extends all things to itfelf,
and imparts to all well-being; but it is regarded by the multitude partially. Hence
fome of them, looking only to the defirable which it contains, purfue the pleafurable,
which is the image of it; but others, furveying the perfect alone, are bufily employed
about riches; for in thefe the image of perfection fubfifls; and others tending to
the fufficient are aftonifhed about power; for power carries with it a phantafm of
fufficiency. T o difmifs therefore thefe partial apprehenfions of the good, to look to
its whole nature, and to be led back to its all-perfect plenitude, feparates in a be
coming manner thofe that are inftructed from an aflbciation with images.
P . 29. Have you knowledge in thofe things only which you have either learnt from
objects of their knowledge. Nor are natures fubordinate to the human, and which
are called irrational, adapted to learn any dianoetic difcipline, or to difcover any
thing by themfelves. But the human foul containing in itfelf all reafons, and pre*
afTuming all fciences, is indeed darkened from generation, refpecting the theory of
what it pofiefles, and requires difcipline and invention j that through difcipline it
may excite its intellections, and through invention may difcover itfelf, and the
plenitude of reafons which it contains. And thefe are the gifts of the Gods, bene
fiting it in its fallen condition, and recalling it to an intellectual life. For both,
indeed, are derived from the Mercurial order; but Invention fo far as Mercury is
the fon of Maia the daughter of Atlas; and Mathefis, fo far as he is the meflcngcr
of Jupiter. For, unfolding the will of his father, he imparts to fouls Mathefis ; but
fo far as he proceeds from Maia, with whom Inquiry occultly refides, he beftows
on his pupils Invention. But when Mathefis proceeds fupernally to fouls from more
excellent natures, it is better than Invention ; but when from co-ordinate natures,
as from men exciting our gnoftic power, it is then fubordinate to Invention. Hence
Invention has a middle fubfiftence adapted to the felf-motive nature of the foul!
for our felf-vital and felf-energetic powers become efpecially apparent through this.
But Mathefis, according to that which is more excellent than human nature, fill*
the foul from the more divine caufes of it; but, according to that which is fubordi
nate to our nature, from things external to our effence, excites in an alter motive
manner our vital power. Indeed, that a certain knowledge of things is produced in
us from more excellent natures, divine vifions fufficiently indicate, in which the
Gods unfold the order of wholes to fouls, becoming the leaders of a progreffion to
an intelligible eflence, and enkindling thofe flames which conduct the foul on high*
And thus much concerning Mathefis and Invention.
regions of fenfe. And in confequence of poflefling the reafons of things, they have
as it were agitated conceptions concerning them ; but being vanquiflicd by the po
tion of oblivion, they are incapable of exprefling their conceptions, and referring
them to fcience. Hence they contain them indigefted and fcarcely refpiring, and
on this account they are vanquimed by two-fold ignorance. For they think
that they know through thefe innate conceptions, but they are ignorant through
oblivion ; and hence .arife deception, and an appearance of knowledge without the
reality (&?w;<n£). H e therefore who is involved in two-fold ignorance is remote from
an inveftigation of things, in the fame manner as he is who poffeffes fcientific
knowledge. For neither is it the province of a wife man to philofophize, nor of
him who labours under the difeafe of two-fold ignorance; but this evidently be
longs to him who is eftablifhed according to fimple ignorance. For he who is ig
norant in a two-fold refpecl, is according to this fimilar to the wife man ; juft as
matter, as fome one rightly obferves, poffeffes a diflimilar fimilitude to divinity.
For, as matter is without form, fb alfb is divinity. Each likewife is infinite and
unknown ; though this is true of the one according to that which is better, and of
the other .according to that which is worfe than all things. Thus therefore the man
of fcience, and the ignorant in a two-fold refpecl, do not inveftigate any thing; the
one in confequence of being wife, and as it were full of knowledge; and the other in
confequence of not even affuming the principles of inveftigation, through the falfe
hood with which he is furrounded. But he who poffeffes fimple ignorance fubfifts
in a certain refpecl between the man of fcience and him who doubles his deception.
For he in fhort who knows himfelf, and is converted to himfelf, is fuperior to him
who is perfectly ignorant of himTelf; but he who on beholding himfelf does not per
ceive knowledge but ignorance, is inferior to the man of fcience. For, of thefe
three characters, the man of two-fold ignorance is entirely unconverted to himfelf;
the wife man is converted to himfelf, and through this converfion finds within him
felf the virtues and fciences, fhining forth to the view like divine Jlatues *; {oiov
vr/oCKyjoi'zot detcc w/BA«/x7rovT«) but the man of fimple ignorance is converted indeed,
* A s I have mown in my DifTertation on the Myfteries, from indubitable authority, that a flcill in magic
formed the laft part of the facerdotal office, it is by no means wonderful that, through thi* theurgic art,
the ftatues in the temples where the myfteries were ctkbrated fhould have been rendered refplendcnt
with divine light.
ON T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 480,
but beholds within ignorance, and a privation of actual fcience; and thus he is
conftituted at the beginning of mathefis and invention ; cither exploring himfelf
and his own wealth, which he did not know that he poflefled, or betaking himfelf to
teachers, and by them being led to knowledge. In fhort, the foul according, to
fcience is aflimilated to intellect, comprehending the object of knowledge in energy
in the fame manner as intellect comprehends the intelligible; but according to two
fold ignorance, it is aflimilated to matter. For, as matter pofTefles all things accord
ing to mere appearance, but in reality contains nothing, and is thought to be
adorned, but is not exempt from a privation of ornament; fo he who pofieffes two
fold ignorance thinks that he knows what he does not know, and carries about with
him an appearance of wifdom in things of which he is ignorant. But Socrates, when
he admits that there was a time in which we did not think ourfelves knowing m
what we now know, is thought by fome to contradict what he fays in the Pbaedo, in
which difcourfing about difcipline being remmifcence, he fhows that poffeffing a
knowledge of the equal, the juft, the beautiful, and of every form, w e cannot relate
the time when we received this knowledge. T o this objection wc reply, that the
knowledge of our fouls is two-fold ; the one indiftinct, and fubfifting according to
mere conjecture, but the other diftinct, fcientific and indubitable. For, as he fome
where fays, we appear to know all things as in a dream, but are ignorant of them
according to vigilant perception ; containing indeed the reafons of things eflen-tiaJly,
and as it were breathing forth the knowledges of thefe, but not poffeffing them in
energy and vigour. Of the conception therefore of forms fubfifting in us eflentially,
there is no preceding time ; for we perpetually poflefs i t ; but we can relate t&e time
in which we acquired a knowledge of forms according to energy and a diftirjet
fubfiftence.
P . 29. Now what the things are which you have learnt I tolerably well know,
That thefe three difciplines, fays Proclus, viz. mathefis, mufic, and gymnaftic,
contribute to the whole of political virtue, is evident. For gymnaftic ftrengthens
the foftnefs of defire, and recalls its diflipated nature to a firm tone; this defiderative
part of the foul being proximate to bodies. For anger is the tone of the foul, and,
being opprefled with a death-like fleep through matter, requires to be ftrengthened and
VOL. 1. 3 R excited.
Ago A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
excited. But through mufic the robuft and favage nature of anger is foftened, and
rendered elegant and harmonious. But neither is gymnaftic alone fufficient to eru
dition. For when immoderately purfued, and unaccompanied with mufic, it renders
the manners ruftic, contentious, and vehement. Nor is mufic alone fufficient with
out gymnaftic: for the life of thofe who alone ufe mufic without the gymnic
exercifes becomes effeminate and foft. It is requifite therefore, as in a lyre, that
there fhould neither be vehemence alone, nor remiflion, but that the whole foul
fhould be harmonized with refpecl to itfelf from difciplinative intention and remiflion.
But the mathematics and dialectic excite and lead upwards our rational part: for
the eye of the foul, which is blinded and buried by many other ftudies, is refufci-
tated by thefe, and is converted to its own eflence and to the knowledge of itfelf.
And all thefe are Mercurial difciplines. For this God is the infpeclive guardian of
gymnaftic ekercifes; and hence herma, or carved ftatues of Mercury, were placed in
the Palaeftrae : of mufic, and hence he is honoured as the lyrift (Xvpotioc) among the
celeftial conftellations : and of difciplines, becaufe the invention of geometry, reafon
ing, and difcourfe is referred to this God. He prefides therefore over every fpecies
of erudition, leading us to an intelligible effence from this mortal abode, governing
the different herds of fouls, and difperfing the fleep and oblivion with which they
are oppreffed. He is likewife the fupplier of recollection, the end of which is a
genuine intellectual apprehenfion of divine natures. In well inftitutcd polities,
therefore, youth are inftructed by the guardians in thefe difciplines: and among the
Athenians certain images of thefe were preferved; grammar having a reference to
dialectic difcipline; playing on the harp pertaining to mufic, and wreftling to gym
naftic; in which thofe youths that were well-born were inftructed. And hence
Socrates fays that Alcibiades had learnt thefe, as having had an education adapted to
a well-born youth.
This alfo accords with the order of the univerfe. For our firft age partakes in an
eminent degree of the lunar operations; as we then live according to a nutritive and
natural * power. But our fecond age participates of Mercurial prerogatives; becaufe
we then apply ourfelves t o letters, mufic, and wreftling. The third age is governed
* For the whole of nature, according to the aotient theology, is under the government of the moon;
from the deity of which it alfo proceed*.
by
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 401
by Venus j becaufe then we begin to produce feed, and the generative powers o f
nature are put in motion. T h e fourth age is folar; for then our youth is in its
vigour and full perfection, fubfifting as a medium between generation and decay ;
for fuch is the order which vigour is allotted. The fifth age is governed by M a r s ;
in which we principally afpire after power and fuperiority over others. T h e fixth
age is governed by Jupiter; for in this w e give ourfelves up to prudence, and purfue
an active and political life. And the feventh age is Saturnian, in which it is natu
ral to feparate ourfelves from generation, and transfer ourfelves to an incorporeal life.
And thus much we have difcufled, in order to procure belief that letters and the
whole of education are fufpended from the Mercurial feries.
But it is worth while to confider on what account Alcibiades refufed to learn to
play on wind-inftruments, though this art pertains to mufic. It has then been faid
by fome, that being vain of his perfon from his youth, he avoided that deformity o f
the face which is occafioned by blowing the pipe or flute. But it is better to fay,
that well-inftituted polities are averfe to the art of playing on wind-inftruments; and
therefore neither does Plato admit it. T h e caufe of this is the variety of this inftru-
ment, the pipe, which fhows that the art which ufes it fhould be avoided. For
inftruments called Panarmonia, and thofe confiding of many firings, are imitations o f
pipes. For every hole of the pipe emits, as they fay, three founds at leaft ; but if
the cavity above the holes be opened, then each hole will emit more than three
founds. It is however requifite not to admit all mufic in education, but that part o f
it only which is fimple. Further ftill: of thefe mufical inftruments, fome are re-
preflive, and others motive ; fome are adapted to reft, and others to motion. The
rcpreffive therefore are moft ufeful for education, leading our manners into order,
reprefling the turbulency of youth, and bringing its agitated nature to quictnefs and
temperance. But the motive inftruments are adapted to enthufiaftic energy: and
hence, in the myfteries and myftic facrifices, the pipe is ufeful; for the motive power
of it is employed for the purpofe of exciting the dianoetic power to a divine nature.
For here it, is requifite that the irrational part fhould be laid afleep, and the rational
excited. H e n c e , thofe that inftruct youth ufe repreffive inftruments, but initiators
fuch as are motive: for that which is difciplined is the irrational part; but it is reafon
which is initiated, and which energizes cnthufiaftically.
3 R % P. 36
492 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
The defcent of the foul into body feparates it from divine fouls, from whom it is
filled with intelligence, power, and purity, and conjoins it with generation, and
nature, and material things, from which it is filled with oblivion, wandering, and
ignorance. For, in its defcent, multiform lives and various veftments grow upon it,
-which draw it down into a mortal compofition, and darken its vifion of real being.
It is requifite therefore that the foul which is about to be led properly from hence to
that ever-vigilant nature, fhould amputate thofe fecond and third powers which are
fufpended from its effence, in the fame manner as weeds, ftones and fhclls, from the
marine Glaucus; fhould reftrain its externally proceeding impulfes, and recollect
true beings and a divine effence, from which it defcended, and to which it is fit that
the whole of our life fhould haften. &ut the parts or powers which are in want of
perfection in us, are : the irrational life, which is naturally adapted to be adorned
and difcipJined through manners; the proasretic * part, which requires tobe with
drawn from irrational appetites, and a connection with them; and befides thefe our
gnofiic power, which requires a reminifcence of true beings. For the part which
recollects is different from that which is elegantly arranged through manners; and
different from both thefe is the part which by admonitions and inftructions becomes
more commenfurate. It is requifite, therefore, that difcipline fhould accord with
thefe three parts : and, in the firfl place, that it fhould perfect us through rectitude
of manners; ki the next place, through admonition and precepts; and, in the third
place, that it fhould excite our innate reafons, and purify the knowledge which
eflentially fubfifts in our fouls, through reminifcence. Such then are the genera,
and fuch the order of perfection adapted to fouls falling into bodies.
Thefe things then being admitted, the third of thefe parts, viz. the rational
nature, acquires perfection through difcipline and invention. For the foul is effen-
tially felf-motive, but, in confequence of communicating with the body, participates
in a certain refpect of alter-motion. For, as it imparts to the body the laft image of
felf-motion, fo it receives the reprefentation of alter-motion, through its habitude
about the body. Through the power of felf-motion therefore the foul acquires, and
* Proarefis (irpoaipe<rif) is a deliberative tendency to things within the reach of our ability to effea.
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 4Q3
is inventive and prolific of reafons and fciences; but, through its rcprefentation of
alter-motion, it requires to be excited by others. More perfect, fouls, however, are
more inventive; but the more imperfect are indigent of external affiftance. For,
fome are more felf motive, and are lefs replete with a fubordinate nature ; but others
are lefs felf-motive, and are more paflivc from a corporeal nature. As they advance
however in perfection, are excited from body, and collect their powers from
matter, they become more prolific, and more inventive of the things about which
they were before unprolific and dubious, through the fluggifhnefs and privation of
life proceeding from matter, and the fleep of generation. W e therefore, thus pre-
fcrving the medium of a rational eflence, can aflign the caufes of the more imperfect
and perfect habits in the foul; and we fay, that fuch are the paths of the perfection
of fouls. But thofe who do not preferve this medium, but either rife to that which
is better, or decline to that which is worfe, fall off from the truth refpecting thefe
particulars. For we do not admit their arguments who fay, that the foul coming
into a moid body, and being thence darkened, is ftupid from the beginning * ; but
that, this moifture becoming exhaled, through the innate heat, and poflefling greater
fymmetry, the power of intellectual prudence in the foul is rejuvenized. For this
mode of perfection is corporeal and material, and fuppofes that the perfection of the
foul is confequent to the temperament of the body ; though prior to the elements,
and prior to the whole of generation, the foul had a fubfiftence, and was a life un-
mingled with body and nature. Nor, again, do we aflent to thofe who fay that the
foul is a portion of the divine eflence f ; that this portion is fimilar to the whole, and
is always perfect ; and that tumult and paffions fubfift about the animal. For thofe
who affert thefe things make the foul ever-perfect, and ever-fcicntific, at no time
requiring reminifcence, and always impaflive, and free from the defilement of evil.
Timaeus, however, fays, that our eflence does not fubfift entirely from the firft
genera, in the fame manner as the fouls fuperior to ours, but from fuch as are
fecond and third. And Socrates, in the Phaedrus, fays that our powers are mingled
with that which is contrary to good, and are filled with oppofition to each other;
and that, through this, fometimes the better and fometimes the worfe parts are
victorious. But what occafion is there to fay more on this fubject, fince Socrates
himfelf fays, in that dialogue, that the charioteer * becomes depraved, and that
through his depravity many fouls become lame, and many lofe their wings, though
the charioteering power (J}MO%«T<XI} Ivvocfiic) is one of the more venerable powers of
the foul ? For it is this which has a reminifcence of divine natures, and which
ufes fecond and third powers as miniftrant to reminifcence. Thefe thing?, therefore,
are clearly afferted in the Phaedrus.
As we have faid, then, the mcafures of the foul are to be preferved ; and the rea
fons concerning its perfection are neither to be referred to it from corporeal natures,
nor from fuch as are divine; that thus we may be fit interpreters of Plato, and not
diftort the words of the philofopher by forcing them to a coincidence with our own
opinion. Since, therefore, the foul is at one time imperfect, and is again perfected,
and becomes oblivious of divine natures, and again remembers them, it is evident
that time contributes to its perfection. For how could it change from folly to
wifdom, and in fhort to virtue from vice, unlefs it made thefe mutations in time ?
For all mutation fubfifts in time. And thus much concerning the perfection of the
foul in general.
From what has been faid, then, we may collect that he who knows what is juft
pafles from ignorance to a knowledge of it; and that he neither has the reafon of the
juft always at hand, in the fame manner as the natures fuperior to man (for wc are
born at firft: imperfect), nor again that the knowledge of it arrives to us through the
mutation of the body. For our eflence is not corporeal, nor compofed from material
genera. It remains, therefore, that either difcipline or inyention muft precede
knowledge; and Alcibiades is very properly requefted to tell who was the caufe of
his acquiring difcipline, and whence he knows what the juft is, if he does know.
For it is neceflary. as we have often faid, that difcipline fhould be the leader of
knowledge imparted by another; and a teacher, of difcipline. For difcipline is a
motion ; but all motion requires a moving caufe. It requires therefore a teacher,
for he is the caufe of difcipline.
P. 37. Can you tell me, then, at what time you did not imagine yourfelf to know what
* That if, the dianoetic power of the foul, or that power which reafons fcientifically.
precedes
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 4g5
precedes invention, exeites the eye of the foul, and exercifes it for the perception of
truth, further obferves as follows : "Again, the difcourfe proceeds from invention to
fimple ignorance; for no one would attempt to invefligate that which he thinks he
knows. It is neceflary, therefore, that fimple ignorance fhould be the beginning of
inveftigation. For invefligation is a defire of knowledge in things of which we
fufpecl that wc are ignorant. This being the cafe, it is neceflary that the time
fhould be known in which we fufpected that we did not know: and hence Socrates
defires Alcibiades to tell him the time in which he fufpected his want of knowledge.
For, as we have before obferved, it is neceflary that all fuch mutations (hould be
meafured by time. Hence the daemoniacal Ariflotle, alfo, here admits motion in
the foul, and a mutation according to time. But that an aflbciation with the body,
and a tranfition from vice to virtue, require time, is manifeft to every one. As
fome however have faid, that the foul when fubfifting by itfelf does not require
time for its energies, but that on the contrary it generates time; this aflertion I
think requires fome confideration. For time is two-fold ; one kind being that which
is confubfiftent with the natural life and corporeal motion of the univerfe, and an
other kind that which pervades through the life of an incorporeal nature. This latter
time, therefore, meafures the periods of divine fouls, and perfects the feparate ener
gies of ours. But the former, which is extended with a life according to nature, mea
fures that life of our fouls which fubfifts with body, but by no means that life of the
foul which lives itfelf by itfelf.**
P. 3 8 . But, by Jove, 1 was not ignorant of that point; for I clearly faw that
I was injured.
The young man here acknowledges that he has a fufpicion of the knowledge of
things juft; and hence Socrates again afks him whether he learnt or difcovered
this knowledge. In confequence of this, Alcibiades confefles, that his knowledge
was not acquired cither by learning or invention, becaufe he cannot mention any
time of his ignorance, after which he either inveftigated or was taught juftice.
And it appears to me to be clearly fhown by this, what that fcience is which wc
poffefs prior to all time, arid what that is which is produced in time. For Socrates,
looking to fcience in energy, inquires what was the time prior to this; but Alcibi-
ades >
A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
ades, poffeffing fcience eflentially, through which he thinks that he knows what
he does not know, cannot tell the time of its participation ; for wc poffefs.
it perpetually. So that, if Socrates fpeaks about one fcience, and Alcibiades
about another, both thefe affertions are true, viz. that time precedes fcience,
and that the time prior to its prefence cannot be told: for of imperfect fcience
there is no preceding time, but of that which fubfifts in energy and is perfect,
there is.
P. 38. Well. But 1 was wrong in my anfwers when I fuppofed thai I bad found out
Difcipline being two-fold, and at one time proceeding from more excellent
caufes to fuch as are fubordinate, according to which the demiurgus in the Timaeus
fays to the junior Gods, " Learn what I now fay to you indicating my defire
but at another time proceeding from a caufe externally moving, according to
which we are accuftomed to inferibe certain perfons as teachers; and invention
ranking between thefe; for it is fubordinate to the knowledge imparted to the foul
from the Gods, but is more perfect than reminifcence externally derived ;—this
being the cafe, Alcibiades had not any conception of difcipline from a more excel
lent caufe, except fo far as looking to the fcience effentially inherent in us, in a
dormant ftate, which is imparted from the Gods, and by which he was led to con
jecture that he accurately knew the nature of the juft. But coming to invention,
which has a middle fubfiftence in the foul which alfo ranks as a medium, and
being likewife fhaken by reafoning, and fhown that he had neither inveftigated nor
could tell the time of his ignorance, which muft neceffarily fubfift previous to in
quiry, be now again comes to the fecond kind of difcipline, and, being dubious
with refpect to the truly fcientific teacher of things juft, flies to the multitude, and
their unliable life, and confiders thefe as the leader of the knowledge of what is
juft. Here therefore Socrates, like another Hercules, cutting off the Hydra's
heads, fhows that every multitude is unworthy to be believed refpecting the know
ledge of things juft and unjuft. T h e reafoning, indeed, appears to contribute but
little to the purification of the young man; but, when accurately confidered, it
will be found to be directed to the fame end. For, in the firft place, Alcibiades,
being
ON THE F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
being ambitious, fufpended his opinion from the multitude, nnd about this was filled"
with aftonifhment. Socrates therefore (hows him, firft, that the opinion of the
multitude poffefles no authority in the judgment and knowledge of things; and
that it is not proper for him to adhere to it, whole view is directed to the beau
tiful : and, in the fecond place, that the multitude is the caufe of falfe opinion,
producing in us from our youth depraved imaginations and various paflions. Sci
entific reafoning therefore is neceflary, in order to give a right direction to that
part of us which is perverted by an aflbciation with the multitude ; to apply a re
medy to our paflivc part, and to purify that which is filled with impurity ; for thus
we (hall become adapted to a reminifcence * of foience. In the third place, So
crates (hows, that in each of us, as he fays, there is a many-headed wild beaft,
which is analogous to the multitude; for this is what the people is in a city, viz.
the various and material form of the foul, which is our loweft part. T h e prefent
reafoning therefore exhorts us to depart from boundlefs defire, and to lay afide the
multitude of life, and our inward people, as not being a judge worthy of belief
refpecting the-nature of things, nor a recipient of any whole fcience ; for nothing,
irrational is naturally adapted to partake of fcience. In the fourth place, there
fore, we fay, that the prefent reafoning does not think fit to admit into fcience
and an intellectual life an apoftacy and flight from the one, together with diverfity,
and all-various divifion; but indicates that all thefe fhould be rejected as foreign
from intellect and divine union. For it is requifite not only to fly from external,
but alfo from the multitude in the foul; nor this alone, but alfo to abandon multi
tude of every kind.
In the firft place, therefore, we muft fly from " the multitude of men going
along in a herd/' as the oracle f fays, and muft neither communicate with their
lives, nor with their opinions. In the next place we muft fly from multiform ap
petites, which divide us about body, and make us to be at different times impelled
to different externals ; at one time to irrational pleafures, and at another to actions
indefinite, and which war on, each other : for thefe fill us with penitence and evils.
W e muft alfo fly from the fenfes which arc nourifhed with us, and which deceive
* In the original avaxfyicriv ; but the fenfe requires we fliould read avap.vya'iy.
f That is, one of the Chaldaean oracles; to my collection of Svhich I refer the reader.
VOL. I . 3 s our
*9& A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
our dianoetic part: for they are multiform, at different times are converfant with
different fenfibles, and affert nothing fane, nothing accurate, as Socrates himfelf
fays*. W e muft likewife fly from imaginations, as figured, and divisible, and
thus introducing infinite variety, and not fuffering us to return to that which is
impartible and immaterial; but, when we are haftening to apprehend an eflence of
this kind, drawing us down to paffive intelligence. W e muft fly too from opi
nions; for thefe are various and infinite, tend to that which is external, are min
gled with phantafy and fenfe, and are not free from contrariety ; fince our opinions
alfo contend with each other, in the feme manner as imaginations with imagina
tions, and one fenfe with another. But, flying from all thefe divifible and various
forms of life, we fhould run back to fcience, and there collect in union the multi
tude of theorems, and comprehend all the fciences in one according bond. For
there is neither fedition nor contrariety in the fciences with each other; but fuch
as are fecondary areTubfervient to thofe that are prior, and derive from them their
proper principles. At the fame time it is requifite here to betake ourfelves from
many fciences to one fcience, which is unhypothetical f, and the firft, and to extend to
this all the reft. But after fcience and the exercife pertaining to it, we muft lay afide
compofitions, divifions, and multiform tranfitions, and transfer the foul to an intel
lectual life, and fimple projections J. For fcience is not the fummit of know
ledge, but prior to this is intellect; I do not only mean that intellect which is ex
empt from foul, but an illumination § from thence, which is infufed into the foul,
and concerning which Ariftotle fays, " that it is intellect by which we know
terms ||," and Timaeus, " that it is ingenerated in nothing elfe than foul." Amend
ing therefore to this intellect, we muft contemplate together with it an intelligi
ble eflence; with fimple and indivifible projections furveying the fimple, accurate,
and indivifible genera of beings. But, after venerable intellect, it is neceflary to
* In the Phaedo. t
f By this firft o f fciences Proclus means the ctialtSic of Plato, concerning which fee the Parmenidet.
% Intellectual vifion is intuitive j and hence intellect, by an immediate projection of its vifive power, ap
prehends the objects of its knowledge. Hence too the vifive energies of intellect are called by the Platonifts
ntpai tifitoXoLL, i . e . fatclleSual projections.
§ This illumination is the fummit of the dianoetic part.
1| That is, fimple, indemonftrable propofitions^
3 excite
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S .
excite the fupreme hyparxis or fummit of the foul, according to which we are one,
and under which the multitude wc contain is united. For as by our intellect we
pafs into contact with a divine intellect, fo by our unity, and as it were the flower
of our eflence, it is lawful to touch the firft one, the fource of union to all things.
For the fimilar is every where to be comprehended by the fimilar; objects of
fcience by fcience; intelligibles by intellect; and the moft united meafures of
beings, by the one of the foul. And this is the very fummit of our energies. Ac-
cording to this we become divine, flying from all multitude, verging to our own
union, becoming one, and energizing uniformly. And thus proceeding through
the gradations of knowledge, you may fee the rectitude of the Socratic exhor
tation.
But if you are willing alfo to confider the admonition according to the objects
of knowledge, fly from all fenfible things; for they are divulfed from each other,
are divifible, and perfectly mutable, and therefore cannot be apprehended by ge
nuine knowledge. From thefe, therefore, transfer yourfelf to an incorporal eflence:
for every thing fenfible has an adventitious union, and is of itfelf diflipated, and
full of infinity. Hence alfo its good is divifible and adventitious, is diftant from
itfelf and difcordanl, and poflefles its hypoflafis in a foreign feat. Having therefore
afcended thither, and being eftablifhed among incorporeals, you will behold the
order pertaining to foul above bodies, fclf-motive and felf-energetic, and fubfifting
in and from itfelf, but at the fame time multiplied, and anticipating in itfelf a cer
tain reprefentation of an eflence divifible about bodies. There likewife you will fee
an all-various multitude of habitudes of reafons, analogies, bonds, wholes, and
parts, circles characterized by the nature of foul, a variety of powers, and a per
fection neither eternal nor at once wholly ftable, but evolved according to time,
and fubfifting in difcurfive energies : for fuch is the nature of foul. After the
multitude in fouls, extend yourfelf to intellect, and the intellectual kingdoms, that
you may apprehend the union of things, and become a fpectator of the nature of
intellect. There behold an eflence abiding in eternity, a fervid life and fleeplels
intellection, to which nothing of life is wanting, and which does not defire the
chariot of time to the perfection of its nature. When you have furveyed thefe, and
have alfo feen by how great an interval they are fuperior to fouls, inquire whether
there is any multitude there, and if intellect, fince it is one, is likewife all-perfect,
s a
3 and
500 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
tind if multiform as well as uniform : for you will find that it thus fubfifts. Having
therefore learnt this, and beheld intellectual multitude, indivifible and united, betake
yourfelf again to another principle, and prior to intellectual effences furvey the
unities* of intellects, and an union exempt from wholes. Here abiding, relinquifh
all multitude, and you will arrive at the fountain of the good. You fee then that the
prefent reafoning affords us no fmall afliftance, in exhorting us to fly from the
multitude; and how it contributes to all the falvationf of the foul, if we direct our
attention to the multitude which pervades through all things. T h e moft beautiful
principle therefore of our perfection is to feparate ourfelves from external multitude,
and from the multitude in the appetites of the foul, and in the indefinite motions of
opinion.
From hence alfo it is evident that fouls do not collect their knowledge from fenfi-
bles, nor from things partial and divifible difcover the whole and the one; but that
they call forth difcipline inwardly, and correct the imperfection of the phenomena.
For it is not fit to think that things which have in no refpect a real fubfiftence fhould
be the leading caufes of knowledge in the foul; and that things which oppofe each
other, which require the reafonings of the foul, and are ambiguous, fhould precede
fcience, which has a famenefs of fubfiftence; nor that things which are varioufly
mutable fhould be generative of reafons which are eftablifhed in unity; nor that
things indefinite fhould be the caufes of definite intelligence. It is not proper,
therefore, that the truth of things eternal fhould be received from the many, nor
the difcrimination of univerfals from fenfibles, nor a judgment refpecting what is
good from irrational natures; but it is requifite that the foul entering within herfelf
fhould inveftigate in herfelf the true and the good, and the eternal reafons of things.
For the eflence of the foul is full of thefe, but they are concealed in the oblivion pro
duced by generation};. Hence the foul in inveftigating truth looks to externals,
though fhe effentially contains it in herfelf, and, deferting her own eflence, explores
the good in things foreign to its nature. From hence, then, the beginning of the
•knowledge of ourfelves is derived. For, if we look to the multitude of men, we fhall
:
' For an account of thefe unities fee the Parmenides, and the Introduction to it.
•j- Swnjcia.. T h e term fahation is not peculiar to the Chriftian religion, fince long before its eftablifh-
ment the Heathens had ihe'ir faviour gods.
t Generation fignifies, according to Plato and his beft difciples, the whole of a fenfible nature.
never
ON T H E F I R S T ALCIBIADES. 501
never fee the one form of them, in confequence of its being fhadowed over by the
multitude, divifion, difcord, and all-various mutation of its participants; but if we
convert ourfelves to our own elTcace, we (hall there furvey without moleftation the
one reafon and nature of men. Very properly, therefore, does Socrates feparate far
from a furvey of the multitude the foul that is about to know what man truly is,
and previous to a fpcculation of this kind purifies from impeding opinions. For
multitude is an impediment to a converfion of the foul into herfelf, and to a know
ledge of the one form of things. For, in material concerns, variety obfeures unity,
difference famenefs, and difTimilitude fimilitude; fince forms here do not fubfift
without confufion, nor arc the more excellent unminglcd with the bafer natures.
P. 3 8 . To no good teachers have you recourfe for the origin of your knowledge, &c.
Proclus in commenting on this part obferves : " N o one ought to wonder, if, when
we fay that what is natural is more abundant than what is contrary to nature, and
that the latter is contracted into a narrow fpace, but the former has dominion in the
univerfe, yet at the fame time we aflert that the greater part of mankind is deftitute
of fcience, and vicious, and that but a few arc fcientific. For a life in conjun&iori
with body and generation is not natural to fouls; but on the contrary a feparate,
immaterial, and incorporeal life is properly adapted to them. When therefore they
arc converfant with generation, they refemble thofe that inhabit a peftilcnt region;
but when they live beyond generation^ they refemble, as Plato fays, thofe that dwell
in meadows. Hence, as it is not wonderful that in pcftilential places the difeafed
fhould be more numerous than the healthy ; in like manner wc ought not to wonder
that in generation fouls obnoxious to palTions and full of depravity abound more than
thofe of a contrary description. But, it will be wonderful if fome fouls inverted with
thefe bodies, confined in thefe bonds, and furrounded with fuch mutation, fhould be
found fober, pure, and free from perturbation. For, is it not aftonifhing that the
foul fhould live immaterially in things material, and preferve itfelf undented amid ft
mortal natures? and that, having drunk from the envenomed cup, it fhould not be
laid aflccp by the oblivious draught ? For oblivion, error, and ignorance refemble
an envenomed potion, which draws down fouls into the region of difTimilitude..
Why therefore fhould you wonder that many according to life are wolves, many are
fwinej.
502 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
Twine, and many are invefted with fome other form of irrational animals ? For the
region about the earth is in reality the abode of Circe; and many fouls through
immoderate defire are enfnared by her enchanted bowl."
P. 39. And muft not all thofe who have the knowledge of any thing agree together on
thatfubjeel, &c.
* V i z . the Chriftians.
f Hence the unfeientife do not truly accord with each other: for the rational part in them fecrctly
diflents to what the irrational part admits.
This
ON T H E F I R S T ALCIBIADES. 503
This doubt may be diffolved by faying that diffenfion is two-fold , one kind being the
diflbnance of the ignorant, both with themfelves and with each other, and the other
of the ignorant with the fcientific; for both thefe belong to the ignorant, but by no
means to the fcientific, fince they accord with themfelves*. Nor do the fcientific
difagree with the unfeientific; for, on the contrary, they perfect and adorn them, and
call them upwards to their own order; but it is the unfeientific who feparate them
felves from the fcientific. For through the diflbnance in themfelves they diflent
from thofe that are better than themfelves. Thofe that are endued with knowledge,
therefore, and thofe that arc deprived of it, do not difagree with each other; nor, in
fhort, muft it be faid that the fcientific differ. Hence the doubt is very far from affect
ing true philofophers : for thefe through fimilitude and famenefs are united to each,
other; and being allotted a knowledge entirely exempt from the unfeientific, neither
are they difcordant with them.
" But the caufe of the concord of the fcientific is, firft, the definite nature of things,
and the criteria of knowledge, being the fame with all men; and fecondly, becaufe,
in the firft principles of things, intellect is united to itfelf, and hence every thing
which participates of intellect participates of unity. Science therefore is an illumi
nation of intellect, but concord of the one: for it is a union of things different. And
hence it is neceffary that thofe which participate of the fame fcience fhould accord
with each other; for diffenfion and difcord fall off from the one."
P. 42, Are you fenfible that what you faid lafl was not fairly faid, Alcibiades? Cjf^
own energy and knowledge, he becomes one with the thing known. This mode of
converfion, therefore, leads the foul to the contemplation of its eflence. Hence it
is neceflary, that the foul fhould firft receive a knowledge of herfelf; in the fecond
place, that fhe fhould confider the powers which fhe is allotted; and, in the third
place, how fhe is impelled to afcend from things more imperfect as far as to firft
caufes. Alcibiades, therefore, is now converted through energy to energy, and,,
through this, to that which energizes. For, at the fame time, the fubject becomes
apparent, which is generative of its proper energies. But, again, through energy
he is converted to power, and through this again to eflence : for powers are nearer
to eflence, and finally connect energy with effence. Hence, all thefe become one
and concur with each other, effence being in energy, and energy becoming eflen-
tial; for effence becomes intellectual in energy, and energy becomes connate to
effence according to its perfection.
Again : fince ignorance is involuntary to all men, and efpecially an ignorance of
themfelves and of things the moft honourable; hence, to antient and wife men, the
method through arguments, which places falfe opinions parallel to fuch as are true *,
appeared to be moft ufeful for the purpofe of liberating the foul from this ignorance ;.
fince it unfolds the difcord of falfe, and the concord of true opinions with each other.
For, when the paffions are fhown to be in oppofition with opinions, and, again, the
paffions with each other, and after the fame manner opinions, then the depravity of
ignorance becomes moft confpicuous ; and he who is ignorant perceives his own
calamity, and rejoices to be liberated from lb great an evil. When therefore any
one is not only convinced by arguments that he is ignorant in things of the greateft
confequence, but is alfo confuted by himfelf, then he in a ftill greater degree rejoices
in and embraces the confutation, and multiplies the remedy produced by it. If,
therefore, Socrates in his dialectic converfations evinces that it is the fame perfon
who anfwers and is interrogated, and that the anfwers do not proceed from the inter
rogator who appears to confute ; it is perfectly evident that he who is thus confuted
is confuted by himfelf, and does not fuffer this externally ; fo that this mode of
cure is moft appropriate. For by how much the more familiar it appears, by fo
* This method forms an important part of the dialectic of Plato j for a full account of which, fee the
Introduction to the Parmenides.
much,
ON T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 505
much the more is the weight and pain of it diminifhed, and its gentlenefs and bene
fit extended ; fince every thing familiar or domeftic is more efficacious as a remedy.
In the third place, we again fay that irrational animals arc governed by external
impulfe, being deprived of the power of governing and preferving themfelves ; but
the human foul through its felf-motive and felf-energetic peculiarity is naturally
adapted to energize about itfelf, to move itfelf, and to impart to itfelf good. The
confutation therefore which originates from ourfelves is adapted to the eflence of the
foul; and the reafoning which evinces that he who anfwers is the fame with the
fpeaker, evidently accords with our effence and energies. For our purification is
not effected externally, but originates inwardly from the foul herfelf. For all evil
is external and adventitious to the foul; but good is internal, as the foul is naturally
boniform; and by how much the more perfect fhe becomes, by fo much the more
does fhe receive a felf-moved life, fince fhe becomes externally moved through body
being fufpended from her nature, and through a corporeal fympathy. Hence,
whatever fhe receives externally remains fituated out of her, as a phantafm, and an
object of fenfe ; but thofe things alone rcfide in her which operate from herfelf in
herfelf, and which are produced by her. She is therefore purified by herfelf; fince
reafon alfo beginning from itfelf ends in itfelf. But, if he who anfwers is confuted,
he who is confuted is purified; and he who is purified purifies himfelf according to
the idiom of the cfTcrtce of the foul ; he who anfwers, certainly purifies himfelf, and
is liberated from ignorance, applying confutation to himfelf, which accords with the
felf-motive nature of the foul.
Further ftill : this reafoning fufficiently confirms the doctrine, that difciplines are
rcminifccnccsj for this is a great argument in favour of fuch a dogma, that thofe
who anfwer, affert all things from themfelves; and fufficiently proves that fouls
draw forth reafons from themfelves, only require an exciting caufe, and are not
unwritten tablets receiving figures externally, but are ever written, the writer fub
fifting in the rcccflcs of the foul. All men, however, cannot read what is written,
their inward eye being buried in the oblivion ofgeneration, through which alfo they
become defiled with the paffions. An ablation therefore of that which darkens is
alone requifitej but there is no occafion for external and adventitious knowledge.
For, the foul contains in herfelf the gates of truth, but they are barred by terrene
T
VOL. i. 3 and
506 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
and material forms. If therefore any one fhall accurately demonftrate that fouls are
indeed moved by other things, but that they draw forth from themfelves fcientific
anfwers, he will from this evince the truth of the Platonic affertion, that the foul
knows all things, and only requires to be externally excited in order to anfwer
fcientifically.
After another manner, likewife, the propofed theorem is adapted to Socrates. For,
to purify one who requires fuch affifiance, himfelf through himfelf, is the work of
a daemoniacal power; fince daemons do not aft upon us externally, but govern us
inwardly, as from the ftern of a fhip. Nor do they purify us as bodies, which are
allotted an alter-motive nature, but they take care of us as felf-motive beings. For
thus they extend to us communications of good, and purifications from the paffions.
Socrates therefore, who with refpecl to Alcibiades ranks in the order of a good
daemon, fhows him that he is confuted by no other than himfelf.
It is rightly faid by the Stoics, that the man who is void of erudition accufes
others, and not himfelf, as the caufes of his infelicity; but that he who has made
fome advances in knowledge refers to himfelf the caufe of all that he does or fays
badly ; and that he who is properly difciplined, neither accufes himfelf nor others;
fince he does not ncglecl any thing that is requifite, but is himfelf the leader of
appropriate invention. For thefe things are now clearly indicated to us in Alci
biades; fince, labouring under two-fold ignorance, he does not accufe himfelf, but
Socrates: but afterwards, when he is transferred to fimple ignorance, he accufes him
felf of difTenfion, and not his leader; and if he ever became fcientific, he would
neither accufe himfelf nor another; for then nothing in him would be diflbnant
and unharmonized, but all the motions of his foul would be clear, all would be
effable, all intellectual. For difcord in the multitude with themfelves very properly
happens, becaufe they receive fome things from fenfe, others from the phantafy,
and others from opinion; fome things from anger, and others from defire. For
fuch like pafTions in men are not only excited from dogmas, as the Stoics fay; but,
on the contrary, on account of fuch paffions andappetites, they change their opi
nions, and receive fuch as arc depraved in the place of fuch as arc worthy. Thefe
therefore,
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 507
therefore, from many principles and powers of a worfe condition, receiving in them
felves multiform motions, poffefs a foul dhTentient and unharmonized. But the
fcientific from one principle prior to themfelves receive the whole of knowledge:
for intellect imparts to them principles; and true dogmas are the progeny of intel
lect, fubfifting in conjunction with fimplicity. From fuch a uniform principle,
therefore, all things accord with each other.
Indeed, what is now faid by Socrates very feafonably follows what has been
demonftrated, and is referred to Alcibiades himfelf, reprcfenting him as accufing
himfelf. For, in order to produce the moft finking confutations, the antients
afcribed to other perfons the moft fevere aflertions; and this method they adopted in
common. Thus Homer refers the reproving of Achilles to Pelcus *, and Demo-
fthenes the reprehending of the Athenians to the Greeks in common : and in like
manner Plato refers to laws and philofophy the reproving of his hearers. For con
futations are diminifhed when they are transferred to others who are abfent from us.
But when he who confutes is not another, but a man confutes himfelf, then the
confutation appears, to the confuted, to be much lefs painful. This therefore
Socrates effects. For he reprefents Alcibiades confuted by Alcibiades ; mitigating
by this method the vehemence of the reproof, and unfolding the alliance of the re
prover to the reproved.
Proclus concludes his comment on this pafiage, as follows: " That ignorance is
a mania of an extended duration, and efpecially two-fold ignorance, is a paradox,
but is at the fame time moft true. For, as he who is infane is ignorant both of
* Proclus here alludes to the following lines in the fpeech of UlyfTes to Achilles, Iliad, lib. ix. I. 253.
~il iteitw, ij [iev <roi ye itarr^p ETtstsWeTi Uekev$ When Peleus in his aged arms embrae'd
H I s a r t i n f o n t h t f e a c c c n t 8 w e r e h I a f t :
H[um rw, Ire <r ex. *hr, s hyaptpm Tteyxv P S > »
„, .A " My child ! with ftrength, with glory and fuccefs,
Texvav eaov, xxproc [Lev k^vair} fe xai Hcij
Thy arms may Juno and Minerva blefs!
Aoxrou/, at x efeXwav try Se iLsyaXxYoca SVILOV , , , , I L
r r r
' ' Trult that to heaven : but thou thy cares engage
U eiv
X ev crrrjero-r ^iXofpon^ yap a u e i w T o c a l m t h y p a f f i o n 8 > a n d f u b d u c t h y r a g c .
Arf/etLsvat F eptoog xan^^avw, of pa are [xaXXov From gentler manners let thy glory grow,
Turuir Apyetuv r^ev veot rfy yepovreg. And fhun contention, the fure fource of woe:
T h a t young and old may in thy prai'fe combine,
Which are thus elegantly paraphrafed by P o p e : T h e v i r t u c g . o f h u m a n i t y b c t h i n c
3 Tz himfelf
508 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
himfelf and others, this alfo is the cafe with him who labours under two-fold igno
rance. And, as to the infane. a phyfician is of no ufe though prefent, fo neither is
the man of fcience, when prefent, beneficial to the doubly ignorant. For thefe
think that they are no lefs knowing than the truly fcientific ; and as the Athenian
gueft fays, they inflame their foul with infolence, in confequence of thinking that
they do not want the afliftance of any one, and that they may act in every refpect in
the fame manner as the fcientific."
P. 4 4 . For I fuppofe that juftice and intereft are not the fame thing, &c.
The dogma, that the juft is the fame with the profitable, contains the whole of
moral philofophy. For thofe who fuppofe thefe to be different, muft neceffarily
admit, that felicity receives its completion from externals ; fince, in thefe, the pro-
fitable appears very often to be feparated from the juft. But thofe who confider both
to be the fame, and acknowledge that the true good of man is in the foul, muft
neceffarily refer each of us to foul. Hence Socrates thinks, that this is the begin
ning of the whole of the philofophy concerning the end of man, and of the know
ledge of ourfelves. But the Epicureans and Stoics, who place the end of man in a
life according to nature, and thofe who give completion to our good from things
neceflary, as the Peripatetics, cannot genuinely preferve the famenefs of the juft
and the profitable. And, in like manner, this cannot be effected by thofe who
make man to bean animated body, or a compofite from body and foul. For fome
fly from wounds and death unjuftly, that the animal may be faved; fince the good
of every animal confifts in a fubfiftence according to nature; fo that, in this cafe,
the profitable differs from the juft. But thofe who place the end of man in foul
unindigent of corporeal pofieflions, and who affert that man is a foul ufing the body
as an inftrument, thefe admit that the juft is the fame with the profitable : for they
place both in the foul, and feparate the paffions of the inftruments from thofe by
whom they are employed.
Proclus in commenting on this part obferves, that fouls cxprefs the forms of
thofe things to which they conjoin themfelves. " Hence (fays he), when they are
aflimilated
ON T H E F I R S T A L C I B I A D E S . 509
P. 45. IVhy, my good friend, fuppofe me to be the affembly and the people, &c.
Proclus here obferves, that it is the province of the fame fcience to perfuade one
perfon and many; which affertion is, as it were, a certain hymn and encomium of
fcience. For the great excellence of fcience is evident in this, that according to an
imitation of intellect the fame fcience fills an individual, and, at the fame time, all
that receive it; that it is indivifible, and, being eftablifhed in itfelf, perfects all its par
ticipants; and that, like intellect, it communicates itfelf to all, and is feparate from
each. Thefe things evince that our eflence is feparate from body, and abides in
itfelf, fince fcience, which is our perfection, is allotted fuch a power. For corporeal
powers diminifh themfelves in their communications; but fcience, remaining one
and the fame, fufficient to itfelf and undiminifhed, imparts itfelf, in a fimilar manner,
to one and to many. Thus, too, the foul is prefent to the whole body and all its
parts, though one part participates it in a different manner from another.
This is faid, becaufe Alcibiades had faid, juft before «' No harm, I think, will
come to me that way, " according to opinion, and not according to fcience. For the
oi IMXVTIKOI, or the prophetic, are doxaftic j", and not fcientific ; but thofe that are not
* In the original rsxpyjpiov Kafapov xoti {ty^payrov. T h e reader is requefted to adopt the tranflation of
thefe words given above, inftead of the tranflation of Sydenham, «' a frefh proof never ufed before," as.
being more accurate.
only pmaun but (xamic, prop/jets, are fcientific, and poffefs fomething better than
human fcience. It alfo indicates, that the impulfes of more naturally excellent fouls
are excited in a certain refpecl by more excellent natures. Hence they accomplifli
much good contrary to expectation, though energizing without fcience.
P. 4 7 . Tell me then, do you fay, that fome jufl acllons are advantageous, &c.
' T h e propofed inquiry concerning things juft and profitable, whether they are the
fame, or are divided from each other according to the diverfity of fubjects, contri
butes to the whole of philofophy, and adheres to the whole truth of things. For all
ethical difcuflion and the invention of the end of man depend on this dogma, and
the fpeculation of our effence becomes through this efpecially apparent. For, if the
juft is, in reality, the fame with the profitable, and thefe are not feparated from each
other, our good will coniift in virtue alone; and neither will the particulars which
are beheld about the body contribute any thing as goods to the felicity of human
life; nor, by a much greater reafon, will things external to the body procure the
full perfection of good ; but one only good is eftablifhed in fouls themfelves, unmin-
gled, pure, immaterial, and is neither filled with corporeal nor with external goods
or evils. But if there is fomething juft, as according to Alcibiades there is, but
unprofitable, and again fomething profitable but unjuft, then apparent goods, fuch
as health and riches, muft neceffarily give completion to a happy life. For mankind
perform many things for the fake of thefe, and, furveying the good which they
contain, abandon the love of juftice. And to thefe, indeed, thofe who for the
fake of what is juft defpife the flourifhing condition of the body, and the acquifition
of wealth, appear to act juftly, and in a manner laudable, to the multitude, but by
no means profitably, becaufe they do not perceive that the profitable is ftably feated
in the foul herfelf, but confider it as fituated in things fcattercd, and which have
an external fubfiftence, and are neceffary rather than good. But thefe men give
phantafy and fenfe the precedency to intellect and fcience.
Again: if the juft is the fame with the profitable, according to the affertion of
Socrates, then the effence of man will be defined according to the foul herfelf; but
the body will neither be a part of us, nor will give completion to our nature. For,
if the body gives completion to the man, the good of the body will be human good,
and
ON T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S . 511
and the beautiful will be ufelefs not only to the body, but to the man; but the
prerogatives of the parts, and fuch things as are contrary, will pervade to the nature
of the whole, fince the whole will be allotted its being in the parts. T h e paflions
of the inftruments, however, do not change the habits of thofe that ufe them, though
they are often impediments to their energies. So that, if the juft is the fame with
the profitable, where the juft is, there alfo will the profitable be. But the juft fub
fifts in the foul, fo that the profitable alfo will be in the foul. But where our good
particularly refides, there alfo we poffefs our being. For our eflence is not in one
thing, nnd our perfection according to another, but where the form of man is, there
alfo is the perfection of man. In foul therefore is the man. For every being
poflefles the good conjoined with its eflence; fince the firft being* is for the fake
of the good, and fubfifts about the good. Where being therefore is to all things,
there alfo well being refides. But it is impofliblc for man to be body, and to
poflefs his perfection in fomething elfe external to body. It is likewife impof
fible that man fhould be both body and foul, and that human good fhould at the fame
time be defined according to foul alone
Further ftill,: the defire of good preferves thofe by whom it is defired : for, as
Socrates fays in the Republic, good preferves, and evil corrupts every thing. If
therefore, poflefling good in the foul, we alfo in foul poflefs our being, the defire
of good will be natural to us ; but if our good is in foul, but our being confifts
from body and foul conjoined, it muft neceflariJy happen that we fhall defire the
corruption of ourfelves, if good is immaterial and external to the body. However,
as nothing, fo neither does he who doubts the truth of this pofition defire his own
deftruction. That the propofed inquiry therefore contributes to moral philofophy,
and to the invention of the nature of man, is, I think, perfectly apparent.
That it alfo affords wonderful auxiliaries to theology we fhall learn, if we call to
mind that the jujl contains the whole eflence of fouls; for, thefe having their fub
fiftence according to all analogiesf conformably to juftice, it is evident that thefe
diftinguifh its eflence and powers. But, again, the beautiful characterizes an in-
* Beings confidered according to its higheft fubfiftence, is the immediate progeny of the good, or the
ineffable principle of things. This is evident from the fecond liypothcfis in the Parmenides.
f This will be evident from the Timaeus.
tellectua!
512 ADDITIONAL NOTES
telleclual efTencc. Hence, as Ariftotle* fays, inte'lect is lovely and defirable ; for all
things that participate of intellect arc beautiful; and matter, which of itfelf is void of
beauty, becaufe it is formlefs, at the fame time that it is inverted with figures and
forms, receives alfo the reprefentations of the power of beauty. Laftly, the good
characterizes the whole of a divine eflence. For every thing divine according to a
divine hyparxis is good ; fince the Gods arc the caufes of being; and if they caufe
all things to fubfift about themfelves, they are eftentially good, and illuminate all
things with good. The good therefore is bound in fouls according to thejufl, through
the beautiful; and every order of fouls is united to the Gods through intellectual
effences as media ; fo that an incorporeal nature is one and uniform, and the whole
of it verges to the good; but divifion is in the images of this nature, which are not
able to exprefs primary caufes according to their indivifible eflence. From thefe
things therefore it is evident that the prefent demonftration contributes in no fmall
degree to theology, and, as I may fay, to the whole of philofophy.
But the whole fyliogifm which collects that the jufl: is profitable is as follows:
Every thing juft is beautiful: Every thing beautiful is good: Every thing juft,
therefore, is good. But the good is the fame with the profitable : Every thing juft,
therefore, is profitable. This fyliogifm is primarily in the firft figure, comprehend
ing the minor in the major terms, and evincing the major terms reciprocating with
the minor. For, again, beginning from the good, we fhall be able to form the fame
conclufion. Every thing good is beautiful: Every thing beautiful is juft : Every
thing good, therefore, is juft. But the profitable is the fame with the good: The
juft, therefore, is the fame with the profitable.
In the firft principles of things, indeed, the good is exempt from the beautiful, and
the beautiful is placed above juflice. For the firft of thefe is prior to intelligibles,
eftablifhed in inacceflible retreats: the fecond fubfifts occultly in the firft of in
telligibles-)-, and more clearly in the extremity of that order J : and the third of thefe
fubfifts uniformly in the firft order of intelleeluals§, and fecondarily at the extremity
of the intellectual progreffion of Gods. And, again, the'good fubfifts in the Gods,
* In the twelfth book of his Metaphyfics, to my tranflation of which I refer the Engl.'th reader,
t x. e. In bang, the fummit of the intelligible order. \ i. e. In intelligible intellect.
§ viz. In the fummit of the intelligible and at the fame time intellectual order. See the Introduction to
the Parmenides. the
3
ON T H E FIRST A L C I B I A D E S .
the beautiful in intellects, and the juft in fouls. Whence the juft is indeed beautiful,
but not every thing beauh'fid is juft. And every thing beautiful is good, but the foun
tain of all good is expanded above all beauty. And the juft indeed is goof being
conjoined with the'good through beauty as the medium ; but the good is beyond
both. Thus alfo you will find, by looking to the laft of things, that the material
caufe, although it is good, is bafe, and void of beauty : for it participates indeed of
the one, but is deftitute of form. And a fenfible nature poiTefTes indeed a repre
( t
sentation of beauty, but not of juftice. For, as Socrates fays in the Phaedrus, there
is no fplendour of juftice and temperance in thefe fenfible fimilitudes; but beauty
has alone this privilege, that it is the moft apparent, and the moft lovely of all
things." Hence where the juft is, there alfo is the beautiful; and where the beauti
ful, there alfo is the good, whether you are willing to look to the firft principles, or
to the illuminations of them as far as to the laft of things. For all things partici
pate of the good; for it is the principle of all : but the beautiful is alone received by
the participants of form ; and the jufl by thofe natures alone that participate of foul.
But in the middle centre of all things, fuch as the foul is, all thefc arc connected
with each other, the good, the beautifd, the jufl. And the gooa of it is beautiful, and
the jufl is at the fame time beautiful and good.
Nor is the afTertion true in this triad only, but alfo in many other particulars.
Thus, for inftance, in the principles of things being is beyond life, and life is beyond
intelleCl *. And again,in the effects of thefe, not every thing which participates of being
participates alfo of life, nor every thing which participates of life participates alfo of in
tellect ; but, on the contrary, all intellectual natures live, and are, and vital natures par
take of being. All thefe however are united with each other in the foul. Hence, being in
it is life and intellect; life is inteUetJ and ejftuce; and intellect is effence and life. For
* Being, life, and 'urfclhfl, confidered according to their highi-ft fubfiftence, form the intelligible ttfad, or
the firft all-perfect proceffion from the ineffable caufe of all, as is beautifully ihowii by Proclus in his thi:d
book On the Theology of Plato. But that being is beyond life, and life beyond '.vlfiled> is evident f t o m
this consideration, that the progreffions o f fuperior are more extended than thofe of inferior caufes.
Hence, though whatever lives has a being, and whatever pofieffes intellect lives, yet fome things have being
without life or inielleD, and others have being and life without intelhd. And hence, as the progreffions o f
being are more extended than thofe of life, and o f life than thofe of iniclccl, we conclude that being is
fuperior to life, and 1'fc to intellecl.
V O L . i. j v there
514 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
there is one (implicity in it, and one fubfiftence; nor are life and intelligence there
adventitious ; but its intellect is vital and effential, its life is efjenlially intellectual,
and its effence is vital and intellectual. Ali tilings therefore are every where in it,
and it is one from all things. According to the fame reafoning, therefore, its
good is replete with beauty and juftice; its beauty is perfect and good, and entirely
juft; and tie juft in it is mingled with beauty and good. The fubjecl: indeed is
one, but the reafons* are different. And again, neither muft we confider the
identity of thofe three according to reafons, nor their difference according to the
fubjecl ; but wc muft prcferve the reafons of them different from each other, and
the fubjecl one, becaufe every where thefe three arc confubfiftent with each other,
according to the energies of the foul. For, as the reafons of the virtues are different,
but it is one thing which partakes of them all, and it is not poffible to participate of
juftice and be deftitqte of temperance, or to participate of thefe without the other
virtues ; in like manner this triad is united with itfelf, and every thing good is at the
fame time full of tie beautiful, and tie juft, and each of the latter is introduced in con
junction with the former. Hence Socrates conjoins tie juft with tie good, through tie
beautiful: for this is their medium and bond. But the moft beautiful bond, fays Ti
maeus, is that which makes itfelf and the things bound eminently one. The beauti
ful, therefore, much more than any other bond collects and unites thofe two, tie
juft and tie good. And thus much concerning the whole demonftration.
If, however, other demonftrations are requifite of this propofition, which fays,
Every thing juft is beautiful, let us make it more evident through many argu
ments. Since therefore the foul is a multitude, and one part of it is firft, another
middle, and another laft, when do we fay that juftice is produced in the foul ? Is
it when the middle, or the laft part, endeavours to rule over the better part, or
when the firft governs the middle, and the middle the laft ? But, if when the
worfe rule over the more excellent, the worfe will not be naturally fuch : for that
to which dominion belongs is naturally more excellent, and more honourable. If,
therefore, it is impoffible that the fame thing can be naturally better and worfe, it
is neceflary that the juft fhould then be beheld in fouls themfelves, when that
which is beft in them governs the whole life, and the middle being in fubjecl ion to
the better part, has dominion over the laft part. For then each of the parts ranks
according to its defert, the one governing with royal authority/ another acting as
a fatcllite, and another minifiering to the powers of the more excellent. T h e juft
therefore is naturally diftributive of that which is adapted to each of the parts of
the foul. It is alfo the caufe to each of performing its proper duty, and of pof-
fcffing its proper rank, and thus preferves good order about the whole foul. But
order and fymmetry arc naturally beautiful. Juftice, therefore, is the fource of
beauty to the foul, and is itfelf beautiful.
The juft however is two-fold ; one confiding in contracts, and which regards
arithmetical equality, and the other in distributions, and which entirely requires
geometric equality. In contracts, therefore, it obferves arithmetical equality, that
we may not act unjuftly by our aflbciatc, receiving from him more than is proper;
but by fitly distributing unequal things to fuch as are unequal, it obferves geome
tric equality, fo that fuch as is the difference of perfons with refpect to each other,
fuch alfo may be the difference as to worth of the things diftributed, to each
other. Every thing juft, therefore, is, as we have faid, equal; but every thing
equal is beautiful. For the unequal is bafe, and void of fymmetry, fince it is alfo
incongruous. Every thing juft, therefore, is beautiful.
In the third place, beauty no otherwife fubfifts in bodies, than when form rules
over matter ; for matter is void of beauty and bafe ; and when form is vanquifhed
by matter, it is filled with bafenefs, and a privation of form in confequence o f
becoming fimilar to the fubject nature. If, therefore, in the foul our intellectual
part ranks in the order of form, but our irrational part, of matter (for intellect
and reafon belong to the coordination o f bound *, but the irrational nature to that
of infinity, fince it is naturally without meafure and indefinite)—this being the
cafe, it nccefiarily follows that beauty muft be perceived in the foul when reafon
has dominion, and the irrational forms of life arc vanquifhed by reafon and pru
dence. The juft, indeed, gives empire to reafon, and fcrvitudc to the irrational
nature. For it diftributcs to each what is fit; dominion to the ruling power, and
fervile obedience to the miniftrant part; fince the artificer of the univerfe fubjected
* Bound and infinite, as will be evident from the Philcbus, arc the two higheft principles, after the
ineffable principle of all.
3 u 2 to
516 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
to us the irrational nature, and prepared it as a vehicle to our reafon. 'The juft
chirms thofe that arc able to behold it. Hence alfo love is faid to lead the lover to
beauty. But every thing lovely is deferable ; for love is a robuft and vehement defire
of fomething. And whatever loves defires fomething of which it is indigent. But
every thing defirable is good, whether it is truly or only apparently good. For
many things which are not good are defirable, becaufe they appear as good to
thofe that defire them. It is clearly therefore fhown by Socrates, in the Meno,
that he who knows evil, fuch as it is in its own nature, cannot defire it. Every
thing defirable therefore is good ; and if it be principally defirable, it will alfo be
principally good. But if it be only apparently defirable, fuch alfo will be its good.
In fhort, in each of the terms this is to be added, viz. the apparent, or the true.
For, if a thing is apparently beautiful, it is alfo apparently lovely and defirable, and
its good is conjoined with beauty of fuch a kind. But if it is naturally beautiful, it
is alfo naturally lovely and defirable. What then in this cafe will the defirable be ?
Shall we fay, evil ? But it is impoffible when known that it fhould be defirable by
any being ; for all beings defire good. But there is no defire of evil, nor yet of
that which is neither good nor evil ; for every thing of this kind is performed for
the fake of fomething elfe, and is not the end of any thing. But every thing de
firable is an end ; and, if any thing evil is defirable, it muft be fo becadfe it
appears to be good. In like manner,, if any thing not beautiful is beloved, it is
loved becaufe it appears to be beautiful. If, therefore, every thing beautiful is
lovely, but every thing lovely is defirable, and every thing defirable is good, hence
every thing beautiful is good. And, reciprocally, every thing good is defirable.—
This then is immediately evident. Every thing defirable is lovely : for love and
defire are directed to the fame object; but they differ from each other according to
the rcmiffion or vehemence of the defire ; fince Socrates, alfo, in the Banquet, leads
love to the good through the beautiful, and fays that the good is lovely, as well as
the beautiful If therefore every good is defirable, every thing defirable is lovely,
and every thing lovely is beautiful (for love is proximate to beauty), hence every
thing good is beautiful. Let no one therefore fay that the good rs above beauty
nor that the lovely is two-fold; for we do not now difcourfe concerning the firft
principles of thing?, but concerning the beautiful and the good which are in us. The
good, therefore, which is in us, is at the fame time both defirable and lovely.—
Hence
5 1 8
A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
Hence we obtain the good through love, and a vehement purfuit of it. And if
any one directs his attention to himfelf, he will perfectly perceive that this good
excites in us a more efficacious love than fenfible beauty. r
J he good therefore is
beautiful. Hence Diotima, in the Banquet, advifes lovers to betake themfelves,
after fenfible beauty, to the beauty in actions and fiudics, in the fciences and vir
tues, and, having exercifed the amatory eye of the foul in thefe, to afcend from
thence to intellect, and the primary and divine beauty which is there. Hence too
we fay that in thefe the good of the foul confifts. For what is there in us more
beautiful than virtue or fcience ? Or what more bafe than the contraries to thefe ?
T h e multitude falfely think that wounds and death are evils. For what among
thefe can be an evil to us whofe effence confifts in foul ? fince neither do the
paffions of inftruments change the virtues of thofe that ufe them. Neither, there
fore, docs the carpenter, if his faw happens to be blunted, lofe his art; nor, if our
felicity confided in the carpenter's art, fhould we call any one unhappy who was
deprived of his law ; fince, as the ioul has an inftrument, fo alfo wc may perceive
other inftruments of the body, through which the body moves things external to it,
the defects of which do not injure the good habit of the body. After the fame man
ner, therefore, the paffions of the body do not pervade to the foul; fo that death,
though it is an evil of the body, yet is not an evil of the foul. Hence, if the beauty
of action is in the foul, and the evil of it in fomething elfe, it has not yet been
ibown that the fame thing is beautiful and evil.
Again, we may alfo logically prove that the effential is one thing, and the acciden
tal another; and Socrates choofes this mode of folution as more known to the young
man. For a brave action is effcntially beautiful, but evil, if it is fo, accidentally,
becaufe it happens to him who acts bravely to die. For let death, if you will, be
among the number of evils; yet a brave action, fo far as it is brave and therefore
beautiful, is not evil, but it is evil only accidentally. The beautiful, therefore, is
one thing, and evil another; nor is a thing lb far as beautiful fliown to be evil, but
only accidentally on account of death. W e may alfo lay that he is ignorant of the
effence of man who feparates the good from the beautiful, and places the former in
00£
ON T H E F I R S T ALCIBIADES. 510
one thing, and the latter in another, referring the good to body, and the beautiful to
the energy of the foul. Socrates, however, does not adopt this folution, becaufe he
lias not yet demonftrated that our eflence is feparate from body. T o a man therefore
fuch as Alcibiades, who thought that the body gives completion to our effence, it
was not yet poffible to fay that death, whether it is a n evil or not, ought to be defined
as one of the things accidental to man, and that he ought not to confound the good
of the body with the good of man, nor refer the evil of the inftrument to him by
whom it is ufed.
And thus much from the invaluable commentary of Proclus on this dialogue.
The intelligent reader will doubtlefs regret with me that this Manufcript Commen
tary is nothing more than a fragment, as it fcarcely extends to more than a third
part of the Dialogue. From the indefatigable genius of Proclus, there can be no
doubt but that he left it entire; but, like mofl of his other writings which are ex
tant, it has been dreadfully mutilated either by the barbarous fraud of monks, or
the ravages of time. The reader will not, I truft, hefitate to pronounce that the
former of thefe may have been the caufe of this mutilation, when he is informed
that an impoftor, who calls himfelf Dionyfius the Areopagite, and who for many
centuries was believed to have been contemporary with St. Paul, has in his Treatife
on the Divine Names ftolen entire chapters from one of the works of Proclus, one
copy of which only is fortunately preferved in manufcript. This aftertion l a m able
to prove.
ADDITIONAL
ADDITIONAL NOTES
OM
THE REPUBLIC.
B O O K I.
P . 104. Are they to have torches, and give them to one another?
As in the greater Panathensea the veil of Minerva was carried about in which
the Giants were reprefented vanquifhed by the Olympian Gods, fo in the lcfter
Panathensea another veil was exhibited, in which the Athenians, who were the
pupils of Minerva, were reprefented victorious in the battle againft the inhabitants of
the Atlantic ifland *. Thefe feftivals fignified the beautiful order which proceeds
into the world from intellect, and the unconfufed diftinction of mundane contrarie
ties. T h e veil of Minerva is an emblem of that one life or nature of the univerfe,
which the Goddefs weaves by thofe intellectual vital powers which fhe contains.
T h e battle of the Giants againft the Olympian Gods fignifies the oppofition between
the laft demiurgic powers of the univerfe (or thofe powers which partially fabricate
and proximately prefide over mundane natures) and fuch as are firft, Minerva is
faid to have vanquifhed the Giants, becaufe fhe rules over thefe ultimate artikce.s
of things by her unifying powers. And the battle of the Atlantics ngainft the
Athenians reprefents the distribution of the world according to the two coordinate
oppofitions of things. And as in this battle the Athenians were victorious, fo in
the univerfe the better coordination fubdues the worfe. See Procl. in Tim. p. 2 6 ,
and Schol. Grasc. in Plat. p. 1 4 3 .
Seriphus, one of the iflands of the Cycladcs, and a city in it j whence its inha
bitants were called Seriphians. Schol. Grace in Plat. p. 144.
Thefe verfes of Pindar are only to be found in the fragments afcribed to him.
P. 113. Thrafymachus.
This Thrafymachus was a fophift, and is mentioned by Ariftotle in the lad book
of his Sophifical Arguments. Nothing can more clearly fhow the Herculean ftrength
of the reafoning which Socrates here employs, than that it was able to tame this
favage fophift. The ability of effecting frhis renders Socrates truly great.
B O O K II.
It is well obferved by Proclus (in Plat. Polit. p. 355."), that when Plato fays in
this place, God is eflcntially good, he means every God •, for the addition of the
article cither alone fignifies tranfeendency, as when we fay the poet (0 woirjTris),
afhgning this prerogative to the chief of poets, or the whole multitude, as when
we fay the rational man, adding the article as a fubftitute for every. Since Plato
therefore fays 0 Qsoc txyc&oq, he either means the firft, or every God. But that he
docs not means the firft only, is evident from his concluding after this, that every
God is as much as poflible moft beautiful and excellent. This alfo fhows the igno
rance of modern fcribblcrs, who pretend that Plato fecrctly ridiculed the doctrine of
V O L . i. 3 x polytheifm ;
522 ADDITIONAL NOTES
polytheifm ; which the reader mull always remember fignifics the exiftence of di
vine natures, the progeny of, and confequcntly fubordinate to, one fupreme deity.
B O O K III.
P. 241. And we Jhoidd fend him to fome other city, pouring oil on his head, and
The Greek Scholium on this part is as follows : nva^oi^Acx. SK: TUV WKO v/jg ypnug
MtpiSjjLSVWv' Y.UI yap £7rt TWV eopruv coiKOitriv oi avOpumoi pjo^jd X/XTOC Tr,g Ke<pct\Yjg xoiTOixetoSai,
tog av o-yp\a£cvrsg oc7ro TWV spryOQV, xai JJLOVOV cypKa^ovtsg Svpcrjhci' v*ou %a\iv, Toig cmo SovXstag
^srayo^svoig en sXsvQzpiuv, tpiov KaTaypuc KUTCC Tf\g Ttc'^aX^g, ivho-pov^zvov TO STTIO-YI^V. AAAw£*
pvpov KocTocyjBtv TUV SV wig ocyiuiaioig Upotg uyaXfxaTUV Ssfjitg YJV, epiu re cnEtpstv aura, XMI
TOVTO KOCTU TIVOC IspociiKov vofAov, ug 0 i^yag TlpoKhog $v\viv. i. c. " This is a proverb applied
to thofe who are difmifTcd from bufinefs. For in feftivals men poured oil on their
head, as then refting from their ufual avocations, and being alone at leifurc for
delight. Slaves alio, when manumitted, wore wool rolled round their head, as a fign
of their manumiftion. Or thus : It was lawful to pour oil on the ftatues in the moft
holy temples, and to crown them with wool, and this according to a certain facred
law, as the great Proclus fays."
P. 258. But the God when he formed YOU, mixed gold in the formation of fuch of
Plato here alludes to the different ages of mankind, which arc celebrated by
Hefiod, in his Works and Days, and which fignify the different lives patted through
by the individuals of the human fpecies. Among thefe, the golden age indicates
an intellectual life. For fuch a life is pure, impaffive, and free from forrow; and
of this impaffiviiy and purity gold is an image, from never being fubjecl to
ruft or putrefaction. Such a life, too, is very properly faid to be under Saturn, be
caufe Saturn, as will be fhown in the notes to the Cratylus, is an intellectual God.
By the filver age a rullic and natural life is implied, in which the attention of the
rational foul is entirely directed to the care of the body, but without proceeding to
the extremity of vice. And by the brazen age, a dire, tyrannic, and cruel life, is
implied, which is entirely paflivc, and proceeds to the very extremity of vice.
B O O K
ON THE REPUBLIC. 523
I) (') O K IV.
The following ex tract from the expoiition of the more difficult qucfiions in the
Republic, by Proclus, ([). 407) will, 1 doubt not, from its great excellence be very
acceptable to the reader. It is concerning the demonfiralions in the fourth book of
the Republic, that there are three parts of the human foul, and four virtues in it.
The fcientific accuracy of divifion, folidity of judgment, and profundity of conception
which Proclus has difplaycd in this difcuflion can never be fufficiently admired ; and
it was not without reafon, though doubtlefs without much acquaintance with the
works of this wonderful man, that a certain fcurrilous writer*, who appears to be a
man of no fcience, moderately learned, and an indifferent poet, calls him the ani
mated rival of Plato.
" I here confider virtue not ambiguoully, and in the fame manner as when we
afcribc virtues to things inanimate, but that which is properly fo denominated.
This therefore wc fay is vital, is the perfection of life, and is the caufe of well-being,
and not of being to thofe by whom it is poficficd. But iincc life is two-fold, one
kind being guoftic, and the other orcclic, or appetitive, virtue will be a certain
perfection both of the orcctic and of the gnofiic form of life. Hence it is requifite
that there fhould not be one virtue only, nor yet more than one of the fame fpecies,
the one not being fo divided as fimilar parts are divided from each other, differing
only in quantity ; but it is neceflary that there fhould be many and diffunilar virtues.
For fuch as is the condition of fubjects, fuch alfo muft be their perfections. Hence
the virtues of things differing in fpecies muft alfo be fpecifically different; but of
things pofleffing the fame fpecies, there is one fpecific virtue: for there is one
perfection of one eflence, whether the caufe of being is the fame with that of well-
being to things, fince fuch as is the being which it imparts, fuch alfo is the well-being,
or whether it is different. Hence Socrates in his Republic makes a difhibution into
three genera, viz. into guardians, auxiliaries, and mercenaries, before he indicates
what the different kinds of virtue arc in the beft polity ; and before he diflributes the
\irtucs analogoufly in one foul, he fhows that there are three parts of the foul efienti-*
y
A man unknown, Author of a work called The Purfuits of Literature.
x
3 » ally
534 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
ally different, viz. reafon, anger, and defire, knowing that perfections themfelves arc
changed together with the diverfitics of fubjecls, and on this account that there arc
many virtues diffimilar in fpecies.
*' T o thefe things alfo it is requifite to add, for the purpofe of facilitating the objects
of difcuflion, that there is one perfection and energy of a thing confidered by itfelf,
and another according to its habitude to fomething elfe; fo that the hyparxis of a
thing (or the fummit of its effence) is different from the proximity or alliance which
it has with another. For there is not the fame perfection of man, and of a man who
is a defpot, as neither is man the fame with a defpot; nor is it the fame thing to
behold the foul fimply, and the foul as governing the body. Hence it is not the
fame thing to confider the eflential and the relative perfection of a thing. Neither,
therefore, muft we confider the energy of a thing effentially originating from itfelf,
and folely directed to itfelf in the fame manner as the energy of that which governs
or is governed; for government, and the being governed, arc certain habitudes.
Nothing indeed hinders but that the fame thing may perform a certain action, not
as governing or as governed, but as poftcfting a certain eflence by itfelf, and an
energy which it is allotted confequent to its effence. Thus for inftance, the rational
power in us when it lives cathartically *, performs its proper work theoretically,
being naturally adapted thus to live according to its effence; but in this cafe it does
not perform the office of a governor, as the irrational parts contribute nothing to
that energy which is directed to itfelf. Rightly, therefore, does Socrates fhow that
every governing art imparts good to the governed; fo that when the rational part
extends good to itfelf alone, purifying and inveftigating itfelf, it does not then poffefs
the life of a governor. Thus alfo when anger acts conformably to its nature, being
alone moved as an appetite avenging incidental moleftations, it does not then
preferve the habitude of that which is governed, with refpect to reafon, but alone
acts as anger : for the defire of vengeance is the work of anger, and not to energize
in obedience to reafqn. In like manner the defiderative part of the foul, when it
immoderately afpircs «t0^r pleafure, then lives according to its own nature: for this
is the work of defire, to love plejifure, not fome particular, but every, pleafure, and
this not as governed by reafon, whofe province it is to meafure its appetite. So that
* Fur an account of the virtues fuperior to the political, fee the Phsedo, Theaetetus, and Phaedrus.
each
O N T H E R E P U B L I C . 525
o n e life, it is n e c e f l a r y t o c o n f i d e r t h e m a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r r e l a t i v e e n e r g y , a n d t h u s
to perceive the virtue and the vice o f e a c h . Hence w e muft define political virtue
p o l i t i c a l v i c e , t o b e a habit c o r r u p t i v e o f t h e vital h a b i t u d e o f t h e p a r t s t o e a c h o t h e r .
B e g i n n i n g f r o m h e n c e a l f o , it is r e q u i f i t e t o f e e t h a t , in t h e d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f p o l i t i e s ,
r e l a t i v e ; a n d a g a i n , t h a t in t h e f e v i r t u e a n d v i c e h a v e a f i m i l a r f u b f i f t e n c e . F o r let
t h e g u a r d i a n b e o n e w h o c o n t e m p l a t e s real b e i n g s , a n d a f c e n d s b y i n t e l l e c t u a l e n e r g y
a t t e n t i o n t o t h e g o v e r n o r s , b u t a c t in e v e r y t h i n g a c c o r d i n g t o c a f u a l i m p u l f e , and
b u t h e h a s n o t y e t t h e v i c e or t h e v i r t u e o f o n e g o v e r n e d . B u t if h e b e c o m e s a m e m
h a b i t u d e t o t h i s : a n d w h e n h e is o b e d i e n t t o t h e g o v e r n o r s accord!;.-^ t o t h i s h a b i t u d e ,
d e f i n e , h e w i l l poffefs v i r t u e a d a p t e d t o a g o v e r n e d m e r c e n a r y ; b u t w h e n h e d e v i a t e s
f r o m t h e will o f t h e g o v e r n o r s , a n d d o e s n o t o b f e r v e t h e i r m a n d a t e s , h e i s , fo far a s
two*
520 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
two-fold proper work, one cflential, and t lie oilier relative, as in the parts of the foul.
But, if in both there arc, governors and the governed, virtues and vice*, it is requi
fite to confider how the virtues and vices in the one fubfift with relation to thofe in
the other, and to fhow that the virtues and vices of the foul prcfubfift as the para
digms of thofe in the political genera. For, the parts of the foul energizing inter
nally, render the foul better or worfe; but proceeding externally, and terminating
in actions, they adorn the political genera, or fill them with dilbrdcr. Hence
Socrates very properly makes a transition from the parts in one foul to thofe in whole
polities, as proceeding to things more known. For it is not poffible to know in a
proper manner all the inward habits of fouls, and all their inward abiding energies,
in any other way than by their externally proceeding energies. This then is evi
dent. For, the guardian governing the auxiliaries, energizes externally, imitating
inward reafon governing anger. And, in a fimilar manner, the auxiliary governs the
mercenary tribe, imitating in his external energy, the inward dominion of anger
over defire. All dominions therefore arc habitudes, both thofe belonging to the
foul, and thofe that are political; but the external are imitations of the internal ;
and the former arc fecondary energies of the latter, which arc primary. The true
political fcience, therefore, fubfifts about the habitudes of the foul, this being that
which adorns both the governors and the governed ; or rather it is one habit pof
feffing two-fold energies, the inward governing and being governed, and the exter
nal adorning political affairs.
" T h e f e things being determined, let us now confider how wc fhall introduce all
the four virtues; and let us endeavour to make it apparent to the learner that they
are four. Since, therefore, there are three parts of the foul (for from hence we muft
begin) ; but thefe have not an equal order, one being allied to intellect, another
being naturally adapted to body, and another being arranged in the middle of both ;
hence, that alone governs which is naturally allied to intellect, viz. reafon, and,
which itfelf fpontaneoufly knows, intellect; and that is alone governed, which,
according to its proper order, is allied to body. This is the defiderative part of the
foul, which afpires after corporeal pofteffions, juft as reafon defires intellectual good.
But the irafcible part is that which both governs and is governed. This part,
becaufe it is irrational, is prefent alfo with irrational animals, like the defiderative
part,
ON T H E REPUBLIC. 527
* T h e harmony diapafon includes all tones, and is the fame as what is c.tiled in modern mufic an
ociayc or eighth. It is alfo a duple proportion, or that of 4 to 2,
m
;
5 28 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
in one part produces the fymphony called diateflaron *, and in another that which is
denominated diapentc f; the fymphony of reafon to anger forming the diapente, and
that of anger to defire the diateflaron. T h i s latter the Pythagoracins denominate
a fyllable, as not being a perfect fymphony ; but they affert that the diapentc ought
rather to be called a fymphony than this; juft as wc muft affert that anger has a
greater fymphony with reafon, than defire has with anger, though the interval
between the latter is lefs than that which fubfifts between the former : for both thefe
are appetites, but the other two are reafon and appetite. There is more fymphony,
therefore, between anger and reafon, though the interval is greater, than between
defire and anger, though the interval is leflcr. For, as wc have before obferved,
anger naturally co-arranges itfelf with reafon, and is more difpofed to league with it
in battle than with defire, when reafon and defire war on each other. And hence,
a greater fymphony muft be affigncd to anger and reafon, than to defire and anger.
But from all thefe if muft be faid that a diapafon is produced, which the Pythago
reans denominate by far the fwceteft and the purcft of all fymphonies. For this,
indeed, is truly a fymphony, fince among all others it alone poffeffes the peculiarity
of which Timaeus fpeaks, viz. that the motions of the (harper founds ceafing, embrace
thofe that are more flat, and embracing them conjoin the beginning with the end,
and produce o n e motion gradually terminating from the fharp in the flat. Since,
therefore, of all fymphonies the diapafon is alone allotted this perogativc, it will be
adapted to the harmony of the foul, pervading through all the parts, conjoining
the fuperior with the inferior motions, connafecntly harmonizing the intenfions of
the one with the rcmiflions of the other, and truly producing one life from many.
A n d thus in the way of digreffion we have fhown how Socrates denominates tempe
rance the harmony diapafon.
" But if prudence is alone the virtue of the governor, but temperance is the virtue
of the governed, and both temperance and fortitude form the virtue of that which
governs and is at the fame time governed, it is evident that the remaining virtue,
juftice, muft belong to all the parts, to one as governing, to another as that which
* This is an interval which is called in modern mufic a perfect fourth, and is a fcfquitertian proportion,
cr that of 4 to 3.
•f This is the fecond of the concord?, and is now called a perfect fifth. It is alfo a fefquialter propor
tion, or that of 3 to 2.
is
O N T H E R E P U B L I C . 529
Is governed, and to another as that which both governs and is governed; fo that
through this each part energizes according to its proper order, the one as governing,
the other as governed, and a third as both. And here it may be inquired how anger,
fince it both governs and is governed, has the virtue of temperance in common with
defire fo far as it is governed, but has not any virtue in common with reafon fo far
as it governs, but poffefTes fortitude as its proper virtue. T o this it may be replied,
that there is, as we have faid, a greater interval between anger and reafon, according
to effence, than between, defire and anger, though when reafon and defire oppofe
each other, anger is by no means the ally of the latter, but takes the part o f the
former. But it does this through the pertinacity of defire, through which it often con-
tumacioufly excites reafon againft defire, and not through any alliance with reafon.
So that on this account it has a common virtue with defire, fo far as it is governed,
but a different virtue from reafon, fo far as governing. For the governing power of
anger is perfectly different from that of reafon, which begins its government from
itfelf. For reafon firft governs itfelf, and adorns itfelf, prior to other things, and
docs not fuffer its proper appetite to remain dubious, and to tend to that which is
worfe. After this, it meafures the appetites of the irrational parts, and recalls them
to its own judgment and appetite. But anger is not governed by itfelf, but fuper-
nally iffucs its mandates to the worft part alone. For, that which is irrational is
never at any time able to govern itfelf, nor to bound and be converted to itfelf.
That anger, however, is more allied to defire than to reafon, according to Plato, is
evident: for both thefe are from the fame fathers *, but reafon is the offspring of a
different father; both are mortal, and rife and perifh in conjunction, but reafon
is immortal; both are deftitute o f knowledge, but reafon is naturally gnoftic.
As therefore to be governed is common both to anger and defire, for f > far as
both are irrational, and require to be adorned by another, they arc governed,
hence they poffefs a common virtue which converts them to a defire o f that
which governs. But as the government of reafon is different from that o f defire
* Viz. Anger and defire, as being irrational parts, are both of them, according to Plato in the TJinaeus,
•.he offspring of the junior Gods, but the rational part is alone the offspring of the one demiurgus of all
vliings.
V O L . i. 3 v in
530 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
their proper virtue, the one acting prudently, the other temperately, nnd the other
bravely, the employment of juftice will now be known. For it prepares each, in
the coordination with each other, to do its own work alone, and not, by engaging
in employments foreign to its nature, to ufurp the prerogatives of others, but to
live in fuch a manner as the political fcience enjoins. So that the guardian may not
attempt to engage in war or in agriculture, thus falling into a life unworthy of him
felf; nor the auxiliary to undertake the province of the merchant or the governor; nor
the mercenary to occupy the place of the auxiliary or the guardian, becaufe he provides
arms for the former and neceflaries for the latter. So that in the political genera
all the virtues have the tame relation to each other as thofe in the parts of the foul.
Thefe things, therefore, being admitted, let us confider how Socrates again
transfers his difcourfe to the virtues in the political genera, and fays, that he is
willing to behold, as it were, in larger, what is written in fmaller letters: for virtue
in the habitation of one foul is more impartible than in cities, and the virtues of a
whole city are images of thofe in one foul; and reafon, as he fays, requires that things
more impartible in power fhould have dominion over thofe which are extended into a
numerous divifion, and that things lefs according to number fhould yield to the
power of things more according to quantity. In the political genera, therefore,
Socrates wifhing to behold all the virtues, in the firft place orderly arranges the poli
tical genera,—I fay orderly, becaufe he firfl confiders men folely employed about
ncceffaries, without war, unfkilled in difcipline, living according to nature, fatisfied
with as little as poflible, and conducting themfelves temperately: and, in the fecond
place, he fhows that when their poffeflions are increafed, they are necefTarily led
through their external enemies to direct their attention to military affairs. In con
fequence of this, he fhows that difcipline then becomes neceffary, men paffing
from a phyfical to a defenfive life, as they could not otherwife defend themfelves
when unjnftly injured by their neighbours. It is requifite, therefore, that there
fhould be thofe who may fight in defence of the hufbandmen; for the fame perfon
cannot accomplifh both thefe, fince an aptitude for agriculture is different from an
aptitude for war. But as aptitudes differ, fo alfo perfections, and it is requifite that
every one fhould be perfected according to his own nature, if he is not to poflefs an
adulterated and unnatural life. T o which we may add, that if one and the fame
y
3 * perfon
532 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
perfon were a foldier and a hufbandman, he could not attend to the feafons of his
proper works, being compelled to take up arms when he ought to cultivate the
land, to plough or plant when he fhould engage in war, to carry rural inftead of
warlike implements, the fpade for the (hield, and to be in want of neceffaries by
neglecting the concerns of agriculture. If, therefore, the auxiliary is one perfon,
and he who attends to the neceffaries of life another, two political genera muft be
eftablifhed, the auxiliary and the mercenary, the latter fupplying things neceflary,
and the former defending both himfelf and the other. But each of thefe requires
a different difcipline, for the manners of each arc different. Socrates, therefore,
inftrucls us in a two-fold kind of difcipline, one pertaining to the foul, and the other
to the body. For foldiers require a robuft body, in order to endure the neceflary
labours of war. And as there are two kinds of difcipline, one according to mufic
and the other according to gymnaftic, it appears to me that Socrates confiders thofe
to be moft adapted to univerfal government, whofe nature is more adapted to mufic,
and who are better fkilled in it than others. For it makes us more prudent, teach
ing us concerning gods, daemons, heroes, and illuftrious men ; but this gymnaftic
is unable to effe^l. Of the truth of which I confider this to be an argument, that
the whole polity, as Socrates fays, is diffolved, not through a neglect of gymnaftic,
but of mufic. So that we fhall not err in aflerting, that thofe who are naturally
adapted, and are more propenfe to mufic than others, are chofen as guardians by
Socrates, though be alone fays that the moft excellent characters are to be chofen as
governors, but does not add in what it is that they are moft excellent.
Socrates, therefore, having eftablifhed thefe three genera, in order to give comple
tion to the city, indicates whence we may call the city wife, whence brave, tem
perate, and juft. And the guardian genus, indeed, on account of its being moft
mufical, poffeffes the fcience of good and ill; for, as we before obferved, it has
learnt from<the difcipline of mufic in what manner it is requifite to be wife refpect
ing fuperior natures, and refpecting human felicity. Hence, he fays, poets alfo
are to be compelled to compofe fuch verfes as have a tendency to thefc types. And
if it alfo learns the mathematical difciplines and dialectic, it will be in a ftill greater
degree wife and fcientific. The auxiliary genus, on account of its living in arms,
and in the exercife and ftudy of warlike affairs, efpecially poffeffes fortitude. And
the
O N T H E R E P U B L I C . 533
ferenee in their lives ; and that neither does the difference in one city, nor in whole
nations, originate from any thing elfe than from a diverfity in the life pertaining to
the foul: for it is not, fays he, either from an oak, or a rock, viz. it is not from
the loweft nature, of which an oak is the image *, nor from an inanimate and folid
body, fo far as body, for this is indicated by a rock. And the Greeks indeed have
a greater aptitude to wifdom (when we fpeak of the whole nation), the Thracians
are more irafcible, and the Phoenicians more mercenary than either of thefe. Bat
this arifes from the foul, through which in fome nations reafon has dominion, in
others anger, and in others defire. For the character of individuals arifes from
their life, and a whole nation is denominated rational or irafcible from that part of
the foul which principally flourifhes in it. They poflefs thefe diverfities, therefore,
either from the body or from the foul. They cannot, however, poffefs them from
the body: for men become hot or cold, white or black, from the body, but not pru
dent, or brave, or femperate, or the contraries of thefe. It is from the foul,
therefore, that they derive thefe diftinguifhing characteriftics. And this is what
Socrates firft demonftrates.
Some one however, perhaps, may fay that the differences in fouls are corporeal;
for they follow the temperaments of the body, though thefe different powers are in
the foul. It is evident, however, that he who makes this affertion grants that
thefe diverfities are in fouls, though they bloffbm forth in confequence of the foul
following the temperaments of bodies. The reafoning of Socrates therefore re
mains, and thefe lives originate from the foul, though they fhould be rooted in the
temperament of the body. W e fhould however be careful not to fubject the
foul to the nature of the body: for, in the undifciplined f, the powers of the
foul follow the temperaments; but nature, as Plato fays in the Phaedo, formed the
foul to govern, and the body to be governed, in order that the whole of the de-
* A n oak may be faid to be an image of the loweft nature, or natural life, from the great imbecility
of this life, which is evident in the flow growth of the oak.
f If PriefUey, Hartley, and other modern raetaphyfical writers, had but known that the undifciplined
are governed by the corporeal temperaments, and that men of true fcience govern thofe temperaments, they
certainly would not have poifosed the minds of the unfeientific with fuch pernicious and puerile con*
«epUoac about neceffity.
fiderative
O N T H E R E P U B L I C . 535
fiderative or irafcible part might not be co-pafllvc with the temperaments. But, in
thofe that are well difciplined, the powers of the foul govern the temperament, fo
that it cither is not moved by it from the beginning, or, if moved, it renders the
excitation inefficacious. Socrates, therefore, as I have faid, fhows, in the firft place,
that in fouls themfelves there are divcrfities with refpect to thefe forms of life ; and,
in the fecond place, he demonftrates as neceflary to the propofed object of inquiry,
that in the foul the rational, the irafcible, and the defidcrativc parts arc not one
thing. But this was neceflary that he might fhow that thofe three political cha
racters are analogous to thefe three parts of the foul, and that both differ from
each other by the fame boundaries of life. This therefore he demonftrates in the
fecond place, previoufly afTuming as a thing univerfally acknowledged, that it is
impoffible for the fame thing, according to the fame, and with reference to the fame,
to do or fuffer contraries; but that this may be accompliflicd by the fame thing in
a different refpect. Thus, the fame thing may be heated and refrigerated, be at reft
and be moved, impart heat and cold, according to different parts. And the fame
thing, not with reference to the fame but to different things, may be able to do
and fuffer contraries. Thus, the fame thing may be capable of being illuminated
and darkened with reference to other thing*, being illuminated by one thing and
darkened by another. Thus, too, the fame thing may be the caufe of increafe and
diminution, according to the fame, i. c. fo far as it is the fame, with reference to
different things ; as nutriment, which, at the fame time that it nourifhes the mem
bers of the body, is itfelf diminifhed.
This being granted, Socrates confiders the lives of the continent and inconti
nent, in which cither reafon and anger, or reafon and defire, oppofe each other.
For thefe things take place in thofe who gencroufly contend in battle through a love
of honour, though defire is avcrfe to the undertaking, and from the impulfe of
hunger urges to flight, but reafon at the fame time perfuades to endurance. But,
prior to thefe, this oppofition is feen in the difeafed, reafon admonifhing them not
to drink if the body is hot with a fever, but defire calling on them to drink, and the
two parts thus oppofing each other. Prior to both thefe, however, it is feen in thofe
that are injured, but do not revenge the injury, though they arc incited to venge
ance
536 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
ance by anger, as in the inftance which Homer prefents us with in Ulyflos, when
he fays,
Endure, my heart! thou heavier ills haft, borne.
In fhort, reafon and anger may at the fame time fuffer contraries with refpecl to
the fame, when, in confequence of an injury being fuftained, the latter perfuades
to vengeance, and the former to endurance. Reafon therefore and anger are not
the fame : for it is impoffible that the fame thing can do or fuffer contraries, ac
cording to the fame with relation to the fame. Again, reafon and defire exclaim
contraries, as in the inftance above mentioned, with refpecl to drinking in a fever ;
but it is impoffible for the fame thing to do or fuffer contraries according to the
fame with reference to the fame. Reafon therefore and defire arc not the fame.
Again, anger and defire, with refpecl to the fame thing, fpeak oppofitely in thofe
engaged in battle, and oppreffed with hunger; but as the fame thing cannot be
contrarily affected with refpecl to the fame, anger and defire are not the fame.
Hence thefe three differ from each other eflcntially.
Perhaps, however, fome one may fay that the irrational motions arc energies, and
another perhaps may fay that they are paffions j and I have heard fome afferting
that thefe motions when moderately moved are energies, but, when immoderately
moved, paffions. The pofition, however, which we have eftablifhed as univerfally
adopted, comprehends the motions of thefe. So that, if it fhould be faid, one of
thefe acts, and the other fuffers, and that action and paflion oppofe each other, it is
evident that the motions themfelves muft much mere differ from each other: for a
contrary effect is the caufe of a contrary paflion. So that, if any paflion has an effect
contrary to that of any other, the paflion of the one will be contrary to that of the
other. But what fhall we fay concerning the love of riches, and the love of plea
fure ? Whether do thefe cflentially differ, or have they the fame eflence, but are
different orective powers? For that thefe oppofe each other, is tcftified by the
avaricious man and the glutton ; for the latter is continually gratifying himfelf with
whatever may fatisfy his appetite, and the former lives fparingly, and fuffers the
pain of hunger, that he may not diminifh his wealth. If therefore thefe cflentially
differ, why do wc not .make four parts of the foul ? But if thefe, though they
oppofo
O N J II E R E P U B L I C . 537
oppofe each other, and fuffer contraries, do not cffcntially differ, neither will the
others neceflarily differ, becaufe they are paflive to contraries.
In thus doubting, however, we forget that defire is called by Socrates a many-
headed beaft, becaufe the irrational life is both one and many, as being proximate
to the body, which is entirely manifold and divifible; jufl as that which is allied to
the rational * intellect is more impartible than any other of the parts belonging to
the foul. T h e defiderative part, therefore, is effcntially one and many, and on this
account poflcfTes warring powers proceeding from different effences, that through
this it may be connafcent with body: for this alfo confifts from contraries. Hence
this part is one, fo far as it poflefles one appetite, the love of body, according to
which it alfo differs from the rational parts. For the irafcible part is adverfe to
body, in confequence of afpiring after victory and honour, and through thefe often
calling afide the body, and defpifing a life in conjunction with it. Nor is the rational
part a lover of body, becaufe the object of its appetite is true good. It remains
therefore that the defiderative part alone is attached to body, whether it afpires after
pleafures or riches: for both thefe arc corporeal. For we are compelled, as Socrates
fays in the Phaedo, to accquire riches, in confequence of being fubfervient to the
body and the defires of the body ; and the lover of riches never defpifes the body,
though it may fometimes happen that he may die through his attention to wealth.
So that the defiderative part, fo far as it is fimply a lover of body, is one ; but, fo far as
it is a lover of riches and pleafure, is not one. Hence Plato docs not fay that it is
many animals, but calls it one animal having many heads, and living at different
times according to its different heads, but being always a lover of body. The
defiderative part therefore is, as we have faid, the third, as the rational part which af
pires after intellect is the firft, and the irafcible which defires power ranks as a medium.
For power fubfifts between intellect and the fummit of eflence ; and a representation
of this fummit proceeds into the third part of the foul ; whence he who alone partici
pates of this is a lover of body. A representation of power is feen in the part prior to
this; and hence this part defires power: but the image of intellect is apparent in thr
firft part; and hence reafon afpires after intellection. The laft part of the foul there
fore is a lover of body, and is folely intent to the prefervation of the body.
* Proclus here means the diano»t«\: po\rer of the fcul, of which ir/.»!!:$ h t V furr/.'itt.
VOL. I . 3z Since
538 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
Since, however, body is two-fold, one being that in which the foul fubfifts, and the
other that by which it is preferved, as the foul is incapable in its prefent ftate of
being preferved by itfelf, hence it has two-fold appetites, one of leading into a
natural condition the body in which it refidcs, and according to this appetite it
becomes a lover of pleafure, all pleafure being an introduction to nature; but the
other of thefe appetites leads it to procure that of which its containing body is indi
gent ; and according to this appetite it becomes a lover of riches, the acquifition of
wealth being defired for the fake of paying attention to the body. It is neceflary,
therefore, that thefe powers fhould always accord with each other,—I mean that the
one fhould defire the prefervation of the body in which it refides, and that the other
fhould defire things neceffary to its fafety. But fince one of thefe appetites afpires
after that path which is natural to the body, inftead of preferving it, hence through
a love of pleafure it deftroys it, and defiles it with ten thoufand ftains ; but the other
defires riches, not fbr the purpofe of fatisfying the neceflary wants of the body, but
as a principal good. This being the cafe, thefe appetites purfue different ends,
which oppofe each other becaufe they arc material. Hence the one by its own
deftruclion contributes to the increafe of the other. For the infinite appetite of
pleafure is attended with a confumption of wealth, and an increafe of wealth
requires a diminution of things which contribute to the pleafures of the body.
Here, therefore, in a contention concerning ends as principal goods, thefe appetites
differ from each other. For the appetite of defire is not directed to one thing,
viz. that the body may fubfift according to nature, but to two things, the affluence
of one of which is accomplished through the indigence of the other. Since then
the end of thefe appetites is one according to nature, hence Socrates eftablifhes one
part of the foul in defire, though it is many-headed, which is not the cafe, as we
have fhown, with reafon and anger.
Having therefore given an efibntial divirion to the parts of the foul, let us, in the
third place, confider how Socrates here difpofes the four virtues. Ifthcnhehad
been willing to fpeak in a manner more known to the multitude, he would have faid,
that prudence is the virtue of reafon, fortitude of anger, juftice of the defire of riches,
and temperance of the love of pleafure. But now, as he thought proper to diftribute
them in a manner inacceflible to the multitude, and to fhow the analogy in the
political
O N T H E R E P U B L I C. :>3p
political genera to the virtues, lie evinces that prudence is a habit perfective of that
which alone ought to govern ihc other parts of the f >ul ; and that fortitude is a
habit perfective of that which fhould govern fecondarily in it. And having efia-
Llifhcd thefe two principal virtues, he fays that the other virtues belong to the two
ruling parts. H e n c e , he aflerts that temperance is a habit which leads the governed
into concord with the governors, with refpect to governing; fo that the I all part
mav confent with the other two, and the middle with the one part prior to it. But
he toys that juftice is a habit which prefcribes to each of the parts, both the govern
ing and governed, its proper work. For it is neceflary that they fhould accord with
each other, fome in governing, and others in being governed ; and that the actions
of fome fhould be adapted to governors, and of others to the governed. For to
govern and to be governed, are beheld in a certain form of life which juftice imparts,
diftributing to the governor that which is alone adapted to him, to confult for the
governed, and to the governed to be obedient to the governor. After this manner
Socrates difcourfes concerning the virtues, and it is evident that they muft ncccflarily
be fuch and fo many.
One thing therefore only remains to be confidered, viz. whence it becomes
manifclt, that there are only three parts of the foul which are the recipients of thefe
virtues. For that thefe cfTentially differ from each other, Socrates has fhown ; but
that there are thefe parts only, and neither more nor lefs, requires fome confideration;
fince, if there are more than three, we fhall alfo be in want of other virtues. It is
admitted then, that if there arc two things which poffefs contrary properties, there
will be three media, as is proved to be the cafe in the e l e m e n t s * , two of thefe being
received from that which has a more proximate iituation, and o n e from the remain
ing element which is more remote. This being aflumed, let us fee what are the
peculiarities of reafon and body. Reafon therefore is impartible, but body partible:
reafon is intellective, but body is dertitutc of intelligence. A n d thefe things are
affumed, one from the eflence of reafon, another from life, and another from know
ledge. H e n c e anger is impartible indeed ; for it is fimple in its nature, and on this
* This is fhown in the Timarus, where it is proved that the three elements, fire, air, and water, are the
connecting media of the two contrary extremes, heaven and earth.
322 account
$40 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
aceount exhibits one polity. It alfo poflefles an appetite o f power, yet is not in
tellective ; but through the privation of intelligence is aflimilated to body. But
defire c o n f i f t s of many parts as well as body, and is multiform ; and hence it is called
a many-headed beaft, and contributes to many polities. It is alfo orective, but
not o f the fame things with anger, and is deftitute of knowledge. It is neceflary,
therefore, that anger fhould be proximate to reafon, but communicating in two
peculiarities, in one with reafon, and in the other with body ; but that defire fhould
be proximate to body. There are befides three things in thefe; two in which
they agree,—appetite, and a privation o f intellect; and one in which they differ,—
the impartible, and the poffeffion of many parts. Hence there is not any other
part between the body and foul befides thefe.
It may however appear, that Socrates does not leave thefe parts only when he fays,
" Each o f us is well affected when each o f thefe three parts performs its proper
©fEce, and they arecoharmonized with each other through temperance, and when
this is the cafe with any other parts which may fubfift between thefe." For by
this he may feem, as I have faid, not to leave thefe parts only, but to admit that
there is fomething in us which neither afpires after honour nor riches, but fubfifts
between thefe. However, Socrates, when he indicates this, does not mean to affert
that the lives of the foul are unmingled ; as, for inftance, that a life according to
reafon is unmingled with the other parts; that a life according to anger has no
communion with the extremes; and that a life according to defire alone is not
mingled with thofe prior to it; but that there are certain lives between thefe.—
Thus, fome lead a life both according to reafon and anger, being lovers of learning,
and at the fame time ambitious. Others live according to anger and defire, being
both lovers of honours and riches ; and cither purfue honours that they may become
rich, or fcatter abroad their riches that through thefe they may be honoured by thofe
that admire wealth : juft as thofe prior to thefe either purfue difciplines that they
may be honoured for their learning,—or honour, that, being honoured by thofe that
poffefs difcipline*, they alfo may partake of them. Thefe then are the forms of life
between reafon and anger, and anger and defire; and are not other parts of the
foul, but become, from the mixture of thefe, various inftcad of fimple. For each of
4 thofe
O N T H E R E P U B L I C . 511
thofe three parts Is itfelf by itfelf fimple ; one part being alone a lover of difcipline,
defpifing all honour, and every thing corporeal, and being coordinated to one thing,
the knowledge of truth ; but another part is ambitious and favage, defpifes body as
a fhadow, and is infatiable of one thing alone, hono-ir ; and the third part, defire,
is alone attentive to body, and the things pertaining to body, but confiders thofe
honours and difciplines to be nothing more than trifles. Thefe, therefore, being
fimple and unmingled, Socrates fays that the lives of the foul which arc mingled
from thefe fubfift between them, all which, together with the unmingled, ought to
be harmonized through the bed harmony, that it may be the meafure of the appe
tite of difciplines, of honours, and of the care of the body ; and that the appetite
alfo of the other parts may become confonant, and may not difient from reafon.
W c muft not therefore think that Socrates indicates the natures of other parts
which contribute to the perfection of political virtue, but the mixture of thefe, and
the generation of more various forms adapted to ]>oliticaI characters.
From what has been demonftrated, therefore, it is evident that the foul is neither
one, nor divided into more than the above-mentioned parts, except that the fenfitive
nature is different from all thefe. It is different from reafon, becaufe it is irrational,
and is prefent with irrational animals; and it differs from the two irrational parts,
becaufe thefe arc orective, but the fenfitive nature is gnoftic. Scnfe, indeed, is pre
fent with beings to whom appetite is unknown, as, for inftance, to celeftial natures :
but the orective part neeeffarily requires fenfe ; for appetites arc accompanied with
the fenfes. Hence an animal is characterized by the fenfitive, and not by the orec
tive nature. For fenfe is prefent with all animals. And hence, too, Timocus fays
that plants have a fenfation of what is pleafant and painful, and therefore he thinks
proper to call them animals : for every thing which partakes of life is an animal.
Senfe, therefore, as I have faid, being different from the three parts of the foul, is
placed under all of them *.
Again : let us now confider whether the imaginative is entirely the fame with the
* It is placed under reafon, to which it is fubfervient in exciting its energies ; and it is alfo placed
under anger and defire, to the motions of which it is fubfervient, fo far as thefe motioni fubfift in con
fenfltivc power. So far, therefore, as this power is directed in its energies to ex
ternals, it is fenfltive ; but fo far as it pofieffes in itfelf what it has feen or heard, or
the types which it has received from any other fenfe, it exerts the power of memory.
Such then is imagination. Socrates alfo in the Philebus, when he fays that the
painter in us is different from the fcribc, who through the fenfes writes in the foul
imitations of the paffions which the fenfes announce, no longer energizing after
the fame manner with fenfe, but itfelf by itfelf exciting the types received from
them,—when he afferts this, he indicates, by arranging the painter according to the
phantaftic power, but the fcribe according to the common fenfe, that thefe are
effentially different from each other. In the Theretctus, alfo, he clearly feparates
that which judges concerning fenfible imprefiions, from fenfe in which the fcals of
fenfibles are expreffed. But whether thefe effentially differ from each other or
not, this is evident, that memory and fenfe are different, though the effence of
thefe is divided about one fubjecl which poffeffes an effential multitude; and that
memory is nearer to reafon than fenfe, becaufe it receives types from the former as
well as from the latter; fenfe receiving no imprefiions from reafon. And thus much
concerning things ufeful to political virtue, and to thofe that arc inftructed in it.
As I know, however, that Porphyry in his mixt Problems relates a certain con
verfation between Medius the Stoic and Longinus refpecting the parts of the
foul, I do not think it proper to let it pafs unnoticed. Medius therefore having
made the foul to confift of eight parts, and having divided it into that which
governs, into the five fenfes, into that which is fpermatic, and laflly into that
which is vocal, Longinus afked him, why he divided the foul, being one, into eight
parts? And Medius, in reply, afked Longinus, why, according to Plato, he made
fhe foul, which is one, to be triple ? This then deferves to be confidered. For it is
evident that the inquiry is not the fame with the Stoics, who make the foul to
confift of eight, as with Plato, who diftributcs it into three parts. For the Stoics
make corporeal differences of parts ; and hence it may be reafonably objected to
them, how the foul is one, fince it is divided into eight parts, without any con
necting bond ? But Plato, fince he afferts that the foul is incorporeal, and incor
poreal natures are united to each other without confufion, is not involved in the
fame
ON T H E R E P U B L I C . 543
fame doubt refpecting the union of its three parts. Plato may alfo be defended
after another manner by faying that, according to him, reafon is of a more divine
effence, but the irrational part of a much inferior nature; and that the former con
nects and adorns, but that the latter is connected and adorned ; juft as form when
conjoined with matter introduces unity, and we do not require any thing elfe which
may unite thefe to each other. Reafon, therefore, pofTcfling the order of form,
unites the irrational life, and no other third conjoining nature is required. If,
likewife, according to Plato*, the junior Gods produce the irrational part, and the
demiurgus the rational, there can no longer be any doubt refpecting the fource of
union to reafon and the irrational nature. And thus much in defence of Plato, in
anfwer to the noble Mcdius.
In the laft place, appetite and knowledge arc contained in the rational foul. And
its appetite is cither directed to being, or to generation, through which it afcends
to real being, and falls again into the regions of fenfe. The former appetite, there
fore, is philofophic, and the latter is enamoured with generation. In like manner,
with refpect to its knowledge, that which pertains to the circle of famenefs -j- is the
knowledge of intelligibles, but that which pertains to the circle of difference is the
knowledge of fenfiblcs. Hence, through thefc the foul elevates herfelf to the
vifion of the former, and inveftigatcs the nature of the latter. T h e irrational
powers, therefore, are images of thefe, the orective of the rational appetites, and
the gnoftic of rational knowledges. Imaginative or phantaftic is indeed the image
of intelligible, and fenfitive of doxaflic knowledge. Thus, too, the appetite of the
irafcible part is an image of rc-clcvating appetite, and of the defiderative part, of that
appetite which produces generation: for this fupervenes body, in the fame manner
as the former embraces generation. And anger defpifes bodv, but looks to honour,
the good of incorporeal natures. T h e phantafy being a figured intellection of
intelligible?, wills to be the knowledge of certain things; but fenfe is converfant
with the fame object: as opinion, viz. a generated nature.
BOOK
544 ADDITIONAL NOTES ON THE. REPUBLIC.
B O O K V.
P. 319. The riddle of children about the Eunuch fltihing the bat.
This, according to the Greek Scholiaft on this part, was the riddle of Clearchus,
and is as follows: A man and not a man, feeing and yet not feeing, ftruck and yet
4id not ftrike, a bird and not a bird, fitting and not fitting, on a tree and yet not on
a tree. That is, a Eunuch blind of one eye ftruck with a pumice (tone the wing of
a bat perched on a reed.
T H E E N D OF T H E F I R S T VOLUME.
INDEX
BOOKS OF T H E REPUBLIC.
BOOK I. Page 9 9
II. a 00
III. %%%
IV. a6i
V. 288
VI. . . . . . 300
VII 357
VIII. 386
IX. - - - - 416
X. 43*
THK
WORKS OF PLATO,
VIZ.
I N F I V E V O L U M E S
V O L . II.
AMS PRESS
NEW YORK
THE
WORKS OF PLATO,
VIZ.
N I N E O F T H E D I A L O G U E S B Y T H E L A T E F L O Y E R S Y D E N H A M ^
BY THOMAS TAYLOR:
WITH
O C C A S I O N A L A N N O T A T I O N S O N T H E N I N E D I A L O G U E S T R A N S L A T E D B Y S&DENHAJM>.
AND
COPIOUS NOTES,
BY THE LATTER TRANSLATOR;
IN WHICH IS GIVEN
THE PHILOSOPHY OF P L A T O ,
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
VOL. I I .
L O N D O N :
BY R. W I L K S , CHANCERY-LANE;
1804.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Plato.
The works of Plato, viz. his fifty-five dialogues,
and twelve epistles.
x u
7rpo<TEx f ufiwiMvois em TO 7ou Aicf xv7pov <*£fcv, 7ou7o yzvofltvo)) ayionarov, VJ u> TCH vtTrroTona KCU
€tff>W<n0L7Cl TWV fHKTTYipiW £7nTS?>HT0.—Scliol. GTXC III Plat, p, 214.
B2 MORIAL
INTRODUCTION.
THE
THE LAWS.
BOOK I.
An ATHENIAN GUEST,
CLINIAS the Cretan, and
M E G I L L U S the Lacedaemonian.
Do you think, O guefts, that a God, or fome man, was the caufe of tht
cftablimment of laws ?
CLIN. A God, O gueft, a God, as it is moft juft toafiert: with us,,
indeed, Jupiter; but, with the Lacedaemonians (whence originated this our
gueft), I think, Apollo dictated the laws. Is it not fo?
MEGIL. It is.
GUEST. Whether, therefore, do you fpeak according to Homer, viz.
1
that Minos every year, for the fpace of nine years, went to converfe*
with his father, and eftablifhed laws for your cities, according to his
conceptions ?
CLIN. It is fo faidby us: and, likewife, that his brother Rhadamanthus
(you have heard the name) was moft juft. W e Cretans, therefore, fay
that he obtained this praife, from his diftributing, at that time, things
pertaining to juft ice in a proper manner.
1
Minos was an intellectual hero, or, in other words, a hero who energized according to
;
intellectual v rtue; and, as he was illuminated by Jupiter, from whom he proceeded, he is on
this account faid to have converfed with his father. For an ample account of heroes, fee the
Notes to the Cratylus.
GUEST.
6 T H E L A W S .
GUEST. His renown is indeed beautiful, and highly becoming the fon
of Jupiter. But fince both you and this other have been educated in legal
inftitutions of this kind, I perfuade myfelf, it will not be unpleafant to us
to fpeak and hear about the eftablifhment of cities and laws, at the fame
time that we are proceeding on our journey. But the way from CnofTus
1
to the cavern and temple of Jupiter is, as we have heard, fufficiently long;
and the refting-places along the road are, as it is proper they ihould be
during the prcfent hot weather, fhady, from their pofition under lofty
trees. It will likewife be fuitable to our age, to reft in them frequently;
and thus, by the allurements of difcourfe, render the whole of our journey
eafy.
CLIN. Indeed, O gueft, in the courfe of our journey, we fhall meet in
the groves with cyprefs trees of an admirable height and beauty, and
meadows in which while we reft we may difcourfe.
GUEST. You fpeak rightly.
CLIN. Entirely fo. W e fhall however fpeak with more confidence
when we become fpectators of thefe. But let us now proceed on our
journey with good fortune.
GUEST. Let it be fo. But inform me, why the law inftituted for you
public feafts, gymnaftic exercifes, and the cuftom of ufingarms.
CLIN. I think, O gueft, that thefe particulars refpecting us may be
apprehended with perfect eafe. For you fee that the nature of the whole
region of Crete is not plain, like that of Theftaly. On this account,
•with them, horfes are more ufed, and, with us, courfes on foot. For this,
irregularity of the ground is more adapted to the exercife of pedeftrial
races. Hence, for this purpofe, it is neceflary that the arms ihould be
lighter, that they may not hinder the race by their weight. But lightnefs
of bows and arrows feems to be adapted to this purpofe. All thefe
particulars, therefore, are fubfervient to our ufe in war; and the legiflator,
as it appears to me, looking to this, eftablifhed every thing. For he
feems to have inftituted public banquets, in confequence of perceiving
that all men, when they engaged in war, were compelled by the thing
itfelf, for the fake of their own defence, to feaft at that time together.
« According to the Greek Scholiaft, not only the grcateft myfteries of Jupiter but alfo thofe
ci the Curetes were performed in this cavern.
6 But
THE LAWS. 7
But he appears to me to be charged with folly by the multitude, in con-
fequence of their not having learnt that cities are perpetually at war with
each other. But if during the time of war it is neceflary to feaft together
for the fake of defence, and that certain governors and men governed
fhould be the armed defenders of them, this alfo mould be done in the
time of peace. For that which moft men call peace, is only a name; but,
in reality, war is perpetually proclaimed according to nature, by all cities r
againft all. And thus confidering, you will nearly find that the Cretan
legiflator eftablifhed for us all the laws, both public and private, as if
looking to war; and ordered them to defend thefe laws in fuch a manner
as if nothing elfe was ufeful, either of pofTeffions or ftudies, unlefs a matx
became victorious in war; and as confidering that all the goods of the
vanquished become the property of the victors.
GUEST. You appear to me, O gueft, to be well exercifed for the pur
pofe of explaining the Cretan laws. But explain this yet more clearly to
me. For you feem to me to fay that a city is then well eftablifhed
when it is fo conftituted as to be able to vanquifh other cities in war. Is
it not fo?
CLIN. It is perfectly fo; and I think that this our other gueft will be
of the fame opinion.
MEGIL. HOW can a Lacedaemonian,. O divine man, anfwer otherwife?
GUEST. Whether,, therefore, is this right from cities towards cities, but
not from one village towards another I
CLIN. By no means.
GUEST. IS it therefore the fame?.
CLIN. It is.
GUEST. But what then? Is it likewife the fame from one houfe to-
another in the fame village, and from one man to another?
CLIN. T h e fame..
GUEST. But what fhall we fay of one man towards himfelf? Shall w«
coniider the relation as that of an enemy to an enemy ? Or, how fhall we fay ?
CLIN. O Athenian gueft! for I am not willing to.call you Attic, becaufe
you appear to me rather to deferve to be called by the furname of the
Goddefs Minerva For, rightly reducing the difcourfe to its principle,,
1
Alluding to Minerva being called the Goddefs of Wifdom.
you
8 THE LAWS.
you render it more clear; and, by this mean, are able to find with facility
that which has now been rightly afferted,—I mean, that all men are enemies
to all, both publicly and privately, and likewife, that each individual is an
enemy to himfelf.
GUEST. How doyou fay, O wonderful man?
CLIN. This, O gueft*; that for a man to vanquifh himfelf is the firft
and beft of all victories, but to be vanquished by himfelf is a thing the moft
fhameful and vile. For thefe things fignify that there is war in each of us
againft ourfelves.
GUEST. Again, therefore, let us refume the difcourfe. For, fince each
of us is either better or worfe than himfelf, whether fhall we fay that a
houfe, a village, and a city, have this fame thing in them, or not?
CLIN. DO you mean that one is better, and the other worfe than itfelf?
GUEST. I do.
CLIN. Concerning this alfb you have rightly inquired. For this does
not lefs happen to cities, but in the higheft degree. For, in thofe in which
the better vanquifh the multitude and the worfe, fuch a city is with pro
priety faid to be better than itfelf, and may with the greateft juftice be
praifed for fuch a victory. But the contrary muft be the cafe with a con
trary city.
GUEST. Whether, therefore, here, the worfe is at any time more excel
lent than the better, muft be left uninveftigated; (for it would require a
prolix difcuffion;) but I underftand what is at prefent afTerted by you, thus :
That fometimes citizens who are allied to each other, and of the fame city,
being unjuft and numerous, will forcibly attack the juft, being fewer in
number, that they may fubjedt them to (lavery; and that, when they con
quer, the city may be juftly faid to be inferior to itfelf, and at the fame
time depraved, but, when they are conquered, better than itfelf, and good.
CLIN. W h a t is now faid, O gueft, is wonderful in the extreme ; but, at
the fame time, thus to confefs is moft neceflary.
GUEST. Come then, let us again confider this. Many brothers may be
born from one father, and from one mother. Nor is it at all wonderful that
the greater part of them fhould be unjuft, and the leiTer juft.
CLIN. It is not wonderful.
GUEST. Nor will it be proper for me and you to inveftigate this, that
when
THE LAWS. 9
when the bafe vanquifh, both the lioufe and every kind of alliance may be
called inferior to thcmfelvcs, but better than themfelves when the bafc are
vanquished. For we do not inveftigare thefe things at prelcnt for the fake
of an elegant or inelegant arrangement of words, according to the man-
ner of many, but for the fake of difcovcring what is natural rectitude and
error concerning laws.
CLIN. You fpeak mod: truly, O gueft.
MEOIL. It appears to me, too, that what has hitherto been faid is beau
tiful.
GUEST. Let us befldes confider this : Can any one become a judge of
fuch brothers as we have juft fpoken of?
CLIN. Doubtlefs.
GUEST. Which therefore will be the better judge ? he who cuts off
thofe that are unworthy, and orders the worthy ta govern themfelves? or
he who caufes the worthy to govern, but fuffers the unworthy to live, when
they are willing to be governed ? But we will fay that a third is a judge
with refpedt to virtue, if fuch a one can be found, who, receiving one dif-
cordant alliance, will not deftroy any one, but, reconciling the difagreeing
parties, will eftablifh for them laws by which they may be enabled to pre-
ferve friendfhip towards each -other.
CLIN. Such a judge and legiflator will be by far the heft.
GUEST. And he will frame laws for them, by acting in a manner con
trary to looking at war.
CLIN. This indeed is true.
GUEST. But what—Whether does he who aptly conflitutes a city look
to external war, and by this mean principally adorn the lives of the citizens,
or to the war produced within the city, which is called fedition, which
every one would particularly wifh not to arife in his city ; and that, when,
it arifes, the city may be liberated from it with the utmoft celerity ?
CLIN. It is evident that he would look to the latter.
GUEST. Whether would any one choofe that peace fhould be the refult
of fedition, in confequence of one part of the citizens being deftroyed,
and the other part being victorious, or rather that peace and friendfhip
fhould be the confequence of reconciliation, and thus the mind of the citi
zens be neccfTarily directed to external wars r
VOL. ii. CLIN.
ID THE LAWS.
CLIN. Every one would rather wifh that the latter mould happen to his
city, than the former.
GUEST. Would not a legiflator in a fimilar manner ?
CLIN. H e would.
GUEST. Does not every one eftablifh all laws for the fake of that
which is heft ?
CLIN. HOW fhould he not ?
GUEST. But neither war nor fedition is the heft of things (for to be in want
of thefe is execrable), but mutual peace and benevolence. Nor is that
victory by which a city vanquishes itfelf, one of the heft of things, but it
ranks among things neceffary. But to think that the heft ftate of a city
confifts in fighting and conquering, is juft as if any one fhould think that
a wearied body, when undergoing medicinal purification, then acted in the
belt manner, but fhould pay no attention to a body which was not at all
indigent of medical affiftance. And if any one thinks in a fimilar manner,
either of the felicity of a city or of a private man, he will never become
a politician, while he thus alone and primarily looks to external w a r ; nor
will he be an accurate legiflator, unlefs he eftablifhes laws refpecting war
for the fake of peace, rather than laws refpecting peace for the fake of war.
CLIN. Thefe things, O gueft, appear in a certain refpect to be rightly
faid. But I fhould wonder to 61 j any one contending that our laws, and
likewife thofe of the Lacedaemonians, were not with all poffible attention
framed for the fake of war.
GUEST. Perhaps this is the cafe.. W e ought not, however, to inveftigate
the prefent affair in a contentious but in a quiet manner; the grcateft diligence
being employed, both by us and them, about things of this kind. Attend
therefore to my difcourfe. In the firlt place, we fhall adduce Tyrtaeus *, who-
was by birth an Athenian, but afterwards a citizen of Lacedaemonia, and
who moft of all men applied himfelf to thefe particulars : " I fhall not
then (fays he) confider that man as worthy of being mentioned, or of any
• Tyrtjeus was an elegiac poet, lame, and defpifed by the Athenians. The Oracle of Apollo
>
however, ordered the Lacedaemonians to ufe him as their general, in the war in which they
were then engaged with the Mefienians. Tyrtaeus therefore coming to Lacedjemon, and being
infpired by the God, fo animated the Lacedemonians that they vanquiflied the Mcffenians. He
flourifhed 684 years before Chrift.
6 confequence,
T H E LAWS, IJ
confequence, though he fhould be the mod: wealthy of all men, and fhould
poiTefs abundance of goods (and he enumerates almoft all goods), who does
not always conduct himfelf in the moft excellent manner in warlike
affairs." Thefe poems perhaps you alfo have heard. For this other affo-
ciate of ours is, I think, fatiated with them.
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
CLIN. And thefe alfo have reached us, being brought from Laced am
monia.
GUEST. Let us, therefore, in common interrogate this poet thus: O
moft divine poet, Tyrtaeus ! for you appear to us to be wife and good,
becaufe you have in the highefl degree celebrated thofe who in the higheft
degree excel in war. I, therefore, and this Clinias the Cnoftian, appear
very much to agree with you in this particular. But w e wifh clearly to
know, whether or not we fpeak about the fame men. Inform us, there
fore, whether you alfo as well as we are clearly of opinion, that there
are two kinds of war ? Or how do you fay ? For I think that a man much
worfe than Tyrtaeus would anfwer that there are two kinds; one, which
we all denominate fedition, and which we confider as the m o f t grievous
of all wars ; but the other kind, I think, is that which w e all confider as
milder than the former, and which we employ againft thofe who do not
belong to the city, and who are o f a different tribe.
CLIN. How is it poffible he fhould anfwer otherwife ?
GUEST. Inform us, therefore, who were the men, and what the kind
of war, in which you have fo tranfeendently praifed fome, and blamed
others. For you appear to have praifed thofe that fought in external wari.
Thus, you fay in your poems, that you can by no means endure thofe
who are not hardy enough to behold bloody (laughter, and to afpire after
fierce battle, hand to hand. From this, O Tyrtaeus, we fhould infer, that
you praife thofe who have been eminently illuftrious in waging external
war. Shall we fay that Tyrtaeus would grant this ?
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. But we, fince thefe are good, fhall affert that thofe a r e far better
1
who evidently excel in the greateft war. W e have too the poet Theognis
1
This poet flourifhed about 549 years before Chrift.
C % a witnefs
1*2 THE LAWS.
W e fay, therefore, that fuch a one will conduct himfelf in the moft
difficult war in a manner nearly as much fuperior to the other, as juftice,
temperance, and prudence, when conjoined with fortitude, are fuperior to
fortitude alone. For no one can be found faithful and found in feditions,
without the whole of virtue. But, as Tyrtaeus fays, there are a great num
ber of mercenaries who fight intrepidly and die willingly in battle, moft
of whom are ferocious, injurious, reproachful, and, with a very few ex
ceptions, are the moft ftupid of all men. But to what does all this tend ?
And what did he perfpicuoufly intend to fignify by thefe affertions ? It is
evidently this, that both he who framed laws here from Jupiter, and every
other legillator who profits cities in the fmalleft degree, eftablifhes laws
by always looking as much as poflible to the greateft virtue. But it is, as
Theognis fays, confidence in dire events, which may be denominated per
fect juftice. But that which Tyrtaeus fo highly praifes is indeed beauti
ful, and opportunely celebrated by the poet; yet it may moft rightly he
faid to be honourable, the fourth in number, and in power.
CLIN. Shall we, therefore, O gueft, rank our legiflator among remote
iegiflators ?
GUEST. Not him indeed, moft excellent man, but ourfelves, fince we
are of opinion, that both Lycurgus and Minos eftablifhed all the laws in
Lacedaemon, and here, in confequence of efpecially directing their atten
tion to war.
CLIN. In what manner then ought we to fpeak ?
GUEST. AS truth and juftice, 1 think, require thofe fhould fpeak who
difcourfe about a divine republic ; for fuch ought not to be confidered* a3
looking to a certain part of virtue, and that the moft abject, but as regard
ing the whole of virtue, and inquiring after laws, according to the fpecies
of virtue ;—not, indeed, inveftigating thofe fpecies which many at prefent
propofe ; for, at prefent, every one propofes to inquire after that which
he is principally in want of. Thus, one inquires about an inheritance,
another about women who are left the only heirs, another about an injury,
and
THE LAWS.
and others about ten thoufand things of a fimilar kind. But we fay that
inquiries' about laws rank among good inquiries, when they are fuch as we
have juft now begun. And, indeed, 1 in every refpect approve of the
manner in which you have entered on the difcuflion of laws. For you are
certainly right in beginning from virtue, and afferting that for its fake
laws are framed. But you do not appear to me to be right in faying, that
the legiflator framed all his laws by regarding a part of virtue, and this-
he lead ; and this has been the caufe of all that was afterwards faid by
me. Are you, however, willing I fhould tell you in what manner I wifh
you to diftinguifh in this affair ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. It is proper, O gueft, to aiTert that the laws of the Cretans are
not rafhly approved by all men, and particularly by all the Greeks. For
they are rightly framed, fince they render thofe who ufe them happy ; and
this becaufe they impart eyery good. But there are two kinds of goods,,
one human, and the other divine; and the former is fufpended from the
latter. And if any city receives the greater goods, it alfo poffeffes the
leffer ; but if not, it is deprived of both. But the leifer goods are thofe of
which health is the leader, beauty the fecond in order, and ftrength for
the courfe, and all the other motions pertaining to the body, the third.
1
But riches rank in the fourth place, which are not blind , but perceive
acutely, if they follow prudence. However, that which is the firft leader
of all divine goods is prudence *. That which ranks in the fecond place-
x
" Theophraftus (fays the Greek Scholiaft) obferves, that if wealth had life, it would come
only to the good. For every thing defires its proper good; but this is the good of wealth, to
become an inflrument to the worthy : fince that which is the good of any thing is the object o f
defire to that thing, and this alfo is according to nature to it. But all things afpire after a drf-
pofition according to nature. However, fince wealth is without life, it now alfo falls among
the evil." "O Otoppacrrof $ncrtr tt {mv tt&v o ^rhour&Sy wpos povous <*v a ^ u X f l i rouf ayafovs' tKaarov yap
rev oikeiou ttpuTcu ayaQoo* rouro fo Tw nhowru tanv ayaSov, t o roig ayaQoif opyavov yiyvtaQau.- t o yap txavTu
ayaSov, rovro nai eipsrov unapw rovro aura xai Kara tpvrtV vravraforng Kara <puffw optytrai o*i«i-
iiitu? vuvfoE7rei3>i o h - X o u t o ; ovx tx Z * > tynrmrti xai ci* t o v j kokov$.—Schol.-Grxc-.il
zl a v
Plat. p. 2 2 ? .
* Meaning intellectual prudence, through which we obtain a knowledge of things good and
advantageous, of things beautiful and the contrary, and which, in (hort, is the governor of
man, referring cities and houfes, and the life of every individual, to a divine paradigm. Plata
immediately after this calls it intellect, becaufe it is generated from a pure and perfect in^
rellect.
after
14 THE L A W S.
after intellect is a temperate habit of the foul. From thefe mingled with
fortitude, the third in order will be juftice. And the fourth will be forti
tude. All which are to be placed, according to nature before thofe human
goods. A legiflator, therefore, ought to follow this order, and mould com
mand the citizens to look to thefe divine goods in all their actions. But, of
thefe, human fhould be.referred to divine goods, and all divine goods to
their leader intellect. After thefe things he ought to pay attention to the
marriages of the citizens, and to the procreation and education of children,
both male and female, and likewife to the young, and thofe who are ad
vancing to old age. Such too, among thefe, as behave well, he fhould
honour as they deferve, but fhould reprobate in all the converfations of
theie, their pains, pleafures, and defires. He fhould likewife confider, and
act as a guardian over, the ftudies of all lovers; and, through the laws,
praife fuch as are worthy, and blame the contraries to thefe. With refpect
to anger and fear, too, he will fhow what in each of thefe is laudable, and
what to be avoided ; likewife what perturbations are produced in the foul
through misfortune, and what the means by which thefe are avoided in
profperity. Laftly, he will fhow what paflions men are fubject to, through
difeafe, war, poverty, or the contraries to thefe ; and in all fuch things he
will teach and define what is beautiful, or otherwife, in the difpofition of
each. After this, it is neceffary that the legiflator fhould pay attention to the
pofTeffions and expenfes of the citizens, fo as to know how they are con
ducted, together with focieties, and their diffolutions, whether voluntarily or
involuntarily inftituted ; where juftice is found among thefe, and where it is
wanting; that by thefe means he may diftribute honours to thofe that obey the
laws,and punifh thofe who cannot be perfuaded to obey them. In the laftplace,
having inftituted every thing as far as to the end of every polity, it is necef
fary he fhould eftablifh the manner in which the monuments of the dead
fhould be raifed,'and what honours are to be paid to them. The legiflator, hav
ing eftablifhed all thefe particulars, fhould place over them guardians, fome
of whom conduct public affairs according to prudence, but others according
to true opinion ; fo that intellect, binding all thefe together, may evince that
the city follows temperance and juftice, and not riches or ambition. After
this manner, O guefts, I have wifhed, and am now defirous, you would
explain how all thefe particulars are to be found in thofe laws which are
called
THE L A W S. 15
called the laws of Jupiter, in thofe of Pythian Apollo, and in thofe which
Minos and Lycurgus eftablifhed ; and how, being affumed in a certain
order, they may become evident to one who is fkilled in the legiflative
fcience, either by art or from certain cuftoms, though to us they are by no
means apparent.
CLIN. HOW then, O gueft, ought we to difcufs what follows?
GUEST. It appears to me that we ought to commence our difcuffion
from the beginning (as we began to do); confidering in the firft place the
purfuits of fortitude, and afterwards difcufttng another and another fpe
cies of virtue, if you are willing : and that we may difcufs the firft object
of our inquiry, we will endeavour to eftablifh a paradigm, and refer to it
the other particulars, that by mutual converfe of this kind we may beguile
the tedioufnefs of the way. But afterwards we will confider the purfuits
of the whole of virtue, and evince that our prefent difcuflion, if divinity
is willing, looks thitherward.
CLIN. You fpeak well. Endeavour therefore,- in the firil place, to judge
for us refpecting this praifer of Jupiter.
GUEST. I will endeavour to do this, both for you and myfelf. For the
difcourfe is common. Speak therefore. Shall we fay that common ban
quets and gymnaftic exercifes were invented by the legiflator, for the pur-
pofes of war ?
CLIN. They were.
GUEST. And is this the cafe with a third or fourth thing? For, perhaps, it
is proper thus to enumerate in the things pertaining to another virtue, whe-*
ther it is right to call them parts, or any thing elfe, for the fake of perfpicuity.
MEGIL. I, therefore, as well as every Lacedaemonian, fhould fay that
hunting was invented as the third thing. But we fhould endeavour, if
poflible, to difcover the fourth or fifth thing. I therefore fhall endeavour
to evince that the fourth thing confifts in the endurance of pain. For We
are much exerciied in this, in fighting with each other with our hands, and
in certain violent feizures, each of thefe being attended with a multitude
of wounds. Bciides this we have an exercife, which is called a certain
concealment', which is wonderfully laborious, and is undertaken for the
purpofe
1
A young man was fent from the city, in order that he might not be feen for a certain
time. He was therefore compelled to wander round the mountains, and could neither fleep
without
16 THE LAWS.
without fear, left he mould be detected, nor employ fervants, nor carry food for his fubfiftence.
There was alfo another form of exercife for the purpofe of war : for, dripping every one of the
young men naked, they ordered them to wander for a whole year but of the city, among the
mountains, arid to fupport themfelves by theft, and other ftrata'gems, but in fuch a manner that
no pne might detect them. Hence this was called Mfuirrticty a concealment: for they were pu-
niJhed if they were at any time discovered.— Schol. Gr. in Plat. p. 225.
manner
THE LAWS. 17
manner as they do not avoid pain, but bring them into the midft, and
caufe the citizens to vanquifh them, partly by force, and partly by the
allurements of honour. But, inform me where the fame thing is ordained
in your laws refpecting pleafures, as refpe&ing pains; and what that is
which renders you fimilarly brave both with refpect to pain and pleafures;
which renders you victorious over thofe things which you ought to van
quifh, and by no means fuffers you to be inferior to your neighbouring
and moft grievous enemies?
MEGIL. I cannot, O gueft, fo eafily adduce a multitude of laws oppo-
fite to pleafures, as I can a multitude oppofite to pains. Nor perhaps is it
eafy to fpeak of pleafures according to great and apparent parts, but only-
according to fuch as are fmall.
CLIN. Nor am I able in a fimilar manner to render the fame apparent in
the Cretan laws.
GUEST. This, O beft of guefls, is by no means wonderful. If any
one, therefore, who is defirous of perceiving that which is true and at th$
fame time moft excellent, fhould find fomething to reprehend in the laws
of our refpectivc countries, we fhould behave towards each other with
mildnefs, and not \vith feverity.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well, O Athenian gueft; and therefore we ought
to follow your advice.
GUEST. Indeed, Clinias, a conduct of this kind becomes men of your age.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. The next queftion, therefore, will be, whether or not the La-
conian and Cretan polity is reprehenfible. Perhaps, indeed, I can better
relate what is faid by the multitude on this occafion, than either of you.
As to your laws, though they fhould be but of a moderate degree of excel
lence, yet you certainly have one moft beautiful law, which forbids any
youth from inquiring whether the laws are well or ill eftablifhed, but
orders them all to accord, with one voice, and with one mouth, that they
are all beautifully conftituted, as if they had been eftablifhed by the Gods;
and that, if any young man afferts the contrary, no one fhall by any
means liften to his difcourfe: but that an old man, if he has any thing
to urge againft them, fhall relate his obje&ions to the rulers, and his equals
in age, yet not in the prefence of any young man.
VOL. i t . D CLIN.
1* THE LAWS.
CLIN. You fpeak moft properly, O gueft: and though at the time this
law was eftablifhed you was abfent from the thought of the founder, yet
you appear to me to conjecture his intention fufficiently, as if you were
a prophet, and to fpeak the truth in the moft eminent degree.
GUEST. At prefent, therefore, let us be free from young men, but w e y
on account of our old age, are permitted by the legiflator to fpeak about
the laws among ourfelves, without committing any offence.
CLIN. W e are fo. Do not fpare, therefore, but freely reprove our
laws. For it is not difhonourable to know if any thing is not beautifully
eftablifhed; but, by this mean, a remedy is applied, when what is afferted
is received with a benevolent, and not an envious mind*
GUEST. YOU fpeak well- I fhall not, however, reprehend the laws till I
have diligently confidered them to the utmoft of my ability; or rather, 1 fhall
proceed in this affair by doubting. For you alone, of all the Greeks and
Barbarians with whom we are acquainted, the legiflator has ordered to
abftain from the greateft pleafures and fports, and not to tafte them.. But
with rcfpect to pains and fears, which we have lately difcufTed, he was of
opinion, that if any one avoided them from his infancy, when he came-
to endure neceflary pains, fears, and labours, he would avoid thofe who
are exercifed in them, and would become their flave.. This legiflator
ought, in my opinion, to have thought the fame refpecting pleafures, and
to have faid to himfelf: If the citizens fhould from childhood be unexpe
rienced in the greateft pleafures, and never be taught how to fuftain the
attacks of pleafure, or informed that they fhould never be compelled to do
any thing bafe for the fake of the fweetnefs with which pleafure is
attended, they would be induced to act in the fame manner as thofe who
are vanquifhed by fear, and would become fervile in a different and yet
bafer manner than thofe who are able to endure the affaults of pleafure,
'but yet procure pleafures for themfclves, and are fometimes the worft of
men. The foul of fuch, likewife, is partly a flave, and partly free; and
they do not deferve to be called fimply brave, and free. Confider, there
fore, whether any thing that has been now faid appears to you to be proper.
CLIN. It does. But immediately and readily to aflent to things of fuch great
importance would be the province of young men, or rather of ftupid men.
GUEST. Shall we then, O Clinias and Lacedaemonian gueft, after this,
difcufs
THE LAWS.
and Perfians ufe it, and befides thefe the Carthaginians, Celtae, Iberians,
and Thracians, who all of them are warlike nations; or, as it is ufed by
you; for you (as you fay) entirely abftain from it. But the Scythians and
Thracians ufe it unmingled with water, women as well as men, and.pour
it on their garments, thinking that thus they are engaged in a beautiful and
bleffcd purfuit. But the Perfians are very much given to other luxuries,
which you rejed ; yet, O belt of men, they are more orderly in thefe than
the Scythians and Thracians.
MEGIL. All thefe, however, we fhall put to flight, when we take up
arms.
GUEST. O belt of men, do not fpeak in this manner. For many flights
and purfuings have taken place, and will take place, of which it is irr>
poffible to form any conjecture ; on which account, we cannot at any
time give an evident definition, but are involved in doubts about beautiful
and bafe purfuits, when we fpeak of victory and flight in war; efpecially
fince the greater vanquifh in battle, and enflave the lefler cities. Thus,
the Locrians were vanquifhed and enflaved by the Syracufans, who appear
to have poffefTed the beftlaws of all the neighbouring nations; and the Cei
by the Athenians; and innumerable inftances of the fame kind may be
found. Neglecting, therefore, the consideration of victory and being van--
quifhed, we will endeavour to fpeak and perfuade ourfelves about every
purfuit; and to fhow how this thing is beautiful, and that is not fo. But,
firft of all, hear me, how we ought to confider what is good or bad in things-
of this kind.
MEGIL. How do you fay
GUEST, All thofe who introduce any difpute in their difcourfe, and imv
mediately propofe to praife or blame it, appear to me to act by no means
in a proper manner, but to do juft the fame as if, any one praifing a piece
of bread as good, another fhould immediately difcommend it, without
either underftanding its operation or utility, and, without knowing after
what manner, by whom, and with whom it was prepared, and the paft and
prefent habit of the bodies to whom it ought to be offered. But we
appear to act in the very fame manner, at prefent, in our difcourfes. For,
upon only hearing intoxication mentioned, fome of us immediately blamed,,
and others praifed i t ; and this very abfurdly. For, employing witneffes
and
2i THE LAWS.
and thofe who praiie, we likewife praifed; and fome of us thought that
we advanced fomething feafonable, becaufe we adduced a multitude of
witnefTes ; but others, becaufe thofe who make no ufe of wine conquer
in battle. This, however, is to us ambiguous. If then we proceed in this
manner in the difcuffion of other particulars pertaining to laws, we fhall
not in my opinion proceed • rationally. But adducing intoxication as an
inftance, I will endeavour to the utmoft of my ability to point out a right
method for us, about all fuch fubjedts of inquiry ; fince innumerable
nations, who are doubtful about thefe particulars, will verbally contend with
your two cities.
MEGIL. W e muft not through fluggifhnefs refufe to hear, whether we
poffefs any right confideration about thefe affairs.
GUEST. Let us, therefore, thus confider. If any one fhould praife the
employment of nurturing goats, and the poffeffion of that fpecies of animals,
as a beautiful thing, but another fhould blame it, in confequence of feeing
that goats are fed in cultivated places without a fhepherd, and that every
kind of cattle is either without a fhepherd, or is under the direction of bad
fhepherds; fhould we confider the accufation of fuch a one as fane, or
not ?
MEGIL. HOW is it poffible we could?
GUEST. But, whether will a pilot be ufeful in a fhip, if he alone pofTeffes
the nautical fcience, whether he is troubled with fea ficknefs or not ? or
how fhall we fay ?
MEGIL. This paffion which you fpeak of is not in any refpedt connected
with the nautical art.
GUEST. But what fhall we fay of the general of an army ? Is he to be
confidered as fufficient to the purpofes of commanding, if he poffeffes the
warlike fcience, though, being timid in dangers, yet through intoxication he
fhould loath fear ?
MEGIL. HOW can he ?
GUEST. But what fhall we fay, if he does not poffefs art, and is timid ?
MEGIL. YOU fpeak of one in every refpect depraved, and who is by no
means a ruler of men, but of fome extremely weak women.
GUEST. But he who praifes or blames a community, which is naturally
capable of being governed, and which with a proper governor is a ufeful
A fociety
T J 3 E LAWS. 23
fociety, but, at the fame time, has either never feen it well governed, or has
always beheld it without governors, can he with propriety ever praife or
blame fuch a community?
MEGIL. HOW is it poffible he can, who has never beheld a fociety well
governed ?
GUEST. Attend then: Do we not confider guefts and banquets as one
certain affociation out of many communities ?
MEGIL. W e do in the highefl: degree.
GUEST. Has no one, therefore, ever beheld this fubfifting in a proper
manner ? But it is eafy for you to anfwer, that this has never in any
refpect been beheld (for this is neither according to the manner of your
country nor your laws). But I have met with many, and in many places,
and have diligently inquired, as I may fay, about all of them. And, indeed,
I have fcarcely feen or heard of one whole community that has been
eftablifhed in a proper manner ; but I have feen that this has been the cafe
with certain few and fmall parts, while many have, as I may fay, been
entirely faulty.
CLIN. How do you fay, O guefl ? Speak ftill more perfpicuoufly. For
we, as you fay, being unfkilled in fuch things, and perhaps not having met
with them, cannot immediately know what in them is right or wrong.
GUEST. YOU fpeak probably : but, while 1 fpeak, endeavour to learn. Do
you then acknowledge, that, in all affociations and communions of actions
whatever, it is proper for each to have a governor ?
CLIN. HOW is it poffible I fhould not ?
GUEST. But we have already faid, that the governor of warlike affairs
ought to be brave.
CLIN. We have.
GUEST. But the brave will be lefs diftnrbed by fear than the timid man.
CLIN. And this alfo will be the cafe.
GUEST. If any method could be devifed by which a general of an army
might be rendered neither timid, nor fubjedt to perturbation, fhould we not
accomplifh this by all poffible means ?
CLIN. In the greateft: degree.
GUEST. But now we do not fpeak of an army which is governed in the
inimical affociations of inimical men, in war, but of the benevolence of
friends communicating with each other in peace*
CLIN.
24 THE LAW«.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. But an aflbciation of this kind, if it is attended with intoxication,
will not be without perturbation. Or, do you think it will ?
CLIN. How fhould it be without?
GUEST. In the firft place, therefore, thefe have need of a governor.
•CLIN. Moft of alL
GUEST. Whether, therefore, is it proper to choofc for them, if poffible,
.a governor who is free from perturbation ?
•CLIN. How can it be otherwife ?
-GUEST. And, indeed, as it appears, he ought to be prudent with refpect
to aflbciation. For he fhould be the guardian of their friendfhip, and fhould
take care that it may be increafed through this their afTociation.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft truly.
GUEST. It is proper, therefore, to place over the intoxicated a fobcr
and wife governor, and not the contrary. For, if the governor of the
intoxicated is himfelf intoxicated, young, and not wife, he muft be abun
dantly fortunate if he does not accomplifh fome mighty evil.
CLIN. Abundantly indeed.
GUEST. If, therefore, any one fhould blame drinking affociations, though
they fhould be as well inftituted as poffible in cities, while he accufes the
thing itfelf, he will perhaps very properly blame them. But if he fhould
blame all drinking affociations, merely becaufe he had feen one defective ;
in the firft place, it is evident he is ignorant that this was not well in
ftituted ; and, in the next place, every thing after this manner will appear
bafe, although the mafter and governor fhould be fober. Or, do you not per
ceive, that when the pilot is intoxicated, or any other governor, he will
fubvert every thing, whether it is a fhip, or a chariot, or an army, or any
thing elfe that is- governed by him ?
CLIN. YOU fpeak, O gueft, in every refpect, true. But inform me what
advantage can be derived from ^drinking affociations when they are well
conducted. As that which we juft now afferted, that an army well com
manded would procure victory in war, which is no fmall good: and in the
fame manner we muft judge of other things. But what great advantage
will accrue either to individuals, or cities, from drinking affociations being
properly inftituted?
GUEST. What great advantage can a city derive from one boy, or one
company
THE LAWS. 25
company being properly educated ? or fhall we not reply to him who aflcs
this queftion, that the city derives but very little advantage from the edu
cation of an individual, or a company ? But, if you inquire univerfally
about the education of youth, of what great advantage it is to a city, it
is not difficult to reply, that, when boys are well educated, they will be
come good men ; and that, in confequence of becoming good men, they'
will both act in other refpedts in a beautiful manner, and will vanquifh
their enemies in battle. Difcipline, therefore, will give victory, but vic
tory fometimes produces ignorance. For many becomigg infolent through
victory in war are filled, in confequence of their infolence, with a thou-
fand other evils. And difcipline indeed has never at any time been Cad-
meian; but there have been, and will be, many victories of this kind among'
men.
CLIN. YOU feem to fay, O friend, that affociations for the purpofe o£
drinking wine form a great part of difcipline, if they are properly conducted.
GUEST. Certainly.
CLIN. Will you after this be able to prove that your affertion is true?
GUEST. TO contend, O gueft, that thefe things are true, fince many
doubt about them, is alone the province of divinity; but, if it be requifite
to affert what appears to me, I think no one will be envious, fince our in
tention, at prefent, is to difcourfe about laws and a polity.
CLIN. W e will therefore endeavour to learn what is your opinion with
refpect to thefe ambiguities.
GUEST. It is proper to do fo; and, befides this, that you fhould endea
vour to learn, and I to teach, and that this fhould be the whole bufinefs of
our difcourfe. But, firft of all, hear what follows. All the Greeks con
fider this city of ours as philological, and abounding in words. But with
refpect to Lacedaemon and Crete, the former is confidered as fparing of
words, but the latter, as more remarkable for abundance of fagacity than
abundance of words. But I am afraid I fhall appear to you to fpeak
much about a fmall affair,—I mean intoxication. An emendation of it,
indeed, according to nature cannot be accomplifhed with perfpicuity, with
out mufical rectitude, nor be fufficicntly handled in difcourfe. But mufic
cannot be difcuffed without the whole of erudition. And all this requires
a multitude of words. Confider, therefore, what we fhall do: whether
VOL. II. E we
26 frtE LAWS.
we (hall omit thefe things at prefent, and pafs on to fome other queftion
about laws.
MEGIL. Perhaps you do not know, O Athenian gueft, that our family
is the public gueft of your city. Perhaps, therefore, a certain benevolence
will immediately enter into the minds of all boys towards a city, when
they hear that they are the public guefts of that city; and they will con
fider it as another native country, which ranks in the fecond place after
their own. And this is the cafe with myfelf at prefent. For I have
heard the Lacedaemonian youth, as often as they praifed or blamed any
thing belonging to the Athenians, fay, Your city, O Megillus, has been
the caufe of this evil, or that good. But, on hearing this, I have fought
againft thofe who blamed your city, in confequence of poffeffing all poffible
benevolence towards it. And now, indeed, your voice is grateful to me;
and that which is faid by many, that fuch of the Athenians as are good
are fo in a remarkable degree, appears to be moft truly afferted* For they
alone, without necefTity, fpontaneoufly, and from a divine allotment, are
truly anp! not ficlitioufly good. Therefore, for my fake, my friend, you
may boldly fay whatever you pleafe.
CLIN. And hearing and receiving, O gueft, what 1 have to advance,
you may confidently fpeak what you pleafe. For you have perhaps heard,
that Epimenides was a divine man, who was of our family, and who ten
years prior to the Perfian war came to your city through the admonition
of an oracle, and performed certain facrifices which the God had enjoined.
And befides this, he told the Athenians, who were terrified at the Perfian
expedition, that the Perfians would not come for the fpace of ten years ;
and that, when they came, they would depart without accomplifhing any
thing which they hoped to accomplifh, and would fuffer greater evils than
they caufed. At that time our anceftors hofpitably received yours; and,
in confequence of this, both myfelf and our parents are benevolently dif-
pofed towards you.
GUEST. You therefore, as it appears, are prepared to hear; but I am
indeed prepared fo far as relates to my will, but not altogether with refpect
to my ability. I fhall however endeavour to gratify yoXjr requeft. In the
firft place then, as preparatory to our difcourfe, let us define what difci
pline is, and what power it pofleffes. For we fay that through this the
4 difcourfe
THE LAWS. V
GUEST. But we mould thus think about thefe things. W e mould con
1
fider that each of us is reckoned a prodigy by divine animals , whether we
were produced as their fport, or as the refult of a ferious operation : for
of this we are ignorant. This however we know, that thefe paffions are
inherent in our nature like nerves or ropes, that they draw contrary to each
other, being themfelves contrary, and that they draw us to contrary actions,
where virtue and vice are fituated apart from each other. For reafon fays,
that we ought always to follow one of the drawings, and fhould never
abandon it, but through this draw in a contrary direction to the other
nerves; and that this is the golden and facred guidance of the reafoning
energy, which is called the common law of the city. It adds, that the
other drawings are hard, and of an iron nature ; but that this is- foft, as
being golden. That it is befides uniform, but that the others are fimilar
to all-various forms. It is neceffary, therefore, that we fhould always
follow the moft beautiful guidance of law. For,, fince the energy of rea
foning is beautiful and gentle, but not violent, fervants have need of its
guidance, that the golden race * in us may vanquifh the genera of a
different kind. And thus the fable, fince we are beings of a wonderful
nature, will be prefervative of virtue ; and we fhall be able to underftand
more clearly how any one may be faid to be fuperior and inferior to him
felf : and both cities and individuals, apprehending the true reafon refpect
ing thefe drawings, ought to live conformable to it. W e fhall likewife
be convinced that a city,, whether it receives reafon from fome one of the
Gods, or from him who knows thefe particulars, will eftablifh it as law,
and employ it in its own tranfactions, and in its tranfactions with other
cities. For thus vice and virtue will appear to us more clearly diftinct ;
and this distinction becoming more confpicuous, both difcipline and other
fhidies will perhaps be rendered more apparent. This will likewife be the
cafe with refpect to the cuftom of drinking focieties, about which it might
appear defpicable to difcourfe any further.
CLIN, Perhaps it will appear not to be unworthy of a long difcourfe.
J
Plato, by divine animals, means the mundane, or, as he calls them in the Timaeus the
>
junior Gods.
a
Viz. the intellectual form of life, or a life according to intellect. See the Additional
Notes to the Republic for an account of the different ages.
6 GUEST.
30 THE LAWS.
GUEST. They are fuch as thefe. W e are afraid of things evil, when
we expect they will arrive.
CLIN. W e are.
GUEST. And we are often afraid of opinion, thinking we fhall be con-
fidered by others as depraved characters, when we do or fay any thing
which is not becoming; which fear, I think, both we and all others de
nominate fhame.
CLIN. Doubtlefs.
GUEST. Thefe are the two fears I fpoke of,—one of which is contrary
to pain, and other fears, and is alio contrary to the greater part and the
greateft of pleafures.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft rightly.
GUEST. Will not therefore a legiflator, and every one who is in the
leaft degree ufeful, reverence this fear with the greateft honour, and call
it fhame,—but denominate confidence the contrary to this, impudence, and
confider it as the greateft evil that can befall men, both in public and
private?
CLIN. YOU fpeak rightly.
GUEST. This fear, therefore, will preferve us in many other and great
concerns, and nothing will fo much procure for us victory and fafety in
war, one being oppofed to one, as this. For there are two things which
procure victory, confidence of the enemy, and the dread of friends with
refpect to bafe infamy.
CLIN. It is fo.
GUEST. It is neceflary, therefore, that each of us fhould become intre
pid, and, at the fame time, timid. But we fhall fhow, by divifion, on
what account we ought to become each of thefe.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. W h e n we wifh to render any one intrepid, we fhall accomplifh
this by leading him, according to law, to the dread of many terrible things.
CLIN. It appears fo.
GUEST. But, what,—when we endeavour to render any one juftly terri
fied, ought we not, by exercifing him in impudence, to caufe him to be
victorious in contending with pleafures ? Or, by contending with and van-
<juifliing his ufual mode of living, ought he not thus to obtain perfection
in
THE LAWS.
fent, will poflefs a wonderful facility, both with refpect to one perfon and
a few, and as many as you fhall always wifh to be exercifed. And whe
ther any one, being alone in folitude, fhould place ignominy before his eyes,
thinking that he ought not to be feen till he has made fufficient advances
in virtue, and fhould thus exercife himfelf againft fear, preparing this potion
alone, in preference to ten thoufand other things, he would do fomething
proper: or whether fome one, confiding in his own nature, and being pro
perly prepared by meditation, fhould not refufe to exercife himfelf with
many drinking aflbciates, and fhould evince, in the neceflary confumptiori
of the liquor, a power fo tranfcendcnt and ftrong, as neither greatly to err
through impudence, nor to be changed through virtue, but towards the
end of the liquor fhould depart without being intoxicated, fearing any hu
man potion the leaft of all things ;—in this cafe, he would do fomething well.
CLIN. Certainly. For fuch a* one, by thus acting, would conduct himfelf
with temperance and modefty.
GUEST. Again, let us thus addrefs the legiflator : Neither, O legiflator,
has any God given to mankind fuch a medicine, nor have we devifed fuch a
one: (for I do not confider witches at a banquet) but whether or not, is
there a potion capable of producing intrepidity, together with vehement
and unfeafonable confidence ? Or how fhall we fay ?
CLIN. There is, and he would fay that it is wine.
GUEST. But this produces contrary effects to the potion of which we
have juft now fpoken. For, when a man drinks of it, it makes him at firft
immediately more cheerful than he was before; and by how much more
he drinks of it, by fo much more is he filled with good hope, and an opi
nion of his own power ; till at length, as if he were a wife man, he be
comes replete with all poffible freedom of fpeech and behaviour, and intre
pidly both fays and does whatever he pleafes.
CLIN. I think every one will admit this.
MEGIL. Certainly.
GUEST. But do we recollect that we faid there were two things in our
fouls which ought to be cultivated ;—the one, that we may poflefs confi
dence in the higheft degree; but the other, which is the very contrary,,
that we may be afraid in the higheft degree }
CLIN. 1 think you faid this of fhame.
GUEST.
THE LAWS. 35
GUEST. YOU very properly remember. But fince it is neceflary that for
titude and intrepidity in fear mould be the fubjects of meditation, let us
confider whether it will be proper that the contrary fhould be cultivated in
the contrary to fear.
CLIN. It is probable.
GUEST. In thofe things, therefore, in which, naturally fuffering, we are
remarkably confident and audacious, in thefe it will be proper, as it appears,
to meditate how we may become in the leaff degree impudent and auda
cious, but timid with refpect to daring to fpeak, or fufFer, or do any
thing bafe.
C u n . It appears fo.
GUEST. Are not all thefe, therefore, the things in which we are thus af
fected, viz. anger, love, petulance, ignorance, the love of gain, and timi
dity ; and befides thefe, riches, beauty, flrength, and all fuch things as,
intoxicating men through pleafure, render them delirious? In order to make
an eafy and innocent trial of all thefe, and afterwards meditate upon them,
what pleafure have we more convenient than that which explores the dif.
pofition of men by means of wine, when it is attended with prudent caution ?
For, let us confider : whether ought we to make trial of a morofe and ruftic
foul, from which a thoufand injuries germinate, in his contracts with others,
or from his being prefent at the fhows of Bacchus, or from his foul being
vanquifhed in venereal affairs, fo as to behold the manners of his foul when
his fons, daughter, and wife, are expofed to danger ? In fhort, among ten
thoufand things, you will not find any thing in which in jeft, and without
any danger, you can fo well contemplate the difpofition of any one, as by
wine. W e ought, therefore, to think that neither the Cretans, nor any
other nation, would ever doubt but that this trial of the difpofition of each
other is convenient, and above all others fafe and eafy.
CLIN. YOU fpeak truly..
GUEST. This, then, will be one of the mod ufeful things, to know the
natures and habits of fouls by that art whofe province it is to procure a
remedy for thefe. But this, as I think, is the province of the politic art.
Or is it not ?
CLIN. It is entirelvj fo. •
THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.
F 2 THE
THE LAWS,
BOOK II.
1
The prudence of which Plato fpeaks in this place is intellectual; for this is peculiarly
adapted to old age, or the Satumian period of life.
whole
THE LAWS. 37
whole of virtue. But the proper nurture of the foul, with refpect to plea
fure and pain, fo as that it may hate what it ought to hate, immediately
from the beginning to the end, and love what it ought to love,—this, if it
is confidered feparately, and is denominated difcipline, will, according to my
opinion, be properly denominated.
CLIN. What you have faid, O guefl, formerly and at prefent, about dif*
cipline, appears to be well faid.
GUEST. It is well, therefore. For thefe pleafures and pains, which when;
properly nurtured are difciplines, are often loofened and corrupted by men
in the bufinefs of life. But the Gods, commiferating the naturally laborious
race of men, ordained for them remiffions of labours, and gave them the
1
viciflitudes of fefHvals in honour of the Gods, together with the Mufes,
Apollo
1
The following account of the feflivals of the antients, from the Defcriptions of Libanius, fully
proves the truth of what is here aflcrted by Plato reprefents to us the liberal, philanthropic, and
hofpitable fpirit of Paganifm in the moft amiable point of view, and naturally leads the truly
benevolent mind to regret that fuch philanthropy has been for fo long a period banifhed from
the earth; that the prefcnce of divinity is no longer confidered as eflentially neceflary to the
fplcndour of feftivity, and that a feftival at prefent is every thing but a folemnity !
"Solemn feflivals when approaching produce defire in the human race, when prefent they are
attended with pleafure, and when paft with recollection: for remembrance places men very near
the tranfactions themfelves. The recollection alfo poiTelTes a certain advantage. For, in f'peaking
of folemn feflivals, it is alfo neceflary to fpeak concerning the Gods in whofe honour they are
inftituted. Men prepare themfelves for thefe feflivals, when they approach, with joy. The mul
titude indeed procure fuch things as may furnifh them with a fplendid entertainment, but the
worthy, thofe things by which they may reverence the Gods. Cattle and wine, and whatever
elfe is the produce of the fields, are brought from the country. Garments alfo are purified ; and
every one is anxious to celebrate the feftival in perfection. Thofe that are in want of garments
are permitted to borrow fuch as are requifite to adorn themfelves on this occafion, from thofe
that have abundance. When the appointed day arrives, the priefts open the temples, pay diligent
attention to the ftatues; and nothing is neglected which contributes to the public convenience.
The cities too are crowded with a conflux of the neighbouring inhabitants, aflembled to celebrate
the feftival; fome coming on foot, and others in fhips.
" At funrife they enter the temples in fplendid garments, worfhipping that divinity to whom-
the feftival is facred. Every mafter of a houfe therefore precedes, bearing frankincenfe : a fervant
follows him, carrying a victim ; and children walk by the fide of their parents, fome very young,,
and others of a more advanced age, already perceiving the ftrong influence of the Gods. One
having performed his facrifice departs; another approaches to perform it. Numerous prayers are
every where poured forth ; and words of good omen are mutually fpoken. With refpect to the
women,
38 THE LAWS.
Apollo die leader of the Mules, and Bacchus, as their afloeiates in thefe ce
lebrations ; that in theie fcftivals they might rectify the education of youth,
in
women, fome offer facrificcs in the temples ; and others are fatisfied with beholding the crowd of
thofe that facrifice. When fuch things as pertain to the divinities are properly accomplifhed, the
tables follow, at which hymns are fung in praifc of the God who is honoured in the feftival.
Social drinking fucceeds, with fongs which are partly ferious and partly jocofe, according to the
different difpofitions of the company. Some likewife feaft in the temples, and others at home ;
:md citizens requcft ftrnngers to partake with them of the banquet. In the courfe of drinking,
antlcnt friendfhips are rendered more firm, and others receive their commencement. After they
have fcafted, rifing from table, fome take the flrangers and fhow them whatever is worthy to be
feen in the city and others fitting in the Forum gaily converfe. No one is forrowful, but every
countenance is relaxed with joy. The exaction of debts gives place to feftivity; and whatever
might caufe affliction is deferred to another time. Accufations are filent, and the judge does not
pafs fentence -, but fuch things as produce pleafure alone flourifh. The flave is not afraid of blows
from his mailer, and pedagogues are mild to youth.
" I n the evening they fup fplendidly, at which time there arc fo many torches that the city is
full of light. There are alfo many revellers, and various flutes, and the found of pipes is heard in
the narrow ftreets, accompanied with fometimes the fame, and fometimes different fongs. Then to
vdrink even to intoxication is not perfectly difgraceful; for the occafion in a certain refpect appears
to take away the opprobrium. On the following day the divinity is not neglected ; but many of
thofe that worfhipped on the preceding day do not again come to the fliovvs. Thofe that contend
in the compofition of verfes attend on this, but thofe with whom the conteft is in the fcenes, on the
preceding day. The third day alfo is not far fhort of thefe j and pleafure and hilarity are extend
ed with the time of the feftival. When the folemnity ends, prayers are offered for futurity, that
they, their children and families may again be fpectators of it; after which the ftrangers depart,
and the citizens accompany them/'
11
The fame author likewife in his account of the Calends obferves as follows: This feftival is
extended as far as the dominion of the Romans; and fuch is the joy it occafions, that if it were
poilible time could be haftened for mortals, which according to Homer was effected by Juno
refpecting the fun, this feftival alfo would be haftened by every nation, city, houfe, and indivi
dual of mankind. The feftival flourifhes in every plain, on every hill and mountain, and in
every lake and navigable river. It alfo flourifhes in the fea, if at that time it happens to be un-
difturbed by tempeft ; for then both (hips and merchants cut through its waves and celebrate the
feftival. Joy and feafting every where abound. The earth is then full of honours; in confe
quence of men honouring each other by gifts and hofpitality. The foot-paths and the public
roads are crowded with men, and four-footed animals bearing burthens, fubfervient to the occa
fion ; and the ways in the city are covered, and the narrow ftreets are full. Some are equally
delighted with giving and receiving ; but others, though they do not receive any thing, are pleafed
with giving, merely becaufe they are able to give. And the fpring by its flowers, indeed, renders
the earth beautiful; but the feftival by its gifts, which pouring in from every place are every where
diffufed.
THE LAWS. 30
in conjunction with the Gods. Confider, therefore, whether it is proper to
fay, that our difcourfe at prefent is celebrated as. true according to nature, or
how
diffufed. He therefore who aflerts that this Is the mod pleafant part of the year, will not err ;
fo that, if the whole time of life could be pafled in the fame manner, the iflands of the bleft
would not be fo much celebrated by mankind as they are at prefent. The firft appearance of the
fwallow is indeed pleafant, yet does not prevent labour j but this feftival thinks proper to removs
from the days of its celebration every thing laborious, and permits us to enjoy minds free from
moleftation. Thefe days free the youth from two-fold fears, one arifing from their preceptors,
the other from their pedagogues. They alfo make Haves as much as poffible free, and exhibit
their power even in thofe in chains, removing forrow from their countenances, and exciting
fome of them to mirth. They can alfo perfuade a father who expects the death of his fon, and
through forrow is wafting away, and averfe to nourifhment, to be reconciled to his condition, to
abandon darknefs, lay afide his fqualid appearance, and betake himfelf to the bath : and what
the moft fkilful in perfuafion are unable to accomplifh, that the power of the feftival effects. It
alfo conciliates citizen with citizen, ftranger with ftranger, one boy with another, and womarr
with woman. It likewife inftructs men not to be avaricious, but to bring forth their gold, and
l(
depofit it in the right hands of others." He concludes with obferving, that the altars of the Gods
in his time did not poffefs all that they did formerly, this being forbidden by the law of the
Chriftians ; but that, before this prohibition, much fire, blood, and fume of facrifice afcended to
heaven from every region, fo that the banquets in honour of the Gods were then fplendid dur
ing the feftival."
The moft remarkable circumftance in thefe feflivals was the caufe of this univerfal joy, which
was no other than the firm perfuafion that divinity was then prefent and propitious, as is evident
from the following beautiful paffage from Plutarch, in the Trcatife in which he (hows that plea
u
fure is not attainable according to Epicurus: Neither the difcourfes (fays he) of thofe that wait
in the temples, nor the feafons of folemn feflivals, nor any other actions, or fpectacles, delight
us more than thofe things which we ourfelves do concerning the Gods, when we celebrate orgies,
or join in the dance, or are prefent at facrifices, or the greateft of the myfteries. For then the
foul is not forrowful, abject, and languid, as if converfing with certain tyrants, or dire avengers,,
which it is reafonable to fuppofe (he then would be ; but where (lie efpecially thinks and rationally
conceives divinity is prefent, there (he efpecially banifhes forrow, and fear, and care, and lets
herfelf loofe even to intoxication, frolic and laughter. Tri amorous concerns, indeed, as the poet'
once faid,
Remembrance of the joys that Venus gave,
Will fire the bofom of the aged pair.
But in public proceflions and facrifices, not only the old man and the old woman, not only the
poor and the plebeian, but alfo
The dufty thick-legg'd drab that turns the mill,
and houfehold flaves and hirelings, are elevated with joy and gladnefs. Banquets and public en
tertainments
40 THE LAWS.
how fhall we fay ? But it alTerts, in fhort, that every youth is incapable of
being at reft, either in body or voice, but that he always feeks to be moved
and to fpeak ; fometimes exulting and leaping, dancing and fporting as it
were with pleafure, but at other times uttering founds with every kind of
voice. Other animals, indeed, have no fenfation either of order or diforder
in motions, which order is denominated rhythm and harmony ; but thofe Gods
whom we call afTociates in the choir have beftowed upon us a rhythmical
and harmonic fenfe, which might agitate us with pleafure, by connecting us
with each other through tinging and dancing. But the word choir was de
nominated from joy, as its natural name. In the firft place, however, it is
neceflary to afk, whether we admit that difcipline firft fublifts through the
Mules and Apollo ? or how fhall we fay ?
tertainments are given both by the wealthy and kings ; but thofe which take place at facrifices
and folemm'ties, when through infpiration we appear to approach very near to a divine nature, are
attended with much greater joy and pleafure, in conjunction with honour and veneration. Of this,
the man who denies a Providence has no portion. For it is not the abundance of wine, nor the
roafting of meat, which gives delight in folemn feflivals, but the good hope and belief that divi
nity is propitioufly prefent, and gratefully receives what is done. From fome of our feflivals we
exclude the flute and the crown ; but when divinity is not prefent at the facrifice, as the folemnity
of the banquet, the reft is impious, is void of feftivity, and polTelTes nothing of divine fury; or,
rather, the whole is unpleafant, and even painful."
OuTE ZlCtTpiGxi TUV tV IspOig, CUT, XaipOl TUV iopTCCJ/JLUV, OUTE VTpaZcify OUTE O^tlf SUppXlVO'JlTlV ETtpai (JLCtXKOV
rariv fi hivoig xo\araig OfjuXovra Tnvixaura h 7rtpiXu7rog e n xai raireivYi xaitiuaOu/MSioictp uxog hv* axx' ottou
fxafiicrTa ooi-a&i xai tiiavoEirai iraptivai top Stov, txti fia>u<rra Xuvag xai QoQovg xai to fywTif eiv airuxrafXEvyi) rut
noo/AEva (J.e%pt fxtdng xai Traitiiag xai ytXurog aQiwiv tavnjv. Ev rot; tpurixoig ug o iroiriryg tiprixt,
xori rvtg vcpmoiag. ov yap oivou TrSnQog, ovfo ovrrr&ig xptan ro tvfpaivov E < m v ev raig iopraig, aXha xai ttsnig ayaOn
to teiTTO/xEvov, / z a X A o v fo bhov artptrtg avru xai \u7rvp0v. The fame author alfo obferves, in his Treatife
on Superftition, " that holy days, temple feafts, the being initiated in myfteries, proceffions, with
public prayers and folemn devotions, were confidered as the moft agreeable things in human life."
6 CLIN.
THE LAWS. 41
and of actions which take place in all-various fortunes and habits, thofe by
whom the imitations of manners, whether expreffed by difcourfe, or melody,
or dancing, are approved, either from nature or cuftom, or from both, muff,
neceffarily rejoice in and praife thefe, and denominate them beautiful. But
thofe to whom they appear contrary to nature, or manners, or cuftom, can
neither rejoice in nor praife them, but mull: neceflarily denominate them
bafe. And thofe, again, to whom thefe particulars happen right by nature,
but the contrary from cuftom ; or right from cuflom, but the contrary from
nature ;—thefe will denominate things contrary to pleafures, laudable. For
they will affert that each of thefe is pleafant, but at the fame time bafe.
Hence, before others, whom they confider as intelligent perfons, they will
be afhamed that their body fhould be moved after that manner, and will blufh
to fing, and to call fuch things beautiful, or deferving ferious attention ; but,
by themfelves, they will be delighted with them.
CLIN. You fpeak with the utmoft rectitude.
GUEST. Does he then fuller any injury who is delighted with bafe
figures or melodies ; or do they receive any advantage who are pleafed with
the contraries to thefe ?
CLIN. It is probable.
GUEST. IS it only probable, or alfo neceflary, that the fame thing fhould
happen as takes place when any one, being converfant with the depraved
habits of depraved men, does not hate, but rejoices in and admits them ;
and yet blames them in jeft, having a dreaming perception of his own de
pravity ? For, in this cafe, it is neceflary that he fhould be affimilated to the
things in which he rejoices, although he fhould be afhamed to praife them.
But what greater good, or evil, fhall we fay, can poffibly happen to us than
a thing of this kind ?
CLIN. I think, none.
GUEST. But where laws are beautifully eftablifhed, or will be in fome
future period of time, can we think it will be lawful for poets, in difcipline
and fport refpecling the Mufes, to teach in their poetical compolitions
whatever delights them, by rhythm, or melody, or verfe, and to form in
choirs the boys and young men of well inftituted polities, either to virtue
or vice ?
CLIN. It is contrary to reafon to fuppofe this would be allowed.
G 2 MEUIL,
44 THE LAWS.
another the modulation of the harp, another tragedy, and another comedy.
Nor will it be wonderful, if fome one, by exhibiting prodigies, fhould think
that he is efpecially victorious. But, thefe and an innumerable multitude of
other champions affcmbling together, can we fay which of them is juftly the
victor ?
CLIN. YOU afk an abfurd thing. For, who can give you an anfwer to this
queftion, unlefs he has himfelf been an auditor of each of the champions ?
GUEST. Are you therefore willing that I myfelf fhould reply to this
abfurd queftion ?
CLIN. HOW is it poffible I fhould not ?
GUEST. If, therefore, very little children were to judge in this affair, they
would give the palm of victory to him who exhibited prodigies: or would
they not ?
CLIN. HOW fhould they do ofherwife ?
GUEST. T h e greater boys, however, would give the preference to thofe that
exhibited comedies; but fuch women as are better educated than others,
young men, and perhaps almoff. the whole multitude, would prefer the
tragedians.
CLIN. Perhaps fo.
GUEST. But perhaps we old men fhould hear with the moft pleafure the
rhapfodift when properly handling the Iliad and Odyffey, or fome of the
works of Hefiod, and fhould by far proclaim him the victor of all the others.
Ought we not, therefore, after this to fhow who is properly the victor in
thefe contefts ?
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. It is evident that both I and you ought necefTarily to confefs, that
he will be properly the victor whom thofe of our age judge to be fo : for the
{kill which we derive from age appears to be every where by far the befl of
all political concerns.
CLIN. Doubtlefs.
GUEST. I therefore grant thus much to the multitude, that mufic ought
to be judged by pleafure, yet not by the pleafure it imparts to every man,—but
that, nearly, that is the moft beautiful mufe which delights the befl of men,
and fuch as are fufficiently difciplined ; but efpecially when it delights a man
who excells in virtue and difcipline. On this account we fay that judges of
thefe
THE LAWS. 47
thefe things require virtue, becaufe they ought to participate of prudence and
fortitude. For a true judge ought not to learn how to judge from another,
and thus become as it were ftupefied by the clamours of the multitude, and
his own ignorance. But he ought to p ffefs fortitude, becaufe, though he
ihould be endued with knowledge, he ought not, through (loth and timidity,
to give an unjuft decifion from the fame mouth with which when about to
judge he invoked the Gods. For a judge does not fit as a difciple, but
rather, as it is juft he fhould, as a mailer of the fpe61ators, and as one who
is averfe to things which do not afford the fpectators a fit and proper pleafure.
For it was allowed by the antient and Grecian law, as by that of Sicily and
Italy at prefent, that the multitude of fpeclators fhould decide who was
victor, by holding up their hands : but this corrupted the poets themfelves,
who wrote according to the depraved pleafure of vulgar judges ; fo that
the fpe&ators both difciplined themfelves and the poets. It likewife cor
rupted the pleafures of the theatre. For, as it is here proper that the fpeclators
fhould always hear of manners better than their own, and thus obtain a more
excellent pleafure, the very contrary to this takes place at prefent. W h a t
then does the prefent difcourfe wifh to iignify ? Confider whether it is this.
CLIN. What?
GUEST. My difcourfe appears to me to have thrice or four times revolved
to the fame thing, that difcipline is the drawing and leading of youth to
that which is called by the law, right reafon, and which the moft worthy
and antient men have found by experience to be truly right. That the foul
of a youth, therefore, may be accuftomed by law, and by thofe who are
perfuaded by law, not to rejoice in things contrary, but to be delighted or
afflicted with the fame things as an old man ; for the fake of this, thofe po
etical compofitions called odes, and which are truly epodes, or incantations
to the foul, are compofed at prefent, and which haftily tend to that kind of
fymphony of which we are fpeaking. But fince the fouls of boys are inca
pable of engaging in ferious purfuits, fports and odes were inftituted by the
legiflator. Juft as, in curing difeafed and imbecil bodies, phyficians endea
vour to introduce ufeful food in pleafant meats and drinks, but noxious food
in fuch as are bitter, that they may be rightly accuftomed to embrace the
one, and hate the other. A proper legiflator will perfuade the poet to do
the fame in beautiful and laudable words; and will compel him, if he cannot
be
48 THE LAWS.
neither dare to behold bloody (laughter, nor to vanquifh, running, the Thra-
cian Boreas, nor will he acquire any of thofe things which are denominated
good. For the things which are called by the many good, are not rightly
denominated. For it is faid that health is the befl thing ; beauty the n e x t ;
flrength the third ; and riches the fourth. And an innumerable multitude
of other things are called good. T h u s , to fee and hear acutely, and to
poffefs in a proper manner all fuch things as belong to the fenfes; likewife
to do in a tyrannical manner whatever you pleafe, appears to be good. And
befides this, it is confidered as the end - of all bJeffednefs to become in the
m o d rapid manner immortal, while pofTeffing all thefe. But you and 1 fay
that all thefe are the befl of poffeffions to juft and holy m e n , but that to
unjuft men they are the worfl of all things, beginning the enumeration
from health. For to be well, to fee, hear, and poffefs the other fenfes, and,
in fhort, to live, is the greateft evil, though a man fhould be immortal
through the whole of time, and poffefs every thing that is called good, if all
thefe are not attended with juftice and every virtue. But it is a lefs evil to
live in this manner for the fhorteft time. I think that your poets fhould
fpeak in this manner, and that you fhould perfuade and compel them to do
fo, and to inftrudl: the youth, through rhythms and harmonies, confequent
to thefe affertions. D o you perceive this ? For I clearly alfert, that the
things which are called evil are good to the unjuft, but evil to the juft ;
but that things good are truly good to the good, but evil to the wicked.
D o , therefore, you and I agree in what is faid, or not ?
CLIN. W e appear partly to agree, and partly not.
GUEST. Perhaps 1 have not perfuaded you that he is not happy, but
clearly wretched, who alone poffeffes in himfelf injuflice and infolence,
though he fhould be healthy and rich, and a tyrant to the end of life ; and,
befides all thefe, fhould be endued with uncommon flrength of body, in
conjunction with immortality, and fhould never experience any of thofe
things which are called evils.
o
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft truly.
GUEST. Be it fo then. But what ought w e to fay after this? If he is
valiant, and ftrong, and beautiful, and rich, and accomplifhes through the
whole of life whatever he defires,—will he not neceffarily appear to you,
if he is unjuft and infolent, to live in a fhameful manner ?
VOL. 11. H CLIN.
50 THE LAWS.
pleafure. For, what good feparate from pleafure can be prefent to the juft
man ? Can it be faid that renown and praife, both from men and Gods, are
good and beautiful, but at the fame time unpleafant ? and that the contrary
is true with refpect to infamy ? W e fhall fay, By no means, O legiflator.
But is neither to do an injury, nor to fufter one, unpleafant indeed, but at the
fame time good, or beautiful ? And are other things pleafant, but fhameful
and bafe ?
CLIN. HOW can they ?
GUEST. The reafon, therefore, which neither feparates the pleafant and
the juft, nor the good and the beautiful, is perfuafive, if to nothing elfe, yet
at leaft to the wifh to live a holy and juft life. So that the difcourfe of the
legiflator will be moft fhameful and difcordant, if he denies that thefe things
are fo. For no one will voluntarily wifh to be perfuaded to do that which is
not attended with more joy than forrow. But that which is beheld afar off
affects every one, as I may fay, and even boys, with a dark vertigo. The
legiflator, therefore, difperfing the darknefs, fhall eftablifh for us an opinion
the contrary to this ; and fhall perfuade the citizens, by cuftom, and praife,
and arguments, that both things juft and unjuft are involved in fhade; and
that things unjuft, which appear contrary to the juft, being furveyed by the
unjuft and depraved man, feem to be pleafant, but things juft, moft unplea
fant : but when they are furveyed by the juft man, they appear to be en
tirely the contrary.
CLIN. It appears fo.
GUEST. But which of thefe decifions, fhall we fay, is moft true ? Whe
ther is it that of the worfe, or of the better foul ?
CLIN. Neceffarily, that of the better foul.
GUEST. It is neceflary, therefore, that an unjuft life fhould not only be
more bafe and depraved, but, in reality, more unpleafant, than a juft and
holy life.
CLIN. It appears fo, my friend, according to the prefent reafoning.
GUEST. A legiflator, therefore, who is in the leaft degree ufeful, though
what we have now afferted fhould notfubfift in this manner,—yet, as there
is not any thing elfe which can be more advantageous to youth, he will ven
ture to aflert it, though falfe, for their good; becaufe he will thus be
enabled to lead them to act juftly, not by force, but willingly.
Hz CLIN-
9% THE LAWS.
CLIN. Truth, indeed, O gueft, is beautiful and ftable: but it does not
appear eafy to perfuade.
GUEST. Be it fb. But that fable of the Sidonian, though improbable,
yet eafily perfuades, as well as an innumerable multitude of others.
CLIN. What fable ?
GUEST. That, teeth being once fown, armed men were produced from
them. For this may ferve as a great example to a legiflator, that any one
may perfuade the fouls of young men to whatever he pleafes. So that he
ought, by confidering, to find out nothing elfe than by what means he
may confer, through perfuafion, the greateft good on the city ; and fhould,
by every poffible contrivance, difcover after what manner the whole of fuch
an aflbciation may always fpeak one and the fame thing about thefe par
ticulars, through the whole of life, in odes, fables, and difcourfes. But if
it appears to you to be otherwise, no difcord will arife from this difference
in opinion.
CLIN. It does not appear to me that either of us can doubt about thefe
particulars.
GUEST. I will, therefore, continue my difcourfe. I fay then, that it is
neceflary to infinuate, as by enchantment, all the choirs, which are three,
into the young and tender fouls of boys, together with all fuch other beau
tiful things as we have fpoken of, and which yet remain for us to difcufs.
But the principal thing among them is this : that if the life which is pro
nounced by the Gods to be the moft pleafant, and the beft, appears to be the
fame with that which we have defcribed, we fhall have fpoken moft truly,
and fhall more perfuade thofe whom we ought to perfuade, than if we had
afferted any thing elfe.
CLIN. What you fay muft be granted.
GUEST. In the firft place, therefore, the puerile choir of Mufes fhould
enter, being about to fing things of this kind, with all poffible earneftnefs
to the whole city. In the fecond place, that choir which confifts of men
thirty years old fhall invoke the God Paean as a witnefs of the truth of what
is faid, and fhall befeech him, together with the divinity Perfuafion, to be
propitious to the youth. But it is neceflary that there fhould be a third choir,
confifting of thofe who are between thirty and fixty years old. But the my-
thologifts about the fame odes, who are more advanced in years than thefe,
a s
4
THE LAWS. 53
of harmony, fo as that thofe who fing the hymns may experience an infa-
tiable pleafure.
CLIN. HOW is it poffible not to acknowledge that thefe things ought to be
fo?
GUEST. But by what means will the befl part of the city, and which is
mofl capable of perfuading by age, in conjunction with prudence, be able,
by finging the mofl beautiful things, to be the caufe of the greateft good ?
or fhall we foolifhly omit that which will be the moft principal thing in the
moft beautiful and moft ufeful odes ?
CLIN. In confequence -of what has been juft now faid, it is impoffible to
omit it.
GUEST. How then will it be accoinplifhed in a becoming manner ? Con
fider, if in this way.
CLIN. HOW?
OUEST. Every one who is more advanced in age, being full of fluggifh-
nefs with refpedt to odes, will be lefs delighted with thefe; and by how
much the older and more modefl he is, by fo much the more will he necef.
farily be afhamed to fing. Will it not be fo ?
CLIN. It will.
GUEST. H e will therefore be flill more afhamed to fing, ftanding up
right m the theatres, before an all-various multitude of men ; efpecially if
the choir, like thofe that contend for victory when exercifing their voice,
fhould be compelled to fing though lean and falling; for, thus circum-
ftanced, they will not fing without moleftation and fhame, and, when they
do, it will be without alacrity.
CLIN, YOU fpeak of things moft neceflary.
GUEST. How then fhall we render them difpofed to engage in odes with
alacrity ? Shall we not ordain by law, in the firft place, that boys fhall not
by any means tafte wine till they are eighteen years old ? For we ought to
teach them, that it is not proper to deduce like a river, fire to fire, into the
body and foul, before they begin to engage in manly labours; but that we
•fhould dread the furious habit of youth. In the next place, we fhould in
form them that wine is to be moderately ufed till they are thirty years old,
and that young men fhould by all means avoid intoxication and abundance
of
THE LAWS. 35
of wine. But when they have attained the fortieth year, then they may be
allowed to attend feafts, to invoke the other Gods, and befeech Bacchus to
be prefent at the myftic ceremonies and fports of the old men ; for this
divinity beftowed wine upon men as a remedy againft the aufterity of old
age, that through this we might acquire a fecond youth, forget forrow, and
render the manners of our foul fofter,—juft as iron is foftened by the action
of fire. In the firft place, therefore, will not every one who is thus affect
ed, be willing, with more alacrity and lefs fhame, not indeed in a great
but in a moderate multitude, nor among ftrangers, but his familiars, to fing,
and, as we have often faid, to enchant?.
CLIN. Very much fo.
GUEST. This mode then will not be altogether improper to induce them
to join with us in finging.
CLIN. By no means.
GUEST. But with what voice, and with what mufe, will thefe men fing?
or is it not evident that it will be with fuch a one as is adapted to them ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But which will be adapted to divine men ? Will it not be that
of choirs ?
CLIN. W e indeed, O gueft, and thefe, are not able to fing any thing
elfe than that which we have learnt in the choirs, having been accuftomed
thus to fing.
GUEST, It is reafonable it fhould be fo. For you have not in reality been
partakers of the moft beautiful finging; and this becaufe your government
is rather military than civil. Hence your young men are like a compact
multitude of colts feeding together in herds. And no one of your people,
taking to himfelf his own offspring, commits him as it were to a groom,
that his fiercenefs may be tamed, and that he may be gently and mildly
educated, and from whom he may receive every thing proper to the difci
pline of youth ; whence he may not only become a good foldier, but an able
governor of a city, and one who, in the beginning we faid, would be more
warlike than the foldiers of Tyrtaeus, and would always and every where,
both in private and public, honour the poffeffion of fortitude, as ranking in
the fourth, and not in the firft place among the virtues.
CLIN.
56 THE LAWS.
CLIN. I do not know, O guefl of ours, for what reafon you again de
grade our lcsfiflators.
GUEST. It is not my intention, excellent man, to do fo, if I do it; but
where reafon leads, there, if you are willing, we will direct our courfe. For
if we poffefs a mufe more beautiful than that of the choirs, and the com
mon theatres, we will endeavour to impart this to fuch as we faid were
afhamed of that mufe, and endeavoured to participate of one more beautiful.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. In the firft place, then, it is proper that this fhould be prefent to
all whom a certain grace follows, that either the grace itfelf alone fhould be
the moft approved, or a certain rectitude, or, in the third place, advantage.
Thus, for example, a grace follows food and drink, and every kind of ali
ment, and this grace we call pleafure: but if it contributes to health, we
denominate it rectitude and utility.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. T h u s , too, a grace follows difcipline, which is alfo called plea
fure ; and the truth refulting from difcipline is denominated rectitude and
advantage, the beneficial and the becoming.
CLIN. It is fo.
GUEST. But what ? In the artificial production of fimilitudes, when
pleafure is the rcfult of fuch productions, may not fuch pleafure be moft
juftly denominated a grace ?
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. But, in fhort, the equality of fuch things, rather than pleafure,
renders them fuch and fo great.
CLIN. It is well faid.
GUEST. Hence that alone can be rightly judged by pleafure, which nei
ther affords a certain advantage, nor truth, nor fimilitude ; nor yet again is
the caufe of any injury, but which alone fubfifts for the fake of that grace
which follows other things, and which may be moft beautifully denominated
pleafure, when none of thefe attend it.
CLIN. DO you alone fpeak of innoxious pleafure ?
GUEST. I d o ; I fay that this is fport, when it is neither the caufe of any
thing detrimental or advantageous, which deferves ferious confidcration.
CLIN.
THE LAWS.
fpeak in a manner perfectly clear ; but, perhaps, I mall thus fpeak with
more perfpicuiry.
CLIN. HOW ?
GUEST. There are ten thoufand fimilitudes which have reference to the
fight.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. W h a t then ? If any one is ignorant what each of the imitated
bodies is, can he ever know whether it is properlyre prefented ? as, for in-
ftance, whether the reprefentation poffeffes the joints and refpective mem
bers of the body, their portions, number, and quality, fuch as they ought
to be, and befides all thefe, the proper colours and figures; or, on the con
trary, whether all thefe are exhibited in a difordered manner. Do you
think that any one can at all know thefe particulars who is unacquainted
with the animal which is imitated ?
CLIN. How mould he I
GUEST. But if any one knows that it is a man who is painted, or other-
wife reprefented, and that he has received all his parts, colours and figures,
from art, would it be neceffary that he who knows this fhould likewife
readily know whether the reprefentation is beautiful, or whether it is in
any refpect defective in beauty ?
CLIN. W e fhould all of us, O gueft, as I may fay, know the beautiful
parts of animals.
GUEST. YOU fpeak with perfect propriety. Is it not therefore neceffary,
that a prudent judge fhould poffefs thefe three things about every image,
both in painting and mufic ? In the firft place, that he fhould know what
the thing is ; in the fecond place, that it poffeffes rectitude ; and, in the
third place, that the image is properly executed in words, melodies, and.
rhythms ?
CLIN. It appears fo.
GUEST. W e fhould not, therefore, omit to fpeak concerning the difficulty
which is in mufic. For, fince it is more celebrated than other images, it re
quires more caution than the reft. For he who errs in this will be injured
in the greateft degree, fince he will thus conciliate to himfelf depraved man
ners. But it is moft difficult to be known, becaufe poets are more depraved
than the Mufes. For thefe are incapable of erring to fo great a degree as,
in
THE LAWS.
in fafhioning the words of men, to give the figure and melody of women;
or, in compofing the melody and figures of thofe who are free, to harmo
nize together the rhythms of (laves and the free-born; or, in exhibiting
rhythms and liberal figures, to affign a melody or difcourfe contrary to the
rhythms. Befides this, they will never place together the voices of beads,
and men, and inftruments, and every kind of noife, as imitating one cer
tain thing. But human poets combine things of this kind together in the
greateft degree, and irrationally mingle them with each other, exciting fiich
men by thefe means to laugh, who, as Orpheus fays, " are allotted the ele
gance of delight." For they perceive all thefe particulars mingled toge
ther : and, befides this, the poets dilacerate rhythm and figures feparate from
melody, arranging naked words in meafure; producing melody and rhythm
without words ; and employing the naked found of the harp and the pipe.
Among which particulars, it is very difficult to know the intention of the
rhythm and harmony which fubfift without words, and to which of the imi
tations deferving to be mentioned they are fimilar. But it is necefTary to
confider every thing of this kind as replete with rufticity ; as immoderately
loving fwiftnefs without falling, and the voice of wild beafts, and on this
account ufing the melody of the harp and the pipe for other purpofes than
dancing and finging. But to ufe either of thefe inftruments unaccompanied
with words, is full of all unfkilfulnefs and legerdemain. But the reafon of
this is as follows: W e do not confider that we ought not to employ our Mufes
when we are fifty, or thirty, years old, but we ought to find out when it is
proper. Our difcourfe, however, appears to me, from what has been faid,
to fignify thus much concerning the mufe belonging to choirs, that it is ne
ceflary thofe who are fifty years old fhould be better inftructed than others
in the particulars belonging to finging. For they muft neceflarily poflefs a
proper fcnfation and knowledge of rhythms and harmonies. Or how can
they know the rectitude of melodies; to what the Doric harmony is proper
or improper; and whether the rhythm which the poet has united to it is
right, or not ?
CLIN. It is evident that they cannot by any means.
GUEST. But the numerous vulgar are ridiculous in thinking that they fuf
ficiently know what is well harmonized, and poffeffes proper rhythm, and
I % what
<50 f H E LAWS.
what is not fo: for thefe have been compelled to fing and walk in rhythm.
But in confequence of doing each of thefe ignorantly, they would not fyl-
logize as follows: Every melody, when it poffeffes things which accord,
fubfifts in a proper manner ; but when it does not poffefs things which ac
cord, it is defective.
CLIN. Mod: neceffarily fo.
GUEST. W h a t then? Can he who does not underfland what it poffeffes,
and what its definition is, know, as we have faid, how it properly fubfifts at
any time in any one ?
CLIN. HOW is it poffible he fhould ?
GUEST. This then, as it appears, we have now difcovered, that thofe
fingers which we have now called upon, and have after a manner compelled
to fing voluntarily, ought from neceffity to be difciplined thus far, as to be
able each of them to follow the progreffions of the rhythms, and the chords
of the melodies, that, perceiving the harmonies and the rhythms, they may
choofe fuch as are fit to be fung by fo many, and by fuch particular perfons;
and, thus finging, may themfelves immediately be innocently delighted, and
thus induce young men to embrace worthy manners. But, being thus far in-
ftru&ed, they will participate of a more accurate difcipline than that which
is directed to the multitude, and to poets themfelves. For, in the third place,
it is by no means neceflary that a poet fhould know whether the imitation
is beautiful or n o t ; but it is nearly neceffary that he fhould know this of
harmony and rhythm. But all the three ought to be known for the fake of
choofing the mofl beautiful, and the fecond ; for otherwife they will never
become a fufficient enchantment to youth to the acquifition of virtue. And
thus, that which our difcourfe intended in the beginning, viz. that it might
afford proper affiftance to the choir of Bacchus, has been accomplished by
us to the utmoft of our ability. But let us confider whether this fhould be
accomplished in this manner. For fuch an affembly muft neceffarily be tu •
multuous, in confequence of the compotation proceeding to a greater degree,
which we fuppofed in the beginning of our difcourfe muft neceffarily happen
to drinking affociations of the prefent day.
CLIN. It is neceffary it fhould.
GUEST. But every one becoming lighter than himfelf will be elevated
5 and
TtfE LAWS. 61
and delighted; will be filled with freedom of fpeech; and in this condition
will not hear him who is near him, but will confider himfelf fufficient both
to govern himfelf and others.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. Have we not faid, that, when thefe things take place, the fouls
of the drinkers, being rendered fervid, will become more foft and juvenile,
like iron heated in the fire ? fo that they may be eafily led, as when
they were young, by thofe who are able and know how to inflruct and
fafhion them : but that he who is able to fafhion them is the fame as he who
was then faid to be a good legiflator, by whofe laws refpe&ing compotation
he may be reflraincd who is confident and audacious, and more impudent
than is proper, and who is unwilling to endure order with refpect to filence,
difcourfe, drinking, and the mufe; and may be willing to act in a contrary
manner in every refpect; fending out againfl advancing and bafe confi
dence, the mofl: beautiful oppofing fear, in conjunction with juflice ; which
divine fear we have denominated fhame and modefly.
CLIN. It is fo.
GUEST. But the guardians and fabricators of thefe laws ought, as leaders
of thofe that are not fober, to be themfelves free from perturbation and
ebriety; without which it is more difficult to fight againfl intoxication than
to contend with enemies without unterrified leaders. But he who is un
willing to be perfuaded by thefe, and by the leaders of Bacchus who arc
more than fixty years old, fuflains an equal, and indeed a greater difgrace
than he who is unperfuaded by the leaders of Mars.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. If fuch ebriety and fuch fport were adopted, would not fuch
drinking affociates derive great utility from thence, and be more conjoined
in friendfhip than before, and not be enemies as at prefent ? Would not
likewife the whole of their aflbciation be according to law, in confequence
of the fober being the leaders of the intoxicated ?
CLIN. Certainly, if the ebriety was conducted in the manner you now
fpeak of.
GUEST. W e ought not, therefore, to blame the gift of Bacchus fimply t
as if it were evil, and not worthy to be received into the city. For much
more might yet be faid to this purpofe; though I fhould be fearful to di£
Clofe
THE LAWS.
clofc to the multitude the greateft good which this divinity imparts, becaufe
men when they hear it will not receive and underfland it as they ought.
CLIN. W h a t is that good ?
GUEST. A certain narration and rumour has devolved to us, that this God
was once difordered in his mind by his mother Juno, and that on this ac
count he introduced the Bacchic rites, and the whole of the infane choir,
that he might take vengeance on the Goddefs. It is further reported, that
for this purpofe he beftowed wine upon mankind. But I leave things of this
kind to be laid by thofe who think that they can affert them with fafety re
fpecting the Gods. T h u s much, however, I know, that no animal is born
with fuch, and fo much, intelligence as is proper to it, when it acquires a
perfection of intellect. But every animal, during the time in which it has not
yet obtained its proper prudence, rages and vociferates in a difordered man
n e r ; and when any one flays it Vapidly, it again leaps without order But
we may recollect that we faid thefe were the principles of mufic and gym
naftic.
CLIN. W e do recollect.
GUEST. Did we not alfo fay, that this principle imparted to us the fenfe
of rhythm and harmony i and that Apollo, the Mufes, and Bacchus, were
the caufes of thefe ?
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. But wine, according to the aflertions of fome, was given to men
as a punifhment, that they might be rendered, through it, infane. Agree
ably, however, to what has now been afferted by us, it is on the contrary a
medicine; and was imparted that the foul might acquire fhame, but the
body health and ftrength.
CLIN. YOU have very beautifully, O gueft, reminded us of what has been
faid.
GUEST. But now the half of the particulars pertaining t o the choir is
complete. Shall we finifli or omit the remaining part ?
C L I N . W h a t parts do you fpeak of; and how do you divide each of them ?
GUEST. According to us, the whole of the choir is the whole of difci
pline. But, of this, one part confifts in vocal rhythms and harmonies.
• Viz. in another life: for the foul carries with it into another the habits and manners
which it poflfelTed in the prefent life.
CLIN.
THE LAWS. 63
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. But the other in the motion of the body, which has rhythm in
common with the motion of the voice, but figure peculiar to itfelf: but,
in the former part, melody is the motion of the voice.
CLIN. Mofl true.
GUEST. I know not, therefore, after what manner we have denomi
nated things pertaining to the voice, which extend as far as to the foul,
and contribute to the difcipline of virtue, miujc.
CLIN. They were rightly called fo.
GUEST. But things pertaining to the body, which we have called dan*-
cing in fport, if fuch a motion fhould extend as far as to the virtue of the
body, we fhould denominate the artificial leading of it to this purpofe r
gymnaflic.
CLIN. Mofl right-
GUEST. But we appear to have fpoken fufficiently of that part of mufic,
which we have faid is the half of the choir. Shall we, therefore, fpeak of
the remaining half, or how fhall we do ?
CLIN. O mofl excellent man, who art difcourfing with Cretans and L a
cedaemonians, as you have fpoken fufficiently about mufic, but gymnaflic
remains yet to be difcuffed, wfiat do you think each of us ought to reply
to your interrogation ?
GUEST. I fhall fay that you have perfpicuoufly anfwered by your queflion.
For 1 underfland that your prefent interrogation is, as 1 have laid, an anfwer,
and, befides this, a mandate to difcufs the particulars about gymnaflic.
CLIN. YOU apprehend my meaning excellently well; and therefore dif
cufs thefe particulars.
GUEST. W e fhall do fo: for it is not very difficult to fpeak about things
known to both of you. And befides, you are far more fkilled in this a r t
than in that of mufic.
CLIN. YOU nearly fpeak the truth.
GUEST. Is not, therefore, the principle of this fport, every animal beino;
naturally accuflomed to leap ? But man, as we have faid, receiving a fenfo
of rhythm, generated and brought forth dancing. And melody, recalling to
mind, and exciting rhythm, thefe two, communicating with each other^
brought forth the choir, and fport,
CLIN. Mofl true.
GUEST.
.the l a w s .
GUEST. One part of this we have faid we have already difcuffed, and
that we fhould in the next place endeavour to difcufs the remaining part.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. W e will, therefore, firft of all briflg to a conclufion the choir
of intoxication, if it is agreeable to you.
CLIN. Of what are you fpeaking ?
GUEST. If any city fhould ufe drinking affociations as a ferious concern,
with law and order, and as an exercife to the acquifition of temperance,
and fhould not at the fame time avoid other pleafures, but in a fimilar
manner fhould engage in them for the fake of fubduing them, after this
manner it may be allowed to ufe all thefe. But if it ufes drinking affo
ciations as fport, and gives pernviffion to any one to drink when he pleafes,
and with whom he pleafes, and to engage in any other purfuit without
reftraint, I fhould not be of this opinion, that this city, or any individual in
it, ought, at any time, to make ufe of intoxication. But I fhould much
prefer the law of the Carthaginians to the cuftom of the Cretans and Lace
daemonians, For their law forbids any one belonging to the camp to tafte
of wine, but orders water to be drunk during all this period. I likewife
would not permit it to be drunk in the city by either male or female flaves;
nor by magiftrates during the year of their office; nor by pilots, nor
judges, when engaged in their refpecTive employments; nor, in fhort, by
any o n e when deliberating about things of importance. Again, I would
jiot permit it to be drunk by anyone in the day-time, unlefs for the fake of
•bodily exercife or difeafe ; nor by a man and woman at night, when they
intend to beget children. And many other circumftances might be adduced,
in which thofe who poffefs a found mind, and conform to good laws, will
abftain from wine. So that, according to this reafoning, no city has occa
fion for a multitude of vineyards. But other concerns of agriculture, and
every thing refpe&ing diet, fhould be orderly difpofed: and wine fhould be
nearly ufed in the moft moderate and leaft degree of all things. And this,
if it is agreeable to you, O guefts, fhall be the conclufion of my difcourfe
xefpecting wine.
C u N . Beautifully faid; and it is agreeable to us it fhould be fo.
BOOK III.
AND thus much concerning thefe particulars. But mail we fay that civil
government had a certain beginning ? And may not any one behold it hence
with eafe, and in the moll beautiful manner ?
CLIN. Whence ?
GUEST. Whence any one may behold tlpe progrefs of cities to virtue, and
at the fame time to vice.
CLIN. Whence do you fay ?
GUEST. I think, indeed, from a length and infinity of time, and from
the mutations in it.
CLIN. HOW do you fay?
GUEST. DO you appear to have ever underftood what a multitude of time
has elapfed fince cities and the politic inftitutions of men commenced ?
CLIN. This is by no means eafy to underfland.
GUEST. It is indeed infinite ", and impoffible to be exprelfed.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. Will not myriads upon myriads of cities have fubfifted in this
time? and, in confequence of the fame temporal infinity, have not as many
been deftroyed ? and will they not every where have been governed accord
ing to every kind of polity; and at one time pafs from the leffer to the
greater, and at another from the greater to the leffer; and have become
worfe from the better, and better from the worfe ?
CLIN. It is neceffary.
GUEST. Let us therefore affign, if we are able, the caufe of this muta-
1
From hence it is evident that they arc not genuine Platonifts, who contend that according to
Plato the world had a beginning. See the Timseus.
VOL. ii, K tion:
66 THE LAWS.
tion : for perhaps it may exhibit to us the firft generation and mutation
of polities.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well. It is therefore neceffary that you fhould readily
unfold what you conceive to be the truth concerning them, and that we
fhould at the fame time follow you.
GUEST. DO antient difcourfes then appear to you to poffefs any truth ?
CLIN. Of what kind ?
GUEST. That there have been many deftru&ions of the human race,
through deluges, difeafes, and many other things, in which a very fmall part
of mankind was left.
CLIN. Every thing of this kind muff be very probable to every one.
GUEST. Let us then confider one of thefe deftructious out of many,—I
mean that which was caufed by a deluge.
CLIN. What ought we to think about this?
GUEST. That thofe who then efcaped the deftruction were nearly moun
tain fhepherds, a few dormant fparks of the human race, preferved on the
fummits of mountains.
CLIN. Evidently fo.
GUEST. But fuch as thefe muft neceffarily have been ignorant of other
arts, and of thofe artifices in cities of men towards each other, with a view to
prerogative and contention, and other bafe ends.
CLIN. It is likely.
GUEST. But we fhall alfo fuppofe that the cities which were fituated in
plains, and thofe bordering on the fea, entirely perifhed at that time.
CLIN. W e will fuppofe fo.
GUEST. W e muft affert, therefore, that all inftruments were deftroyed at
that time, together with every invention pertaining to art, politic difcipline,
or any other certain wifdom.
CLIN. For how, O moft excellent man, if thefe particulars remained
through the whole of time in the fame perfection as at prefent, could any
thing new have ever been invented ? It is becaufe an innumerable multitude
of years was unknown to the inventors. But one or two thoufand years have
elapfed fince fome things were invented by Daedalus, others by Orpheus, and
others by Palamedes. The particulars indeed refpecting mufic were dis
covered by Marfyas and Olympus; but thofe relating to the lyre by Amphion.
And
T H E L A W S. 67
And a multitude of other things were, as I may fay, invented by others but
yeflerday.
GUEST. Do you not perceive, O Clinias, that you have omitted to
mention the friend who was yeflerday prefent ?
CLIN. DO you mean Epimenides ?
GUEST. I do. For he far excelled all among you in inventions; and,
as you fay, brought to perfection in reality what Hefiod had formerly
divined in his writings.
CLIN. W e do fay fo.
GUEST. W e mufi affert, therefore, that when that devaluation by a
deluge took place, human affairs were in a flate of infinite and dreadful
folitude; that a prodigious part of the earth was unprolific ; and other
animals having perifhed, fome herds of oxen, and a few goats, which were
rarely found, fupplied thofe men with food that efcaped the devaflation.
CLIN. Doubtlefs,
GUEST. But are we of opinion that there was then any memory of a
city, politic difcipline, and legiflation, which is the fubject of our prefent
difcourfe ?
CLIN. By no means.
GUEST. From thefe people, therefore, thus circumflanced, all the par
ticulars which exifl at prefent derived their fubfiflence ; viz. cities and
polities, arts and laws, many vices and many virtues.
CLIN. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. Can we be of opinion, O wonderful man, that as thofe who
then exifted were ignorant of many beautiful things pertaining to citizens,
and many of a contrary nature, they could ever become perfect either in
virtue or vice ?
CLIN. You fpeak well; and I underfland what you fay.
GUEST. In confequence, therefore, of the progreffion of time, and the
increafe of the human race, all things advanced to the condition of all
things at prefent.
CLIN. Mofl right.
GUEST. But this was probably not effected fuddenly, and in a fhort, but
in a very extended period of time.
CLIN. It is very proper it fhould be fo.
K 2 GUEST.
68 THE LAWS.
GUEST. For I think that fear would prevent all the inhabitants from
defcending from their elevated abodes to the plains.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. Would not likewife thofe who lived at that time be delighted
in beholding each other, on account of their paucity ? And would they not
haye nearly loft, as I may fay, all the artificial means of palling over to each
other, either by land or fca ? I do not therefore think it would be very
poffible for them to mingle with each other. For iron and brafs and all
metals would have perifhed, confufed together; fo that it would be im-
pofftble to feparate and bring them into light. Hence trees would be but
rarely cut down. For, if any inftrument fhould happen to be left on the
mountains, thefe rapidly wearing away would vanifh; and no other could
be made, till the metallic art fhould again be difcovered by men.
CLIN. How indeed could it r
GUEST. But in how many generations afterwards do we think this
would take place ?
CLIN. It is evident, in a great many.
GUEST. T h e arts therefore which are employed about iron and brafs,
and all fuch things, muft at the fame time be involved in darknefs, and
indeed in a ftill greater degree.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Sedition, therefore, together with war, muft at that time be
every where extirpated.
CLIN. HOW fo ?
GUEST. In the firft place, they will be benevolent towards and love each
other, on account of their folitude. In the next place, food will not be
the caufe of war to them : for paftures will be rare; a few only perhaps
remaining from the firft, in which the inhabitants of that time will for the
moft part live. For they will not by any means be i n want of milk and
animal food. Further ftill, hunting will fupply them with food, neither of
a bad kind nor in a fmall quantity. They will likewife poffefs abundance
of clothing, beds and habitations, together with apparatus pertaining to fire,
and fuch as has no occafion for fire. The plaftic too and weaving arts
will not be indigent of iron. But divinity imparted all thefe together with
thefe arts to men, that, if at any time they fhould fall into fo great a cala
mity,
T H E L A W S . 69
miry, they might be able to propagate the human race. On this account,
at that time they were not very poor, nor were they compelled by poverty
to quarrel with each other. But neither could they ever become rich,
becaufe they were without filver and gold. But in any aflbciation where
neither riches nor poverty take up their abode, in this the moft juft manners
will nearly be found. For neither infolence nor injuftice, neither emula
tion nor envy, can fubfift in fuch a fociety. From thefe caufes, and through
their innocence which we have fpoken of, they were good. For, when
ever they heard that any thing was beautiful or bafe, they thought, in con
fequence of their innocence, that it was moft truly faid to be fo, and were
perfuaded. For no one was fufpecled of lying, through his wifdom, as is
the cafe at prefent; but, believing all that was afferted about Gods and men
to be true, they lived conformably to what they heard ; on which account
they were altogether fuch as we a little before reprefented them to be,
CLIN. Thefe things appear both to me and this other to be fo.
GUEST. W e fay moreover, that many generations living in this manner,
both of thofe prior to the deluge and of thofe at prefent, they muft be lefs
fkilful and lefs learned both in warlike and other arts, which at prefent
are exercifed by land and fea ; likewife in judicial affairs and feditions,
which men have devifed both in words and works, with every poffible fub-
tilty of contrivance, in order to injure and act unjuftly towards each other.
That befides this they muft be more innocent, brave, and at the fame time
modeft, and in every refpect more juft. But of thefe things we have
already afligned the caufe.
CLIN. YOU fpeak with rectitude.
GUEST. Thefe things, therefore, have been afferted by us ; and we fhall
fpeak of every thing confequent to thefe particulars, for the fake of under-
ftanding what occafion they had at that time for laws, and who was their
legiflator.
CLIN. You have fpoken well.
GUEST. Were they, therefore, neither indigent of laws, nor was any
fuch thing adopted at that time ? For men of that period were un
acquainted with letters, but lived following the manners and laws, as they
were called, of their anceftors,
CLIN. It is probable.
4 GUEST.
70 THE LAWS.
culture, at the roots of mountains they will make certain enclofures from
hedges, as defenhve walls againft the attacks of wild beafts, and thus pro
duce one common and mighty habitation.
CLIN. It is probable that this would be the cafe.
GUEST. But is not this alfo probable ?
CLIN. What ?
GUEST. That fince thefe more increafed habitations are compofed from
fuch as are leffer and firft, each of the fmall ones fhould be prefent, h a v
ing at the fame time its moft antient governor, according to alliance, to
gether with its own proper manners ; and this on account of their living
feparate from each other, and having had different parents and preceptors
by whom they have been accuftomed to reverence the Gods, and attend to
themfelves, the more modeft by the more modeft, the braver by the more
brave, and fo in all the reft, according as each has fafhioned their fons
and grandfons, who, as we have faid, will bring with them to this greater
habitation the peculiar laws under which they have lived.
CLIN. HOW is it poffible this fhould not be probable ?
GUEST. It is likewife neceffary that everyone fhould be plcafed with his
own laws in the firft place, and with thofe of others in the fecond place.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. But we appear to be ignorant that we are entering as it were
on the beginning of legiflation.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. After thefe things, therefore, it is neceffary that thofe who thus
affemble together fhould choofe among themfelves in common fome who
know the legal inftitutions of all of them, and that they fhould openly
fhow fuch of thefe as they moft approve of, to the common rulers and
guides of the people^ as to k i n g S j who themfelves approving thefe inftitu
tions will be called legiflators. But, having appointed their rulers, t h e y
will form in this mutation of their polity a certain ariftocracy, compofed
from dynafties, or a certain kingdom.
CLIN. This will doubtlefs afterwards be the cafe.
GUEST. In the next place, therefore, let us fpeak of a third form of
polity, in which all the forms and paflSons of polities, and at the fame time
of cities, happen to be found.
CLIN.
72 THE LAWS.
Thefe verfes, and thofe above, about the Cyclops, are in a certain refpect
divinely written, and are conformable to nature. For the poetic genus is
divine, being agitated with facred fury, celebrating many things which
have happened according to truth, and handling each of them with certain
graces and mufes.
CLIN. And this very much fo.
GUEST. W e will therefore i\ow proceed to confider the preceding fable :
for, perhaps, fomething of our intention may be fignified by it. Will it
not be proper to do fb ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. W e fay then that Troy was built from elevated places, in a
large and beautiful plain, upon a hill not very lofty, and having many
rivers which rufh from mount Ida.
CLIN. So it is faid.
GUEST. Muff not we think that this happened a long time after the
deluge ?
CLIN. How could it be otherwife ?
GUEST. A dreadful oblivion, therefore, of the devaluation we are now
fpeaking of, muff, as it appears, have been then prefent with them, as
they thus built their city under many rivers, and which defcended from
lofty places, and were not afraid to trufl themfelves to hills of no great
altitude.
CLIN. It is perfectly evident, therefore, that they exifled a long time
after this devaluation.
GUEST. And I am of opinion that many other cities were at that time
inhabited, in confequence of the increafe of mankind.
CLIN. Certainly.
* 11. xx. ver. 216.
GUEST.
73
THE LAWS.
GUEST. And thefe indeed fought againft Troy ; and perhaps by fea,
all of them now intrepidly ufing that element.
CLIN. It appears fo.
GUEST. But the Achaians, who warred on Troy, fubverted it in the
tenth year.
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. In tins time, therefore, or the fpace of ten years, in which Troy
was befieged, many evils happened to the beliegers through the feditions
of the young men, who received the commanders, when returning to their
cities and houfes, neither in a becoming nor juft manner, but fothat many
were (lain, and many were exiled. Thofe that were exiled, however, re
turned, changing their names, and being called Doriens inftead of Acha
ians, through one Dorieus, who at that time collected together the exiles.
And hence you Lacedaemonians mythologize about, and thoroughly difcufs,
all thefe particulars.
MEGIL. Certainly.
GUEST. Hence, as, while difcourfing about laws in the beginning of this
converfation, we made a digreffion to mufic and intoxication, fo now we
are led to the fame thing as it were by divinity ; and our difcourfe prefents
us as it were with a handle for this purpofe. For it has brought us to that
politic difcipline which you faid was properly inftituted both in Lacedaemon
and Crete, as by fraternal laws. But now we obtain this prerogative from
the wandering of our difcourfe, that, while we pafs through certain polities
and habitations, we behold a firft, fecond, and third city, following each
other, according to our opinion, in immenfe extenfions of a certain time.
But now this fourth city, or if you pleafe nation, prefents itfelf to us,
which was once inhabited, and is fo at prefent; from all which, if we are
able to underfland what is beautiful or the contrary, refpeding its being
inhabited, and what laws of the inhabitants preferve what is preferved, or
corrupt what is corrupted among them, and what change of political infti
tutions renders the city happy, we fhall think, O Megillus and Clinias, that
we have done enough. But all thefe particulars muft be difcuffed by us
from the beginning, unlefs we call to account what has been faid.
MEGIL. If, O gueft, any God will promife us that, if we enter a fecond
time on the bufinefs of legiflation, we fhall hear neither worfe nor fewer
VOL. II. L things
74
THE LAWS.
things than what have now been faid, I would make a Jong journey, and
the prefent day would appear to me to be fhort, though the God is now
turning from the fummer to the winter folftice.
GUEST. It is proper, as it appears, to confider thefe things.,
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. Let us then be prefent in thought at that time when Lacedae-
mon, and Argos, and Meffene, and the cities which were in alliance with
them, were, O Megillus, in fubjeclion to your anccftors. For'then, as it
is faid in the fable, they thought proper, having triply divided their army,
to inhabit three cities, Argos, Melfene, and Laccdaemon.
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. And Temcnus, indeed, was made king of Argos, but Cref-
phontes of Meffene, and Euryfthenes in conjunction with Patrocles of
Lacedasmon.
CLIN. They were fo.
GUEST. But all thefe took an oath that they would give afTiftance, if any
one fhould dedroy any of thefe dominions.
MEGIL. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But inform me, by Jupiter, whether their kingdom or government
was ever deflroyed by any one ; or whether it was not fubverted by others,
but by themfelves ? or fhall ive fay, that a little before, when we entered
on this difcourfe, we thought it was fo, but have now forgotten it ?
MEGIL. By no means.
GUEST. NOW, therefore, we fhall be more able to eftablifh a thing of
this kind ; for we are led to the fame conclufion, as it appears, by the hif-
tory of paft tranfactions ; fo that we do not purfue in our difcourfe any
vain thing, but that which has happened and is true. But the following
particulars have taken place : Three kingdoms, and three cities, having a
kingly government, mutually fwore, refpecting the laws which they had
eftablifhed about governing and being governed, that kings fhould not reign
by violence as time and race continued to advance, and that the people, while
the kings obferved their oath, fhould not at any time deftroy the king
doms, nor endeavour that they might be fubverted by others ; but that
kings fhould defend both kings and the people when injured, and the
people, both kings and the people. Was it not fo ?
4 MEGIL.
75
THE LAWS.
MEGIL. It was.
GUEST. That therefore which is of the greateft importance in the efta-
blifhments of polities was prefent with the legiflators in thefe three cities,
whether the kings themfelves gave laws, or any other perfons.
MEGIL. What was this ?
GUEST. That two cities fhould always rife up againft one which would
not be perfuaded to obey the eftablifhed laws.
MEGIL. It is evident.
GUEST. This alfo many advife legiflators, that they fhould eftablifh
fuch laws as the people and the multitude will willingly admit; which is
juft as if fome one fhould advife the mafters of gymnaftic exercifes, or
phyiicians, to take care of and cure the bodies under their direction in an
agreeable manner.
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. It is, however, often a defirable circumftance, when with no
great degree of pain any one is able to procure for bodies a good habit
and health.
MEGIL. Certainly.
GUEST. This alfo was at that time prefent with them, and contributed
in no fmall degree to the facility of eftablifhing laws.
MEGIL. What was that ?
GUEST. The legiflators had not to procure an equality of pofTefTions,
which caufes the greateft of all accufations, and which takes place in other
cities eftablifhed by laws, when any one endeavours to difturb the poffeA
fion of land, or to diffolve what is due ; perceiving that equality can never
fufficiently fubfift unlefs thefe things take place. For againft him who
endeavours to difturb every thing of this kind, all men exclaim, that he
muft not move things which are immoveable. Imprecations likewife are
uttered againft him who introduces divifions of land, and the cancelling of
debts; fo that every man is involved in difficulty on this account. This,
however, was not the cafe with the Doriens. For land was diftributed to
them, without envy or controverfy; and they had no large and antient
debts.
MEGIL. True.
t 2 GUEST.
76 THE LAWS.
thefe, the Achaians by the Doriens. Ought we not thus to think, and that
at that time they prepared themfelves for battle with this intention ?
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. It is probable, therefore, that they would confider this their
constitution to be firmly eftablifhed, and that it would endure for a long
time, in confequence of their mutually undergoing many dangers and la
bours, and being under the orderly government of one race, their kings
being brothers. And befides this, it is further probable that they ufed many
prophets, and among thefe the Delphic Apollo.
MEGIL. It is highly probable.
GUEST. But thefe particulars, which appear to be thus great, glided
away, as it feems, at that time rapidly, except, as we juft now faid, afmall
part fituated about the place of your abode; and this part has not ever ceafed
warring on the two other parts even to the prefent day. For, if the feveral
parts of the conftitution at that time had unanimoufly confpired to one end r
MEGIL. Certainly.
GUEST. But we alfo pray that our friends may obtain the fame things as
ourfelves,
MEGIL. Certainly.
GUEST. But the fori is a friend to the father, viz. the boy to the man.
MEGIL. HOW can it be otherwife ?
GUEST. But many of thofe things which the boy prays may happen to
himfelf, the father will befeech the Gods to grant that they may not happen
according to the prayers of his fon.
MEGIL. DO you fay that this will be the cafe when he who prays is fool-
ifh, and while he is yet a youth ?
GUEST. Y e s ; and when he is a father, either very old or very young,
while he knows nothing of things beautiful and juft, but, being affe&ed like
Thefeus to the unfortunate Hippolytus, when dying, will pray with great
alacrity. But if the fon knows what is beautiful and juft at the fame time,
does it appear to you that he will join in prayer with the father ?
MEGIL. I underfland what you fay. For you appear to m e to affert, that
we ought not to pray, nor endeavour that all things may be conformable to
our wifh, but that our will rather may be obedient to our prudence ; and
that both cities and each of us ought to pray for, and endeavour to obtain,
the poffeffion of intellect.
GUEST. Certainly. And that the politician w h o is a legiflator ought al
ways to eftablifh legal orders, looking to this, as I remember to have faid
before, and as I now remind you. For, in the beginning of this converfation,
you gave it as your opinion, that a good legiflator ought to eftablifh all laws
for the fake of war ; but I faid that this was to exhort him to compofe laws
according to one virtue only, when, at the fame time, there are four" virtues;
and that he ought to look to every virtue, but efpecially towards the firft,
which is the leader of them all, and which is prudence, intellect and opinion,
with love and defire attendant on thefe. But our difcourfe returns again to
the fame thing ; and what I then faid, I now again fay, either if you pleafe
jelling or ferioufly—I affert then, that it is dangerous to pray without the
poffeffion of intellecT, but that in this cafe it is better the contrary to what
we afk fhould come to pais. If you are of opinion that thefe things are
afferted by me ferioufly, confider them to be fo. For I now entirely expect
to
80 THE LAWS.
to find you conferring to what we a little before advanced, that timidity was
not the caufe of the deftrucfion of kings, and of the whole of that confti
tution, nor yet the ignorance in warlike concerns of the governors and go
verned, but the whole of depravity, and efpecially ignorance about the great
eft of human affairs. That thefe things thus happened at that time, and
muft fo happen now, if they any where fubfift, and that in following times
they will no otherwife happen, I will endeavour, if you pleafe, to difcovcr,
taking reafon for our guide, and unfold it to you as friends to the utmoft of
my ability.
CLIN. T o praife you, O gueft, in words, would be troublefome, but we
fhall vehemently praife you in the thing itfelf. For we fhall cheerfully fol
low you in what you have to fay, and in fo doing a liberal and true enco-
miaft is particularly apparent.
GUEST. You fpeak moft excellently, O Clinias! and we fhall do as you fay.
CLIN. Thefe things will be fo, if God pleafes. Only fpeak.
GUEST. W e fay then, proceeding according to the remaining road of our
difcourfe, that the greateft ignorance deftroyed that power at that time, and
that at prefent the fame thing is naturally capable of effe&ing this. So that,
if this be the cafe, the legiflator ought to endeavour as far as he is able
to impart prudence to cities, and exterminate in the higheft degree igno
rance.
CLIN. It is evident.
GUEST. W h a t then may be juftly called the greateft ignorance ? Confider
whether you agree with me in what I am going to fay. For I eftablifh it
to be fuch as this.
CLIN. W h a t ?
GUEST. When any one does not love, but hates that which appears to
him to be beautiful, or good; but loves and embraces that which appears to
him to be bafe and unjuft. I affert that this difTonance of pain and pleafure,
with rational opinion, is extreme ignorance. But it is the greateft, becaufe it
belongs to the multitude of the foul. For that part of the foul which is con-
verfant with pain and pleafure correfponds to the common people and the
multitude in a city. When, therefore, the foul oppofes fciences or opinions,
or reafon, all which naturally govern, this I call ignorance : and it then
takes place in a city when the multitude will not be perfuaded by the rulers
6 and
T H E L A W S . 81
and the laws. The fame thing happens to one man, when though beau
tiful reafons rcfide in his foul, yet he does not at all act conformably, but
does every thing contrary to them. I mould eftablifh all thefe moil: inordi
nate ignorances as belonging to a city, and to every citizen, but not as be
longing to the artificers, if, O gueft, you underfland what I fay.
CLIN. W e underfland you, my friend, and affent to what you fay.
GUEST. Let this then be thus fixed, that to citizens who are after this
manner ignorant, nothing pertaining to government is to be committed, but
that they are to be reproached as ignorant, though they fhould be very fkilful
in argument, and poffefs every thing pertaining to the elegance and celerity
of the foul. On the other hand, that thofe who are affected in a contrary
manner are to be called wife, though, as it is faid, they fhould neither know
their letters, nor how to fwim, and dominion fhould be given to thefe as to
prudent perfons. For how, O friends, can the leaft form of prudence fub
fifl: without confent ?
CLIN. It cannot.
GUEST. But the moft beautiful and greateft of mutual agreements may
be moft juftly called the greateft wifdom; of which he participates who lives
according fo reafon. But he who is void of this, who deftroys his own
houfe, and is in no refpect a faviour to the city, but every thing of a con
trary nature,—fuch a one appears to be ignorant with refpect to thefe parti-,
culars. Thefe things, therefore, as I juft now faid, muft fubfift in this
manner.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But ought there not, neceffarily, to be in cities governors and the
governed?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Be it fo. But of what kind, and how many, are the axioms re-
fpedYing governing and being governed in great and fmall cities, and in a
fimilar manner in families ? Is not this one of them, that father and mo
ther, and univerfally a begetter fhould rule over the thing begotten ? Will
not this be every where a right axiom ?
CLIN. Very much fo.
GUEST. But the next in order is this, that the ingenious fhould rule over
VOL. ii. M the
82 THE LAWS.
the ignoble. The third, that the more aged ought to govern, and the younger
to be governed.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But the fourth will be, that (laves fhould be governed, and matters
govern.
CLIN. HOW can it be other wife ?
GUEST. The fifth will be, I think, that the better character fhould rule
over the worfe.
CLIN. YOU fpeak of a dominion which is extremely neceffary.
GUEST. And of a dominion, which for the mofl part fubfifls in all ani
mals, and is according to nature, as the Theban Pindar fays. But the great
eft axiom, as it appears, will be the fixth, which orders the unfcientific to
follow, but the prudent to lead and govern. And this government, O mofl
wife Pindar, I fhould nearly fay' was not contrary but according to the na
ture of law, fubfifling fpontaneoufly and not by violence.
CLIN. You fpeak mofl rightly.
GUEST. The feventh government we fhall produce to a certain allotment,
fpeaking of a thing grateful to divinity, and fubfifling with good fortune.
And we fhall fay it is mofl juft, that he who is chofcn by lot fhould govern,
but that he who is rejected fhould be governed.
CLIN. You fpeak moft truly.
GUEST. W e fhall fay then jocofely to fome one of thofe who proceed with
great facility to the eftablifhment of laws, Do you fee, O legiflator, how
many axioms there are refpecting governors, and how they are naturally
contrary to each other? For now we have difcovered a certain fountain of
feditions, which it is neceffary you fhould cure. But, in the firft place, con
fider with us how, and in what refpect, the kings of Argos and Meffene,
acting contrary to thefe axioms, deftroyed the power of the Greeks, which
at that time was wonderful. Was it not becaufe they were ignorant of that
which is moft rightly faid by Hefiod, That the half is often more than the
whole ? That is to fay, when the poffeffion of the whole is noxious, but
lhat of the half is moderate : for, in this cafe, he confidered the moderate as
more than the immoderate, as being better than the worfe.
CLIN. Moft right.
6 GUEST.
T H E L A W S . 83
GUEST. But will this, when happening to kings, deftroy each of them,
prior to its happening to the people ?
CLIN. It is probable that this is moftly the difeafe of kings, who live
proudly through luxuries.
GUEST. It is evident, therefore, in the firft place, that the kings at that
time arrogated to themfelves authority over the eftablifhed lawn, and that
their actions did not accord with what they had celebrated both in difcourfe
and by an oath. But dilTonance, as we have faid, being the greateft igno
rance, though appearing to be wifdom, fubverted all thofe particulars through
confulion and bitter unikilfulnefs.
CLIN. It appears fo.
GUEST. Be it fo then. But why is it neceflary that the legiflator of that
time fhould be fearful refpecting the generation of this paffion ? Shall we
fay, by the Gods, that to know this is a thing of no great wifdom, and that
it is not difficult to affert; but that, if any one at that time had forefeen it,
he would have been more wife than we are ?
MEGIL. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. W e may now, O Megillus, underfland that which was formerly
tranfacted by you, and, in confequence of knowing this, eafily relate what
ought then to have been accomplifhed.
MEGIL. Speak yet more clearly.
GUEST. This then will be moft clear.
MEGIL. What?
GUEST. If any one gives a greater power to leffer things, fo as to neglect
mediocrity,—as, for inftance, fails to fhips, food to bodies, and dominion to
fouls,—he would fubvert all things. For, becoming infolent, fome of thefe
would rufh to difeafes, and others to injuftice, the offspring of infblence.
What then do we mean to fay ? It is this, my friends, that the nature of a
mortal foul is fuch, that no one of thefe can, when young and unreftrained,
bear the greateft dominion without having its dianoetic power filled with
folly, which is the greateft difeafe ; and that, befides this, it will hate its
neareft-friends; which circumftance, when happening, will fwiftly deftroy
it, and obfeure the whole of its power. T o be afraid of this, in confe
quence of knowing the moderate, is the province of great legiflators. Hence,
that which it is eafy to fee was at that time tranfacted appears to be this,
M2 MEGIL.
84 THE LAWS.
MEGIL. W h a t ?
GUEST. Some God, as it feems, took care of you ; who, forefeeing fu
ture events, planted for you a twofold generation of kings, from one, and
by this mean more contracted you to the moderate. And further ftill, after
this a certain human nature, mingling with a certain divine power, and per
ceiving the effervefcence of your government, conjoined the prudent power
of old age with the proud ftrength of noble birth, equalling the decilion
of men eighty years old, in affairs of the greateft concern, with the power
of kings. But your third faviour, perceiving your diftended and raging go
vernment, hurled upon it, as a bridle, the power of the Ephori, and led it
near the power which is determined by lot. Hence, your kingdom being
mingled from fuch things as are proper, and poffeffing meafure, was both
preferved itfelf, and became the caufe of fafety to others. For the faction
of Ariftodemus had never taken place under the government of Temenus-
and Crefphontes, and other legiflators of that time ;-for they were not then
fufficiently fkilled in legiflation. For, had they been fo, they never would
have thought that a juvenile foul, when receiving a dominion from which it
might be poffible to become a tyrant, fhould be kept within the bounds of
moderation by oaths. But now a God has fhown you what kind of govern
ment is neceffary ; and fuch a one ought efpecially to fubiift. But that
thefe things fhould be known by us, (as I faid before) now they have been
accomplifhed, is not a thing replete with wifdom. For it is not difficult to
fee from a paradigm a thing which has been tranfacted. But if any one
could then have forefeen thefe particulars, and had been able to moderate
the governments, and to form one from the three, he would have preferved
all the beautiful conceptions of that time, and neither the Perfian fleet, nor
any other which has been defpifed by us as of no account, would have failed
with hoftile intentions into Greece,
CLIN. YOU fpeak the truth.
GUEST. Hence, O Clinias, they made a fhameful refiftance. I fay fhame
ful, not becaufe thofe who at that time vanquifhed by fea and land did not
conquer in a becoming manner, but what I call fhameful at that time is
this ; in the firft place, becaufe one of thofe three cities only fought in defence
of Greece, but the other two were fo bafely corrupted, that one of them
hindered Lacedaemon from affifting Greece, by warring againft it with all
its
THE LAWS. 85
its flrength ; and the other obtaining the chief authority in thofe times,
refpecting diflribution, or about Argos, would neither hear, nor give any
aftiflance when called upon to repell the Barbarian. But many things
might be adduced relative to the tranfactions of thofe times, about that war,
by which the conduct of the two cities towards Greece might be accufed
as fhamefuL For thofe who affert that they defended Greece do not fpeak
rightly ; fince, unlefs the common opinion of the Athenians and Lacedaemo
nians had refilled the approaching flavery, all things would nearly have been
mingled together, the race of Greeks with Greeks, the Barbarians with
Greeks, and the Greeks with Barbarians; juft as at prefent, in confequence
of the Perfians tyrannizing, Greece being feparated in a diforderly manner
is badly inhabited. 7 hefe are the things, O Clinias and Megillus, which we
have to urge againft antient politicians and legiflators, and likewife thofe
of the prefent day, that, exploring the caufes of thefe, we may difcover
what elfe ought to be done. Such as is that which we now affert, that it is
not proper to eftablifh great nor unmingled governments ; confidering this,
that a city ought to be free and prudent, and a friend to itfelf; and that a
legiflator ought to give laws looking to thefe particulars. But we muft not
wonder, if we often propofe other things, and affert that the legiflator ought
to regard thefe in giving laws, though they are not the fame with what
we have prcvioufly delivered. But it is proper to infer, that when we fay
the legiflator ought to look to temperance, or prudence, or friendfhip, our
defign is not different, but the fame : and you muft not be difturbed on finding
us ufing many other words of this kind.
CLIN. W e fhall endeavour to do fo by repeating your difcourfe. But
now inform us what you meant by faying that a legiflator ought to look to
friendfhip, liberty, and prudence.
GUEST. YOU fhall now hear. There are as it were two mothers of poli
ties, from which he who fays that others are produced will fpeak rightly..
It is neceffary to call one of thefe a monarchy, but the other a democracy. The
race of the Perfians poffeffes the fummit of the one, but that of the other is poi-
feffed by us. But all other forms of polities are nearly, as I have faid, varioufly
compofed from thefe. It is proper, therefore, and neceffary, that a city
fhould participate of both thefe, if it is to be free, and friendly in con
junction with prudence. But this our difcourfe wifhes to ordain, when
it
T H E L A W S .
caufe he poffeffed pleafures and pains, according with and following right
reafon, become fo without temperance.
CLIN. Certainly not.
GUEST. But, further ftill, we fhould alfo confider this, that we may be
hold how honours are properly or improperly diftributed in cities.
CLIN. W h a t ?
GUEST. Whether temperance, if it fubfifts alone in the foul without
every other virtue, can with juftice become either honourable or difhonour-
able ?
CLIN. I know not what to anfwer.
GUEST. You fpeak modeftly. And I think you would reply, that in this
cafe it would fubfift inharmonioufly.
CLIN. You have very properly anfwered for me.
GUEST. Be it fo then. But the addition which we made ufe of, of ho
nourable and dishonourable, did not deferve a reply, but ought rather to
have been paffed over in irrational filence.
CLIN. You appear to me to fpeak concerning temperance.
GUEST. I do. But that which is of more advantage to us than other
things, if it is efpecially honoured with an addition, it will be moft rightly
honoured; that which is fecond in utility, when honoured in a fecondary
manner ; and thus every thing will be properly honoured when it receives
confequent honours in the order of fucceffion.
CLIN. This will be the cafe.
GUEST. What then ? Shall we not fay that it is the province of the legifi-
lator to diftribute thefe ?
CLIN. And very much fo.
GUEST. Are you willing that we fhould inveft him with the power of
diftributing all things, both pertaining to every work, and to trifling parti
culars ? And fhall we not endeavour to give a triple divifion, fince we alfo
are in a certain refpect defirous of laws ; dividing things greateft, fecond,
and third, apart from each other?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. W e fay then that a city, in order that it may be preferved, and
may be happy to the utmoft of human power, ought neceffarily to diftribute
honours and dishonours in a proper manner.
VOL. II. N CLIN.
THE LAWS.
CLI®. Right.
GUEST. Proper diftribution, therefore, is this, to eftablifh the goods per
taining to the foul, as the moft excellent and firft in rank, temperance at the
fame time being prefent with the foul: but as fecond in rank, things beau
tiful and good pertaining to the body ; and in the third place, things per
taining to poffeflions and riches. If any legiflator or city proceeds without
thefe, and either caufes riches to be honoured, or through honours renders
fomething which is pofterior, prior, they will act neither in a holy nor in a
political manner. Shall thefe things be faid by us, or how I
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. A confideration of the Perfian polity caufed us to fpeak more co-
pioufly about thefe particulars. But we found that they became ftill worfe;
and we fay that this was owing to their depriving the people of liberty in
an immoderate degree. Likewife, by introducing the defpotic more than
was proper, they deftroyed friendfhip and fociety in the city. But, thefe
beino-corrupted, the deliberation of the rulers is not directed to the governed
and the people, but to the advantage of their own government. Indeed,
for the fake of a trifling benefit which might accrue to themfelves, cities
have been entirely fubverted, and friendly nations deftroyed by fire. Hence,
hating in an hoflile manner, and without pity, they are alfo hated. And
when there is occafion for the people to fight for them, and they aflemble
for this purpofe, they do not find in them a general confent to undergo dan
ger, and fight with alacrity. But though they poffefs myriads, and indeed
innumerable fubjects, yet they are all ufelefs for the purpofes of war.
Hence, as if they were in want of men, they procure fome for hire; and
thus think they fhall be fafe under the protection of mercenary and foreign
foldiers. Befides all this, they are compelled to be unlearned, afferting fe
rioufly, that whatever is called honourable or beautiful in the city is a mere
trifle when compared to filver and gold.
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But we have fpoken fufficiently concerning the affairs of the
Perfians, which do not fubfifl in a proper manner, through exceffive flavery
and defpotifm.
MEGIL. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But, after this, it is proper in a fimilar manner to difcufs the Attic
polity,
T II E L A W S. 9»
polity, that it may appear how perfect liberty, exempt from all government,
is in no fmall degree worfe than that which is moderately in fubje6tion t o
others. For at that time in which the Perfians invaded Greece, and perhaps
nearly all Europe, our polity was antient, and we had certain governments
compofed of four diviiions. A certain fhame, too, at that time was a defpot,
through which we were then defirous to live in lubjeclion to the laws. Be
fides this, the magnitude of that military force, which fpread itfelf over the
land and fea, produced an immenfe fear, and can fed us to be in Mill greater
fubjection to the governors and laws then exifting. And from thefe caufes
the higheft degree of friendfhip fubfifted between us. For nearly ten years
before the naval battle in Salamis, Datis, being fent by Darius, led a Perfian
army againft the Athenians and Eretrienfes in order to reduce them t o
flavery; Darius at the fame time threatening him with death unlefs he en-
flaved thefe nations. Datis, therefore, in a very fhort time entirely fubdued
them with an innumerable multitude of forces ; and a certain dreadful ru
mour reached our city, that not one of the Eretrienfes had efcaped, but that
the foldiers of Datis had bound the hands of the Eretrienfes together, and
plundered all their city. This rumour, whether true or not, terrified both
the other Greeks, and alfo the Athenians, who in confequence of this fend
ing ambaffadors to every part of Greece for the purpofe of procuring affift-
ance, no one aided them except the Lacedaemonians. And even they, in
deed, whether they were hindered by being engaged in a war at that time
againft Meffene, or by fome other circumftance (for we are unacquainted
with the true reafon), did not come till one day after the battle at Marathon.
After this, mighty preparations and innumerable threats of the king are faid
t o have taken place. In the mean time Darius is faid to have died, who
was fucceeded in the government by his fon, at that time extremely young,
and who in no refpect: abandoned his father's undertaking. But the Athe
nians were of opinion, that the whole of his preparation would be directed
againft them, on account of the battle at Marathon. And hearing that
mount Athos was dug through, the Hcllefpont joined, and a great multi
tude of fhips collected, they thought that there was no fafety for them by
land or by fea. For they were unwilling to confide in the affiltance of any
one, recollecting that, when on the firft invafion of the Perfians the Eretri
enfes were vanquifhed, no one gave them affiltance, or expofed themfelves
N ,2 tO
THE L A W S.
that the contrary will be the cafe when each is carried to an extreme, the
one of flavery, and the other of liberty.
MEGIL. YOU fpeak mod: true.
GUEST. But, for the fake of thefe things, we confidered the nature of the
Doric army, the roots of the Dardan mountains, and the maritime habita
tion. W e likewife confidered, on the fame account, thofe firft men who
efcaped the devastation of the deluge ; and difcourfed about mufic and in
toxication, and things yet prior to thefe. For all thefe particulars have
been difcuffed, for the purpofe of perceiving how a city may be inhabited
in the befl manner, and how every private individual in it may lead the molt
excellent life. But if by all this we have accomplifhed any thing of con
fequence, what can be faid againft us, O Megillus and Clinias ?
CLIN. I feem to myfelf, O gueit, to perceive fomething. For it appears
that we have fortunately difcuffed all thefe particulars. For I nearly am at
prefent in want of them ; and both you and Megillus here have very oppor
tunely met with me. For I will not conceal from you that which has now
happened to me, but I will make it ferve as an omen. The greateft part
of Crete, then, endeavours at prefent to eftablifh a certain colony, and com
mits the management of it to the Cnoffians. But the city of the Cnoffians
appoints me and nine others to manage this affair; and at the fame time
orders us to eftablifh thofe laws which pleafe us Cretans, and which may be
collected from other nations. And if thofe of other nations mail appear to be
better than our own, it enjoins us not to reject them becaufe they are foreign.
W e fhall now, therefore, beftow this favour both upon ourfelves and you.
For, making a felection out of what has been faid, we fhall eftablifh a city in
our difcourfe, and confider it from the firft time of its being inhabited. For
thus a consideration of the object of our inquiry will take place, and which
at the fame time may be ufeful to me in the eflablifhment of my future city*
GUEST. YOU do not announce war, O gueft. Unlefs, therefore, it fhould
not be agreeable to Megillus, be perfuaded that I fhall give you every aflift-
ance in my power.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well.
MEGIL. YOU may likewife depend on my affiftance.
v GUEST. YOU both fpeak in the mofl becoming manner. Let us therefore
endeavour, in the firft place, to built a city in difcourfe.
THE END OF THE THIRD BOOK.
T H E LAWS,
B O O K IV.
all-prolific, but indigent of many things, it would require for itfelf fome
mighty faviour, and certain divine legiflators, that it might be preferved from
many various and depraved manners to which it would be naturally difpofed.
But now its diftance of eighty fladia becomes its confolation. It is indeed
fituated nearer the fea than is becoming, on which account it abounds as
you fay with ports ; but, at the fame time, this is a defirable circumftance.
For the vicinity of the fea to this region renders it every day pleafant, though
this proximity is in reality extremely fait and bitter. For, filling it with the
defire of gain, through merchandize, it produces in the fouls of the inhabit
ants craft and unfaithfulnefs ; and thus renders the city both unfaithful and
unfriendly to itfelf, and in a fimilar manner to other nations. As a confo
lation, however, under thefe disadvantages, it poffeffes an all-prolific foil;
but, being rough, it is evident that it will not be abundantly, though it is all-
prolific. For, if this were the cafe, in confequence of great exportation, it
would again poffefs gold and filver coin in abundance; a greater evil than
which cannot, as I may fay, exifl, if one thing is compared with another,
nor can any thing in a city be more adverfe to the poffeffion of generous
and juft manners, as, if w e recoiled!:, we faid before.
CLIN. W e do recollect; and w e allow that what was then and is n o w
faid is right.
GUEST. But what? Does this region poffefs materialsproperforbuiJdingfhips?
CLIN. It has not any fir-trees which deferve to be mentioned, nor yet
any pines. It likewife has not many cyprefs trees ; and very few plane- or
pitch-producing trees are to be found in it, which Shipwrights neceffarily
ufe in constructing the interior parts of fhips.
GUEST. In this refpect likewife the nature of the country is not badly
difpofed.
CLIN. HOW fo ?
GUEST. Becaufe it is good for a city to be incapable of eafily imitating its
enemies in bafe imitations.
CLIN. O n account of which of the things that have been advanced do
you fpeak in this manner ?
GUEST. Obferve me, O divine man ! I am looking to that which was
afferted in the beginning about the Cretan laws, which you faid regarded one
particular, viz. w a r ; but I laid that fuch laws, becaufe they were efta-
VOL. i i . o blifhed
98 THE L A W S.
bliiriecl with a view to virtue, were well eftablifhed ; but becaufe they re
garded only a part, and not the whole of virtue, I did not altogether approve
of them. Do you therefore obferve me in the prefent bufinefs of legiflation,
and confider .whether I legally eftablifh anything tending to virtue, or to any
part of virtue. For it is with me a fundamental pofition, that he only efta-
blifhes laws in a proper manner, who, like an archer, always directs his
attention thither where alone fomething of the beautiful in conduct will
always follow, but who leaves all other things, whether riches or any thing
elfe of this kind, when they fubfilt without beautiful manners. But I call
the imitation of enemies then vicious, when any one refiding near the fea is
injured by enemies, as in the following inftance. For 1 will relate a cir
cumftance to you, though not with any intention of calling to mind a paft
injury. Minos, in confequence of poffefling great power by fea, impofed a
heavy tribute on the Attic region. But the Athenians at that time had not
fhips of war as at prefent; nor did their country abound in wood well
adapted for building fhips. Hence they could not, through nautical imita
tion, becoming themfelves failors, immediately at that time defend them
felves againft their enemies. And they would have done better if they had
often loft feven young men, inftead of suffering that which happened to
them. For, inftead of fighting on land, and in a legal manner, in confe
quence of becoming failors they were accuftomed to leap running in clofe
array into the fhips, and again rapidly to abandon them ; and appeared to
themfelves to act in no refpect bafe, in not daring to die, and wait for the
attacks of the enemy. But they had a plaufible pretext at hand, afferting
that, by throwing away their arms, they could not be accufed of fhameful
flight. They fay, that language of this kind came to be adopted in confe
quence of naval engagements; language by no means worthy of infinite
praife, but the contrary. For it is never proper to be accuftomed to bafe
manners, and efpecially for the beft part of the citizens. But it appears
from Homer, that a conduct of this kind is not beautiful. For Ulyffes re
proves Agamemnon for exhorting the Greeks, who at that time were en
gaged in fight againft the Trojans, to draw their fhips to the fea. But Ulyffes
thus reproves him :
" Is this a general's voice, that calls to flight
While war hangs doubtful, while his foldiersfight?
What
THE LAWS. 99
What more could Troy ? What yet their fate denies
Thou giv'fl: the foe: all Greece becomes their prize.
No more the troops (our hoifted fails in view,
Themfelves abandon'd) mall the fight purfue;
But thy (hipsflying,with defpair fhall fee,
And owe deftru&ion to a prince like thee V
Homer therefore knew that three-banked galleys prepared for flight were
bad in naval engagements. For lions, by ufing manners of this kind, might
be accuftomed to fly from ftags. Befides this, the naval powers of cities
do not together with fafety beftow honours on the moft beautiful of war
like concerns. For, in confequence of naval affairs fubfifting through pilot
ing, the government of fifty men, and rowing, men of all-various defcriptions
and of no great worth being employed for thefe purpofes, no one can beftow
honours upon individuals in a proper manner. Though deprived of this,
how can a polity be in a good condition ?
CLIN. It is nearly impoflible. But, O gueft, we Cretans fay that the naval
battle at Salamis of the Greeks againft the Barbarians preferved Greece.
GUEST. And, indeed, many both of the Greeks and Barbarians affert the
fame thing. But we, my friend, viz. I and Megillus here, fay, that the
pedeftrious battle at Marathon and Plataeae was the one the beginning, and
the other the end, of fafety to the Greeks. And, in fhort, that we may fpeak of
the battles which at that time preferved us, fome of them were advantageous,
but others not fo, to the Greeks. For to the battle at Salamis I add that at
Artemifium. But now, looking to the virtue of a polity, let us confider the
nature of the region, and the order of the laws ; not thinking, with the
vulgar, that to be preferved, and to exift, is alone to mankind the moft
honourable of all things, but to become and continue to be the moft excellent
characters during the whole period of their exiftence. And this I think has
been faid by us in the former part of our difcourfe.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. W e will therefore alone confider this, if we are in that path
which is beft for a city, refpeding habitations, and the eftablifhment of laws.
CLIN. And we are very much fo.
GUEST. Inform me, therefore, as that which is confequent to thefe things,
1
Iliad, lib. xiv.
O 2 who
100 THE LAWS.
who the people are that are to inhabit your colony; whether fuch as are
willing from every part of Crete, fo as that a great multitude will be
collected from its feveral cities ; or whether they are fuch as are chofen for
the purpofe of cultivating the land ? For you do not collect fuch of the
Greeks as are willing ; though I fee that fome of you from Argos, and
^Egina, and other parts of Greece, inhabit this region. But inform me at
prefent whence you will derive this army of citizens.
CLIN. I think it will be procured from the whole of Crete. And it appears
to me that thofe from Peloponnefus will be received for inhabitants, in pre
ference to the other Greeks. For, what you faid juft now you faid truly : I
mean, that thefe are from Argos : for the race which is moft celebrated here
at prefent is Gortynic, becaufe it migrated hither from the Peloponnefian
Gortyna.
GUEST. This eftabliftiment of a colony, therefore, is not fimilariy eafy to-
cities, fince it does not take place after the manner of a fwarm of bees, one race
of friends proceeding from one region, and from friends, iri order to form a
fettlement, being as it were beiieged by a certain narrownefs of land, or
forced by other inconveniences of a fimilar nature. But it fometimes
happens that a part of a city, being violently urged by feditions, is com
pelled to fettle in fome other place. And fometimes a whole city is*
forced to fly, in confequence of being vanquished in war. It is, there
fore, partly eafy for thefe to be colonized, and governed by laws, and partly
difficult. For, when a colony is of one race, fpeaking the fame language,
and obeying the fame laws, it is united by a certain friendfhip, and has a
communion of priefts, and every thing elfe of a fimilar kind ; but it will not
eafily endure different laws, and a polity foreign to its own. But fuch a
colony, having been forced to fedition through the badnefs of its laws, and
ftill denting through cuftom thofe priftine manners by which it was cor
rupted, becomes, in confequence of this, refractory and difbbedient to its
colonizer and legiflator. But when a colony is compofed of ail-various
tribes, it will perhaps be more willingly obedient to certain new laws ; but
to oonfpire together, and, like horfes under one yoke, to blow as it is faid
the fame blaft, requires a long time, and is extremely difficult. But legifla-
tion and the eftablilhment of cities are the moft perfect of all things with
refpect to the virtue of men.
CLIN.
THE LAWS. 101
GUEST. And would not all the reft that we havs juft now mentioned
fpeak in this manner, if any one fhould call upon them to difclofe their
prayer ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly,
GUEST. And I think that a legiflator alfo will do the fame.
CLIN. So I think.
GUEST. Come then, legiflator (for we will now addrefs him), What, and
after what manner, fhall we give you a city, fo that from the things which
are left in it you may be able fufficiently to govern the city ? What will he
rightly affert after this ? Shall we not fay, that the legiflator will thus fpeak ?
CLIN. HOW ?
GUEST. Thus. Give me a city governed by a tyrant, he will fay. But
let the tyrant be a young man, of a good memory, docile, brave, and naturally-
magnificent. And let that which, we faid before, ought to follow all the
parts of virtue, take place in the foul of the tyrant, in order that fome
advantage may be derived from other things being prefent.
CLIN. Our gueft, O Megillus, appears to me to fay that temperance
fhould follow the other virtues. Is it not fo ?
GUEST. I fpeak, O Clinias, of popular temperance and not of that which
any one extolling would call prudence; but I mean that temperance which
immediately and naturally bloffoms forth in boys and favage animals, fo that
fome are incontinent with refpect to pleafures, but others continent. And
this temperance, when fubfifling feparate from the multitude of things which
are called good, I do not confider as worthy to be mentioned. Do you
underfland me ?
CLIN. Perfectly.
GUEST. This nature, therefore, our tyrant muft poffefs in addition to the
other natures we have mentioned, if the city is to receive a polity, through
which it may live moft happdy in the fwifteft and befl: manner poffible.
For no difpofition of a polity can ever be more rapid or more excellent
than this.
1
Platohere means that temperance which belongs to the phyfical virtues, or thofe virtues which
we poflefs from our birth, and may be faid to be the forerunners of the moral, political, cathartic,
and theoretic virtues j for an account of which fee the Notes to the Phaedo.
CLIN.
THE LAWS. 103
CLIN. But how, O gueft, and by what arguments, may any one who
afferts this perfuade himfelf that he fpeaks properly ?
GUEST. It is eafy to underftand, O Clinias, that this is naturally fo.
CLIN. HOW do you fay ? Do you not mean to affert, if trig tyrant is a
young man, temperate, docile, of a good memory, brave, magnificent, and
fortunate?
GUEST. Add nothing elfe, except that he proves to be a legiflator worthy
of praife, and that a certain fortune leads him to this. For, this taking
place, every thing will nearly be accomplifhed by a divine nature, which it
brings to pafs when it is willing that any city fhould be eminently pro-
fperous. But this will happen in the fecond degree, when two fuch characters
are the governors : in the third degree, when three: and the difficulty of
a profperous government will be increafed in proportion to the number of
fuch governors. But, on the contrary, the facility will be increafed in pro
portion to the paucity of fuch governors.
CLIN. You appear to affert that the beft city is produced from a tyranny,
in conjunction with a moft excellent legiflator and a modeft tyrant;
and that it is eafily and rapidly changed into the former from the latter :
that the beft city in the fecond degree is produced from an oligarchy ; and
in the third degree, from a democracy. Or how do you fay ?
GUEST. Not this, by any means. But that the firft is produced from a
1
tyranny ; the fecond, from a royal polity ; the third, from a certain demo
cracy ; and in the fourth place, an oligarchy * will be able to receive a
generation of this kind with the utmoft difficulty. For, in this mode of
government, the powerful are very numerous. But we fay that thefe things
will then take place, when a true legiflator, and who is naturally fuch, fhall
be found ; and when a certain ftrength fhall happen to him in common with
thofe in the city, who are able to accomplifh that which is of the greateft
confequence. But where the governors are the feweft in number, and at
the fame time the moft ftrong, as in a tyranny, there this mutation is
accuftomed to take place in a rapid and eafy manner.
1
According to Plato, a royal polity is produced when every thing is adminiftered according to
reafon, and the fupreme governor is the befl of men.
* An oligarchy takes place when a few only, and thofe the worft, govern the city. See the
Republic.
4 CLIN.
104 THE LAWS.
GUEST. For you, O'moft excellent men, truly participate of polities ; but
thofe which are now fo called are not polities, but habitations of cities, in
which one part is fubject to the dominion of another, and each is denomi
nated from the power of the defpot. But if a city ought to be denominated
after this manner, it is fit that it mould be called by the name of a divinity,
who is the true ruler of thofe that are endued with intellect.
CLIN. But who is this God ?
GUEST. Shall we then for a little while make ufe of a fable, in order
that we may unfold in a becoming manner the object of our inquiry f
Will it not be proper to do fo ?
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. A long time then prior to thofe habitations of cities which we
have before difcuffed, a certain government and habitation is faid to have
1
fubfifted under Saturn ; a government extremely happy, and of which the
prefent ariflocracies are an imitation.
MEGIL. It is proper, as it appears, to attend to this vehemently.
GUEST. It appears fo to me ; and on this account I have introduced it into
our difcourfe.
MEGIL. It is well done : and you will act very properly by proceeding
with the fable as far as is neceffary to your deftgn.
GUEST. I fhall do as you fay. W e learn, then, from the report of the
bleffed life of the inhabitants of that time, that they poffefTed all things in
abundance, and fpontaneoufly produced ; of which the following is faid to be
the caufe: Saturn, well knowing (as we have already obferved) that no
human nature, when endued with abfolute dominion, is fb fufficient to it
felf as not to be filled with infolence and injuftice, in confequence of un
derstanding this, placed over our cities, as kings and governors, not men, but
daemons of a more divine and excellent kind ; juft as we do at prefent with
flocks of fheep and herds of tame cattle. For we do not make oxen go
vernors of oxen, nor goats of goats ; but we ourfelves rule over them, as
being of a better race. In a fimilar manner this God, who is a lover of
mankind, placed over us the race of daemons, as being more excellent than
our fpecies. But thefe taking care of our concerns, with great facility both
1
Saturn is a deity with an intellectual characteriftic.—See the Notes to the Cratylus.
THE LAWS. 107
to themfelves and us, imparted to us peace and fhame, liberty and abundance
of juftice, and rendered the human race exempt from fedition, and happy.
This our prefent difcourfe, therefore, employing truth, afferts, that fuch cities
as are not governed by a divinity, but by fome mortal, will never be exempt
from evils and labours : but it is of opinion that we ought, by all poffible
means, to imitate the life which is faid to have been under Saturn; and that,
being obedient to as much of immortality as is inherent in our nature, we
fhould govern both publicly and privately our houfes and cities, calling law
the diftribution of intellect. For, if one man, or a certain oligarchy, or de
mocracy, poffeffing a foul afpiring after pleafures and defires, and requirixig
to be filled with thefe, but not being able to retain them, fhould be tor
mented with an infatiable vicious difeafe ;—fuch a one, when governing
either a city or an individual, would trample on the laws ; and, as we juft now
faid, under fuch a dominion there could be no poffibility of obtaining fafety.
But it is neceffary to confider, O Clinias, whether we ought to be perfuaded
by this difcourfe, or not.
CLIN. It is neceffary that we fhould be perfuaded.
GUEST. YOU underfland, therefore, that they fay there are as many fpecies
of laws as of polities. But we have already related how many fpecies of
polities there are faid to be by the multitude. Nor fhould you think that
our prefent inquiry is about fomething vile, but that it is about a thing of
the greateft moment. For, to what the juft and the unjuft ought to look,
again becomes to us a thing of an ambiguous nature. For they fay that the
laws ought not to look either to war, or to the whole of virtue, but rather
to that which is advantageous to the fubfiftence of a polity, fo that it may
always govern, and never be diffolved : and they fay that the definition of
the juft will thus be naturally beautiful.
CLIN. How?
GUEST. Becaufe it is advantageous to that which is more excellent.
CLIN. Speak yet more clearly.
GUEST. That which has dominion, fay they, always eftablifhes the law*
in a city. Is not this what they fay ?
CLIN. You fpeak truly.
GUEST. DO you think, therefore, fay they, that ever at any time, whe
ther the people are victorious, or any other polity, or a tyranny, he who
p 2 eftablifhes
108 THE LAWS.
eftablifhes the laws will voluntarily eftablifh them, looking to any thing
elfe in the firft place than his own advantage, viz. the ftability of his
dominion ?
CLIN. For how fhould he?
GUEST. He, therefore, who tranfgreffes thefe laws when eftablifhed,
will be punifhed by the legiflator (who will denominate his laws juft) as
acting unjuftly.
CLIN. It appears fo.
GUEST. This, therefore, will always be the cafe, and in this manner the
juft will fubfift.
CLIN. According to this doctrine it will be fo.
GUEST. For this is one of thofe iniquities which take place about govern
ment.
CLIN. What iniquities ?
GUEST. It is one of thofe which we then confidered when we difcourfed
about governors and the governed. And we then faid, that parents ought
to rule over their progeny, the older over the younger, the noble over the
ignoble ; and other things, in fhort, fome of which, if you remember, were a
hindrance to others, among which this was one. W e likewife mentioned
that Pindar faid, it was both according to nature and juft that the moft
powerful fhould lead.
CLIN. Thefe things, indeed, were then faid.
GUEST. But confider to what perfons our city ought to be committed.
"For a circumftance of this kind takes place ten thoufand times in certain
cities.
CLIN. Of what kind ?
GUEST. When a conteft about dominion happens, thofe who are victo
rious fo vehemently ufurp the affairs of the city, as not to communicate
any part of the government to the vanquifhed, nor to their progeny;
always being careful left any one of thefe, if inverted with authority, fhould
caufe an infurrection, through a remembrance of the evils which he had
formerly fuffered. At prefent, we doubtlefs fay, thofe are neither poli
ties, nor upright laws, which are not eftablifhed in common for the fake of
the whole city. But thofe who eftablifh thefe for the fake of any parts of
the city, we denominate feditious, but not citizens; and we fay that the
THE LAWS. 100
things which they call juft arc called fo by them in vain. But thefe things
are afferted by us on this account, becaufe we fhall not give your city any
magiftrate who is rich, or who poffefTes any thing elfe of this kind, fuch as
ftrength or magnitude, or illuftrious birth ; but we mall give it one who will
be moft obedient to the legiflator, and who will furpafs all in the city in this
refpect. W e likewife fay that the greateft attention to the worfhip of the
Gods muft be attributed to the firft in power ; the fecond degree of atten
tion to him who is fecond in authority ; and that every thing confequent to
this muft be diftributed in an orderly manner. But thofe that are called
governors I have now denominated fervants- to the laws, not for the fake of
innovation with refpect to names, but becaufe I think that the city will ob
tain fafety from this more than from any thing; and that by neglecting it
the contrary will take place. For I fee that deftruction hangs over that
city in which law does not govern the magiftrates, but magiftrates the law.
But in that city in which the law poffeffes abfolute dominion over the
governors, and the governors are flaves to the law, I behold fafety, and
fuch other goods as the Gods impart to cities.
CLIN. By Jupiter, it is fo, O gueft! For, through your age, you per
ceive acutely.
MEGIL. For every man, while he is young, perceives thefe things ob-
tufely ; but, when old, moft acutely.
CLIN. Moft true.
GUEST. But what is next to be done ? Ought we not after this to con
fider the inhabitants of our city as having arrived, and being prefent, and to
finifh the remaining part of our difcourfe to them ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
1
GUEST.. Let us, therefore, thus addrefs them : Divinity , O m e n , ac
cording
1
Plato here, as it is well obferved in the Greek Scholium on this place, by Divinity, means
the Demiurgus of the univerfe ; and, by the antient faying, appears to allude to thefe Orphic
verfes:
Zewj ccp'/y), ZEU$ y.tja-x, Jio; EH TTCIVT<X TETUXTXI.
Xtvi TTvOpw yaws TE nai ovpxvov ajrtfQEvrot;.
u e. " Jupiter is the beginning and the middle; and all things were fabricated from Jupiter.
Jupiter is the profundity of the earth, and of theftarryheavens." He is the beginning, indeed,
no THE LAWS.
as the producing caufe ; but the end, as the final caufe of the univerfe. He is the middle, as
being equally prefent to all things, though all things participate him differently. But by that
which is direr! according to nature, Plato fignifics defert according to juftice, and undeviating
energy, and as it were by one rule. And by a circular progrejion, he fignifies the eternal, and
that which is perpetually after the fame manner, and according to the fame ; for circulation in
Cenfibles poflefles this, property. See the Notes on the Cratylus, for a further account of Jupiter.
reafoning
THE LAWS. Ill
1
This pafTage, among many others in the writings of Plato, fufficiently proves that philofopher
to have been a firm believer in the religion of his country ; and that he did not fecretly defpife
it, as has been afferted with. no lefs impudence than ignorance by certain fophiftical priefts,
whofc little foul (in the language of Julian) was indeed acute, but faw nothing with a viGon
healthy and found.
flowed
112 THE LAWS.
flowed upon > im, nnd the pangs of labour which his mother formerly
endured on his account. He muff fupport them too in old age, when they
want afiiftance in the higheft degree. It is likewife requifite through the
whole of life to fpeak of our parents in the mofl honourable manner, be
caufe there is a moft heavy punifhment for light and winged words. For
Nemefis, the angel of juftice, is the infpeclor of all men in things of this
kind. It is neceifary, therefore, to be fubmiflive to them when they are
angry and full of rage, whether their anger fhows itfelf in words or in
deeds, as not being ignorant that a father may very properly be angry with
his fon, when he thinks that he has been injured by him. But, on the
death of parents, the moft decent and beautiful monuments are to be raifed
to them ; not exceeding the ufual magnitude, nor yet lefs than thofe which
our anceftors erected for their parents. Every year, too, attention ought to
be paid to the decoration of their tombs. They ought likewife to be con
tinually remembered and reverenced—and this with a moderate expenfe,
adapted to the condition of. our fortune. By always acting, therefore,
and living in this manner, we fhall each of us be rewarded according to
our deferts, both by the Gods and thofe natures fuperior to our own, and
fhall pafs the greateft part of our life in good hope. But the courfe of the
laws themfelves will fhow in what manner we ought to behave towards our
offspring, relations, friends, fellow-citizens, and ftrangers, fo as to conduct
ourfelves pioufly towards all thefe, and render our life pleafant, and
adorned according to law ; and this it will accomplifh, partly by perfuading,
and partly by punifhing through violence and juftice, fuch manners as will
not fubmit to perfuafioh; and thus, through the favouring will of the Gods,
will render our city bleffed and happy. But what a legiflator whofe con
ceptions are the fame as mine ought neceffarily to fay of thefe things, but
which cannot be adapted to the form of law, it appears to me an example
fhould be prefented, both to the legiflator and thofe to whom he gives
laws ; and that, having difcuffed what remains to the utmoft of our ability,
we fhould after this commence the thefis of laws. Such things, indeed, cannot
be eafily comprehended in one defeription, fo as to explain the manner in
which they fubfift ; but we may thus be able to affert fomething ftable
refpecting them.
CLIN. Inform me how.
6 GUEST.
THE LAWS. 113
1
He God. Op. et Di. lib. i.
Q
VOL, II.
114 THE LAWS.
us, and is confirmed by all other nations, that a poet, when he fits on the
tripod of the mufe, is not in his right fenfes, but, like a fountain, readily
pours forth the influx which he has received: and that, his art being imita
tive, he is often compelled, when reprefenting men that are contrary to each
other, to contradict himfelf; and does not know whether thefe things, or
thofe, are true. But a legiflator muft not act in this manner in law, viz.
he muft not affert two different things about one thing, but always make
one affertion about one thing. And you may perceive the truth of this from
what you have juft now faid. For, fince of fepulchres fome exceed, others
are deficient, and others are moderate, you, having chofen the laft of thefe,
have ordered them to be adopted, and have Amply praifed them. But I, if
my wife was remarkably rich, and fhould order me to bury her, I would
celebrate in a poem her magnificent fepulchre : but a parfimonious and poor
man would praife a tomb which was, in fome refpect or other, deficient;
and he who is moderately rich would praife a moderate fepulchre. But it
is not proper that you fhould only fpeak of the moderate as you did juft
now, but that you fhould inform us what the moderate is, and how far it
extends; for otherwife you will not as yet underftand that a difcourfe of
this kind is a law.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft true.
GUEST. Whether, therefore, will he who prefides for us over the laws
order nothing of this kind in the beginning of the laws, but immediately
inform us what ought to be done, and what not, and, having appointed a
fine, will turn himfelf to the eftablifhing of another law, adding nothing of
exhortation and perfuafion to the promulgators of the laws ? Juft as different
phyficians cure in a different manner. But we will recall to our mind the
methods which they employ ; that, as boys entreat the phyfician to cure them
in the gentleft manner, fb we may implore the legiflator to cure us by the
mildeft means. That I may explain, however, what I mean—we fay that
fome are phyficians, and others the fervants of phyficians ; and thefe laft we
likewife call, in a certain refpect, phyficians. Do we not ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. And do we call them fo, whether they are free, or fervants,
who, through the orders of their mafters, have acquired the art of medi
cine, both according to theory and experience, but are not naturally phyfi-
6 cians
THE LAWS.
cians like thofe who are free, who have both learnt the art from themfelves,
and inflrudted their children in it ? Or do you confider thefe as forming
two kinds of phyficians ?
CLIN. Why mould I not ?
GUEST. DO you, therefore, underfland, that when in a city both fervants
and thofe who arc free are fick, fervants are for the mofl part cured by fer
vants, who vifit the multitude of the fick, and are diligently employed in
the difpenfatories; and this without cither afligning or receiving any reafon
refpecting the feveral difeafes of the fervants, but what they have found by
experience to be efficacious they tyrannically prefcribe for their patients, as
if they poffeffed accurate knowledge ; and thus, in an arrogant manner,
hurry from one difeafed fervant to another; by this mean facilitating their
matter's attention to the fick ? But the freeborn phyfician, for the mofl part,
heals and confiders the difeafes of thofe who are freeborn; and this, by ex
ploring the difeafe from the beginning, and proceeding according to nature ;
coiivcrfing both with the fick man and his friends, and, at the fame time,
learning fomething himfelf from the fick, and teaching him fomething, fo as
not to order him to do any thing till he has perfuaded him of its propriety.
But after this he always endeavours, in conjunction with perfuafion, to lead
him in a gentle manner to health. Which of thefe appears to be the better
phyfician and exercifer, he who in this manner heals and exercifes, or he who
in that ? He who accomplifhes one power in a twofold manner, or he who
accomplifhes it in one way, and this the worfe and more ruflic of the two ?
CLIN. The twofold method, O guefl, is by far the more excellent.
GUEST. Are you willing, therefore, that we fhould confider this twofold
and fimple method as taking place in the eflablifhment of laws ?
CLIN. How is it poffible I fhould not be willing ?
GUEST. Inform me then, by the Gods, what the firft law will be which
the legiflator will eftablifh. Will he not firft of all adorn by his mandates
the principle of the generation of cities ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But are not the mutual mixture and communion of marriages
the principle of generation to all cities ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
Q2 GUEST,
116 THE LAWS.
GUEST. Nuptial laws, therefore, being firft of all eftablifhed, they will
appear to be well eftablifhed with refpect to the rectitude of every city.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. W e will, therefore, firft of all fpeak of the fimple law, which,
perhaps, will fubfifl in the following manner. Every one fhould marry
from thirty to thirty-five years of age ; but he who did not fhould be fined
both with money and difgrace ; with money to a certain amount, and with
difgrace of this or that particular kind. Let this then be the fimple law re
fpecting marriages ; but let the following be the twofold law. Every one
fhould marry from thirty to thirty-five, confidering, at the fame time, that
the human race participates from a certain nature of immortality, of which
every one is naturally defirous in the extreme. For the endeavour of man
kind not to remain after death without a name is a defire of this kind. T h e
human race, therefore, is fomething connate with the whole of time, follow*
ing and being conjoined with it to the end, becoming immortal by leaving
children of children, and participating of immortality through being one
and the fame by generation. For a man willingly to deprive himfelf of this,
is by no means holy. But he intentionally deprives himfelf of this who neg
lects children and wife. He, therefore, who is perfuaded by this law fhall
be liberated from the punifhment of a fine. But he who is not obedient to
it, and who is not married when he is thirty-five years of age, fhall be fined
every year a certain fum of money, that his folitary life may not appear to
be profitable and pleafant to him ; and that he may not partake of thofe
honours which the younger in a city pay to the elder. Thefe laws being
compared with each other, it will be poffible to judge of every particular law,,
whether it ought to be double, and of the fmalleft extenfion, on account of
mingling threats with perfuafions ; or whether, alone employing threats, it
fhould become fimple in length.
MEGIL. Agreeably to the Laconic mode, O gueft, the fliorter ought
always to be preferred. But if any one fhould order me to become a judge of
thefe writings, I fhould, if it were left to my choice, adopt the longer law
for a city. And according to this paradigm, if thefe two laws were pro-
pofed, I fhould choofe the fame refpecting every law. It is, however, pro
per that the laws which we have now inftituted fhould be approved by
Clinias;.
THE LAWS, "9
as we now fay. With refpect to what remains, you appear to me to order
that it fhould be led forth into light.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But, after thefe things, it is proper to difcourfe in common about
our fouls, bodies, and poifeflions, together with ferious purfuits and re-
miflions of labour, in fuch a manner that both the fpeaker and the hearers
may, to the utmoft of their power, be partakers of difcipline. After what
has been faid, therefore, thefe things are to be truly fpoken and heard by us.
CLIN. YOU fpeak with the utmoft rectitude.
THE
T H E LAWS,
BOOK V.
LrfET every one then hear who has already heard what we have faid re
fpecting the Gods, and our dear progenitors. For, after the Gods, a man's foul
is the mofl divine of all his poiTeflioiis, as being his mofl intimate property.
But a man's poffefTions are in every refpect twofold. And the more excellent,
and the better, poffefs dominion, but the inferior, and worfe, are fubjcdt to
command. The former, therefore, are always to be honoured before the
latter. Hence, I properly exhort every man, when l'fay that he ought to
honour his own foul in the fecond place, after our lords, the Gods, and their
attendants. But, in fhort, no one honours his foul properly, though he
appears to do fo. For honour is, in a certain refpect, a divine good : but
nothing evil is honourable. He, therefore, who thinks that he enlarges his
foul by certain difcourfes or gifts, when, at the fame time, he does not render
it better than it was before, appears indeed to honour it, but by no means does
fo. For every man, from his very childhood, thinks himfelf fufficicnt to
know all things, and that he honours his foul by praiiing it, and by freely
permitting it to do whatever it pleafes. But we now fay that he who acts
in this manner injures, and does not honour, his foul. And yet it is neceffary,
as we have faid, that it fhould be honoured in the fecond place after the
Gods. Nor does he honour it who does not confider himfelf as the caufe
of his own errors, and of his numerous and mighty vices, but lays the blame
upon others, and is always careful ro exonerate himfelf. Such a one appears,
indeed, to honour it, though this is far from being the cafe: for he injures
it. Nor does he in any refpect honour his foul who gratifies himfelf with
pleafures contrary to reafon, and the praife of the legiflator: for he dis
honours it, by filling it with vice and repentance. Nor yet does a man
honour
THE LAWS. 121
honour his foul, when he does not ftrenuoufly endure labours that are
praifed, fear and pain, but finks under them : for by doing all thefe things
he difhonours his foul. Nor, again, does he honour his foul, who thinks
that to live is a thing in every refpect good : for by fuch a conception he
difhonours it. For he alfents to him who thinks that every thing in Hades
pertaining to the fo\>l is bad ; nor does he oppofe and teach him, that he is
ignorant whether, on the contrary, the things about the Gods that dwell
there are not the greateft of all goods. Nor yet, when any one honours a
certain corporeal beauty before virtue, is it at all different from truly and
entirely difhonouring the foul. For fuch a one falfely afferts, that the body
is more honourable than the foul. For nothing earth-born is more honour
able than things Olympian. But he who entertains an opinion different
from this, refpecting the foul, is ignorant that he neglects this admirable
poffeffion. Nor, again, does he adorn his foul with gifts, who defires to
poffefs riches in an unbecoming manner, or who is not grieved when he
poffeffes them unjuftly; but fuch a one entirely fails of accomplifhing this.
For he gives up that which is honourable, and at the fame time beautiful,
in his foul, for the fake of a little gold ; when at the fame time all the gold,
which is both upon and under the earth, is in no refpect of equal worth
with virtue. In fhort, he who is not willing, by all poffible means, to
abftain from fuch things as the legiflator ranks among the bafe and vicious,
and to purfue to the utmoft of his power fuch things as he places among
the good and beautiful, does not perceive that, in all thefe things, he renders
his foul, which is a moft divine poffeffion," in the higheft degree difhonour-
able and bafe. For, in fhort, no one confiders what is the greateft punifh-
ment of evil conduct; which is the becoming fimilar to vicious men. But
he who becomes fimilar to them avoids good men and good affertions,
feparates himfelf from the good, becomes agglutinated to the vicious, and
earneftly defires their converfation. But, in confequence of intimately
affociating with thefe, he muft neceffarily do and fuffer fuch things as
they naturally do and fay to each other. Such a paflion, therefore, is not
juftice (for the juft and juftice are beautiful), but punifhment; this being a
paffion attendant on injuftice, of which both he who is a partaker, and he who
does not partake, are miferable :—the one, becaufe he is not cured ; but
the other, becaufe, while many are faved, he perifhes. But, that I may fum
VOL. II. R up
11% THE LAWS.
in reality perfuafive, but, with refpect to difcourfe, had the power of a preface.
For, that the mandate of the legiflator, which is law, might be received more
benignantly, and, through this, in a more docile manner, the whole of that
difcourfe, which was calculated to perfuade, was introduced by me. Hence,
according to my decision, that difcourfe is a preface, and cannot properly be
called a difcuffion of law. But, after this, what is it I amdefirous mould be
faid by me ? It is this : that a legiflator ought to introduce prefaces prior to
all laws, and prior to each particular law, fo far as they differ from each
other, in the fame refpect as the two which we have juft now mentioned.
CLIN. For my part, I fhould never exhort a man fkilled in thefe things to
eftablifh laws in any other manner.
GUEST. YOU appear, therefore, to me, O Clinias, to fpeak well, fo far as
you fay there fhould be a preface to all laws; and that, on commencing the
bufinefs of legiflation, it is requifite to prefer to every difcourfe an exordium
naturally accommodated to the feveral laws. For that which is to be faid
after this is not a thing of fmall importance, nor is the difference trifling,
whether fuch things are commemorated in a clear, or in an obfeure, manner.
If, therefore, we fhould order legiflators to preface in a fimilar manner about
great and fmall laws, we fhould not act properly. For this is not to be done
either in every fong or in every difcourfe; becaufe, though it may natu
rally belong to all, yet it is not ufeful to all. A thing of this kind, however,
is to be allowed the rhetorician, the finger, and the legiflator.
CLIN. YOU appear to me to fpeak molt true. But let us make no longer
delay, but return to our propofed difcourfe, and begin, if it is agreeable to
you, from thofe things which, not as prefacing, were afferted by you above.
Again, therefore, as thofe that are engaged in fports fay, let us revolve bet
ter things from a fecond beginning, as lmilhing a preface, and not a cafual
difcourfe, as was the cafe juft now. Let us begin, then, acknowledging
that we preface. And the particulars, indeed, refpecting the honour of the
Gods, and reverence of our anceftors, have been fufficiently difcuffed. Let
us, therefore, endeavour to fpeak about what follows, till it fhall appear to
you that our preface is complete. And after this you may enter on the bu
finefs of laws.
GUEST. About the Gods, therefore, and the attendants on the Gods, toge
ther with parents both when living and dead, we ihcn fufficiently prefaced,
as
THE LAWS. 123
men mutt neceffarily be moft impudent; fince the moft excellent difcipline,
both of young and old, confifts, not in admonishing, but in acting through
the whole of life agreeably to the admonitions of others. But he who ho
nours and venerates the whole of his kindred, who participate of the fame
blood, and the fame houfehold Gods, will defervedly find thofe Gods propi
tious to him in the procreation of children. And befides this, he will obtain
the benevolence of his friends and affociates through life, who confiders the
attention which they pay him greater and more venerable than they do, but
his ownkindnefs towards them lefs than they do. But he will by far behave
in the beft manner, both towards his country and fellow citizens, who pre
fers the glory of being fubfervient to the laws of his country, to conqueft
in the Olympian games, and to all warlike and peaceful contefts ; and who
is fubfervient to them in the moft becoming manner through the whole of
life. The affociations, too, with ftrangers fhould be confidered as things moft
holy. For nearly all the crimes of ftrangers towards ftrangers are more no
ticed by avenging Deity than thofe of citizens towards each other. For, $L
ftranger being deftitute both of companions and kindred is an object of
greater commiferation both to men and Gods. He, therefore, who is more
capable of taking vengeance is more readily difpofed to give affiftance. But the
hofpitable daemon and divinity of every one, being the attendants of hofpitable
Jupiter, are capable of taking vengeance in the moft eminent degree. Every
one, therefore, who is endued with the leaft portion of consideration, fhould
be very fearful through the whole of life of acting in an inhofpitable manner.
But, of all crimes which are committed both towards ftrangers and natives,
thofe are the greateft which are committed towards fuppliants. For the Di
vinity with whom the fuppliant forms a covenant, becomes eminently the
guardian of him in his affliction. So that no one who injures fuppliants
will go unpunifhed. And thus far we have nearly difcuffed the duties of
children towards their parents, of a man towards himfelf, and the things
belonging to himfelf; likewife of his duty towards his country, friends, kin
dred, ftrangers, and fellow citizens. It now follows that we fhow what
qualities a man ought to poffefs fo as that he may pafs through life in the
moft becoming manner; and fo that, not law, but praife and blame, inftrudt-
ing every one, they may by thefe means be rendered more benevolent and
obedient to thofe who are about to eftablifh laws. And thefe are the things
a 2 which
124 THE LAWS.
which after this muft be Subjects of our difcourfe. But truth is the leader of
every good both to Gods and men: of which he who in futurity will be blefled
and happy, muft participate from the beginning, that for the greateft part
of time he may pais through life in truth. For fuch a one is faithful. But
he is unfaithful who is a friend to voluntary falfehood. And he who is a
friend to involuntary falfehood is deprived of intellect: neither of which is
an object of emulation. For he who is unfaithful and void of difcipline is
unfriendly. And in progrefs of time, his character being known, near the
end of life there is prepared for him the grievous folitude of old age. So
that, whether his affociatcs and children live or not, he nearly leads, in either
cafe, an orphan life. Indeed, he is honourable who acts in no refpect un-
juitly: but he who does not fuffer the unjuft to act unjuftly, deferves more
than double the honour of the former character. For the former is of equal
worth with one man, but the latter, with many m e n ; fince he announces
to the governors the injuftice of others. But he who punifhes injuftice, in
conjunction with the governors, to the utmoft of his power, fuch a one will
be proclaimed a great and perfect man in the city; for he will be victorious
in virtue. It is proper alfo to give the fame praife to temperance and pru
dence. And he who poffeffes other goods, and is not only able to poffefs
them himfelf, but to impart them to others, is to be honoured as one who
has attained the fummit of excellence. But he who is not able to accomplifh
this, and yet is willing, is to be ranked in the fecond place: and the envious
man, and he who will not impart any good for the fake of friendfhip, are to
be blamed. W e ought not, however, to difhonour the poffeffion on account
of the poffeffor, but fhould endeavour to obtain it with all our might. Every
one too fhould contend with us for virtue, without envy. For every cha
racter of this kind enlarges cities, in confequence of ftriving himfelf, and
not impeding others through calumny. But the envious man, while he
thinks to furpafs ethers by detraction, tends lefs himfelf to true virtue, and
renders thofe who mutually tend to it defpondent, by blaming them unjuftly.
Hence, depriving the city of ftrenuous exertions in the acquifition of virtue,
he, at the fame time, leffens its renown. It is proper, befides, that a man
fhould be ardent in every thing, and particularly that he fhould be mild.
For it is impoffible to avoid the unjuft actions of others, which are either
difficult to be cured, or are entirely incurable by any other means than con-
6 teft,
THE LAWS. 125
always flowing away from us, it is neceffary that, on the contrary, there
fhould be a perpetual influx of fomething. But recollection is an influx of
prudence which had deferted us. It is proper, therefore, to reftrain unbe
coming laughter, and that every man Should announce to every man the
propriety of concealing all joy and forrow, and of keeping the body in a
becoming habit, whether the daemon of any one eftablifhes him in felicity,
or whether his fortwie is fuch that he is obliged, with daemons oppofng him,
to engage in atlions of an elevated and arduous nature. But it is proper always
to hope for thofe things which divinity imparts to the good ; and when we
are oppreffed with heavy labours, we fhould hope that Divinity will diminifh
their weight, and change the prefent condition of our circumftances into
one more favourable ; and with refpect to good things, the contraries of thefe,
that they will always be prefent with us, with good fortune. With thefe
hopes every one ought to live, and with the recollection of all thefe things;
not with a parfimonious recollection, but always, both ferioufly and in fport,
perfpicnoufly reminding each other and ourfelves of thefe particulars. And
now we have nearly faid all that is proper refpecting thofe divine duties
which every one ought to perform, but we have not yet fpoken concerning
human duties. It is, however, neceffary fo to d o : for we fpeak to men,
and not to Gods, But pleafures, pains, and defires, are naturally in the
higheft degree human, from which it is neceffary that the whole mortal ani
mal fhould, with the greateft earneftnefs, be fufpended. And it is requifite
to praife the moft becoming life, not only becaufe in its form it excels in
glory, but becaufe, if any one is willing to tafte of it, and not when a youth
to fly from it, he will alfo excel in that which we all are in fearch of, I mean
the poffeffion of more joy than forrow through the whole of life. That this
will clearly be the cafe, if any one taftes of it in a proper manner, will readily
and vehemently be apparent; but how this may be accomplifhed, and whe
ther it is inherent in us naturally, or contrary to nature, it is requifite now to
confider. W e ought, however, to confider one life compared with another,
the more pleafant and the more calamitous, in this manner. W e wifh that
pleafure may be prefent with us, but we neither choofe nor wifh for pain.
And we never wifh for a middle condition inftead of pleafure, but we defire
it in preference to pain. W e alfo wifh for lefs pain with more pleafure, but
v e do not defire lefs pleafure with greater pain. But we can clearly fhow
that
THE LAWS. 127
that we are unwilling to poflefs each of thefe in an equal manner. All thefe
both differ and at the fame time do not differ in multitude and magnitude,
in intenfity, equality, and fuch things as are contrary to all thefe, with re
fpect to the choice of each. And as thefe particulars are thus circumftanced,
we wifh for that life in which many of both thefe greatly and vehemently
fubfifl, but in which pleafures tranfeend; but we do not defire that life in
which the contraries to thefe are inherent. Nor, again, do we wifh for that
life in which a few of thefe, of a trifling and folitary nature, fubfifl:, and in
which afflictive circumflances tranfeend ; but we defire that life in which
the contraries to thefe are found. However, as we have faid before, we
ought to confider that life as fubfifling in an equilibrium, in which thefe pof-
fefs equal power. For we defire the life which furpaffes in the things with
which we are pleafed; and we are unwilling to poffefs that which exceeds
in the contraries to thefe. But it is neceffary to confider all our lives as na
turally bound in thefe; and befides this, what the things are which we na
turally defire. If, therefore, we fhould fay that we wifh for any thing be
fides thefe, we muft fay that it is through an ignorance and unfkilfulnefs in
lives. What then, and of what kind are thofe lives, in preferring which
it is neceffary that he who perceives what is the object of defire, and volun
tary, and what are the contraries to thefe, fhould prefcribe a law to him
felf, that thus having chofen that which is friendly, pleafant, the beft, and
the moft beautiful, he may lead the moft bleffed life poflible to man ? W e
call then one life temperate, another prudent, another brave; and we rank
in the fourth place a healthy life. W e likewife eftablifh four other lives
contrary to thefe, viz. the imprudent, the timid, the intemperate, and the
difeafed. He, therefore, who knows what a temperate life is, will affert
that it is mild in all things, and that it imparts quiet pains, quiet pleafures*
placid defires, and loves not infane ; but that an intemperate life is impe
tuous in all things, fo that it imparts vehement pains, vehement pleafures,
ftrenuous and furious defires, and the moft infane loves. But in a temperate
life the pleafures furpafs the pains, and in an intemperate life the plea
fures arc furpaffed by the pains, in magnitude, multitude, and denfity.. Hence>
the one of thefe lives is neceffarily more pleafant to us, according to nature,,
but the other is more painful. And nature does not permit him, who wifhes
to live pleafantly, to live voluntarily in an intemperate manner. But it i&
evident^
128 T H E L A W S .
evident, if what we have now aficrted is right, that every intemperate man
is neceffarily unwillingly fo. For the vulgar every where live indigent of
temperance, either through the privation of difcipline, or through incon
tinence, or through both. The fame things are to be confidered refpecting
a difeafed and healthy life : as, that they poflefs pleafures and pains, but that
the pleafures furpafs the pains in a healthy life, but the pains the pleafures
in difeafes. Our will, however, in the choice of lives, does not confent
that pain may tranfeend pleafure ; but we judge the life in which it is fur-
paffed to be more pleafant. And we fay that the temperate man poffeffes
in every refpect things fewer, lefs, and more attenuated than the intempe
rate, the prudent than the imprudent, the brave than the timid ; and that
the one furpaffes in pleafures, but the other in pains; fo that the brave man
furpaffes the timid in pleafures, and the prudent the imprudent. And, in
fhort, the life which participates of virtue, either pertaining to the body or
the foul, is more pleafant than the life which participates of depravity ; and
befides this, it tranfeends other lives in beauty and rectitude, in virtue and
glory ; fo that he who poffeffes it lives more happily than he who poffeffes
the contrary life, in every refpect, and totally. Here then let the preface to
laws end.
But, after the preface, it is neceffary that law fhould follow ; or. rather,
according to truth, the laws of a polity are to be written. As, therefore,
things which are woven are not all woven from the fame threads, but there
is a difference in the quality of the threads, for fome are more firm and
flrong, but others fofter and of a more yielding nature ; in like manner it is
neceffary to judge of thofe that have great dominion in cities, and thofe that
act only in every thing from trifling difcipline. There are, however, two
forms of a polity : the one, the eftablifhment of governors ; the other, that
which gives laws to the governors themfelves. But prior to all thefe things
it is neceffary to confider as follows : When a fhepherd and herdfman, one
who takes care of horfes, and others of this kind, engage in their refpective
offices, they never attempt to take an^ care of them till they have firft admi-
niftered a purification adapted to each of them. And, befides this, choofing out
the healthy and the fick, the noble and the ignoble, they fend the former to
other herds, but take care of the latter; confidering that otherwife their
labour would be vain about thofe bodies and fouls which a depraved nature
and
THE L A W S. 120
and aliment have corrupted ; fince, without feparating iii eacli of thefe
herds the healthy and difeafed manners and bodies from each other, they
would perifh by contagion. The attention, however, which is paid to
other animals is indeed lefs, and is alone worthy to be mentioned for the
fake of an example. But the legiflator ought to pay the greateft attention
to men, and fhould inveitigate and affert that which is accommodated to
every one, both refpecting purification and all other actions. For that
which concerns the purification of a city fhould fubfift as follows : As there
are many purifications, fome of them are eafy, but others difficult; and he
who is both a tyrant and a legiflator may be able to ufe fuch purifications
as are difficult, and fuch as arc the beft. But the legiflator who eftablifhes
anew polity and laws without the affiltance of a tyrant, may rejoice, if he
is able to purify with the mildeft of purifications. The beft purification is
however painful; juft as thofe medicines which unite juftice with punifh-
ment, produce at length in the offending party either exile or death. For
it is cuftomary to free the city from thofe men who have perpetrated the
greateft crimes, when they are found to be incurable, and have in the
greateft degree injured the city ; but with us the following is a milder puri
fication. For thofe that through want of food readily offer themfelves to
certain leaders, in order to affault thofe that are not in want, thefe, as being
naturally the difeafe of a city,- fhould be benignantly fent away *, under the
honourable appellation of a colony. Every legiflator, therefore, fhould do
this in the beginning of his legiflation. But more difficult things than
thefe happen to us at prefent. For it is not neceffary to devife at prefent
either a colony or any felcct purification : but as if there was a conflux of
water, partly from fountains and partly from torrents, into one lake, it is
neceffary to obferve how the confluent water will be moft pure ; partly by
drawing, partly by deducing it into another channel, and partly by divert
ing its courfe. But labour and danger, jis it appears, are to be found in
every political eftablifhment. However, fince we are now engaged in dif
courfe, and not in action, our felection is accomplifhed, and purification
1
T h e laws of Plato, being perfectly equitable, confider the good of the offender in the punifh-
inents which they enjoin, and not the good of the community alone-, but our laws, efpecially in
crimes pertaining to'money, alone confider the good of the community. This is one-among
many of the baneful effects of commerce.
VOL, 11. s takes
T H X L A W S ,
takes place according to our defire. For, having by every kind of perfua
fion, and for a fufficient length of time, examined thofe evil men who en
deavour to enter our city in order to govern it, we fhall forbid their entrance.
But we fhall admit the good, rendering them benevolent and propitious to
the utmoft of our power. T h e felicity, however, which has happened to us
ought not to be concealed. For, as we fay that the colony of the Heraclidae
was happy, becaufe it efcaped the dire and dangerous ftrife refpecting the
divifion of land and the difcharge of debts, about which a city of the antients
being compelled to give laws, it did not permit any thing to be immove
able, nor yet after a manner was it poffible for any thing to be moved ; in
like manner, the fame thing appears nearly to have happened to us. But,
in fhort, prayer alone remains, and a trifling mutation cautioufly and flowly
•made in a great length of time ; fo that, in thefe mutations, the citizens,
together with many debtors, will poffefs abundance of land, with which
they will give affiftance to many, humanely imparting their land to the indi
gent, and contenting themfelves with moderate poffeffions. They will
likewife confider poverty as confiding, not in a diminution of property, but
in an infatiable defire of acquiring more. For this is the greateft beginning
of fafety to a city ; and upon this, as aftable foundation, every politic orna
ment, which is accommodated to an eftablifhment of this kind, may be
raifed. But when this mutation is debile, no political action will after
wards be eafily accomplifhed by the city. This, indeed, as we have faid, we
fhould avoid ; but, at the fame time, it may more properly be faid, that, if
we do not avoid it, we fhould fhow by what means this flight may be ac
complifhed. W e fay then, that it is to be accomplifhed by cultivating juftice,
and banifhing the defire of gain: but, befides this, there is no other, either
broad or narrow, paffage for flight. Let this then be eftablifhed by us as a
prop of the city. For it is neceflary that the poffeffions which the citizens
prepare for themfelves fhould be blamelefs ; or, that thofe fhould defift from
advancing any further in the acquifition of property, who have an antient
enmity towards each other, and who participate but a fmall degree of intel
lect. But thofe to whom Divinity imparts, as it does to us at prefent, the
eftablifhment of a new city, in which the inhabitants have no enmity to
wards each other,—if through the diftribution of land and habitations hatred
ihould arife among them,—in this cafe it will net be human ignorance, but
ignorance
T H E L A W S . 131
ignorance accompanied with every vice. What then will be the mode of
proper diftribution ? In the firft place, the quantity of the number ought to
be determined. In the next place, it fhould be agreed into how many
and what kind of parts the diftribution to the citizens fhould be made. Ia
the third place, the land and habitations fhould be diftributed equally, in the
moft eminent degree. But the quantity of the multitude cannot otherwife
be properly affigned than by paying attention to the land and cities of the
neighbouring inhabitants. And the land, indeed, fhould be as much as is
fufhcient to afford nutriment for fo many moderate men ; but of more than
this there is no occafion. But the number of thefe moderate perfbns fhould
be fufficient to defend themfelves againft the incurfions of their unjuft neigh
bours, and likewife to give affiftance to their neighbours when injured.
Having then confidered thefe things, we may be able to define both actually
r
and verbally the land and the neighbouring inhabitants. But now , for the
fake of a fcheme and defcription, that the thing itfelf may be accomplifhed,
our difcourfe proceeds to legiflation. The number of the hufbandmen, and
thofe that defend the diftribution of the land, fhould be five thoufand and
forty, this being a number adapted for the purpofe. In like manner the land
and the habitation fhould be diftributed into the fame parts, fo that the
man and his portion of land may accord in diftribution. And in the firft
place, indeed, the whole number fhould be divided into two parts, and
afterwards into three. It is likewife naturally capable of a divifion into
four, five, and fo in fucceffion as far as to ten. Thus much, indeed, ought
to be underftood by every legiflator refpecting numbers ; I mean, that he
fhould underfland what, and what kind of number will be moft ufeful to
all cities. But we fay that that number is beft adapted for this purpofe,
which poffeffes in itfelf many diftributions, and thefe orderly difpofed. For
every number is not allotted fections into all things. But the number five
thoufand and forty, both for the purpofes of war and peace, for all con
ventions and communions, for tributes and diftributions, cannot be cut into
more than one of fixty parts ; but you may continue the divifion of it from one
as far as to ten. Thefe things, however, ought to be more firmly con
fidered at leifure, by thofe to whom they are committed by the Jaw ; for
they cannot fubfifl otherwife than in this manner. But it is neceffary that
they fhould be mentioned to the founder of a city, for the fake of what
s 2 follows.
132 T H E L A W S .
follows. For, whether any one eftablifhes a new city from the beginning,
or whether he re (tores an antient one that has perifhed,—if he is endued with
intellect, he will not attempt to make any alterations in any thing which
ought to,be performed refpe&ing the Gods, their temples, and their facred
concerns, or the names of certain Gods or daemons, which ouo-ht to be
given to temples; whether thefe ceremonies are derived from Delphi, or
Dodona, or Ammon, or from certain antient difcourfes, by which fome
perfons have been perfuaded ; or whether they have been the refult of di
vine virions and infpiration. For, in confequence of being perfuaded of their
truth, the antients eftablifhed facrifices mixed with mvftic ceremonies;
whether thefe originated from the natives themfelves, or whether they are
of Tyrrhene, or Cyprian, or of any other origin. But, from thefe antient
difcourfes and rumours, they confecrated ftatues, altars and temples, and
placed each in a facred grove. ' In all thefe the legiflator fhould not make
the fmalleft innovation ; but fhould attribute to each of the parts, a God, a
daemon, or a certain hero. And in the distribution of the land, he fhould
in the flrft place felecl: a portion for illuftrious groves and other facred pur-
pofes, fo that the inhabitants of each of the parts, afTembling at flated times,
may with facility prepare themfelves for their refpe&ive employments, lb
as during the facrifices to affociate benevolently with and recognize each
ether. For nothing is more advantageous to a city than for the citizens
to be known to each other ; Jznce, where each has no light in the manners of
f
each, but darknefs , there neither honours nor governors are jiro/ierly apjioint-
ed, nor can any one obtain* in a becoming manner; the jufiice which ts due
to him. But every man, one towards one, ought earnefUy to endeavour in
all cities, that he may never appear infincere to any one, but may be always
artlefs and true, and that, being fuch, no other perfon may deceive him. But
the throw which follows this, in the eftablifhment of laws, like that of
chefs-men, according to the proverb, from a temple, fince it is unufual, may
perhaps caufe him who hears it at firft to wonder. But to him who has rea-
fbned upon, and tried it, it will appear that the city will thus, in the fecond
place, be inhabited in the belt manner. Some one, however, perhaps, will
not approve of this city, becaufe it does not employ a tyrannic legiflator. It
7
As in London, and all great modern cities.
Will,
T H E L A W S . 133
will, indeed, be moft proper to fpeak of the beft polity, and likewife of a
fecond and third, and then leave it to every one's option to choofe that
which pleafes him the moft. W e therefore fhall act in this manner; and,
after we have fpoken of a polity which is firft, of one which is fecond, and
of another which is the third in virtue, we fhall leave it to the option of
Clinias, and any other who may be prefent at the felection of thefe, to at
tribute to his country whichever of them he pleafes. The firft city and
polity, therefore, and the beft laws, fubfifl there where through the whole
city that antient proverb takes place in the moft eminent degree, that all
things are common among friends. This then muft be afferted, whether it
now is or ever was adopted, that women, children, and all poffeflions
fhould be common ; and that private property fhould by all poffible means
be exterminated from life. Things too which are private by nature fhould
every where, as much as poffible, become common ; fuch as the eyes, the
ears, and the hands. For feeing, hearing, and afting, fhould be employed
for common advantage. In like manner, all men fhould praife and blame
the fame things, rejoice in and be afflicted with the fame circumftances,
and as much as poffible adopt fuch laws as will unite the city in the moft
eminent degree. No one can eftablifh any bound of virtue more tranfeen-
dcntly proper than this. The inhabitants of fuch a city, whether they are
1
Gods or fons of the Gods, by living together in this manner, will lead a
joyful life. On this account it is not proper to confider any other paradigm
of a polity, but, infpecting this, we ought to explore fuch a one to the ut-
moft of our power. But this, which is the fubject of our prefent difcuflion,
if it fhould fubfifl, would moft nearly approach to immortality. And if it
does not rank in the firft, it certainly will in the fecond place. However, if
Divinity is willing, we will after this difcufs the polity, which is the third
in order. Let us now then confider the nature of this polity, and how it
may be eftablifhed. In the firft place, land and houfes fhould be diftributed
to them, and they fhould not be fuffered to cultivate the ground in common;
fince a thing of this kind is greater than their generation, nutrition, and
education will admit. Land, however, and houfes, fhould be diftributed to
1
Viz Gods according to fimilitude. For, as intellect is called a God by Plato, according to
union, and foul according to participation, fo the moft exalted chara;1ers among men are called
by him Gods according to fimilitude.
them
T H E L A W S .
them with this intention, that each may confider the portion allotted him,
as common to the whole city. But, this region being their country, they
ought to reverence it in a greater degree than children their mother; for,
being a goddefs, fhe is the fbvereign miff refs of mortals. The fame ihould
be our conceptions of the indigenous Gods and daemons. But that thefe
things may fubfifl: in this manner, through the whole time, the following
particulars are to be confidered : As many Veftal hearths as are diftributed
to us at prefent, fo many ought always to be diftributed, and neither more
nor fewer in number. But a thing of this kind will be firmly eftablifhed in
every city, if every one always leaves that child to whom he is moft attach
ed, the only heir of his allotted portion, his fucceffor, and cultivator of the
Gods, of his race, his country, of the living, and the dead. But thofe who
have more children than one fhould for this purpofe portion the females
according to the eftablifhed law; but commit the males to the care of thofe
citizens that have no children of their own, and this in a very benevolent
manner. However, if benevolence is wanting, or each of the citizens has
a numerous progeny of male or female children, or on the contrary but a
r
few children, owing to the barrennefs of the women, then that greateft and
moft honourable governor whom we have eftablifhed, muft confider what is
proper to be done in either of thefe cafes, and, whether there is an abun
dance or a defect of children, muft devife fome method by which five thoufand
and forty habitations alone may always remain. But there are many
methods by which this may be accomplifhed. For procreation may be re-
ftrained, which is the caufe of this abundance ; and, on the contrary, by
diligent attention, an increafe of offspring may be obtained, when it is re
quifite. For what we are fpeaking of may be accomplifhed by honour and
difgrace, and by the admonitory difcourfes of the old to the young. Laftly,
every defect arifes from the number of five thoufand and forty houfes not
being preferved. But, if our city fhould have a fuperabundance of citi
zens, through the familiarity of thofe that dwell together, and by this
means it fhould be oppreffed with poverty, that antient device muft be
adopted which we have often mentioned, that a friendly colony fhould be
fent from friends; for it appears that this will be advantageous to the city.
But if, on the contrary, at any time an inundation of difeafes, or the ravages
of war, fhould reduce the citizens to a lefs than the eftablifhed number, fuch
6 citizens
THE LAWS. 135
the diftributor of your allotted portion, nor the legiflator will be your affo-
ciate in war. For now the law announces in the firft place, that he who is
willing to receive the allotted portion fhall receive it, but that he who is un
willing fhall be deprived of i t : and this, becaufe in the firft place the land
is facred to all the Gods; and in the next place, becaufe the priefts and
priefteffes pray during the firft, fecond, and third facrifices, that both the buyers
and fellers of allotted houfes and lands may be properly difpofed in fuch
tranfactions. But they fhould write on cyprefs monuments in temples, for
the benefit of pofterity. And befides this, for the purpofe of preferving;
thefe, they fhould commit them to the care of that magiftrate who appears
to have the moft acute vifion, that thofe may be detected who act fraudu
lently, and that he who is difobedient both to law and divinity may be
punifhed. But, according to the proverb, no vicious man will ever under
fland how much all cities will be benefited by acting in the manner w&
have prefcribed, but he only who is fkilful and of equitable manners. In
this city there is no ardent purfuit of gain ; nor is it lawful for any one to
apply himfelf to the acquifition of illiberal wealth, becaufe the difgraceful
mechanic art, as it is called, which is employed for this purpofe, fubverts
liberal manners. Riches, therefore, are not to be accumulated by any fuch,
means. Befides this, another law follows all thefe, which forbids any pri
vate perfon the poffeffion of either filver or gold. But becaufe there is daily
occafion for money for the fake of commutation, which is nearly neceffary
to artificers, and to all thofe that have fimilar wants, in order to pay the
wages pf mercenaries, fervants, and hufbandmeii—for the fake of thefe
things
136 THE L A W S.
tilings we permit the ufe of money in the city, but order it to be fuch as
may be honoured by our citizens, but defpifed by other men. For the fake
of war, indeed, and travelling toother countries, as when ambaffadors are fent
to foreign nations, or for fome other neceffary purpofe, the city fhould poffefs
a quantity of the common coin of Greece. But when any neceffity obliges
a private perfon to leave the city, having begged permillion of the magif
trates, he mall be fuffered to depart; but the foreign coin, which he pof
feffes on his return, he fhall change for that of his own country. And if
any one is detected converting the money of another city to his own private
ufe, fuch money fhall become public property. lie who has been an eye
witnefs of fuch conduct, but has not divulged it, fhall be difgraced, and pay
the fame fine as he who endeavoured to enrich himfelf with foreign coin.
Befides, no one fhall be permitted to give or receive a marriage portion, nor
to depofit money with a man who cannot be trufted, nor to put money out
to ufe. And it fhall be lawful for him with whom money is depofited at
intereft, to pay neither intereft nor principal. That a conduct of this kind
is beft for a city, will be rightly judged by him who always refers thefe par
ticulars to the intention of the legiflator. But we fay that the intention of
a politician who is endued with intellect, is not that which the multitude
fay is the intention of a good legiflator,—I mean, that the city may be greater
and richer than others, and that it may for the moff part have dominion
over the land and fea. To which they add, that he who eftablifhes laws
properly, ought to wifh that the city may be the beft, and the molt happy.
But of thefe, fome are capable of taking place, but others not. The legif
lator, therefore, will wifh that the poffible, but he will not wifh that the
impoflible, may take place. For in the latter cafe his wifh would be vain;
neither, therefore, would he attempt it. For it is nearly neceffary that they
fhould be happy, and at the fame time worthy. This then will be the ob
ject of his wifh. But it is impoflible that they fhould be rich in the extreme,
and at the fame time good; I mean rich in the vulgar acceptation of the
word. For the vulgar call thofe rich, who being few in number poffefs
a great quantity of money, which even a bad man may poffefs. If this be
the cafe, I fhould never grant them, that a rich man, who is not at the
fame time worthy, can be truly happy. But I affert that it is impoffible a
man can be at the fame time eminently good, and eminently rich. Some
one,
T II K L A W S . 137
one, however, may perhaps fay, W h y not? Becaufe we fay, The pofTeflion
which is obtained both from juft and unjuft conduct is more than double of
that which is alone juftly obtained ; and that the expenfes which are neither
becoming nor bale are doubly lefs than thofe which are becoming,
and which are performed in a becoming manner. He, therefore, who
acts in a contrary manner will never be richer than him who acquires more
than double, and fpends Icis than half. But of thefe, the one is worthy,
but the other not worthy, becaufe he is parfimonious. Sometimes, indeed,
this latter character is perfectly vicious ; but, as we have juft now faid, is
never good. For he who receives both juftly and unjuftly, and fpends nei
ther juftly nor unjuftly, is indeed rich, becaufe he is parfimonious : but he
who is perfectly vicious, as being for the moft part prodigal, is extremely
poor. And he who fpends in a becoming manner, and alone acquires juftly,
will never at any time become remarkably rich, nor yet exceflivelv poor;
fo that our aflertion is right, that very rich are not good men. But, if they
are not good, they are not happy. With us, however, the eftablifhment of
laws looks to this, that the citi/xns may become moft happy, and in the
higheft degree friends to each other. But the citizens will never be friends
where there is much judicial controverfv and unjuft transactions with each
r
other, but where the leaft of thefe is found. W e have (aid too, that there
ought to be neither gold nor filver in the city, nor yet an anxious purfuit of
gain through mechanical arts and ufury, or bafe cattle, but that wealth
fhould be acquired from fuch things as agriculture imparts and affords ; yet
in fuch a manner, as that it may not compel the citizens to neglect: thofe
things for the lake of which i iches are deh*red : but thcie are the foul and
body, which without gymnaftic and the other disciplines will never be of any
worth. On this account, we have laid more than once, that an attention to
money ought to be honoured in the laft place. For, finee all the concerns in
which every man is ferioully engaged are three, an attention to riches properly
ranks in the laft and third place: but the concerns of the body poflels the mid
dle; and thole of the foul the firft place. And, indeed,the polity which we are
now conlidering wijl be governed by proper laws, if it diftributes honours in
this manner. But if any one of the laws which are eftablifhed in it (hall appear
to prefer the health of the body to temperance, or riches to both health and
temperance, it will appear to be improperly eftablifhed. A legiflator, therefore,
VOL. II. T ought
138 T H E L A W S .
ought often to fignify his intention to the people in this manner: I am de-
firous that this particular thing mould take place, which if it does, my in
tentions will fucceed ; but if it does not, they will be rendered fruftrate. And
thus, perhaps, he might both liberate himfelf and others from the burthen
of legiflation ; but neve/ by any other means. He, therefore, who receives
an allotted portion Ihould'poffefs it on the Conditions we have mentioned.
But this will take place in a becoming manner, when each perfon who be
comes an inhabitant of the colony poffeffes every thing elfe equally. Since,
however, this is not poffible, but one coming to fettle in it will poffefs more
money, and another lefs, it is requifite, for the fake of many advantages,
and of equality in the city, that property fhould be unequally poffeffed:
that, in confequence of each receiving magiflracies, tributes, and diftribu
tions, according to the honour annexed to each, and not according to his
own virtue only, and that of his anceflors, nor yet according to the flrength
or beauty of his body, but receiving thefe equalized as much as poffible, viz*
unequally, but commenfurably diftributed, they may not difagree with each
other. For the fake of thefe things, it is requifite that there fhould be four
divifions in magnitude of poifeffions; and that thefe fhould be called firft,
fecond, third, and fourth divifions, or fhould receive fome other appellations ;
fo that, both when they remain in poffeffion of the fame property, and when
they become moft rich from being poor, or poor from being rich, each may
pafs to the poffeffion of property accommodated to each. For this purpofe,
I fhall lay down the following foheme of law :
We fay, that in a city which in future is to be void of that greateft dif
eafe, which may be more properly called difcord, or fedition none of the
y
citizens fhould either be extremely poor, or extremely rich : for both thefe
produce both. It is therefore now requifite that a legiflator fhould fay what
is the bound of each. Let, then, the bound of poverty be the honour of the
allotted diftribution, which ought to be ftable, and which no magiltrate, nor
any one who loves honour for the fake of virtue, will ever fuffer to become lefs
to any one. T h e legiflator, eitablifhing the meafure of thefe diftributions,
will permit the double, triple, and quadruple of this to be poffeffed. But,
if any one poffeffes more than thefe, whether they are found, or beftowed, or
procured by mechanical arts, or poffeffed by any other fuch like fortune,—
if he imparts what remains to the city, and to the Gods, the guardians of the
4 city,
THE LAWS. 130
city, he will a6l in a blamelefs and laudable manner. But he who accufes
one that is not obedient to this law fhall obtain the half of his poflerTions;
and, at the fame time, the half of the accufer's property (hall be dedicated
to the Gods. An account too (hall be openly given, in writing, of all fuch
property as furpafles the allotted portion, to the magiftrates who are ap
pointed guardians by law, that all the judgments refpe&ing riches m a y b e
eafy and extremely clear. In the next place, the city ought to be built a s
much as poffible in the middle of the country, and in a place pofTeiling other
things accommodated to the city, which it is not difficult to under/land and
1
relate. After this, it fhould be divided into twelve parts, the temple o f
Vefta, Jupiter, and Minerva, being firftof all raifed under the appellation o f
the Acropolis, or tower of the city. This temple mould be circularly eri-
clofed; and from this enclofure, the city and all the region fhould be divided
into twelve parts. But the twelve parts ought to be equalized in fuch a man
ner, that the portion of the prolific land may be fmall, but that o f the un-
prolific great: and the allotted portions fhould be five thoufand and forty.
Again, each of thefe fhould receive a twofold divifion. The two divifions,
likewife, fhould be affociated allotments, and each fhould participate of the
near and remote diftributions, viz. the divifion near the city fhould commu
nicate with that which is fituated in its extremity ; that which is at the fecond
diftance from the city, with that which is the fecond from its extremity ; and
after this manner with all the reft. It fhould likewife be fo contrived in the
twofold divifions of which we are now fpeaking, refpecling the fecundity
and barrennefs of the region, that there fhould be an equality of diftributioa
in multitude and paucity. It is likewife neceffary that the ftreets fhould be
divided into twelve parts, and, indeed, every other pofTeffion, equality being
preferved in the greateft degree, and a defcription made of every particular.
After this, the twelve allotments fhould be attributed to the twelve Gods ;
each allotted portion being denominated after, and confecrated to, its pre-
fiding deity, and called a tribe. The twelve feclions too of the city ought
to be divided in the fame manner as the reft of the region, viz. fo that each
fe&ion (hall have two habitations, one near the middle, and the other near
1
T h e reafon why Plato adopts this divifion is, becaufe the number 12 is an image of all-per
fect progreflion, being compofed from the multiplication of 3 by 4, both which numbers, accord
ing to the Pythagoreans, are images of perfection.
T 2 the
140 THE LAWS.
the extremity. And thus much refpecting the habitations. This, however,
we ought by all means to confider, that all the particulars which we have
juft now fpoken of will never fo opportunely concur as they have happened
to do in our difcourfe ; and that the inhabitants will not be indignant at living
together in this manner, but will be fatisfied with their allotted and moderate
portion of wealth through the whole of life. The procreation too of chil
dren will take place with each in the manner we have mentioned : and they
will be deprived of fdver and gold, and other things, which it is evident,
from what has been faid, the legiflator will forbid. Befides this, the habi
tations will be circularly enclofed in the middle of the city and the region, as
we have mentioned above. All which particulars have nearly been afferted
by us as dreams : and we have fafhioned, as it were, from wax a certain city
and citizens. But thefe particulars in a certain refpect have not been badly
afferted. It is now proper, therefore, to attend to the legiflator, addreffing
us in the following manner:—You muft not confider me, O friends, as ig
norant that what has been now faid has been after a manner truly afferted.
But I think it will be moft juft in each of the following particulars, that he
who exhibits a paradigm, according to whofe fimilitude that which he wifhes
to accomplifh fhould be formed, ought not to omit any thing which is moft
beautiful and true. And he to whom it is impoffible fomething of thefe
fhould happen, fhould defift from attempting to accomplifh this ; but he
fhould devife fome means by which he may produce that which is moft
proximate and allied to thefe ; and fhould permit the legiflator to bring his
wifh to an end. This being done, he fhould confider, in common with him,,
which of the abovementioned particulars contributes, and which is adverfe,
to legiflation. For even an artificer of the moft trifling thing ought every
where to produce a work in con fent with itfelf, if he wifhes to obtain praife
for its execution. But now, after the diftribution of the twelve parts, we
fhould confider, that fince thefe twelve parts contain in themfelves many
diftributions, and things confequent to, and produced from, thefe, as far
as to five thoufand and forty ; whence they poffefs tribes, and towns, and
ftreets, warlike orders and difcipline, money, dry and wet meafures, and
weights;—all thefe the law fhould eftablifh commenfurate and according
with each other. Befides this, we ought not to fear left we fhould be thought
to beftow too much attention on things of a trifling nature, when we order
that
T H E L A W S . 141
that no one fhall poflefs furniture of any kind which is deftitute of the pro
per meafure, and confider the divifions and varieties of the numbers as ufeful
to all things ; to fuch particulars as are various in themfelves, and fuch as
receive a variety in length and depth, or in founds and motions, whether the
motions are upwards and downwards,in a right line,or circular. For the legifla
tor, looking to all thefe, fhould enjoin all the citizens to preferve this order to
the utmoft of their power. For no one difcipline belonging to youth poffeffes*
fuch a mighty power, in ceconomies, polities, and all arts, as the ftudy of
numbers. And that which is greateft of all is, that this difcipline excites even
the fleepy, and thofe that are naturally ruftic, and renders them docile, of a good
memory, and fagacious ; benefiting them, by a divine art, beyond what their
own nature is able to accomplifh. All which things, when they are poffeffed
fufficiently and ufefully, illiberality and avarice being extirpated from thc
mind of their poffeffor, become beautiful and properly adapted ftudies : but,
when thefe are not extirpated, inftead of wifdom they fecretly produce that
which is called craft; as we fee at prefent is the cafe with the Egyptians.,
Phoenicians, and many other nations, through the illiberality of their pur
fuits and poffeffions; whether things of this kind were occafioned by
a depraved legiflator, or by adverfe fortune, or by any other fimilar nature.
For, O Megillus and Clinias, this ought not to be concealed from us,
that there is a great difference in places with refpect to producing men of a
more or lefs excellent character ; and that laws fhould be eftablifhed accom
modated to fuch places. For fome places, through all-various winds and
1
It is well cbferved by Proclus, " that a change is produced in different nations from the places
themfelves which each inhabits ; from the temperament of the air, and from habitude to the
heavensj and (till more partially from fpermatic reafons. But they molt efpecially differ accord
ing to the gregarious government of the Gods, and the diversities of infpec~tive guardians ; through
which (fays he) you will find colours, figures, voices, and motions changed in different places.
Hence emigrants often change their colour and their voice, when they fettle in other countries ;
juft as plants are changed with the quality of the region, if they happen to be tranfplanted into a
foreign land." AH y i y w r x n v on rotg $iz,$opoig E9V£?IV h E%aX\aryri ymrai (JLEV xai itapa revg revrovg avroug
bug txaara xaroixuy HQCI 'itapa Tag ruv atpxv xcarE'.g, xai irapa rnv npog rov ovpatov c r ^ r c n y , xai £ri /j.Ept*artpov y
u ftouXttj napa roug cr7TEpfAart)coug Xoyovg' TTOXU 3" av nx*i<na diaQspEiv Emoig aura, Kara rw ayEXaioxofjuxnv
H a t
ruv §EUV £-nwxaciav y KM rag ruv t$zpuv $ta$tpGTvrag t nap ag xai x p ^ ^ ^ t <rx*ftxra, xai puvag, xai
xivweig iZaXXarTOfAtvag Eupoig av tv rotg titaQopotg ro7roig y cog rt xai roug airoixoug iro^Xaxtg (AEraQaXXuv, TO TE
k a i T>1V a T a v a a
QwW) aXXoug a^ixuvrat ronou? xa8a7T£p ra <pvra r r j TTOiornn rng x p S o-uppEraSaX-
florms, are inhabited with difficulty; others through water; others through
nutriment from the earth, which not only imparts to bodies food of a more
and lefs excellent nature, but is no lefs able to accomplifh this, with refped
to fouls. But thofe places in a country poffefs the greateft difference, in
which there are a certain divine infpiration, and allotments of daemons who
are either always propitious to the inhabitants, or the contrary. Which
things the legiflator, who is endued with intellect, confidering as much as it
is poffible for man to fpeculate things of this kind, will thus endeavour to
eftablifh laws. And this muft be done by you, O Clinias ! for, before you
caufe the city to be inhabited, you muft direct your attention to thefe par
ticulars.
CLIN. But, O Athenian gueft! you fpeak in an all-beautiful manner: and,
therefore, this muft be done by me.
THE
T H E LAWS,
BOOK VI.
AFTER all that has now been faid, the next thing that remains for you
to do will be the eftablifhment of magiftrates in the city.
CLIN. It will fo.
GUEST. Thefe two fpecies are found to fubfift refpecYing the ornament
of a polity. In the firft place, the eftablifhment of magiftrates, how many
there ought to be, and in what manner they ought to be appointed. In the
next place with refpedl to the laws, which are to be given to the feveral
magiftrates, what, how many, and what kind will be accommodated to each.
But, previous to choofing the magiftrates, let us mention fome particulars
pertaining to the election of them.
CLIN. What particulars are thefe?
GUEST. Thefe. It muft be perfectly evident that, fince Iegiflation is a
great work, he who does not appoint proper magiftrates in a well regulated
city, though the laws are well eftablifhed, will find no advantage derived
from them, but abundance of ridicule; and fuch a one will be the mean of
oppreffing the city with the moft weighty injuries and calamities.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. W e will therefore confider this, as now happening to you, O
friend, refpecYing this polity and city. For you fee it is neceffary, that thofe
who undertake in a proper manner the office of magiftrates fhould from
their youth have been fufficiently tried, as likewife their race, till the time
of election. In the next place, that thofe who are to choofe the magiftrates
fhould be educated in legitimate manners, fo that they may be able to judge
in a proper manner, who fhould be admitted, and who. rejected. But with
refpecY
144 THE L A W S .
refpecl: to thofe that have recently met together, as they are unacquainted
with each other, and, betides this, are void of erudition, how can they ever
be able to choofe magiftrates in a blamelefs manner ?
CLIN. They nearly never will be able.
GUEST. But the conteft, as they fay, does not eafily admit of excufes.
This then muft now be accomplifhed both by you and me ; fince you have
willingly undertaken the office of eftablifhing a city for the Cretans,
and are, as you fay, the tenth in this employment; and I have promifed to
affift you in the prefent fabulous narration. I fhall not therefore willingly
leave this difcourfe without a head. For, wandering every where in this
condition, it would appear deformed.
CLIN. YOU have fpoken moft excellently, O gueft.
GUEST. Let us, therefore, accomplifh this to the utmoft of our power.
CLIN. Let us, indeed, do by .all means as we have faid.
GUEST. Be it fo, if Divinity is willing, that in this refpecl we may
vanquifh old age.
CLIN. But it is reafonable to fuppofe that he is willing.
GUEST. It is reafonable. Following him, therefore, let us attend to
this.
CLIN. T o what ?
GUEST. In how bold, and at the fame time dangerous, a manner our
city will at prefent be eftablifhed.
CLIN. TO what circumftance adverting do you thus fpeak ?
GUEST. TO the eafy and intrepid manner in which we have given laws
to unfkilful men, and have ordered them to receive fuch laws. Thus much,
indeed, O Clinias, is nearly perfectly evident, even to one who is not very
wife, that no one will eafily admit thefe laws at firft. But if we wait fo
long till boys tafting of, and being fufficiently difciplined in, the laws, and
accuftomed to them, are able to give their votes in conjunction with the
whole city, and this by a certain manner and device is properly accom
plifhed, I then fhould think that a city fo difciplined would remain after the
prefent time abundantly fecure.
CLIN, It is reafonable to fuppofe this will be the cafe.
GUEST. Let us confider, therefore, whether we can afford affiftance fuf-
ficient for this purpofe. For I fay, O Clinias, that the Cnoffians, far more
than
T H E L A W S . 145
than the other Cretans, ought not only to make an expiation about the
region which you have now caufed to be inhabited, but fhould be ftrenu-
oufly careful that the firft magiftrates may be appointed as much as poffible
in the moft fecure and belt manner. In appointing others, indeed, there
will be lefs labour; but it will be moft neceffary that the guardians of the
laws fhould be chofen with the utmoft attention.
CLIN. What method then fhall we adopt in order to accomplifh this?
GUEST. 7 he following. I fay, O fons of Crete, that the Cnoffians, fince
they are the moft antient of many cities, ought to choofe in comrrfon from
themfelves, and thofe that fettle with them in the fame habitation, thirty-
feven men in all; nineteen indeed of thefe from the inhabitants, but the
reft from Cnoffus itfelf. The Cnoflians fhould give thefe to your city, and
fhould caufe you to be a citizen of this colony, and one of the eighteen
men ; and this, either by employing perfuafion or moderate force.
CLIN. But what ? Will not you, O gueft, and Megillus, partake with
us of this polity ?
GUEST. T h e Athenians, O Clinias, are men of lofty thought, and fo
alfo are the Spartans, and each dwell at a great diftance. But, both by you
and the other inhabitants, every thing will be elegantly poffeffed, conform
ably to what you have juft now faid. However, in the courfe of time, and
the polity remaining, the magiftrates fhould be chofen in the following
manner : All fuch as are capable of bearing arms, whether horfemen or
footmen, and when age has given them fufficient ftrength to engage in war,
all thefe mould give their vote; and the election fhould be made in that tem
ple which is confidered by the city as the moft honourable. But every one,
from whatever part of the country he may come, fhould place the name
which he derived from his father, and that of his tribe and nation, written
on a fmall table on the altar of the God. He fhould likewife, in a fimilar
manner, write on it his own name. But it fhall be lawful for every one to
take away that table which does not appear to him to be properly written,
and place it in the forum, where it fhall remain for not lefs than thirty
days. After this, the magiftrates fhall expofe to the view of the whole city-
three hundred approved tables ; and in a fimilar manner the city fhall ap
prove out of thefe whichever it plcafes. In the fecond place, they fhall
again fhow to every one a hundred chofen out of thefe : and, in the third
VOL. II. U place,
146 T H E L A W S .
place, every one fhall name out of the hundred men that perfon whom he
moft approves. But the thirty-feven men fhall declare thofe to be the ma
giftrates who are chofen by the greateft number of votes. W h o , therefore,
0 Clinias and MegUlus, will eftablifti all thefe things for us in the city,
refpeding magiftrates, and the examination of them ? Do we, therefore,
underftand, that in cities fo conftituted from the firft, there ought to be
fuch perfons, but that they will never be found among thofe that are chofen
for magiftrates ? It is however neceffary that thefe fhould not be men of a
5
depraved* character, but of the moft exalted virtue. For the beginning,
according to the proverb, is the half of the whole Work; and all men praife
him who begins a thing well. But, as it appears to me, the beginning is
more than the half, and that no one has fufficiently praifed it when pro
perly accomplished.
CLIN. You fpeak moft properly.
GUEST. Since, therefore, we know this, we fhould not pafs over it in
filence, and leave it involved in obfeurity. Indeed, at prefent, I have
nothing to fay refpe&ing it, except this one neceffary and advantageous
thing.
CLIN. What is it ?
GUEST. I fay, that no one is the father or mother of this city which we
are about to eftablifh, except the city which gives it inhabitants. Nor am
1 ignorant that there often has been, and will be, ftrife between colonies
and their parent countries. At prefent, therefore, as a child, who, though
he fometimes oppofes his parents, yet, through his indigence of education,
Joves and is beloved by them, and, always flying to his own, finds in them alone
protection ; in like manner, I fay, the Cnoftians will be readily difpofed to
give affiftance to the new city, and the new city to the Cnoftians. I repeat
•then what I have juft now faid (for there is no harm in twice faying that
which is well faid), that the Cnoftians ought carefully to attend to
-all thefe particulars, and choofe no fewer than a hundred of the oldeft and
beft men out of the colony, and another hundred from the Cnoftians them
felves. I fay too, that thefe coming to the new city fhould be careful that
the magiftrates are eftablifhed according to the laws, and that they are ap
proved of when eftablifhed. When thefe things are accomplished, the
Cnoftians fhould return to Cnoffus, but the new city fhould endeavour to
preferve
T H E L A W S . 147
preferve and render itfelf profperous. But the thirty-feven men, whom we
have chofen, fhould both at prefent and in futurity attend to the following
particulars : In the firft place, they mould eftablifh guardians of the laws;
and, in the next place, of thofe writings in which every one muft give an
account to the magiftrates of the multitude of his poffeffions. The greateft
eftate fhould be that of four minas; the fecond, of three ;. and the third of
two minae; but the fourth fhould confift of one mina.- But if any one fhall
be found to poffefs more than he has given an account of in writing, all
fuch overplus fhall become public property ; and, befides this, it fhall be
lawful for any one to accufe him as acting in neither a becoming nor legal
manner,, when he is found to defpife the laws, through the love of gain.
He likewife who is defirous of accufing fuch a one fhall accufe him to the
guardians of the laws, under the appellation- of one addicted to bafe gain.
And he who happens to be condemned fhall not partake of the public pro
perty ; but, when any diftribution is made in the city, he fhall poffefs nothing
but his firft allotment. It fhall likewife be fignified in writing, that fuch a
one is condemned as long as he lives; and the writing fhall be placed where
any one who is willing may read it. T h e guardian of the laws fhall not
govern more than twenty years, and fhall not hold this office if he is lefs
than fifty years of age. But, if he is fixty years old when he enters on this
employment, he fhall only govern for ten years. It fhall likewife be efta
blifhed, that he who has lived more than feventy years fhall not hold an
office of fuch great importance. Thefe three mandates, therefore, are to
be attended to,, refpecting the guardians of the laws. But, as the laws ad
vance, any one may order thefe men what they ought to attend to, in addi
tion to what we have already faid.
Let us now, therefore, fpeak about the election of other magiftrates.
For, after thefe, it is neceffary that the commanders in chief of the army
fhould be chofen, and fuch as are miniftrant to thefe in war, as,.for inftance,
the matters of the horfe, the military tribunes, and thofe who orderly ar*
range the foot; and who may very properly be called, as they are in
common, governors of tribes. The guardians of the laws, therefore, fhould
draw out. of the city the commanders of all thefe, and fhould approve all
fuch as, being of a proper age, either have been, or now are, engaged in war.
But if it fhall appear that any one of thofe who are not drawn out is bettor
u 2 than
148 T H E L A W S .
than fome one of thofe that are, it fhall be lawful to choofe the former in
preference to the latter, on condition that this preference is confirmed by
an oath ; and the choice, when he is named, fhall be determined by the
greater number of votes. Three amongft thefe, who are found to have
the mod votes, fhall be chofen as the commanders of the army, and as
thofe that are to take care of warlike concerns, juft in the fame manner as
the guardians of the laws were chofen. Thefe fhall appoint twelve praefecls
of the military orders, and affign one to each tribe. It fhall likewife be
here lawful to prefer one who is not nominated, to one who is, in the fame
manner as was obferved refpecYing the election of the commanders in chief.
But this alTembly, before the praefects are deliberately chofen, fhall be held
by the guardians of the hiws in a place the moft holy and beft adapted for
the purpofe. Here the foot and the horfe fhall be feated feparate from
each other ; and in the third place, after thefe, the reft of thofe who are
employed in warlike concerns. And every one, indeed, fhall give his vote
in the choice of commanders in chief and mafters of the horfe. The pre
fects of the bands fhall be chofen by thofe alone that carry fhields, but the
commanders of tribes by all the horfe. T h e commanders in chief fhall
choofe for themfelves the light-armed foldiers, the archers, and the reft of
this kind. In the next place there remains for us the eftablifhment of the
mafters of the horfe. Thefe, therefore, muft be appointed by thofe who
appoint the commanders in chief; and the elecYion muft be conducted in a
fimilar manner. But the horfe fhall give their vote, the foot being placed
oppofite to them ; and thofe two that have the moft votes fhall be the
commanders of all the horfe. Difputes about votes fhall be allowed to
take place twice ; but, if any one doubts about them a third time, the votes
fhall be determined by thofe whofe province it is to fix the meafure of voting.
The council fhall confift of thirty twelves; for the number three hundred
and fixty will be found accommodated to the diftributions. And it is capa
ble of being diftributed into four parts by ninety, fo that ninety counfellors
may be obtained from each of the divifions of land. And in the firft place
all the counfellors will neceflarily be obtained from the largeft pofteflions ;
and he who is unwilling to be chofen fhall be fined ; and after information
has been given refpecYing him, he fhall be noted. On the following day
the fame method fhall be adopted with poffeftions of the fecond rank. And
on
THE LAWS. 14Q
on the third day, whoever is willing (hall be obtained from poffeffions of
the third order. This mode with refpect to three orders of polTeffions is
neceffary ; but the fourth and fmalleft poffeffion fhould be exempt from
fine, if any one whofe property is of this order is unwilling to act as a
counfellor. On the fourth day all fhall be obtained from the fourth and
fmalleff order of poffeffions ; but he who is unwilling to be chofen from
third and fourth poffeffions fhall be exempt from fine. But he who refufes
from poffeffions of the fecond and firft order fhall be fined, fo as that he who
belongs to the fecond rank fhall undergo a fine triple of the firft. fine, and he
who belongs to the firft quadruple. On the fifth day the magiftrates fhall
exhibit to the view of all the citizens the names of the counfellors. Every
man belonging to thefe fhall act as a counfellor ; or, if any one refufes to act
in that capacity, he fhall be fined the firft fine. But the half of thofe that
are elected out of all the poffeffions, viz. one hundred and eighty, fhall be
chofen by lot as counfellors for a year. T h e election, therefore, fublifting
in this manner, will be a medium between a monarchical and democratic
polity, which medium a polity ought always to preferve. For flaves anddef-
pots can never become friends, nor the depraved and worthy, when they are
equally honoured. For, by unequal things, fuch as are equal will become
unequal, unlefs they partake of meafure; becaufe, through both thefe, po
lities are filled with feditions. That antient faying, indeed, being true, that
equality produces friendfhip, is afferted with the greateft propriety and ele
gance. But, as it is not very evident what the equality is which is able
to accomplifh this, we are on this account vehemently difturbed. For, as
there are two equalities which have the fame appellation, but are in reality
nearly contrary to each other in many refpects, every city and every legiflator
may fufficiently employ one of thefe in the diftribution of honours by lot, viz.
1
the equality confuting in meafure, weight, and number ; but it is not
eafy for every one to perceive the moft true and the beft equality. For it
is the judgment of Jupiter, and but little of it is at all times employed by
men ; though as much of it as is employed either by cities or private per-
fons produces every good. For it diftributes more to the greater, and
1
Viz. arithmetical equality, which takes place when a feries of numbers have the fame com
mon difference; as 1, 2, 3, .|, &c. or 1, 3, 5, 7, &c.
things
150 THE LAWS.
1
things fmaller to the lefs ; imparting to each that which is moderate accord
ing to the nature of each. It likewife always attributes greater honours to
thofe who are greater in virtue, but lefs to fuch as are lefs in virtue and difci*
pline; and imparts to each the becoming according to reafon. For this is, doubt-
lefs, always with us the politically juft itfelf; which we ought at prefent to
afpire after, and, looking to this equality, O Clinias, eftablifh our now riling
city. Whoever, likewife, eftablifhes any other city ought to give laws with
his eye directed to this, and not to a few tyrants, or to one, or to any
ftrength of the people, but always to the juft itfelf. And this is what has-
juft now been faid by us, viz. a diftribution of the equal, according to»
nature, to unequal particulars. But it is, indeed, neceffary, that every
city fhould make ufe of thefe two equalities, which are fimilar in de
nomination, if it wifhes to continue entirely free from fedition. For
the equitable and the lenient judgment of the perfect and accurate, when it
takes place contrary to upright judgment, is broken. On this account it
is, perhaps, neceffary to ufe election by lot, for the fake of avoiding the
morofenels of the multitude, and to invoke on this occafion divinity and
good fortune, and befeech them to direct the lot to that which is moft juft.-
In this manner, then, it is neceffary to ufe both the equalities ; but that equa
lity which is indigent of fortune ought to be ufed on very few occafions.-
Thefe things, O friends, muft be accomplished by the city which is to be
eftablifhed on a fure, foundation. But as a fhip, while failing on the fea, re
quires a perpetual guard both night and day; in like manner a city, while
fituated in the tempeft of other cities, fubject to all-various ftratagems, and
in danger of captivity, is continually indigent of protection. Hence, the
magiftrates and guardians of a city ought mutually to fucceed each other
from night to day, and from day to night, fo as that this interchange of office
may never ceafe. But the multitude is not able to accomplifh any of thefe
things with celerity. It is, however, neceffary that the multitude of tbs
counfellors fhould be permitted to employ the greateft part of their time in
properly managing their own private affairs; but that a twelfth part of them,
1
The true equality which Plato here fpeaks of is geometric equality, which is identity of
ratio, and according to which the merits of individuals are to be eftimated ; fo that as merit is to
merit, fo fhould gift be to gift. The equality, therefore, here is that of ratio, and not of num
ber i as, for inftance, in the numbers 2, 4, 6, 12, which form a geometric proportion.
a diftri-
THE LAWS. 151
a diftribution being made into twelve months, fhould fucceed each other, one
by one, in the office of guardians. Thefe fhould readily attend to every
one, whether coming from the city or elfewhere, whether he wifhes to give
any information, or to afk refpecting thofe particulars about which a city
ought either to afk or anfwer other cities, or receive anfwers from them.
And this, for the fake of thofe all-various innovations which are always ac
cuftomed to happen ; fo as to prevent them, as much as poffible, from not
happening; and that, when they do happen, the city may perceive them with
the utmoft celerity, and apply a remedy. This ought always to be accom
plifhed by an affembly of the governors of the city, together with a diffolu-
tion of the difficulties which fuddenly happen'to the city and the laws. All
thefe particulars muft be under the direction of the twelfth part of the coun
cil, who are to ceafe from their office eleven parts of the year. But this
part of the council ought always to defend the city in common with the
other magiftrates. And the particulars, indeed, refpecting the city, when
fubfifting in this manner, will be orderly difpofed. But what care, and
what order, muft there be of all the reft of the region ? Will it not be ne
ceffary, fince all the city, and the whole region, is diftributed into twelve
parts, that there fhould be infpectors of the roads, habitations, edifices,
ports, forum, fountains, facred groves, and temples, and other things of this
kind belonging to the city ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. W e muft fay, then, that there ought to be purifiers of the temples,
and priefts and priefteffes. But that three fpecies of magiftrates ought to be
chofen for the purpofe of taking care of the roads and buildings, and the or
naments belonging to things of this kind, and of preventing men from being
injured by each other, or by wild beafts ; and that, both within the walls and
in the fuburbs of the city, every thing may be conducted in a proper manner.
And thofe that cake care of the abovementioned particulars fhould be called
aediles ; but thofe that attend to the ornament of the forum, prefects of the
market; and thofe that take care of the ornament of the temples, priefts.
But the priefthood which is paternal, whether fuftained by men or women,
is by no means to be moved. If nothing of this kind happens to none, or
but to a few, which is likely to be the cafe with the inhabitants of a new
city, then priefts, priefteffes, and the purifiers of temples are to be appointed.
But
152
THE LAWS.
But all thefe things are to be inftituted partly by election, and partly by lot.
In every region too, and city, the common people,, and thofe that are not
common, fhould mingle in a friendly manner with each other, that they
may be concordant in the higheit degree. The particulars, therefore, per
taining to the priefts are to be committed to the care of Divinity, that, as it
pleafes him, fo the lot may be referred to a divine fortune. But he who is
allotted the priefthood ought always to be examined, and proved to be in
the firft place a man of integrity, and legitimately begotten ; in the next
place^ one from a pure habitation, and who is free from flaughter, and all
crimes of this kind againft divine natures, and whofe father and mother have
lived with fimilar purity. The laws too relative to divine concerns ought
to be procured from Delphi; and, interpreters of them being appointed,
thefe fhould be ufed. But the priefthood fhould not be of longer continu
ance than a year; nor fhould he be lefs than fixty years of age who is to
attend to divine concerns for us, fufhciently, according to facred laws. The
fame things are to be eftablifhed reflecting priefteffes. The four tribes
fhould appoint thrice four interpreters ; three being taken from each tribe:
and three being approved, that are chofen by the greateft number of votes,
the other nine muft be lent to Delphi, that one may be chofen out of each
triad. But the examination and approbation of thefe, and their age, muft
be fuch as that of the priefts which was mentioned above. Thefe fhould be
eftablifhed as interpreters for life ; and, on the deceafe of any one of them,
the four tribes to which he belonged muft choofe another in his place..
There ought likewife to be, in each of the temples, difpenfators of the fa
cred money, who fhould poffefs abfolute authority over the facred groves,
and their fruits, and over things let out to hire: and three fhould be chofen
for the greateft temples out of the three largeft pofteffions ; but two for the
fmaller temples, and one for fuch as are the moft elegant. The choice, too,
and examination of thefe mould be made in the fame manner as in the election
of the leaders of the army. And fuch are the particulars which fhould
take place reflecting facred concerns. But the utmoft care fhould be taken
that nothing is left without a guard. The guards of the city, too, fhould be
thefe : the commanders in chief of the army, the prcefects of the military
orders, the mafters of the horfe, the governors of tribes, the difpenfators,
the infpectors of roads and buildings, and the magiftrates who prefide over
4 the
153
THE LAWS.
the markets, when all thefe are properly chofen. The reft of the region
fhould be defended as follows :—The whole region was divided by us, as
much as poffible, into twelve parts. But one tribe being allotted to each
divifion, it fhould choofe every year five, as it were, infpe&ors of the lands,
and governors of tribes. Each of thefe mould choofe out of his own tribe
twelve young men, not lefs than five-and-twenty years of age, and not more
than thirty. Each of thefe fhould be allotted each part of the region for the
fpace of a month, that all of them may be fkilful and knowing in every
part of the region. But the guardians and governors fhould defend and
govern the city for the fpace of two years. And when firft they are al
lotted their refpecYive divifions,'they fhould change their places every month,
and the governors of the guard fhould lead them to the places next in order,
and to the right hand parts in a circular progreflion. But I mean by the
right hand parts, thofe which are towards the eaft. Afterwards, in the fe
cond year, they fhould change to the left hand parts, that they may not only
be fkilled in the nature of the country for one part of the year, but may
know, for the moft part, what happens in every feafon, to every part of the
country. In the third year, five other infpeclors of the land, and governors
of the guard, fhould be chofen, as curators of the twelve young men. But
the following care fhould be beftowcd in the feveral occupations in each
place. Firft, that the region may be, in the higheft degree, well fortified
againft the incurfions of the enemy ; trenches being dug where they are re
quifite, and buildings raifcd for the purpofe of reftraining thofe "who may
endeavour to injure the country and its poffeffions. Animals fubject to the
yoke, and the fervants belonging to each place, fhould be employed for this
purpofe, when they arc not engaged in their ufual respective employments ;
thofe that pretidc over thefe difpofing every part of the country in fuch a man
ner, that it may be difficult of accefs to the enemy, but eafy to friends, ani
mals fubjecl: to the yoke, and cattle. They fhould likewife take care that the
1
waters from Jupiter do not injure the country, but that they may rather be
ufeful to it, when defcending from lofty mountains into hollow valleys ; and
this by reftraining their courfe in edifices and ditches ; fo that, being received
and imbibed by thefe places, they may produce ftreams and fountains for all the
1
Viz. rain.
fubjeft lands and places, and may thus render the moft dry parts of the
country moift, and abounding with water. They fhould likewife adorn foun
tains and rivers with trees and edifices; and, conducting ftreams through
metal pipes, fhould caufe them to be diftributed in great abundance. In like
manner, they fhould fend thefe ftreams into thickets and facred groves, as an
ornament to the temples of the Gods. But every where, in things of this
kind, young men ought to procure gymnaftic exercifes, both for themfelves
and the aged, preparing fcnile hot baths, and placing dry wood in abundance;
that an eafy remedy may by thefe means be obtained for the difeafed, and the
bodies of hufbandmen, when wearied with labour, may be refrefhed; which
remedy is, indeed, far better than any which can be adopted by a phyfician
who is not very fkilful in his art. Thefe things, therefore, and every thing
of this kind, lhould be introduced into thefe places, as both ornamental and
\ifeful, in conjunction with fpoi*t by no means unplealant. But let the at
tention which is to be paid to things of this kind be as follows :—Sixty men
fhould each of them defend their own place, not only on account of ene
mies, but for the fake of thofe who call themfelves friends. And if any
one, whether he is a fervant or free, injures his neighbour, or any other
citizen, if the offence is fmall, he fhall be judged by thofe five governors,
but if great, by feventeen men, together with the twelve, and fhall be fined
as far as to three mince. But no judge or magiftrate ought to be exempt
from giving an account of his conduct when called upon, except fuch as like
kins;s bring things to a conclufion. Befides this, the praefects of the land,
if they behave infolently towards the fubjects of their care, by enjoining
them unequal talks, or taking any thing by force from the hufbandmen, or
if they receive any thing which is given through flattery, or diftribute jufticc
unjuftly, in confequence of yielding to adulation ;—in any of thefe cafes^
they fhall be difgraced by the whole city. But for other injuries which they
may commit in their office, they fhall voluntarily be fined by the inhabit
ants of the fame village, and by their neighbours, as far as to one mina.
If, however, they are unwilling, either for greater or fmaller injuries, to
pay the proper fine, in confequence of believing that, during their tranfi-
tions from place to place every month, they fhall efcapc punifhment,—in this
cafe, they fhall be fentenced by a common judgment to pay the injured per-
fea the double of his lofs. But both the governors and the praefects of the
land
T H E L A W S .
land mall live for the fpace of two years in the following manner. In the
firft place, the convivial afTociations in the different places fhall be in com
mon. But he who is abfent from thefe for one day or night, without orders
from the governors, and without being compelled by any neceffity,—if the
five men condemn him, and write in the forum that he has abandoned his
guard, he fhall be difgraced, as betraying his part of the polity. He fhall
likewife be chaftifed with ftripes by any one who/nay meet him ; and who
ever is willing to punifh him mall do it with impunity. All the fixty men,
likewife, fhould carefully obfcrve whether any one of the governors acts in
this manner : and he who perceives or hears that any one of thefe does fb,
but yet does not accufe him, fhall be fubject to the fame punifhment as the
offending governor; and, being more feverely punifhed by the young men,
fhall be defpifed by all their magiftrates. The guardians of the laws too
fhould diligently attend to all thefe particulars, either that they may not take
place, or that, when they do, the offenders may be properly punifhed. But
every man ought to think refpecting all men, that he who has never been
a fervant will never be a mafter worthy of praife. So that he who has
acted in a becoming manner as a fervant, ought to glory in his conduct more
than he who has properly exercifed the authority of a mafter:—in the firft
place, as having been properly fubfervient to the laws, which is the fame as
being a fervant to the Gods; and in the next place, to old men who have
conducted themfelves in an honourable manner towards youth. After this,
the prefects of the la ds fhould, during the fpace of thefe two years, live
on humble and poor fx>d. For, when the twelve magiftrates think proper
to affemble together with the five, they fhould not join with themfelves the
other fervants and flaves, nor employ hufbandmen, and the inhabitants of the
fame village, for their own private concerns, but alone for public utility. In
other particulars, they may attend to their own advantage. Befides this,
they fhould explore every part of the region in fummer and winter, armed,
for the fake of perpetually defending and becoming acquainted with every
place. For it appears, that for all men to have an accurate knowledge of
every place is a difcipline inferior to no ftudy. And for the fake of this,
young men ought to apply themfelves to hunting with dogs, and the capture
of wild beafts, no lefs than for the fake of any other pleafure or advantage
which is derived from purfuits of this kind. Every man too fhould, to the
x 2 utmoft
156 THE LAWS.
utmoft of his power, apply himfelf to that ftudy, which may either be called
concealments, orinfpecYton of the lands, or by any other name at pleafure, if
he is defirous that the city fhould be fufficiently fecure.
After this, it follows that we fhould fpeak concerning the election of the
governors of the markets, and the prefects of cities. Three prefects of
cities, therefore, fhould follow the governors of markets, who are to be
fixty in number ; and fhoyld prefide over the twelve parts of the city accord
ing to a triple diftribution, in imitation of thofe twelve parts. Thefe fhould in-
fpect the roads about the city, and the public ways which lead from the coun
try to the city : likewife the buildings, taking care that all of them are raifed
according to law ; and the ftreams of water which are fent by the guardians
into the city, that they may be deduced into pure fountains, and fuch as are
fufficient for ufe, and may become both an ornament and advantage to the
city. Thefe too ought to be fuch as are capable, when at leifure, of cm-
ploying their attention on public affairs. On this account, every man fhould
nominate from thelargeft eftate him whom he wifhes to be a prefect of the
city. And out of fix that have the moft votes, three fhall obtain this
office by lot. Laftly, when they have been examined and approved, they
fhall difcharge the duties of their office according to the laws which are
prefcribed to them. After this, the governors of markets fhall be chofen,
five in number, from poffeffions of the fecond and firft order ; and they fhall
be elected in the fame manner as the praefedts of the city. For out of ten
that have the moft votes, five fhall be chofen by lot, and, when they are
approved, fhall be declared to be governors. But every individual fhall
give his vote. And he who is unwilling to vote, if he is brought before the
magiftrates, fhall be fined fifty drachms, and fhall, beiides this, be coniidered
as a bad man. Likewife, every one fhall be permitted to enter into the
.affembly and common convention ; and all thofe fhall be compelled to do
this whole poffeifions are of the firft and fecond order. And he who is al>-
fent from thefe fhall be fined ten drachms. But thofe whole poffeffions are
of the third and fourth order fhall not be compelled to be prefent at the com
mon convention. Hence, if any one is abfent from thefe, he fhall not be
fined, unlefs the governors fhall find it neceffary to order all the citizens to
aftemble. But the office of the governors of markets conlifts in preferving
the forum in that order which is eftablifhed by law ; and in taking care of
the
THE LAWS. 157
the temples and fountains about the forum, and that no one a d s unjuftly
with refpect to them: likewife in punifhing him who acts unjuftly, with
ftripes and bonds if he is a flave and a ftranger; but if it is a native who
acts in a diforderly manner, with refpect to things of this kind, he fhall be
condemned by thefe governors to a fine of one hundred drachms: but they
fhall not be allowed to condemn him to a greater fine, as far as to the dou
ble of this, unlefs the governors of the city are prefent on the occafion. T h e
governors of the city too fhould adopt the fame mode of fining and punifhing
in their department; fining offenders as far as to a mina by their own au
thority, but the double of this in conjunction with the governors of markets.
After this it will be proper that the governors of mufic and gymnaftic fhould
be eftablifhed, fo as that there may be a twofold order of each of thefe; fome
of them being appointed for the fake of difcipline, and others for the fake
of exercife. And the law is defirous of afferting with refpect to thofe who
prefide over difcipline, that they fhould be careful of the ornament per
taining to exercifes and doctrines, erudition, and the attention requifite to
things of this kind ; and likewife of the conduct of males and females, both
at home and abroad. Thofe who reward the athlete fhould have the care of
gymnaftic exercifes and mufic And thefe mould be twofold ; one kind
being employed about mufic, and the other about gymnaftic exercife. T h e
fame perfons fhould prefide over the agoniftic exercifes of both men and
horfes. But, with refpect to mufic, fome fhould prefide over the monody,,
and the imitative art, viz. over the rhapfodifts, harpers, pipers, and all of this-
kind, but others over the finging of the choir. And in the firft place, with re
fpect to the fport of the choir, where men, boys, and girls are exerciied in the
dance, and in the whole order of mufic, the governors of this ought to be pro
perly chofen. But one governor will be fufficient for thefe, who is not lefs
than forty years of age. One alfo will be fufficient for the monody, who is not
lefs than thirty years old, and who muft perform the office, of an introducer,,
and be able to judge fufficiently the merits of the contending parties. But
the governor and moderator of the choir ought to be chofen in the follow
ing manner : Thofe who are attached to things of this kind fhould go to
the affcmbly, and, if they did not go, fhould be fined : and the guardians of
the law fhould be the judges in this cafe. No one, however, fhould compel
others to join this affembly if they are not willing. The candidates fhould
be
158 THE L \ W S.
the magiftrates, therefore, except the counfellors and praefects, coming into
the temple of Apollo (the guardians of the laws privately receiving the
votes), fhall each of them choofe him whom they confider as calculated to
educate youth in the befl: manner. And he who has moft. votes, after he
has been approved of by the magiftrates that choofe him (the guardians of
the laws being excepted), fhall act in this capacity for five years. And in
the fixth year another fhall be chofen to fucceed him in a fimilar manner.
But if any public magiftrate dies before he has governed more than thirty
days, another fhall be fimilarly chofen by thofe to whom this province be
longs. And, when any one who is the guardian of orphans dies, the kin
dred of both father and mother, as far as to coufius, who may at that time
be prefent, fhall appoint another within the fpace of ten days, or each fhall
be fined every day a drachma till they have appointed another guardian. But
every city will become a privation of a city, in which courts of juftice arc
not properly eftablifhed; and a mute judge, and who in his interrogation*
does not fpeak more than the litigants, will never be fufficient to us for the
purpofe of deciding juftly. On this account, neither can judges when they
are many judge well, nor when they are few and of a depraved character*
But it is proper that the object of inquiry fhould be clearly enunciated by
both parties. Time however, delay, and frequent interrogation contribute
to the refolution of doubts. On this account litigants ought firft of all to/
betake themfelves to their neighbours and friends, and difcufs with them the
fubject of their complaints. But, if they are not able to determine their
caufe fufficiently by the affiftance of thefe, they fhould go to another court
of juftice. And, if they cannot be reconciled by the two former, a third
fhall bring the affair to a conclufion. In a certain refpect, indeed, the efta-
blifhments of courts of juftice are the elections of magiftrates; for every
magiftrate is neceffarily a judge of certain things. But every judge is not a
magiftrate ; though, in a certain refpect, a judge on the day in which he
acts as a judge, is no contemptible magiftrate. Confidering, therefore, the
judges as magiftrates, let us fhow which of them will be adapted to our pur
pofe, of what things they are to be judges, and how many for every parti
cular. Let then the moft principal court of juftice be that which they
exhibit among themfelves, when they choofe certain judges by common
confent. But let there be two criteria of the reft : the one, when, any pri
vate
i6o T H E L A W S .
vate perfon accufing another of acting unjuftly, and leading him to juftice,
he is willing that he fhould be judged ; the other, when any one thinks that
the public minifter has been injured by fome one of the citizens, and is
willing to aflift the community at large. Let us fay then who are the judges,
and what kind of men they ought to be. In the firft place, there fhould be a
common court of juftice for all thofe that contend the third time with each
other; and this fhould fubfift in the following manner : All the magiftrates,
as well thofe that govern for a year as thofe that govern for a longer time,
ought to affemble into one temple, on the day before the firft day of that
month in which after the fummer folftice the new year begins. Here
taking an oath, and making a firft-fruit offering as it were, out of every
order of magiftrates, they fhould choofe one judge, who appears likely to
be the beft in every magiftracy, and to judge the citizens on the following
year in the beft and moft holy manner. When the judges are chofen, the
examination and approbation fhould be made by thofe that chofe them.
And if any one is rejected, another fhall be chofen in a fimilar manner.
But the perfons approved fhall judge thofe that fled from other courts of
j-uftice, and give their decifion openly. The counfellors, however, and the
other magiftrates that chofe thefe, muft neceffarily be hearers and fpedta-
tors of thefe decifions. W i t h refpecl to men of another defcription, any one
of thefe who is willing may be prefent. But, if any perfon accufes any one
of thefe judges, as voluntarily judging unjuftly, he fhall accufe him before
the guardians of the law; and he who is condemned in confequence of fuch
accufation fhall pay the half of the fine to the injured party. But if he fhall
appear to deferve a greater fine, the judges by whom he is condemned fhall
determine what he ought to fuffer, or to reftore, either to the community, or
to the perfon who lias furfered the injury. With refpecl: to public accufa-
tions, it is neceffary in the firft place that the multitude fhould participate of
the decifion. For, when any one ads unjuftly towards a city, all the citi
zens are injured ; and hence the multitude will juftly be indignant, when
they are excluded from fuch judgments. The beginning likewife and end of
fuch a decifion ought to be referred to the people, but the examination of the
particulars in which the litigants accord, to the three greateft magiftrates. But
if they cannot agree, the council itfelf fhall judge the election of each of them.
It is requifite likewife that all men fhould participate to the utmoft of their
4 power
THE LAWS. 101
fame time we fhould both eflablifh laws, arid endeavour to make thefe very
men, as much as poffible, both legiflators and guardians of the laws.
CLIN. Undoubtedly, fince we are fufficient for the purpofe.
GUEST. Let us then cheerfully endeavour to effect this.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. W e will, therefore, thus addrefs them : O friends, faviours of
the laws, we have neceffarily left many things unfinifhed, refpecting the
feveral particulars of which we have eftablifhed laws, and which are not
indeed inconfiderable ; and we have endeavoured to the utmofl of our power
not to leave the whole unexplained by a certain circumfcription. This de
ficiency it is your bufinefs to fupply. But it is proper you fhould hear where
you ought to look in order to accomplifh a thing of this kind. For Megillus,
I, and Clinias, have often faid the fame things to each other, and we are
agreed among ourfelves that we have fpoken in a becoming manner. W e
are likewife dcfirous that you fhould both be favourable to our undertaking,
and become our difciples ; at the fame time looking to thofe things which,
we have agreed among ourfelves, a guardian of the laws and a legif
lator ought to make the objects of his confide ration. But this agreement,
which has one head or fummit, is this : That we fhould endeavour to find
the means by which a man may become a worthy character, poffefling that
virtue of the foul which is accommodated to his nature, either from a cer
tain ftudy, or certain manners, or from fome kind of poffeffion or defire, or
opinion ; or, laftly, from certain difciplines ; and this, whether the nature
of the inhabitant of our city is male or female, youthful or aged. Likewife,
that every one, through the whole of life, fhould tend with all poffible
earneftnefs to this of which wc are now fpeaking ; neglecting at the fame
time every thing which may become an impediment to this acquifition. Be
fides this, too, he fhould be difpofcd to die for his country if it is neceffary,
rather than either to fee it entirely fubverted, and becoming fubject to the
yoke of bondage, governed by bad men, or defert it by flight. For every
thing of this kind is to be endured rather than the polity fhould be changed,
which men of a worfe character are naturally difpofed to effect. Thefe
things have been already mutually affented to by us, and do you now, look
ing to both thefe, praife and blame the laws ; blaming fuch as are not able
to accomplifh thefe particulars, but, embracing and receiving in a benevolent
y 2 manner
164 THE LAWS.
manner fuch as are, live in them. But it is proper that you fhould bid fare
well to other ftudies which tend to other things that are called good. Let
this, then, be the beginning to us of the fubfequent laws, commencing from
facred concerns. For we ought in the firft place to refume the number
five thoufand and forty, becaufe it had, and now has, convenient diftribu
tions, both the whole number, and that which was aftigned to the tribes ;
which we eftablifhed as the twelfth part of the whole, this producing with
the greateft rectitude the number four hundred and twenty. And as the
whole number has twelve diftributions, fo alfo that of the tribes. But it is
proper to confider each divifion as a facred gift of divinity, as following bo'th
the order of months and the period of the univerfe. On this account, that
which is connate fhould lead every city, rendering them facred. Some, in
deed, are perhaps more properly diftributed than others, and more profper-
oully dedicate their diftributions to the Gods. But we now fay, that the
number five thoufand and forty is moft properly chofen, as that which has
all diftributions as far as to twelve, beginning from one, except that into
eleven parts. This, however, has the eafieft remedy. For it will be re-
ftored to health, if two houfes are diftributed to the other part. But that
thefe things are true, may be evinced with facility when at leifure. Believ
ing, therefore, in the prefent conception and difcourfe, let us diftribute this
number; and afcribing a God, or a fon of the Gods, to each part, likewife
dedicating altars, and things pertaining to thefe, let us make two conven
tions for the purpofe of facrificing every month; accommodating twelve to
the diftribution of the tribes, and twelve to the divifion of the city. But all
this fhould be done, in the firft place, for the fake of the Gods, and things
pertaining to the Gods ; in the fecond place, for the fake of our familiarity
with, and knowledge of, each other ; and likewife for the fake of every
kind of affociation. For it is neceffary, in the communion and mixture of
marriages, that ignorance fhould be taken away, fo as that every one may
know with whom he is connected, and that all deception in things of this
kind may, as much as poffible, be taken away. For the fake of this, there
fore, it is neceffary that fports fhould be inftituted, boys and girls together
forming a choir, mutually beholding and being beheld by each other, being
properly paired, as to their age, and having as much of their bodies naked
as modefty will permit. All thefe fhould be taken care of, and properly or
namented
THE LAWS. 165
it. For, both to the city and the families which are united, this will be ad
vantageous. For the equable and commenfurate infinitely furpaffes the im
moderate with refpecl to virtue. He, therefore, who in all his actions is
more rafh and hairy than is becoming, mould defire that the daughter of
parents of more compofed manners may be united to him in marriage : but
he who is naturally of a contrary difpofition fhould enter into alliance with
a contrary character. And in every marriage this one thing fhould be ob-
ferved, that every one fhould enter into fuch a matrimonial connexion as is
advantageous to the city, and not fuch a one as is moft pleafant to himfelf.
For every one always naturally tends to that which is moft fimilar to him
felf ; whence the whole city becomes anomalous both in wealth and man
ners, when it partakes in the higheft degree of thofe things which we are
unwilling fhould happen to ourfelves. If, then, in our difcourfe we fhould
1
order by law that the rich fhould not marry with the rich, nor the powerful
with the powerful, but fhould compel thofe whofe manners are more hafty
to marry thofe whofe manners are more flow, and the more flow to marry
with the more hafty, we fhould not only appear ridiculous to, but excite
the anger of, the multitude. For it is not eafy to underftand that a city
ought to be like a cup, in which the mad wine, when firft poured forth,
effervefces ; but, being corrected by another deity who is a fober God, and
thus obtaining a beautiful conjunction, it becomes a good and moderate
drink. But no one, as I may fay, is able to fee this taking place in the
formation of children by the mingling of the fexes. On this account, there
fore, we fhould not compel the citizens to things of this kind by law, but
endeavour to charm them into the perfuafion, that they ought to prefer
equability in the natural difpofition of their children to the equality of the
moft opulent alliance ; and that we ought to deter, by difgrace, him who
makes riches the object of his purfuit in marriage, and not compel him to
a contrary mode of conduct by a written law. Let thefe, then, be the ex
hortations refpecting marriages, together with what we have previoufly al-
ferted,—I mean, that we ought to afpire after perpetuity of nature, by always
leaving behind us children of children, as fervants of divinity, inftead of
ourfelves. All thefe particulars, therefore, and ftill more than thefe, fome
one may with propriety preface, refpecting the manner in which marriages
* Viz. water.
THE LAWS. 167
authority in this affair muft always be vefted in the neareft kindred, in con
junction with the guardians. If any thing preparatory to initiation, or other
facred operation, fhall be found neceffary for things future, prefent, or pair,
pertaining to marriage, it will be proper to interrogate the interpreters of
facred concerns; and each perfon, being perfuaded by thefe, fhould think
that he has accomplished every thing fufEciently. With refpecl to nuptial
feafts, not more than five male and five female friends fhould be invited ;
and as many of both fexes of kindred and familiars. But the expenfes on
this occafioii fhould not exceed the poffeffions. He, therefore, who has the
largeft eftate fhall fpend one mina, another half a mina, and fo on in fuc-
cefiion, according to every one's refpective property. ^And he who is obe
dient to the law in this refpecl: ought to be praifed by all men ; but he who
is difobedient fhall be chaftifed by the guardians of the laws, as one who is
ignorant of the becoming, and' unfkilled in the laws refpecting the fponfal
mufes. T o drink, however, to intoxication, is never at any time becom
ing, nor fafe, except in the feftivals of that God who is the giver of wine.
Neither, therefore, is it proper that this fhould take place at the nuptial
feaft, when the bride and bridegroom ought particularly to be in a found
irate of mind, as having changed the former condition of their life in no
fmall degree ; and in order, at the fame time, that offspring may always be
produced as much as poffible from prudent parents. For it is nearly imma-
nifeft what night or day may generate offspring in conjunction with divi
nity. Children, therefore, ought not to be begotten when the body is in a
relaxed and diffluent ftate through ebriety, but when it is compact, ltable,
and quiet. But he who is filled with wine hurries and is hurried away every
where, being agitated with infane fury both in body and foul. Hence, he
who is intoxicated, as being delirious, muft diffeminate in a vicious man
ner. So that it is probable fuch a one will beget offspring anomalous, un
faithful, and void of rectitude, both in their manners and corporeal frame.
Hence, it is requifite to guard againft intoxication, both through the whole
year, and through the whole of life, but efpecially at the time of procreation,
and neither to do fuch things as fpontaneoufly introduce difeafe, nor fuch as
participate of infolence or injuftice. For, thefe being neceffarily impreffed
in the fouls and bodies of the offspring in a foetal ftate, the impreffions be
come worfe than their originals. But efpecially on the wedding day and
night
THE LAWS.
night it is requifite to abftain from all fuch things. For the principle and
1
divinity eftablifhed in men preferves all things, when he is allotted that
honour which is accommodated to his nature by the refpeclive individuals by
whom he is employed. But it is proper that the bridegroom fhould confider
one of the two houies affigned by lot as fet apart for the procreation and edu
cation of children ; and that he fhould celebrate his nuptials in that houfe,
and refide there with his children feparate from his father and mother. For,
where there is a certain defire in friendship, it agglutinates and binds toge
ther all the manners ; but where aftbciation is attended with fatiety, and has
not any defire through time, it caufes a mutual feparation through tranfcend-*
ency of repletion. Hence, leaving his parents and kindred, the bridegroom
fhould depart as it were to a colony, obferving, and being at the fame time
obferved by, them ; procreating and educating children ; tranfmitting to
others, like a lamp, the life which he received from others, and always ho
nouring the Gods according to law. In the next place, it is requifite to con
fider which among the number of poffeffions is the moft elegant. With re
fpecl to many of thefe, therefore, it is neither difficult to underftand nor to
poftefs them ; but with refpecl to fervants the difficulty is extreme. But
we may aftign the caufe of this in a certain refpecl properly, and in a cer
tain refpecl not properly. For our affertions concerning flaves are contrary
to, and yet conformable to, ufe,
MEGIL. HOW do you mean ? For we do not, O gueft, underftand what
you affert at prefent.
GUEST, And it is very reafonable, O Megillus, to fuppofe you do not.
For that fervitude of the Lacedaemonians which is called Hilotia is nearly
the fource of the greateft doubt and contention to all Greece ; becaufe it
appears to fome to be well inftituted, and to others not. But the flavery of
the Heraclidse is a fubjecl of lefs contention than that of the Mariandyni *.
And bciides this, the nation of the Theffalians is fervile. However, looking
to thefe, and all fuch particulars as thefe, what ought we to do refpecling
1
Plato, by the divinity in men, means intellect; for this is the divine part of our nature.
2
Mariandynum was a place near Bithynia, where, according to the poets, Hercules dragged
Cerberus out of Hades. Perhaps, therefore, the contention which Plato alludes to, was that o f
the inhabitants of Mariandynum refpe&ing the particular fpot where Hercules performed this
achievement.
VOL. i i . 2 the
170 THE LAWS.
1
OdyfT. lib. ii.
country,
THE LAWS. 171
country, and that as much as poffible they fhould be difcordant with each
other. And in the fecond place, that they mould be properly educated,
not only for their own fakes, but much more for the fake of their maf
ters. But the proper education of thefe confifts in not behaving info-
lently, but in acting lefs unjuftly towards them, if poffible, than towards
our equals. For he is perfectly manifeft who* reverences juftice natu
rally and not ficlitioufly, and who truly hates to act unjuftly towards
thofe men whom he might eafily injure. He, therefore, who is never
defiled by acting in an unjuft and unholy manner, with refpect to the
manners and actions of flaves, will be moft fufficient to fow the feeds
of virtue. The fame thing may with rectitude be aflerted of a defpot,
and a tyrant, and of all authority, when exercifed by the more power
ful over the more imbecil. But flaves ought juftly to be always punifhed,
and not to be made effeminate by admonifhing them like thofe that are free.
Every thing too that is faid to a flave fhould nearly be a command, nor fhould
they ever in any refpect be jefted with, whether they are of the male or of
the female fex. Many, however, very foolifhly jeft with their flaves ; and,
thus making them effeminate, render it more difficult to their flaves to be
governed, and to themfelves to govern.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. After this manner, therefore, fervants may be acquired as much
as poffible fufficient both in multitude and aptitude to aftift in the neceffary
employments of life. But, after this, it is requifite to defcribe the habitations.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. In a new city, therefore, and which had never before been in
habited, edifices are in the firft place to be attended to, and particularly the
temples and walls of the city. T h e buildings too of the city, O Clinias,
ought to precede the marriages. But, now fince the city is raifed in difcourfe,
we may very properly admit thefe particulars to fubfift in the manner we
have delivered them. When, indeed, the city is raifed in reality, we fhall
attend to the buildings prior to the marriages, if divinity is willing, and
afterwards accomplifh every thing pertaining to matrimonial connections.
W e fhall now, therefore, in a curfory manner, difcufs thefe particulars.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. The temples, therefore, ought to be built round ail the forum-,
z 2 and
17* THE LAWS.
and the city mould be built in a circle, in elevated places, for the fake of
defence and purity. T h e houfes of the governors and judges mould be fitu
ated near the temples; and in thefe, as moft holy places, fentence mould
be given and received; partly, as about holy concerns, and partly becaufe
the temples of the judicial Gods are there fituated. Courts of judgment
too Ifiould be built in this place, in which proper fentence fhall be paffed on
murder and other crimes which deferve death. With refpect to the walls,
O Megillus, 1 agree with the Spartans, that they fhould be permitted to lie
fleeping on the earth, and not be raifed. For that poetical affertion refpect
ing them is defervedly praifed, that walls ought to be of brafs and iron,
rather than of earth. With us, indeed, the cuftom of fending young men
every year into the fields to dig trenches and raife buildings, for the purpofe
of reftraining the incurfions of the enemy, may juftly be confidered as ex
tremely ridiculous. W e likewife inclofe our city with walls, which in the
firft place by no means contributes to the health of the citizens ; and, in the
next place, it ufually produces an effeminate difpofition in the fouls of the
inhabitants. For it incites them to fly within thefe for fheker, and not repel
the enemy ; and leads them to think that the fafety of the city does not
confift in guarding it perpetually both night and day, but that, fleeping under
the protection of walls and gates, they fhall be truly fafe ; as if they were
born for floth, and not to labour. They are, indeed, ignorant that eafe is
truly produced from labour ; and, as it appears to me, labour is again the
natural refult of bafe eafe. But, if there is any occafion of walls for men,
the houfes of individuals fhould be fo raifed from the firft, that the whole
city, by its equality and fimilitude, may be one wall, and that all the houfes
may have a fufficiently fecure paffage to the different roads of the city. And
in this cafe, indeed, the city, having the form of one houfe, will be no un
pleafant fpectacle, and will be in every refpect adapted to the eafe of its
guards and the fafety of the whole. The citizens who are to inhabit this
region fhould be particularly careful that thefe things are conftructed in this
manner from the firft. They fhould alfo take care that aediles are provided,
compelling them to be chofen, and punifh with fines thofe that neglect this
office. Attention too fhould be paid to the purity of every thing in the
city ; and that no private perfon occupies any public property, either by
building or digging. They fhould likewife take care that the waters from
Jupiter
THE LAWS. 173
Jupiter may be imparted with facility to the inhabitants; and that every part,
both within and without the city, may be fit to be inhabited. But all thefe
particulars the guardians of the law, becoming fkilled in by experience, muft
legally eftablifh, together with fuch others as the law omits, through its
incapacity of providing for all things. But fince thefe things, the buildings
about the forum, the particulars refpecting gymnafia, theatres, and all that
pertains to difcipline, are inftituted, let us now proceed to marriages, as
following next in the bufinefs of legiflation.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. Marriages, therefore, O Clinias, muft be inftituted for us in the
manner we have defcribed above. But, after this, the mode of living which
fhould be adopted prior to the procreation of children muft not continue a
lefs time than a year. However, it is by no means eafy to fay, after what
manner a bride and bridegroom ought to live in a city which tranfcends the
multitude of cities. But, as many things that have been already advanced
are difficult, this will appear to the vulgar ftill more difficult to determine.
Neverthelefs, O Clinias, that which appears to be right and true muft be
aflerted.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. He, therefore, who is of opinion that things public and common
only, in a city, fhould be eftablifhed by law, but does not think it requifite
that the neceffary concerns of private perfons fhould be attended to, but that
they fhould be permitted to live as they pleafe ; and that it is not neceffary
every thing fhould fubfift in an orderly manner; but that, private affairs
being neglected by the law, men fhould only live legally in public and com
mon concerns.;—he who thinks in this manner does not think rightly. But
on what account are thefe things aflerted by us ? On this : Becaufe we fay
that the bridegrooms in our city ought to live at public tables, at other
times no lefs than prior to their nuptials. And, indeed, when firft eating in
public was inftituted by you, Lacedaemonians, it appeared a wonderful
thing; being legally eftablifhed, in confequence of a certain war, or fome-
thing elfe endued with the fame power, and which the paucity of men ren
dered neceffary. But this mode of eating in public having been adopted by
neceflity, when it was found to contribute greatly to the fafety of the city
it was eftablifhed by law.
CLIN.
174 THE LAWS.
CLIN. It appears that this was the cafe.
GUEST. AS I faid, therefore, this was at firft a thing of a wonderful
nature, and dreadful to enjoin ; but, at prefent, the legal eftablifhment of
it would not be attended with the like difficulty. But that which follows
this is both arduous to relate and accomplifh. It is a thing which is natu
rally capable of taking place in a proper manner, but which by no means
fubfifts at prefent, and in eftablifhing which the legiflator would appear like
jugglers to pluck fire, and to accomplifh ten thoufand other impoffible things.
CLIN. W h a t is this, O gueft, which you appear to be fo vehemently
afraid of mentioning ?
GUEST. YOU fhall hear, that I may not any longer needlefsly detain you.
F o r every thing in the city that participates of order and law produces every
good. But fuch things as are deprived of order, or are badly difpofed, diffolve
the multitude of thofe things which are orderly difpofed. A n d this happens
with refpect to the fubject of our prefent difcuffion. F o r , O Clinias and
Megillus, the public banquets of the men are inftituted for you in a beau
tiful, and, as I faid, wonderful manner, from a certain divine neceffity ; but
thofe of the women are by no means properly left uneftablifhed by law, and not
led forth into light. F o r the female fex is another kind of men, more occult
and fraudulent than we are, through the imbecility of its nature. But the
legiflator did not act rightly in omitting it, on account of the difficulty of
managing it in an orderly manner. F o r , this being neglected, many things
in your city will be diffolved, which would fubfifl: far better than at prefent
if it was regulated by law. For the particulars relative to women are not
only the half (as they may appear to be) of human concerns, if they are left
in a difordered manner ; but, by how much the feminine is worfe than the
mafculine nature with refpect to virtue, by fo much it furpaffes in multitude
the double. T h i s , therefore, muft be refumed and corrected; and all em
ployments and ftudies fhould be eftablifhed as common, both to men and
w o m e n , as that which will more contribute to the felicity of the city. But
at prefent mankind arc fo unhappily circumftanced in this refpect, that no
prudent man would even mention a thing of this kind, in other places
where eating in common is by no mean's approved. H o w then can any
one attempt, without rendering himfelf ridiculous, to force women to eat
and drink openly ? F o r there is not any thing which the fex would more
difficultly
THE LAWS. 175
difficultly endure than this. For, being accuftomed to live timoroufly, and
obfcurely, when forced into light they will make every poffible refinance,
and greatly overpower the legiflator. Women, therefore, as I have faid,
will not elfewhere endure even the moft rational difcourfe, without extreme
vociferation ; but here perhaps they will. If then it is agreeable to you, for
the fake of converfation, left our difcourfe about every kind of polity fhould
be incomplete, I am defirous of informing you, how good and becoming a
thing this is,—if, as I faid, it is agreeable to you to hear it:— if not, I fhall
difmifs it.
CLIN. But, O gueft, we are wonderfully defirous of hearing it.
GUEST. Let us then hear it. But you muft not wonder if J appear to
you to derive what I fhall fay from an elevated fource. For we are now
at leifure, and there is nothing to prevent us from coniidering every thing,
pertaining to laws.
CLIN. Rightly faid.
GUEST. Again, therefore, we will recur to what was firft afferted by us.
For it is highly proper that every man fhould know, that the generation of
men either never had any beginning, nor ever will have an end, but always
was and alwL ;s will be ; or that, if it had a beginning, the length of time
from its commencement is immenfe.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. What then ? Should not we think that there have been all-various
eftablifhments and fubverfions of cities, ftudies and employments of every
kind, fome attended with and others without order, and all-various defires of
food and drink, in every part of the earth ; likewife all-various revolutions
of feafons, in which animals have undergone a prodigious number of muta
tions ?
CLIN. It is reafonable to think fo.
GUEST. What then? Shall we believe that vines at a certain period rofe
into exiftence, and in a fimilar manner olives, and the gifts of Ceres and
Proferpine ; and that a certain Triptolemus fupplied things of this kind ?
And fhall we not think that during the time in which thefe had no exift
ence animals devoured each other, as at prefent?
CLIN. W e ought doubtlefs to think fo.
GUEST. But we fee at prefent that men facrifice each other in many
4 places;
176 THE LAWS.
places; and we hear, on the contrary, that there was a time'when we did
not dare to tafte the flefh of oxen, and when we did not facrifice animals to
the Gods, but cakes, and fruits moiftened with honey, and other pure
offerings of a fimilar kind: but we entirely ablfained from flefh ; confider
ing it as neither holy to feed on it, nor to defile the altars of the Gods with
1
blood. But we then lived an Orphic life, feeding on all inanimate fub-
fiances, but on the contrary abflaining from all animals.
CLIN. Thefe things, as you fay, are every where reported, and perfuade
belief.
GUEST. But fome one may fay, W h a t is the meaning of all this ?
CLIN. You very properly conjecture what is likely to be the cafe, O guefl.
GUEST. 1 fhall endeavour, therefore, if I am able, O Clinias, to unfold
what is confequent to this.
CLIN. Speak then.
GUEST. I behold all things fufpended to men, from a triple indigence and
defire, through which virtue is produced if they are properly conducted, but the
contrary if they are improperly burdened. Thefe are, from the very period of
their birth, meat and drink, of which every animal having an innate love, it is
full of fury, and refufes to liften to him who fays that fomething elfe is to
be done befides replenifhing the pleafures and defires, with which all fuch
things as theie are converfant, and perpetually avoiding every kind of pain.
But a third, and this the greateft indigence, and the moft acute defire, after
wards excites us, producing in mankind the mofl: fiery furies. This is
the defire of propagating the fpecies, which burns with unbounded infolence.
Thefe three difeafes fhould be turned from that which is called moft
pleafant, to that which is beft, by three the greateft of all things; \\z.fear,
law, and true reafon; at the fame time employing the mufes, and the ago-
niflic Gods, in order to extinguifh this influx and increafe. But after mar
riages we fhould place the procreation of children, and, after this, education
and difcipline. For, our difcourfe proceeding in this manner, the law will
perhaps at length lead us to public banquets, when we have arrived at
affociations of this kind; and then perhaps we fhall fee more clearly than
before, whether this mode of eating in public ought to be adopted by women
1
The Orphic facrifices were unbloody, as the hymns of Orpheus which are now extant abun
dantly teftify.
alone,
THE LAWS. 177
alone, or by men, together with the particulars preceding this mode, and
which are not yet legally eftablifhed. Thefe things, as I juft now faid, we
fhall then behold more accurately, and eftablifh refpecting them more becom
ing and convenient laws.
CLIN. YOU fpeak with the greateft rectitude.
GUEST. Let us, therefore, preferve in our memory what we have juft
now faid : for perhaps we fhall have occafion for it hereafter.
CLIN. What are the things which you exhort us to remember?
GUEST. Thofe which we defined by three words; viz. meat, drink, and
the aftonifhment about venereal concerns.
CLIN. W e fhall by all means, O gueft, be careful to remember thefe
things.
GUEST. It is well. But let us proceed to matrimonial concerns, and
inftruct the bride and bridegroom in what manner children ought to be
procreated ; and if we cannot perfuade them to comply with our inftrudtions,
we will threaten them with certain laws.
CLIN. HOW ?
GUEST. It is proper that the bride and bridegroom fhould confider, that
children are to be exhibited to the city, as much as poffible, the moft
beautiful and the beft. But all men who produce any thing in common,
when they attend both to themfelves and the work, produce the whole
beautiful and good: but when they do not attend, or are not endued with
intellect, the contrary takes place. T h e bridegroom, however, fhould
attend both to the bride and to the procreation of children : and in a fimilar
manner the bride fhould attend to the bridegroom, efpecially at that time
when children are not yet begotten by them. Certain women chofen by
us fhall be infpectors of this particular, whether many or few, juft as it
may feem fit to the governors. Thefe fhall affemble every day in the
temple of Lucina, and continue there for the third part of an hour. Here
they fhall inform each other, if they have feen any married man or woman
looking to any thing elfe than what the facrifices and facred ceremonies
pertaining to marriage order to be done. Let the procreation of children
and the infpection of the women above mentioned continue for ten years,
but not for a longer time, when there is an eafy flux of generation. But
if fome continue unprolific for this frace of time, after having confulted
VOL. II. 2 A with
378 T H E J J A W S.
with their kindred, and the women that fuperintend them, they fhall be
divorced in fuch a manner as is advantageous to both. However, if any
altercation enfues refpecting what is proper and advantageous to each, ten
guardians of the law, chofen by the contending parties, fhall take cogni
zance of and determine the affair. After this, the infpecf ing women fhall
enter into the houfes of the young men, and, partly by admonitions and
partly by threats, liberate them from their error and ignorance. But if they
are unable to accomplifh this, they fhall fpeak to the guardians of the law,
who fhall then take the affair into confideration. If they too are incapable of
applying a remedy, they fhall make the people acquainted with the cafe ;
at the fame time giving in the offenders' names in writing, and affirming
by an oath that they are unable to render them better. But let him whofe
name is committed to writing be difgraced, unleis he can confute his
accufersin the court of judgment. If he is unable to do this, he fhall
neither engage in a matrimonial connection, nor in the procreation of
children. And in cafe he attempts it, any one that pleafes fhall punifh him
with impunity. The fame laws too mult be eftablifhed refpecting women.
For fuch fhall not participate of female egreflions and honours, and fhall
not be permitted to go to weddings, and labours, if they are in a fimilar
manner condemned in a court of juftice. But when children are begotten
according to law, if any one has connection with another man's wife^ or a
woman with any man but her hufband, while children are begotten by
them, let them be punifhed in the manner mentioned above when they did
not beget children. In the next place, let the married men and women
that live temperately with refpect to all fuch things as thefe, be honoured,
but thofe that live in a contrary manner be difgraced. And if the greater
part of the citizens conduct themfelves with moderation in things of this
kind, let thefe particulars be paffed over in filence, without being eftablifhed
by law. But if the conduct of the greater part is difordered in things of
this kind, let them be legally eftablifhed, and a judgment made of fuch
conduct according to the eftablifhed laws. The firft year is the beginning
of the whole of life to every one. This ought to be written in paternal
temples, as the beginning of life, both to boys and girls. In every tribe,
too, the number of the governors that are reckoned by years mould be
written on a white wall. Next to thefe, the names of thofe that are living
4
THE LAWS. 179
in the tribe mould always be written ; and on their deceafe their names
mould be blotted out. T h e boundary of marriage for girls mould be from
fixteeu to twenty years of age ; and this fhould be the longeft definite time :
but for boys, from thirty to thirty-five. T h e time for acting in the
capacity of magiftrates fhould be limited : for women, to forty years of
age ; but for men, to thirty. With refpecl to war, men fhould engage in
it from twenty to fixty years of age ; but women, when it fhall appear
neceffary to employ them for warlike purpofes, and after they have brought
forth children, to the fiftieth year of their age : at the fame time being
mindful to prefcribe the poffible and the becoming to each.
THE-
2 A a
T H E LAWS,
B O O K VII.
them, and impoftible to pafs them over in filence. But I will endeavour to
render what I fay manifeft, leading forth an example, as it were, into light;
for what is faid at prefent feems to be involved in obfeurity.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft truly.
GUEST. That a proper education, therefore, appears to be capable of ren
dering both fouls and bodies moft beautiful and excellent, has been rightly
alferted by us.
CLIN. Undoubedly.
GUEST. But I think that the moft beautiful bodies are fimply thofe which
liumediately from infancy grow in the moft proper manner.
CLIN.
THE LAWS. J8l
thefe vanquishing the nutriment of food and drink, they are able to impart
to us health, beauty, and ftrength. This being the cafe, what fhall: we fay
we ought to do in the next place ? Are you willing that we fhould fay,
laughing, while we are eftablifhing laws, that the pregnant woman fhould
take the exercife of walking, and, after fhe is delivered, fafhion the infant
like wax, while he is moift, and during the fpace of two years bind him
with rollers ? Likewife, that we fhould compel the nurfes, by legal fines,
to carry the children either into the fields, or to the temples, or their ac
quaintance, till they are fufhciently able to ftand alone ? And that then they
fhould be careful left their legs become diftorted through the violence of reft-
ing on them ; and, for this purpofe, fhould carry them in their arms till they
are three years old ? T h a t the nurfes, likewife, ought to be as ftrong as pof
fible ; and that there fhould be more than one for each child ? And, laftly,
that a punifhment fhall be ordained by a written law for neglect in each of
thefe particulars ? Or fhall this by no means be the cafe ? For that whicb>
we juft now mentioned will happen to us in great abundance.
CLIN. W h a t is that ?
GUEST. W e fhall expofe ourfelves to abundant laughter, becaufe the effe
minate and fervile manners of the nurfes will be unwilling to obey us.
CLIN. For whofe fake, therefore, fhall we fay thefe things ought to be
afferted ?
GUEST. For the fake of the manners of the mafters and free perfons in
the city, who, perhaps, when they hear thefe things, will rightly conceive,
that unlefs private affairs are properly conducted in cities, it is in vain to ex
pect that fuch as are common can have any ftability by the promulgation of
laws ; and who, in confequence of fuch a conception, will ufe as laws what
we have juft now advanced. And further ftill, by a proper ufe of thefe af.
fertions they will govern both their families and the city in fuch a manner as
to render them happy.
CLIN. What you fay is very likely to be the cafe.
GUEST. W e fhould not, therefore, defift from a legiflatioiv of this kind:
till we have delivered the particulars of thofe ftudies which pertain to the
fouls of very young children, and thus bring our difcourfe to a conclufion ii»
the fame mariner as when we fpoke concerning their bodies.
CLIN. Perfectly right.
GUEST.
THE LAWS. 183
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But, on the contrary, we fhould fay that he is exercifed in fox-
titude who, from his infancy, has made it his ftudy to vanquifh all the fears
and terrors which befall us.
CLIN. Rigrht.
GUEST. W e may fay, therefore, that this one thing greatly contributes to
a part of the virtue of the foul, viz. the all-perfect gymnaflic exercife of
children in motions.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. And befides this, a placid or morofe difpofition becomes no fmall
part of goodnefs or depravity of foul.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But we fhould endeavour to relate to the utmoft of our ability,
after what manner we fhould wifh that each of thefe may be implanted in
infants.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. This, then, is a dogma with us, that luxury renders the manners
of youth morofe, irafcible, and vehemently agitated by things of a trifling
nature ; but that, on the contrary, exceflive and ruftic fervitude caufes them
to be abject, illiberal, haters of mankind, and unfit for fociety.
CLIN. But how will the whole city be able to educate infants, who are
incapable of underftanding what is faid to them, and who cannot tafte of
any difcipline whatever ?
QUEST. T h u s . Every animal, as foon as it is born, is accuffomed to utter
certain founds with a loud voice: and this is particularly the cafe with the
human fpecies, which to vociferation adds weeping.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. Nurfes, therefore, being defirous to know what infants are in
want of, conjecture this by the things which they offer to them. For that
which caufes them to be filent they confider as offered to them in a becom
ing manner, but that as improperly offered at which they cry and make a
ooife. For, in children, vociferation and tears are indications by no means
fortunate of the things which they love and hate. But the time in which
this takes place is not lefs than the fpace of three years, which is no fmall
portion of life to pafs through well or ill.
6 CLIN.
THE LAWS. 185
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. Does not a child at that period appear to you to be morofe, and
by no means kind, and for the moft part full of lamentation and tears, more
than becomes one that is good ?
CLIN. It appears fo to me.
GUEST. What then ? If fome one mould endeavour, by all poffible means,
that during this period of three years the child may in as fmall a degree as
poffible be affected with forrow, fear, and pain, mould we not think that
by this means his foul would be rendered more cheerful and kind ?
CLIN. It is evident it would, O guefl:, and efpecially^if the child fhould
be fupplied with many pleafures.
GUEST. This I cannot grant you, O wonderful Clinias. For with us an
action of this kind would be the moft pernicious of all things. But let us fee
whether we may affert a certain thing.
CLIN. Inform us what it is.
GUEST. Our difcourfe, at prefent, is about a thing of no fmall import
ance. Do you, O Megillus, attend and decide for us. For my difcourfe
afferts that an upright life ought neither to purfue pleafures, nor entirely
avoid pain, but fhould embrace the medium between thefe, which we juft
now denominated benignity ; and which, from a certain oracular rumour, we
all of us aptly call the habit of divinity. W e fay too, that he who is de-
firous of becoming a divine man ought to purfue this habit, fo that he may
neither be wholly hurried away to pleafures in a rafh manner (for in this
•cafe he would not be free from pain), nor yet fuffer any other to act in this
manner, whether he is an old or a young man, of the male or female fex.
But he will leaft of all fuffer this to be the cafe with infants. For all the
manners then, through cuftom, inhere in every one in the moft firm and
powerful manner. And further ftill, if it were not that I fhould appear
to jeft, I fhould fay that pregnant women ought more than other women fo
to be managed, that during the year of their pregnancy they may neither
be engaged in certain numerous and infane pleafures, nor be agitated by
pain, but lead a benignant, benevolent, and mild life.
CLIN. There was no occafion for you, O gueft, to afk Megillus, which
of us fpoke in the more proper manner; for I agree with you, that all men
ought to fly from a life of unmingled pleafure and pain, and that they fhould
VOL, i i , 2B always
186 THE LAWS.
always purfue a certain middle condition. You have, therefore, both fpoken
and heard in a becoming manner.
GUEST. W i t h very great rectitude, therefore, O Clinias. But, befidcs-
thefe things, let us all three confider this.
CLIN. What?
GUEST. That all thefe particulars which are now difcuffed by us are-
called by many unwritten laws, and that thofe which are denominated the
laws of a country are no other than all thefe. And further frill, that what
we juft now faid, that thefe particulars ought neither to be called laws, nor
yet fuffered to be pafled over in filence, was beautifully aflerted. For thefe
are the bonds of every polity, fubfifting between all laws that are as yet and
will be hereafter written, and being as it were altogether the laws of a
country, and fuch as are in every refpecl: antient. Thefe, when eftablifhed
in a becoming manner, and rendered familiar, will inveft the written laws-
with every kind of fafety. But when they are eftablifhed in an unbecoming
manner, confufion will be the confequence: juft as in edifices, when the
pillars by which they are fupported are taken away, the whole falls to the-
ground, fome things lie under others, and thofe parts of the ftructure
which were beautifully raifed on the pillars become a heap of ruins, through
the falling of their fupporters. In confequence of confidering this, O Clinias,.
it is proper that you fhould bind your city on all fides, as being a new city,
and that to the utmoft of your power you fhould not omit any thing either
greater fmall, which may be called laws, or manners, or ftudies : for by all
thefe a city is bound together ; but no one of thefe can be ftable without
the reft. So that it is not proper to wonder, if, in confequence of many
and at the fame time fmall things appearing to us to be legal, or this being-
the cafe with a conflux of cuftoms, the laws fhould become more extended-
CLIN. YOU fpeak properly; and we fhall think in this manner.
GUEST. If any one, therefore, accurately accomplifhes thefe things, in
both male and female children of three years old, and does not negligently
make ufe of what has been faid, he will procure no fmall advantage to fuch.
as are recently educated. But thefe things will be accommodated to the dif
pofition of children of three, four, five, and fix years of age. Luxury
too fhould be removed from them ; and they fhould be chaftized, but not in
an ignominious manner. But, as we faid refpecting flaves, that they fhould
neither
THE LAWS. 187
neither be chaftizcd with infolence, as this would excite them to anger, nor
yet be fuffered to go unpunifhed, as this would render them delicate ; the
fame mode of conduct: ihould be obferved towards thofe that are free. Sports,
however, are to children certain fpontaneous things, which when they e n
gage in, they nearly of themfelves invent. A l l children then of this age
fhould alTemble in the temples of the refpectivc diftricts, from three to fix
years of age ; the nurfcs of thefe ftill keeping a watchful eye over their or
derly behaviour and incontinence. But one out of each of the twelve
women fhould be placed over the nurfes, and the whole herd, for the fpace
of a year; and her province muft confift in taking care that everything
prefcribed by the guardians of the law is executed in an orderly manner.
Thefe fhouId be chofen by the women that prefide over marriages; one out
of each tribe, and of the fame age with themfelves. She who is eftablifhed
in this office fhould go every day to a temple, and always punifh the perfon
that acts unjuftly, viz. a male and female flave and a ftranger of either fex,
herfelf, by means of certain fervants of the city ; but a citizen, when fhe
is doubtful refpecting his punifhment, muft be taken by her to the a^diles to
receive his fentence. But when the punifhment which a citizen deferves is
not dubious, fhe herfelf mail inflict it. After children are fix years of age,
the males mould be feparated from the females; boys mould affociate with
boys, and girls in a fimilar manner with each other. It is likewife proper
that the attention of each fhould be directed to difciplines ; the males being
fent to the mafters of equeftrian exercifes, of bows, darts, and flings;
likewife the females, if difcipline of this kind is allowed them ; and efpe
cially that they may become acquainted with the ufe of arms. But n o w
almoft all men are ignorant how things of this kind are circumftanced.
CLIN. W h a t do you mean?
GUEST. T h a t things on the right hand feem to differ naturally from
thofe on the left, with refpect to the feveral actions of the hands. For the
feet, and the inferior parts of the body, do not appear to poffefs any difference
with refpect to labour. But in the hands we each of us become as it were
lame, through the ignorance of our nurfes and mothers. For each of the
members naturally poffeffes nearly equal power ; but they not properly ufing
them, through cuftom we make a difference between them. F o r , indeed,
in certain employments there is no great difference in the ufe of the hands.
2 B 2 Thus f
183 THE LAWS.
Thus, ufing the lyre with the left hand, and the plectrum with the right, is
a thing of no confequence ; and fo in other things of a fimilar nature. But
not to ufe thefe examples in other particulars is nearly folly. The law of
the Scythians, indeed, evinces the truth of thefe obfervations. For they not
only hold the bow in their left hand, and the arrow in the right, but fimilarly
employ both hands for both thefe. And there are many other examples of
this kind in charioteers and others. From all which we may learn, that
thofe who render the left hand more imbecii than the right a d contrary to
nature. This, as I have faid, is a thing of no great confequence in horned
plectra, and fuch-like inftruments ; but in battle, where it is neceffary to ufe
iron, bows, and fpears, it is of great confequence. But it is by far of the
greateft importance when it is requifite to ufe arms againff arms. There is,
indeed, a great difference between one that learns and one that does not
learn, and between him who is exercifed and him who is not exercifed.
For, as he who is perfectly exercifed in the pancratium, or in boxing, or
wreftling, is not incapable of fighting from his left-hand parts, but becomes
lame and confufed in his motions when any one, caufing him to change his
pofition, compels him to exercife himfelf from his right-hand parts;—the
fame thing, in my opinion, ought to appear proper in arms, and in every
thing elfe. For he who poffeffes a twofold power, viz. of defending him
felf, and vanquifhing others, ought not to fuffer, to the utmoft of his power,
either of thefe to remain indolent and without (kill. And if any one had
the nature of Geryon or Briareus, fince in this cafe he would be capable of
ufing a hundred hands, he ought with all thefe hands to hurl a hundred
darts. All thefe particulars ought to be under the direction of the male and
female governors ; the female governors infpedting the fportsand nutriment
of the children,, but the male their difciplines, that, all the boys and girls
having the perfect ufe of both their feet and both their hands, they may as
much as poffible in no refpect injure nature by cuftom. But it will happen
that twofold difciplines muft be ufed ; gymnaftic, for particulars pertaining
to the body ; and mufic, for fuch as pertain to the good condition of the
foul. Again, however, gymnaftic is twofold ; dancing and wreftling. And
of ddncing, one kind imitates the diction of the mufe, preferving the mag
nificent in conjunction with the liberal; but another kind, for the fake of
the good habit, lightnefs, and beauty of the parts and members of the
body.
THE LAWS. 189
body, aptly bends and ft retches each, imparting to them rhythmical motion,
diiTcmi.iflting, and at the fame time following the whole order of dancing.
With refpect to wreftling, that which Antaeus or Cercyon adopted among
their arts, for the ftke of ufelefs contention, or the boxing employed by
1
Epeus or Amycus *, fince they are of no ufe in battle, they do not deferve
to be mentioned. But the particulars refpecting proper wreftling, by cling
ing round the neck, or with the hands, or round the fides, when delire of
victory and a good habit of body are applied for the fake of ftrength and
health,—thefe, as they are ufeful to every purpofe, are not to be omitted ;
but both mafters and difciples are to be enjoined, that, when we eftablifh the
laws refpecting thefe, all fuch particulars may be benevolently imparted to
the one, and gratefully received by the other. Nor muft fuch imitations in
choirs as are fit to be imitated be omitted ; in this place, indeed, the
armed fports of the Curetes ; but, in Lacedaemon, of the Diofcuri. Our
virgin too and miftrefs Minerva, being delighted with the fport of the choir,
does not think it fit to play with empty hands ; but, being perfectly adorned
with complete armour, fhe in this manner completes the dance. It will be
proper that all the boys and girls fhould imitate the goddefs in this refpect,
honouring her benevolence, in the neceffity of war, and for the fake of fefli
vals. It will likewife be proper that boys, immediately before they go to
battle, fhould fupplicate and make facred proceffions in honour of all the
Gods, being at the fame time adorned with arms and horfes, and performing
their fupplications to the Gods and the fons of the Gods, fometimes fwifter,
and fometimes flower in dancing, and as they proceed to battle. Contefts
too, and preludes of contefts, fhould be ufed, for no other purpofe than for
the fake of thefe things. For thefe, both in peace and war, are ufeful to
a city and to private families. But other labours, fports, and exercifes re
fpecting the body are not, O Megillus and Clinias, liberal. And thus that
gymnaftic, which I faid in our former difcourfe ought to be difcuffed, is
nearly now abfolved. But, if you have any thing better than this, fpeak, and
do not withhold it.
1
Epeus was the fon of Endymion, and brother to P&on, who reigned in a part of Pelo-
pbnnefus. His fubjects were called from him Epei. He conquered in boxing at the funeral
games in honour of Patroclus.
a
Amycus was the fon of Neptune, by Melia, and was famous for his (kill in the management
of the ceftus.
CLIN,
T H E LAWS.
CLIN. It is not eafy, O gueft, omitting thefe, to have any thing better to
fay about gymnaftic and conteft.
GUEST. It follows, therefore, that we fhould fpeak about the gifts of the
Mufes and Apollo, which we formerly thought we had fo fufficiently dif-
cuffed, that the particulars about gymnaftic alone remained ; but now it is
evident that there is fomething reflecting thefe which fhould be mentioned
before every thing elfe. Of this, therefore, we will in the next place
fpeak.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. Hear me, therefore; for you have heard me in what has been
already difcuffed. But at the fame time it is requifite that both the fpeaker
and hearer fhould be cautious in mentioning that which is vehemently
wonderful and unufual. This alfo fhould be the cafe at prefent. For l a m
now going to affert fomething which cannot.be mentioned without fear;
but at the fame time, affuming courage, I fhall not defift.
CLIN. What is this, Ogueft?
GUEST. I fay, that all cities are ignorant that the liability or mutation
of fports is the principal thing refpecting the promulgation of laws. For
when it is fo ordered, that the fame perfons always ufe, and are delighted
with, the fame fports, according to the fame, and in a fimilar manner, legal
inftitutions are then permitted to remain eftablifhed in quiet. But when
fports are changed, and innovations made in them, fo that young men are
perpetually engaged in new fports, both in the figures of their bodies and other
apparatus ; continually form a different opinion of the becoming and unbe
coming in thefe particulars ; and in the higheft degree honour the inventors
of new figures, colours, and every thing elfe of this kind ; —when this is
the cafe, we fay, and fay with the greateft rectitude, that a greater mifchicf
cannot befall the city. For it fecretly changes the manners of the youthful
part of the inhabitants, and caufes them to defpife that which is antient, and
honour that which is new. But I again fay, that there is not any thing
more detrimental to all cities than this affertion and dogma. Hear, how
ever, what a mighty evil I fay it is.
CLIN. Do you fpeak of blaming antient inftitutions in cities?
GUEST. Entirely fo.
CLIN. YOU fhall not, therefore, find us depraved auditors of this dif
courfe, but as much as poffible moft benevolent.
GUEST.
T H E L A W S . 1Q1
we faid that the particulars refpecting rhythm, and every kind ofmufic,
were imitations of the manners of better and worfe men ? Or how (hall we
fay?
CLIN. Our opinion is in no refpect different from this;
GUEST. W e fay, therefore, that we fhould endeavour, by every poffible
"contrivance, that neither children in our city may defire other imitations in
dancing and finging, nor any one may perfuade them to this innovation by
introducing all-various pleafures.
CLIN. YOU fpeak with the utmoft rectitude.
GUEST. Has any one then of us any art better calculated for this purpofe
than that of the Egyptians ?
CLIN. W h a t art are you fpeaking of?
GUEST. That every kind of dancing and melody fhould be confecrated ;
inftituting, in the firft place, feftivals at certain times of the year, in honour
of the feveral Gods, the fons of Gods, and daemons; and after this, the fa
crifices to the different divinities, together with the ode and choirs with
which the facrifices are to be honoured. After thefe things are eftablifhed,
all the citizens in common fhould facrifice to the Fates, and to all the other
Gods, and dedicate their feveral odes to each of the Gods and their attend
ants. But if any one introduces other hymns and choirs in honour of the
Gods than thofe which are inftituted by law, the priefts and priefteffes, toge
ther with the guardians of the laws, fhall, in a holy and legitimate manner,
repulfe him in his undertaking. And he who is repulfed, if he is not wil
lingly reftrained, fhall fuffer the punifhment of his impiety through the
whole of life, from any one who is willing to inflict it.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. But fince we are arrived thus far in our difcourfe, we fhould be
affected in a becoming manner.
CLIN. About what are you fpeaking ?
GUEST. All men, not only the old but the young, when they fee or hear
any thing unufual, do not immediately affent to that which is dubious re
fpecting it, directly, as it were, running to embrace i t ; but, ftanding ftill,
as if fituated in a place where three roads meet, and not very much feeing
the right way, inquire, and do not proceed any further till they have a firm
affurance refpecting the road they fhould take. W e too fhould act: in a
4 fimilar
THE LAWS. 193
iimilar manner at prefent. For, as we have now fallen upon an unufual and
wonderful difcourfe refpecting laws, we ought neceffarily to make every
poffible inquiry, and not readily decide, being fuch men as we are, on things
of fuch great importance, or attempt to affert any thing immediately, as if
the fubject was perfectly clear.
CLIN. YOU fpeak mofl truly.
GUEST. W e will, therefore, give the fubject time, and then firmly decide
upon it, when it has been fufficiently confidered by us. But left we fhould
in vain leave the order confequent to laws unfinifhed, let us proceed to the
end of them. For, perhaps, if divinity is willing, and this difcuffion ob
tains its completion, what is at prefent dubious may become fufficiently
clear.
CLIN. YOU fpeak mofl excellently, O guefl, and we fhall do as you fay.
'GUEST. W e fay, then, that this wonderful thing muft be granted,—I
mean, that odes muft be eftablifhed for us by law ; juft as the antients, as it
appears, proclaimed refpecting finging to the harp. So that they, perhaps,
did not entirely diffent from what is faid by us at prefent; but in a dream,
as it were, or roufed to a vigilant flate, they either dreamt or prophefied
this. Let this then be the decree refpecting i t : — N o one mail dare to fing
any thing befides the public and facred fongs, or make any alteration in the
whole choir of the young men, or utter any thing contrary to the other
laws. And he who complies with this decree fhall be liberated from fine ;
but he who does not comply, as we faid juft now, fhall be punifhed by the
guardians of the laws, and by the priefts and priefteffes. Let thefe things,
therefore be now eftablifhed for us in difcourfe,
CLIN. Let them be eftablifhed.
GUEST. But after what manner can any one fo eftablifh them by law as
that he may not appear perfectly ridiculous ? It appears to me that it. will be
the fafeft way to fafhion them firft of all in our difcourfe like certain images.
I fay, then, that one of the images is as follows : The facrifice being per
formed, and the victims burnt according to law, if fome private per fon, a
fon for inltance, or a brother, fhould approach the altars and facred rites
blafpheming with every kind of blafphem, uld we not fay that he ut
tered a forrowful and bad omen and prophecy, both to his father and the reft
of his kindred ?
VOL, 11. 2c CLIN.
104 THE LAWS.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. This, therefore, in fhort, muft nearly take place in all our
cities. For, when any magiftrate performs any facrifice in common, not
one choir, but a multitude of choirs affemble on the occafion ; and ftanding
not far frbm the altars, but fometimes clofe to them, they utter every kind
of blafphemy refpecting the facred concerns, exciting the fouls of the hearers
with words, rhythms, and the moft lamentable harmonies: and he who
caufes the city to weep moft abundantly immediately after the facrifice is
finifhed, bears away the palm of victory. Shall we not abrogate this law ?
And if, at any time, it is neceffary that the citizens fhould hear lamentations
of this kind, it fhould not be on certain facred, but rather on inaufpicious
days : and then it will be proper that rather certain foreign choirs, conducted
by hire, fhould ring on this occafion, as is the cafe at funerals, where thofe
who are hired for the purpofe \valk before the dead with a certain Caric
x
Mufe . A thing of this kind may very properly be adopted about fuch odes
as thefe. A long robe too will be proper for funeral odes, and not crowns
or golden ornaments. But, in fhort, every thing of a nature contrary to
thefe fhould be employed on this occafion, that I may difmifs all further
difcourfe about thefe particulars with the utmoft celerity, I again, there-
fore, afk if it is agreeable to you, that this firft image fhould be eftablifhed
for odes ?
CLIN. What kind of image?
GUEST. A good omen. And, indeed, the genus of the ode fhould every
where, and in every refpect, be employed in prognofticating well. Or fhall
I not at all afk your opinion, but thus eftablifh it?
CLIN. By all means, eftablifh i t : for this law will vanquifh by the una
nimous votes of all men.
GUEST. W h a t then, after good omination, will be the fecond law of
mufic ? Will it not be, that prayers fhould be offered to the refpective Gods
to whom we facrifice ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But the third law, I think, will be, that fince poets know that
* That is, fays the Greek Scholiaft, a lamentable Mufe : for the Carians appear to be of a mourn
ful difpofition, and for hire lament over the dead bodies of foreigners.
prayers
THE LAWS. 105
prayers are petitions addreffed to the Gods, they ought to be careful in the
higheft degree, left they fhould ignorantly requeft what is evil, as if it were
good. For I think the condition of him who prays in this manner would be
ridiculous.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Did we not a little before agree, that neither filver nor gold ought
to be confidered as riches in our city ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. Of what then fhall we fay this difcourfe is the paradigm? Is it not
of this, that not every genus of poets is fufficient to know, in the higheft de
gree, things good and evil ? If, therefore, any poet, either in profe or verfe,
fhall compofc for us improper prayers, he fhall be made by the citizens to
pray for the contrary to what he afked in his prayers, in things of the
greateft importance : though, as we have already faid, we fhall not find
many offences greater than this. But we fhall eftablifh this as one of the
laws and forms refpecting the Mufe.
CLIN. Which ? Speak to us more clearly.
• GUEST. That a poet fhall not compofe any thing, either beautiful or good,
different from the legal and juft inftitutions of the city. Nor fhall he be
permitted to fhow what he has compofed to any private perfon, before the
judges and guardians of the law, appointed for this purpofe, have feen and
approved it. But it has nearly been fhown by us, who thofe are whom we
have chofen to prefide over mufic and difcipline. Shall I then, as ufual, afk
whether this law, formula, and third image, is to be eftablifhed for us?
Or how does it appear to you ?
CLIN. That it ihould be eftablifhed, undoubtedly.
GUEST. After thefe things, it will be moft proper that hymns, and enco
miums of the Gods, fhould be fung mingled with prayers; and after the
Gods, in a fimilar manner, that proper prayers, with encomiums, fhould be
offered to daemons and heroes.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But, after this law, the following will take place without envy.
It will be proper that thofe citizens who have accomplifhed beautiful and
laborious works, pertaining either to bodies or fouls, and who have been
obedient to the laws, fhould after their deccafe be celebrated.
2 c 2 CLIN.
THE LAWS.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But to honour thofe who are yet alive, with encomiums and'
hymns, and before, having completely run the race of life, they have arrived
at a beautiful end, is not fafe. Let all thefe particulars be eftablifhed for
us, common both to men and women that have been illuftrioufly good.
But it will be proper that odes and dancings fhould be eftablifhed in the fol
lowing manner :—There are many antient and beautiful poems about mufic,
and in a fimilar manner about dancing. Out of thefe to choofe that which
is becoming and adapted to an eftablifhed polity, cannot, be the means of
exciting envy. The electors of thefe fhall not be lefs than fifty years old.
Thefe fhall choofe that poem out of the antient poems which appears to be
fufficient for the purpofe. But that which is inefficient, or altogether un
fit, they fhall either entirely reject, or commit to poets and muficians to be
properly corrected, employing for this purpofe their poetical abilities. They
fhall not apply to thefe for the gratification of defire, or for pleafures,, ex
cept in a very few cafes ; but, the will of the legiflator being made known,
all dancing, every ode, and every choir, fhall be inftituted according to their
determination. For every employment about a Mufe, which is conducted'
in an orderly manner, though a fweet Mufe is not added, is ten thoufand
times better than every diforderly purfuit of a Mufe. The pleafant, how
ever, is common to all the Mufes. For every one confiders that to be plea
fant with which he has been converfant from infancy to mature age. And
if he has been familiar with a prudent and orderly Mufe, when he hears one
of a contrary character, he. hates, and calls it illiberal. But he who has
been educated in familiarity with a common and fweet Mufe, calls the con
trary to this frigid and unpleafant. So that, as I juft now faid, neither the
pleafant nor the unpleafant has any peculiar privilege. But the cafe is
different with refpect to emolument and detriment: for the one renders thofe
who are educated in it better, and the other worfe.
CLIN. It is well faid.
GUEST. Further ftill, it will be proper to feparate the fongs which are
adapted to the women from thofe which are adapted to the men, defining
them by a certain formula, and accommodating them to harmonies and
rhythms. For to be diffonant from the whole of harmony, or foreign from
rhythm, attributing to melodies nothing adapted to each of thefe, is a dire
circumftance.
THE LAWS.
GUEST. NOW, indeed, they think that ferious purfuits ought to fubfift for
the fake of fports. For they confider that warlike concerns, which are
things of a ferious nature, ought to be well difpofed for the fake of peace.
But neither does fport naturally belong to war, nor was there ever any difci
pline in it which deferves to be mentioned, nor is there at prefent, nor
will be. But we fay that this is a thing of a moil ferious nature,—I mean,
that every one ought to pafs through life, for the moft part, and in the moft
excellent manner, in peace. What the proper manner, therefore, is of
/porting through life, and what the fports are which fhould be employed in
facrifices, in finging and dancing, fo that the Gods may be rendered propi
tious, and enemies, oppofed and vanquifhed in battle ; likewife, by what
fongs and dances both thefe may be accomplished ;—of all thefe particulars
we have delivered the formula?, and, as it were, cut the paths in which we
fhould proceed. The poet too appears to fpeak well when he fays: " You
will conceive, O Telemachus, fome things from yourfelf, but others the
daemon will fuggeft to you. For I do not think that you were born and
nourifhed with unfavourable Gods V Such too ought to be the concep
tions-of our pupils. For they fhould think that what we have already faid
has been fufficiently faid; and that the daemon and divinity will fuggeft other
things to them refpecYing facrifices and choirs, viz. what divinities they
ought to render propitious in their fports, and when ; at the fame time liv
ing in a natural manner, and being themfelves, for the moft part, prodigies,
but participating certain fmall portions of truth.
MEGIL. YOU vilify, O gueft, in every refpect the human race.
GUEST. YOU fhould not wonder at this, G> Megillus, but pardon me.
For, looking to divinity, and being affected with the view, I have faid that
-which I juft now faid. But let our race not be any thing defpicable (if it is
agreeable to you), but worthy ferious attention. After thefe things the
public buildings for gymnaftic exercifes and difciplines have been fpoken of,
and placed in a tripartite manner in the middle of the city. The gymnafia
too of the horfes have, in a fimilar manner, been affigned a tripartite distri
bution in the fuburbs of the city, together with ample places adorned for
the fake of the young men, that in thefe they may exercife themfelves with
1
Odyfl'. lib. iii.
the
THE LAWS. 199
the bow and arrow, and in other jaculations; and may be properly difci
plined and attended to. If, therefore, we did not then fufficiently fpeak
about thefe particulars, let us now difcourfe about them in conjunction with
the laws.
Of all thefe, then, foreign matters fhould be hired, who refiding in thefe
ample places may teach every one that mall come to be inftructed, the war
like and muiical difciplines ; not only inftructing thofe whom their parents
wifh to be taught, and rejecting others, but, as it is faid, teaching every man
and boy to the utmolt of their power, as being thofe who from neceffity dif
cipline the city rather than children. My law too afferts the fame things
about females as about males ; and fays, that the former ought to be equally
exercifed with the latter. Nor fhall I be afraid to fay, that both the gym
naflic and equeftrian difciplines are adapted to women as well as to men.
For I am perfuaded of this through hearing antient fables. But, in fhort,
even at prefent, I know that there are innumerable myriads of women
about Pontus, called Sauromantides, who are ordered equally to ufe, and
equally to be exercifed in, horfes, bows, and other arms, in common with
the men. But befides this I reafon in the following manner about thefe
particulars: I fay, if it is poffible that thefe things may fubfifl in this man
ner, the cuftom of our country, which excludes women from engaging with
all their flrength in the fame purfuits as men, is the moft foolifh of all cuf-
toms. For thus every city is nearly rendered half inftead of double, from the
fame effects and labours. Though, indeed, this is a wonderful error of the
legiflator.
CLIN. So it appears. Yet, O gueft, many of the things afferted by us
at prefent are contrary to the cuftom of a polity.
GUEST. But wc ought to permit the fubject of our difcourfe to be well
difcuffed ; and, when difcuffed, it is requifite to felect that which appears to
be befl.
CLIN. YOU have fpoken very elegantly, and you have made me reprove
myfelf for what I juft now faid. Speak, therefore, after this, whatever is
agreeable to yourfelf.
GUEST. That is agreeable to me, O Clinias, which I faid above; that,
if it fhould appear thefe things could not be fufficiently accomplifhed, they
4 may
200
THE LAWS.
may perhaps be contradicted in difcourfe. But now, if fome one is by no
means difpofed to admit this law, he ought to inquire after fomething elfe.
Neverthelefs our exhortation will not ccafe to affert that women ought in the
higheft degree, in our city, to participate in common with the men of dif
cipline and other particulars. For in a certain refpect it is requifite to think
as follows on this fubjefct. Admit that women are not to participate
in common with men, in every thing pertaining to life, will it not be necef
fary that another order fhould be affigned to them ?
CLIN. It will be neceffary.
GUEST. What other order then among thofe which exift at prefent, fhall
we afTign them in preference to that of our communion ? Shall we adopt
that of the Thracians and many other nations, who ufe women for the pur-
pofes of agriculture, and in the place of herdfmen and fhepherds, in the
very fame manner as they ufe their (laves r Or fhall we adopt the cuftom
of our country, and that of all our neighbouring cities? For, with us, all
poffeffions, as they arc called, are colledfed together into one habitation,
and the care of provisions, fhuttles, and every thing pertaining to the ma
nufacture of wool, is committed to women. Or fhall we, O Megillus,
choofe a medium between thefe, the Laconic mode ? fo that virgins fhall
engage in gymnaftic exercifes and mufic ; but women, during the time of
peace, fhall take care of the manufacture of wool, at the fame time leading
an active, but by no means a depraved and abject life ? And further ftill, (hall
they beftow a certain kind of middle attention to the care of provilions and
the education of children, but fhall not engage in war ; fo that, if it fhould
be neceffary at any time to defend the city and their children, they may
neither be able to ufe bows like certain Amazons, nor be fkillcd in any other
kind of jaculation, nor yet to imitate the Goddefs with fpear and fhield,
and make a generous reiiftance for their befieged country, fo as to be able,
when beheld in a certain order, at lealt to terrify the enemy, if they cat:
accomplifh nothing greater than this ? But, if they live in this manner, they
will by no means dare to imitate the Sauromantides, who will appear to thefe
women to be men. Let him, therefore, who is willing to praife j o u r
legislators for thefe things, praife them : but my opinion refpecting them
will never alter. For a legiflator ought to be a perfect and not a half cha
racter,
THE L A W S.
racier, who iuffers the female fex to be loft in luxury, and to ufe improper
diet, but takes confummate care of the male fex, and thus nearly leaves for
the city the half inftead of the double of a happy life.
MEGIL. What mall we do, O Clinias ? Shall we fuffer our gueft thus to
cenfure the Spartans ?
CLIN. Certainly. For, fince liberty of fpeech is given to him, he muft be
fuffered to go on, till laws have in every refpect been fufficiently difcuffed.
MEGIL. YOU fpeak very properly.
GUEST. It is, therefore, nearly my province to endeavour to difcufs what
is fubfequent to this.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. What then will be the mode of life by which neceffaries may be
moderately procured for men ? fo that arts may be left to others, but agri
culture committed to flaves, who may procure the firft fruits of the earth,
fo as to be fufficient for men that live in a moderate manner; likewife,
that eating in common may be adopted, the men being placed apart, and
their domeftics fituated near them; alio the female offspring, together with
their mothers. Further ftill, that male and female governors may be placed
over thefe public banquets, fo as to diffolve them every day, and infpect the
behaviour of all thofe that eat in common ; and who may return home after
the governor and the reft have made libations to thofe Gods to whom that
day or night is dedicated. T o men governed in this orderly manner, will no
neceffary work, and which is in every refpect adapted to them, be left ?
But is it neceffary that each of them fhould live after the manner of cattle,
paying attention to nothing but growing fat? This therefore, we fay, is nei
ther juft nor beautiful : nor is it poffible that a man who lives in this man
ner can obtain that which is adapted to his nature. But to a fluggifh ani
mal, and which grows fat through indolence, it belongs to be torn in pieces
by another animal who is vehemently exercifed by fortitude and labours.
If, therefore, we inveftigate thefe things with the accuracy which we employ
at prefent, we fhall perhaps find that they will never take place as long as
women and children, private houfes, and every thing elfe of this kind, are
made to be private property. But thofe particulars which are fecondary to
thefe, and have juft now been mentioned by us, if they take place, fhould
be eftablifhed in a very moderate manner. W e fay then that a work r-emains
VOL. ii. 2D for
ao2 THE LAWS.
for thofe that live in this manner, which is neither the fmalleft nor the moft:
vile, but the greateft of all things which are ordained by a juft law. For,
as he who afpires after victory, in the Pythian or Olympian games, neglects
every other purfuit, fo his foul is filled with a double, or more than a double
employment, who devotes himfelf in the moft proper manner to the virtue
of the foul and body. For no other employment ought to become an impe
diment to a proper attention to the body, and to the difciplines and mail"
ncrs of the foul. But, indeed, every night and every day are fcarcely fuffi
cient for him who does this, to accompHfti his end in a perfect and fufficient
manner. Since thefe things, therefore, naturally fubfift in this manner, the
whole time of employment ought to be always orderly affigned to liberal
men, in a continued fucceflion, from one rifing of the fun to another. The
legiflator, indeed, will appear ungraceful, who fays many and trifling
things about domeftic government, and among thefe about the neceffity of
nocturnal vigilance, in order that the whole city may be continually de
fended with accuracy. For it ought to be confidered as bafe, and not liberal,
by all men, for any citizen to pafs the whole night in deep, and not to be
always the firft that is roufed and feen by all his dorneftics ; whether it is
proper to call a thing of this kind a law or an inftitute. Befides this, it
ought to be reckoned bafe by female flaves, for the miftrefs to be roufed by
them, inftead of being herfelf the firft to roufe the reft, viz. both male and
female flaves, her children, and in fhort, if poffible, the whole houfe. All
free perfons, therefore, rifing by night, fhould perform the many neceffary
political and oeconomic duties of their ftations; the governors, thofe pertain
ing to the city, and mafters and miftreftes, thofe pertaining to their families.
For much fleep is neither naturally adapted to bodies nor to fouls, nor to the
actions of thefe. For he who is afleep is of no more worth than that which
is deftitute of life; but, whoever among us is careful in the higheft degree
that he may live and be wife, will be vigilant for the greateft part of hie
time, fleeping no longer than is neceffary to the prefervation of health. But
much of this will not be requifite for him who is familiar with good habits.
Magiftrates, indeed, who are vigilant by night in cities, are a terror to evil
men, whether they are enemies or citizens, but are admired and honoured by
the juft and the wife ; and are both ufeful to themfelves and the whole city.
The night being paiTed through in this manner, befides all the above-men.'
ticned
T H E LAWS. 203
tioned advantages, produces likewife a certain fortitude in the fouls of the
citizens. On the dawn of day it will be proper that boys fhould go to their
mailers. For neither cattle nor any thing elfe mould live without a ffiep-
herd ; nor boys without certain teachers, nor flaves without maft ers : but
a boy is the mojl difficult to manage of all ivi/d beajls. For, in confequence of
the fountain of prudence in him not being yet perfect, he becomes infidious
and vehement, and the moft infolent of wild beafts. On this account it is
neceffary to bind him with a multitude of chains : and as foon as he is freed
from his nurfe and mother, he fhould be committed to the care of pedagogues,
on account of his childifhnefs and infancy, and afterwards to preceptors,
that, as a free-born animal, he may be inftructed in proper difciplines. But
if the boy is born a flave, let it be lawful for any free-born man to punifh
the child, pedagogue, and preceptor, whenever he detects them acting impro
perly. But whoever is prefent on this occafion, and does not juftly punifh
the offenders, fhall in the firft place be fubject to the greateft reproach; and,
in the next place, he who was chofen by the guardians of the law to prefide
over boys, fhall take notice whether he whom we have mentioned does
not chaftize thefe offenders, when it is fit they fhould be chaftized, or docs
not chaftize them in a proper manner. For he muft be an acute infpector,
and one who diligently attends to the education of boys, and regulates their
natures, always converting them to that which is legally good. But in
what manner will the law furnifh us with fufficient inftruction in this parti
cular ? For this has not yet been delivered either clearly or fufficiently, but
only in a partial manner. It is however neceffary, that to the utmoft of
our power nothing fhould be left incomplete, but that every thing fhould be
unfolded, that our difcourfe may be to others both an interpreter and a
nouriiher. W e have, therefore, already fpoken concerning the form of a
choir of finging and dancing, which among thefe are to be chofen, cor
rected, and dedicated to divinity. But we have not yet fpoken concerning
profc compofitions, which of thefe, and in what manner, O moft excellent
fuperintendant of boys, they are to be delivered to thofe under your tuition.
Though you have in our difcourfe the particulars which they ought to learn
and lludy, refpecting war. For the things, my friend, pertaining to letters
have in the firft place been fufficiently difcuffed by the legiflator. In the
next [dace, thofe pertaining to the lyre, and fuch as are of a memorable
z IJ z nature.
204 THE LAWS.
that many things are beautifully afferted by the poets, and many things
quite the contrary. But, if this be the cafe, I fay that polymathy is danger
ous to youth.
CLIN. HOW then, and what would you advife the guardian of the law
to do ?
GUEST. Of what are yon fpeaking ?
CLIN. Of the paradigm, by looking to which the guardian of the laws
may permit fome things to be learnt by all boys, and may forbid others.
Speak, and do not be remifs in anfwering this queftion.
GUEST. O good Clinias, I appear in a certain refpect to be fortunate.
CLIN. About what ?
GUEST. Becaufe I am not entirely deftitute of a paradigm. For, now
•looking to the particulars which we have difcuffed from the riling of the
fun to the prefent hour, but not in my opinion without divine infpiration, it
appears to me that they are fimilar to a. certain poefy. Nor perhaps is it
wonderful that I fhould be very much delighted, on beholding our affertions
collected as it were together in one. For, of all thofe above-mentioned
numerous fentences which I have learnt and heard, thofe which we have
collected in the prefent difcourfe appear to me to be the moft moderate,
and moft fit to be heard by youth. So that I think I cannot propofe
a better paradigm to the guardian of the laws, and to the preceptor of
youth, than this, that they fhould exhort the matters to teach boys thefe
things, together with fuch particulars as are confequent and fimilar to thefe,
whether they are written in profe or verfe, or are fimply afferted without
being written, but are conformable to thefe laws, and are, therefore, by
no means to be neglected, but committed to writing. And, in the firft
place, the teachers themfelves fhould be compelled to learn and praife
thefe affertions : but thofe teachers rruift not act in the capacity of
teachers by whom they are not approved. And, finally, boys muft be
committed to the care of thofe preceptors by whom thefe affertions are
approved and praifed. And thus much concerning letters, and the matters
of letters.
CLIN. W e do not appear to me, O gueft, t o have wandered from the
detigu of our difcourfe: but whether or not we are right upon the whole,
is perhaps difficult to determine.
GUEST. But this, O Clinias, will become more apparent (as it is proper
THE LAWS. 207
it mould) when, as we have often faid, we arrive at the end of this difcuffion
of laws.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. Should we not, after having difcuffed the particulars about letters,
fpeak concerning the mafter of the harp ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. If we call to mind what has been already faid by us, we affigned
to the mafters of the harp the province of imparting difcipline and every
kind of instruction about things of this fort.
CLJN. Of what kind of things are you fpeaking?
GUEST. W e faid, I think, that the Dionyfiacal lingers of fixty years of
age ought to become remarkably acute in their perception of rhythms, and
the compofitions of harmonies; fo that, in thofe melodies which imitate the
paffions of the foul, they may be able to diftinguifh-good from bad imita
tions,—rejecting the latter, but finging to and enchanting the fouls of youth
with the former, and thus inciting them through imitations to the poffeffion
of virtue.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft truly.
GUEST. It is requifite, therefore, for the fake of thefe things, that both
the harper and his pupil fhould ufe the founds of the lyre, and likewife
for the fake of the distinction of the chords ; rendering founds confonant
to founds. But it fhall not be lawful to exhibit to thofe who, through the
quicknefs of their apprehenfion, would in three years experience the utility
of mufic, the different founds, and variety of the lyre; the chords them
felves producing certain melodies, and others being produced by the poet
who compofes the melody, fo as to connect the denfe with the rare, the
fwift with the" flow, the acute with the grave, and the confonant with the
diffonant, and in a fimilar manner harmonizing to the founds of the lyre
all the varieties of rhythms. For contraries when confufed with each other
are difficult to be learnt. But it is proper that youth fhould be taught
with the greateft poffible facility. For the neceffary difciplines which they
muft acquire are neither fmall nor few. However, our difcourfe as it
advances in conjunction with time will fhow what thefe are. And fuch
are the particulars refpecting mufic, which muft be attended to by the
mafter of youth. But the particulars refpecting thofe melodies and words.
which
208 THE LAWS.
hire for this purpofe by the city, and that both boys and girls, men and
women, mould be their difciples, that they may be (killed in all thefe par
ticulars. And girls indeed mould apply themfelves to every kind of dancing
and fighting in armour ; but women to military evolutions, and the taking
up and laying down of arms, if on no other account, yet that, if at any time
there mould be occafion for all the men leaving the city to march to battle,
the women may be able fufficiently to defend the children and the reft of
the city. Or, on the contrary, that they may take up arms for the city, if
it fhould be attacked by foreign enemies, with a certain mighty flrength
and violence, whether they are Greeks or Barbarians; this being an event
that may eafily happen. For it is certainly a great fault in a polity, to
educate women in fo fhameful a manner as to be inferior even to birds,
who fight for their offspring with the ftrongeft of favage animals, are willing
to die, and expofe themfelves to every danger in their defence. But women,
according to the prefent mode of education, in time of danger immediately
run to facred places, and fill all the altars and temples, and thus give rife
to an opinion that man is naturally the moft timid of all animals.
CLIN. By Jupiter, O gueft, this is both difgraceful and detrimental to a
city.
GUEST. W e will, therefore, eftablifh this as a law, that women fhall not
neglect warlike concerns, but that all the citizens, both male and female,
7
iail pay attention to them.
CLIN. I agree with you that it fhould be fo.
GUEST. With refpect to wreftling, therefore, we have faid fome things,
but we have not difcuffed that which I fhould call the greateft thing, nor is
it eafy to difcufs it without uniting gesticulation to the difcuffion. This, there
fore, we fhall then determine when our difcourfe, following things, indicates
fomething clear about other particulars of which we have fpoken, and fhows
that fuch a wreftling is, in reality, of all motions moft allied to contention
in battle: and, befides this, that fuch wreftling ought to be fludied for the
fake of war, but not war for fuch wreftling.
CLIN. This affertion of yours is beautiful.
GUEST. Thus much, therefore, may suffice at prefent concerning wrest
ling. But with refpect to every other motion of the body, the greateft part
of which may be properly denominated a certain dancing, it muft be divided
VOL. II. 2
E into
Tttfi LAWS.
into two fpecies; one of which imitates that which is venerable in more
beautiful bodies, but the other, that which is depraved in bafer bodies. And
again, of each of thefe there are two fpecies. For, of the worthy motion,
one kind takes place when beautiful bodies and brave fouls are entangled in
war and violent labours : but the other, in the profperous condition of the
temperate foul in moderate pleafures. And he who calls a dancing of this
kind pacific, denominates it according to nature. But of thefe, the dan
cing in battle, which is different from the pacific, may be properly called
Pyrrhic; which imitates the avoiding of all blows and hurlings by declina
tions, every kind of yielding, leaping on high, and dropping on the ground ;
and likewife attempts to imitate the motions contrary to thefe, tending to
efficacious figures, in the hurling of bows and fpears, and in all kinds of
blows. But the rectitude and proper tone both of good bodies and fouls
takes place for the moft part when an imitation is employed which is advan
tageous to the members of the body. This, therefore, fhould be admitted as
proper, but the contrary to this, as improper. This alfo fhould be confi-
dered in the pacific dancing of every one, viz. whether, engaging in beautiful
dancing, according to nature, he conducts himfelf in the choirs in a manner
conformable to thofe who are fubfervient to good laws. In the firit place,-
therefore, it is neceffary to diftinguifh the ambiguous from the unambiguous
dancing. What then is this, and how is each to be diltinguifhed ? The a m
biguous dancing is Bacchic, and belongs to thofe that follow the Bacchuses,,
viz. the Nymphs, Pans, Silenuses, and Satyrs, who, as they fay, imitate
thofe that are intoxicated with wine, and perform purifying and certain
myftic ceremonies. The whole of this kind of dancing cannot eafily be d e
fined, either as pacific, or adapted to war ; nor, in fhort, is it eafy to fay
what is the intention of it. But it appears to me that it may with the
greateft rectitude be diftinguifhed as follows : W e muft place the military
dancing feparate from that which is pacific, and affert that this kind of dan
cing is not adapted to war. Leaving it, therefore, thus fituated, let us re
turn to the military and pacific dancing, which may be praifed as indubitably
ours. But that kind of the pacific Mufe which fubfifts in an opinion of a
profperous condition, and which honours the Gods and the fons of the
Gods, in dancing, may receive a twofold divifion. For one kind is adopted
when we have efcaped certain labours and dangers, and have obtained good ;
and
T H E LAWS. 21*
and this contains greater pleafures. But the other kind fubfifts when the
goods which we before pofTeffed continue to be fafe, and become increafed ;
in which cafe the pleafures are of a milder nature. But in things of this kind
every man, with refpect to the motions of the body, is moved in a greater
degree when the pleafures are greater, but in a lefs degree when they are
lefs. And he who is more modeft, and more exercifed in fortitude, is moved
in a lefs degree. But he who is timid, and unexercifed in temperance, fu£»
tains greater and more vehement mutations of motion. And, in fhort,
every one that emits a found, whether in finging or in fpeaking, is not en
tirely able to accomplifh this with a quiet body. On this account the imita
tions of words by figures of the body produced the whole of the art of
dancing. Some of us, therefore, in all thefe move elegantly, but others in
elegantly. And as many of the antient names ought to be praifed by us as
pofited well, and according to nature; in like manner, it is proper to believe
that he, whoever he was, rightly and mufically denominated the dancings of
profperous men, who conduct themfelves moderately with refpect to plea
fures; and that, affigning all of them a name according to reafon, he de
nominated them modulations. Likewife, that he eftablifhed two kinds of
beautiful dancing; calling the military dancing Pyrrhic, and the pacific
modulation, giving to each a becoming and adapted name. Thefe things,
indeed, the legiflator ought to explain by reprefentations : but the guar
dian of the laws ought to investigate dancing ; when he has difcovered it,
unite it with the reft of mufic; and in all feflivals diftribute that which is
adapted to each of the facrifices; fo confecrating every thing in order, that
no innovation may be made either in dancing or finging, but that, both the
city and citizens perfevering as much as poffible after the fame manner in
the fame pleafures, they may live well and happily. And thus we have de
termined what the particulars refpecting the choirs of beautiful bodies and
generous fouls ought to be. But it is neceffary to contemplate and know
the motions of bafe bodies and thoughts, and thofe motions which are
convcrfant with the defamations of laughter, in words, finging, dancing,
and the reviling imitations of all thefe. For it is not poffible that ferious
things can be learnt without fuch as are ridiculous, or contraries without all
contraries, if any one is defirous of becoming prudent. But it is impoffible
10 do both, if we wifh to participate even a fmall portion of virtue. Thefe
2E 2 things,
THE LAWS.
* For he who leads the moft excellent life will, like another riyflTes, purify his foul from the
dominion of the paflions, thofe baneful fuitors, whofe aim is to dethrone reafon and debauch phi-
lofophy. He who deflroys thefe fecret foes may be juftly faid to perform the moft true tragedy.
refpecting
THE LAWS. 213
refpecting every choir, together with the difcipline and manners of choirs,
thofe pertaining to flaves being feparated from thofe pertaining to mailers,
if it is agreeable to you.
CLIN. How is it poffible it fhould not be fo ?
GUEST. Three difciplines, however, ftill remain for the freeborn. One
of thefe is computation, and the particulars refpecting numbers. But the
fecond is that which meafures length, breadth, and depth. And the third is
that which contemplates the circuit of the flars, and the order in which they
are naturally formed to move with relation to each other. With refpect to
all thefe particulars, it is not proper that the multitude mould labour in ob
taining an accurate knowledge of them, but a certain few, of whom we
fhall fpeak when we arrive at the end of our difcuffion. But it is fhameful
for the multitude not to know fuch particulars among thefe as are neceffary,
and which, in a certain refpect, are afferted with the greateft rectitude.
However, it is neither eafy, nor altogether poffible, to investigate all things
accurately : but whatever is neceffary among them muft not be rejected.
Indeed, it appears that he who firft fpoke proverbially refpecting divinity,
looking to thefe things, faid, that God was never at any time feen contend
ing with neceffity ; which I think muft be understood of fuch neceffities as
are divine. For, if this was afferted of human neceffities, to which the
multitude looking fpeak in this manner, it would be by far the moft stupid
of all affertions.
CLIN. What are thofe neceffities of difciplines, O gueft, which are not
human, but divine ?
GUEST. It appears to me that they are thofe, which he who does not
practife, nor in any refpect learn, will never become either a God, a daemon,
or a hero among men, fo as to be able to be a consummately diligent cu
rator of mankind. But he will be very far from becoming a divine man
who is neither able to know one, nor two, nor three, nor, in fhort, the
even and the odd, nor in any refpect knows how to number, nor is capable
of numbering night and day, but is unfkilled in the revolutions of the moon,
the fun, and the other stars. He, therefore, who is of opinion that all thefe
are difciplines not neceffary for one who is about to know the moft beautiful
difciplines, will think in a very stupid manner. But what the nature is of
each
214 THE LAWS.
each of thefe, how many they are, and when they are to be learnt; like-
wife, what that is which is to be learnt with fome other, and what without
others, together with all the mixture of thefe, —thefe are the things which
ought in the firft place to be learnt; and, with thefe difciplines as leaders, a
tranfition is to be made to other things. For, thus neceffity fubfifts natu
rally, which we fay no divinity oppofes at prefent, nor ever will oppofe.
CLIN. What you affert at prefent, O gueft, appears to be truly afferted,
and according to nature.
GUEST. SO it is, O Clinias: but it is difficult to eftablifh laws refpe&ing
thefe things, when previoufly difpofed in this manner. If, therefore, it is
agreeable to you, we will eftablifh laws concerning them in a more accurate
manner at fome other time.
CLIN. You appear to me, O gueft, to be afraid of our ignorance in things
of this kind ; and, indeed, not improperly. However, endeavour to fpeak,
and do not conceal any thing on this account.
GUEST. I fear, indeed, what you now fay : but I am much more afraid
of thofe who have, indeed, touched upon thefe difciplines, but in a depraved
manner. For, the being ignorant of all things is by no means a circum-
ftance vehemently dire, nor yet the greateft evil ; but much fkill and great
erudition, when improperly employed, are much more pernicious.
CLIN. T r u e .
GUEST. Freeborn men, therefore, ought to learn thofe things which a
great multitude of boys in Egypt learn, together with their letters. For, in
the firft place, with the Egyptians the art of reckoning is fo inartificially
devifed for children, that they learn it in fport, and with pleafure. For a
distribution is made of apples and crowns to many, and at the fame time
to a few, the fame numbers being adapted for the purpofe. The fitting to
gether too of the pugilifts and wrefllers, and the alternate and confequent
order of their conjunction, are determined by numbers. Likewife, when
they play, mingling together veffels of gold, brafs, and filver, and other
things of this kind, or distributing them feparate, they adapt, as I laid be
fore, to their fports the ufe of neceffary numbers ; and thus render their
pupils fit to conduct armies, to fix camps, and become good oeconomifts ;
and, in fhort, to be more ufeful and vigilant than other men. In the next
place,
THE LAWS.
place, fince a certain ridiculous and bafe ignorance refpecting the measures
of length, breadth, and depth, is naturally inherent in all men, they take
care to liberate them from this.
CLIN. Of what kind of ignorance are you now fpeaking ?
GUEST. O friend Clinias! I formerly heard, but after a long time began
to wonder at, the manner in which we are affected about thefe things; and
it appears to me, that it is not human, but rather the paffion of certain
fwine and cattle. I therefore not only blufh for myfelf, but for all the
Greeks.
CLIN. About what? Inform us, O gueft, what it is you mean.
GUEST. 1 will tell you. Or, rather, I will point it out to you interrogat
ing. And do you anfwer me a trifling queftion. Do you know what
length is ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. And what breadth is ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. And do you know that thefe are two things, and that the third
of thefe is depth ?
CLIN. How is it poffible that I Ihould not ?
GUEST. Does it not, therefore, appear to you that all thefe may be mea
sured by each other ?
CLIN. It does.
GUEST. I mean length by length, and breadth by breadth ; and that, in a
fimilar manner, depth is naturally capable of being meafured by depth.
CLIN. Very much fo.
GUEST. But, if fome among thefe can neither do this vehemently, nor
remifsly, but fome are able, and others not *, and yet you think it can be
effected by all, in what manner are you circumstanced with refpect to thefe ?
CLIN. Badly, it is evident.
GUEST. But again, do not all the Greeks, after a manner, think that
length, breadth, and depth, can be mutually meafured by each other ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
1
That is to fay, fome quantities are incommenfurable, and others not.
4 GUEST.
2l6 THE LAWS,
GUEST. But if this is by no means poffible, and yet all the Greeks, as I
have faid, think that it is poffible, is it not fit, that, being afhamed of all
them, we fhould thus addrefs them : O beft of the Greeks, this is one of
the things which we faid it was bafe not to k n o w ; but is it not in every
refpect beautiful to know things neceffary to be known ?
CLIN. HOW is it poffible it fhould be otherwife ?
GUEST. And further ftill, there are other things allied to thefe, in which
many errors are produced in us, the lifters of the above-mentioned errors.
CLIN. What are thefe ?
GUEST. The reafon why fome things are commenfurate and others in-
commenfurate with each other. For it is neceffary that thefe things fhould
be known, or that he fhould be in every refpect depraved who is ignorant
of them. In thefe things, therefore, we fhould always be mutually engaged.
For this aged game will be much more pleafant, and more worthy of a free-
born man, than that of chefs.
CLIN. Perhaps fo. It appears, therefore, that the game of chefs, and
thefe difciplines, are very different from each other.
GUEST. Thefe things, then, I fay, O Clinias, ought to be learnt by youth.
For they are neither noxious nor difficult: and when they are learnt in con
junction with fport, they will be advantageous, but never detrimental to the
city. But, if any one fays otherwife, let us hear him.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. If, then, it fhould appear that thefe things are fo, it is evident
that we fhould embrace them ; but if it fhould appear that they are not fo,
that we fhould reject them.
CLIN. Evidently fo. Ought not, therefore, O gueft, thefe to be now
eftablifhed by us as neceffary difciplines, that the particulars pertaining to
laws may not be difcuffed by us in vain ?
GUEST.' Let them, indeed, be eftablifhed, but as pledges from another
polity, which may be diffolved if they fhould in no refpect pleafe us who
eftablifh them, or you for whom they are eftablifhed.
CLIN. T h e condition you propofe is juft. But, confider after this the
difcipline of the ftars, whether this being chofen for youth pleafes us, or the
contrary.
CLIN.
THE LAWS. 217
CLIN. O n l y fpeak.
GUEST. A great prodigy takes place in thefe, and which can by no means
be endured.
CLIN. W h a t is this ?
GUEST. W e fay that the greateft G o d , and the whole world, ought not
to be investigated, and that the caufes of things ought not to be diligently
and anxioufly explored ; becaufe a conduct of this kind is not holy. It ap
pears, however, that the very contrary to this is proper.
CLIN. HOW do you fay?
GUEST. W h a t I have faid is a paradox, and fome one may think it is not
adapted to old men : but when any one is of opinion that a difcipline is beau
tiful, true, and advantageous to a city, and likewife in every refpect friendly
to divinity, it is perfectly impoffible he fhould not mention it.
CLIN. YOU fpeak probably. But fhall we find a thing of this kind about
the difcipline of the ftars ?
GUEST. O good man, all we Greeks, as I may fay, conceive falfely of
THOSE MIGHTY DIVINITIES THE SUN AND MOON.
CLIN. O f what kind of falfehood are you fpeaking ?
GUEST. W e fay that the fun and moon never move in the fame path, and
that this is likewife the cafe with certain other ftars which move together
with thefe, and therefore we denominate them planets.
CLIN. B y Jupiter, O gueft, what you fay is true. F o r , in the courfe of
my life, I have often feen the morning and the evening ftar, and certain other
ftars, by no means moving in the fame track, but entirely wandering. But
we all know that the fun and moon perpetually wander.
GUEST. Thefe are the things, therefore, O Megillus and Clinias, which
we fay our citizens and boys ought to learn refpecting the celeftial Gods, fo
far as this, that they may not blafpheme in fpeaking of them, but may cele
brate them in a proper manner, by pioufly facrificing and praying to their
divinities.
CLIN. This indeed is right, if in the firft place it is poffible to learn that
which you fpeak o f ; and in the next place, if we fhould not at prefent
fpeak properly about thefe particulars, yet we fhall when we are instructed
in them. This being admitted, I grant that a thing of this kind fhould be
VOL. i i . 2F thus
218 THE LAWS.
thus far learnt. L>o yon, therefore, endeavour to evince that thefe things
are fo, and we will follow you as your difciples.
GUEST. It is not eafy to learn what J fay, nor is it again in every refpecl:
difficult, nor does it require a great length of time. As a proof of this, I
myfelf have heard thefe things, neither recently nor formerly, and yet l a m
able to render them manifeft in a fhort time; though, if they were difficult,
I who am aged fhould not be able to explain them to you, who are likewife
aged.
CLIN. True. But what is this difcipline which you call admirable, which
you fay it is fit youth fhould learn, but we arc ignorant of? Endeavour to
ipeak about it with the utmoft perfpicuity.
GUEST. I will endeavour. The dogma then, O beft of men, refpecting
the fun and moon and the other ftars, that they have at any time wandered,
is not right; but the very contrary of this is true. For each of them per
petually paffes through, in a circle, one and the fame path, and not many
paths ; though they appear to pafs through many. But that which is
fwifteft in them is not rightly conceived to be floweft, nor contrarily the
contrary. And thefe things, indeed, naturally fubfift in this manner ; but
we are of opinion that they fubfift otherwife. If then, beholding in the
Olympic games the courfe of horfes or of men that run the longeft race, we
fhould call the fwifteft the floweft, and the floweft the fwifteft, and, mak
ing our encomiums, fhould celebrate the vanquifhed as the victor, I do not
think that we fhould adapt our encomiums properly, nor in a manner agree
able to the racers. But now, when we err in the fame manner refpecting
the Gods, fhall we not think that, as fuch a conduct in the inftance juft
alleged is ridiculous and not right, this is likewife true in the prefent cafe ?
CLIN. It is ridiculous indeed.
GUEST. W e are not, therefore, acceptable to divinity, when in hymning
the Gods we celebrate them falfely.
CLIN. Moft true, if thefe things are fo.
GUEST. If, therefore, we can fhow that they are fo, all thefe particulars
as far as to this are to be learnt; but, if we cannot fhow it, they muft be
difmiffed. Let thefe things then be thus determined.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST.
THE LAWS. 219
GUEST. It is proper, therefore, now to lay, that the legal inftitutions
refpecting the difciplines of erudition have obtained their confummation.
But it is requifite to conceive in a fimilar manner respecting hunting, and
every thing elfe of this kind. For it appears that the office of a legiflator
is fomething more than that of merely eftablifhing laws, and that he ought
to make ufe of that medium which naturally fublists between admonition
and the laws, and which has often occurred to us in the courfe of our dif-
cuflion, and efpecially when we fpoke, concerning the education of children.
For we faid there were many things pertaining to this which could not be
eftablifhed by law, and that it was folly to attempt it: but laws being thus
written, and the whole of a polity eftablifhed, that is not the perfect praife
of a citizen excelling in virtue, which fays that he fubmits to the laws in
the beft manner, and is perfuaded by them in the higheft degree; but the
praife is more perfect which afterts that he is one who leads a pure life, in
confequence of being obedient to the writings of the legiflator, in which he
eitablifhes, praifes, and blames laws. For this is the moft proper praife of a
citizen. And the legiflator, in reality, ought not only to write laws, but
fhould fubjoin to them what appears to him to be beautiful and not beauti
ful. The citizen too, that has arrived at the fummit of virtue, fhould no
lefs obferve thefe, than thofe particulars which are punifhable by the laws.
But we will adduce for this purpofe, as a witnefs, the fubject of our prefent
difcuffion ; for it will render our intention more manifest. For hunting is
a thing of a great extent, and which is now nearly comprehended in one
name. For there is much hunting of aquatic, much of aerial, and ftill
more of terrestrial animals, not only of wild beasts but of m e n ; and, of
this laft, one kind refpects war, and another friendfhip ; and the one is lau
dable, but the other blamcable. The thefts too of robbers and camps are
huntings. The legiflator, therefore, who eftablifhes laws about hunting,
can neither leave thefe unnoticed, nor impofe fines and menacing laws on
each, in a certain order. What then is to be done refpecting things of this
kind ? The legiflator ought to praife and blame what is laudable and blame-
able in hunting, with a view to the labours and studies of youth. And
young men, when they hear, fhould be obedient* to him, and fhould not
fulter either pleafure or labour to prevent them from acting contrary to the
directions of the legiflator. But they fhould rather honour what is faid and
2 F 2 enjoined
220 T H E LAWS.
enjoined with praife, than what is eftablifhed with threatenings and fines.
Thefe things being premifed, the praife and blame of hunting will follov.
in a becoming manner. For that hunting is to be praifed which improves
the fouls of young men, but that which has a contrary tendency is to be
blamed. Let us therefore difcufs what follows, calling as follows upon
young men through prayer: O friends, may never any defire or love of ma
rine fifhing, or of fifhing with a hook, feize you ; nor, in fhort, of labour
ing to catch any aquatic animals with a bow net, either by day or by
night ! May you likewife be void of all inclination to piracy, by which you
would become unjuft and atrocious hunters of men on the fea ! And may you
never in the leaft defire to commit theft in the region and city to which you
belong, or to hunt birds, which, though a fafcinating, is not a very liberal
purfuit ! The hunting, therefore, of pedeftrial animals alone remains for
our athletx. But, of this, that kind which is performed by fleeping in turns,
and is called nocturnal, as it belongs to fluggifh men, is not worthy of praife.
N o r yet that which during a remiffion of labours vanquifhes the fierce ftrength
of wild beafts by nets and fnares, and not by patient endurance. That
hunting, therefore, of wild beafts alone remains as the beft of all, which is
accomplished by horfes, dogs, and corporeal ftrength and fkill. For thofe
that are anxious to obtain divine fortitude will vanquifh favage animals by
hunting them in the courfe, and with wounds, darts, and their own hands.
And thus much may fuffke refpecting the praife and blame of all thefe par
ticulars. However, let the law be this : No one fhall impede thefe truly
facred hunters from hunting wherever they pleafe. But no one fhall fuffer
any perfon to engage in nocturnal hunting with nets and dogs. Fowling
fhall be permitted in uncultivated places and in mountains ; but any one
who may happen to be prefent fhall forbid it in cultivated and facred places.
A fifherman fhall not be fuffered to hunt, either in ports or facred rivers,
marfhes, or pools; but in other places he may be permitted to hunt fo
long as he does not ufe a mixture of juices. Now, therefore, it is proper
to fay, that the legal inftitutions refpecting difcipline have obtained their
completion.
CLIN. You fpeak well.
BOOK VIII.
men, as always being the bed of divinities to the race of men. For the
communion between, is not better than thefolution offoul and body, as I affirm,
fpeaking ferioufy. Befides, it is requifite that thofe who intend to diftinguifh
thefe things fuihciently, mould think that this our city is fuch with refpect:
to vacation of time, and the poffeflion of things neceffary, as no other citv is
found to be- at prefent. But it is requifite that it fhould live well in the
fame manner as an individual of the human fpecies. T o thofe however
that live happily, this muft neceffarily be prefent the firft of all things,—^1
mean, that they neither injure others, nor are injured by others. But, of
thefe, the former is not very difficult; but the latter is difficult in the
extreme, and cannot be perfectly acquired otherwife than by becoming
perfectly good *. T h e fame thing alfb takes place in a city. For, when it
is good, its life is pacific ; but, when depraved, it is infefted with external
and internal war. But, this being nearly the cafe, cities fhould not exercife
themfelves in war during the time of war, but in a life of peace. It is
neceffary, therefore, that a city endued with intellect fhould every month
exercife itfelf in war, for not lefs than the fpace of one day, but more
frequently as it may feem fit to the magiftrates, and this without fearing
either heat or cold ; and that the magiftrates, together with women and
boys, fhould be exercifed in it, that every inhabitant of the city may be pre
pared when it fhall appear to the governors proper to lead forth all the
people. For this purpofe, too, certain beautiful games are to be devifed,
together with facrifices, that certain feftive battles may take place, per-
fpicuoufly imitating in the higheft degree the contentions of war. It is
likewife neceffary that the rewards of valour fhould be diftributed to each
of thefe ; and that the victors fhould be praifed, and the vanquifhed blamed,
in a degree correfponding to the manner in which they have conducted
themfelves in the contests, and through the whole of life. However, let not
every one be a poet of things of this kind. But in the firft place let him be
a poet who is not lefs than fifty years of age ; and in the next place who not
only fufficiently poffeffes the poetic mufe, but v\ ho has accomplished fomething
beautiful and illuftrious. The poems, therefore, of good and honourable
1
For a perfectly good man cannot be injured ; becaufe he who Is injured is deprived of fome
good: but virtue is the proper good of a truly worthy man, and this cannot be taken away.
men
THE LAWS. 2'13
men in the city, and who have performed illuftrious actions, mould be fung;
hough they may not be naturally musical. But let the judgment of thefe
3e given to the inftrudtcrs of youth, and to the other guardians of the laws.
Thefe fhall attribute this honour to worthy men, that they alone fhall be
allowed freedom of fpeech in the Mufes; but they fhall not grant this liberty
to others. No one, therefore, mail dare to fing a Mufe which is not ap
proved by the guardians of the laws, though it fhould be fweeter than the
hymns of Thamyris and Orpheus : but fuch facred poems fhall be fung as
have been examined and approved, and are dedicated to the Gods ; together
with the poems of worthy men, in which certain perfons are praifed or
blamed, and which are judged to do this with moderation. The fame things
ought in a fimilar manner to take place, both among men and women, re
fpecting war, and poetic liberty of fpeech. But it is requifite that the le
giflator fhould thus reafon with himfelf: In properly arranging the whole
city, what citizens fhall I educate ? Ought they not to be the athletae of
the greateft contefts, who have ten thoufand antagonists ? Entirely, fome
one fpeaking with propriety may fay. But what ? If we mould educate pu
gilists, or pancratiafts, or others of this kind, fhall we lead them forth to
the conteft before they have contended with any one ? Or, if we were pu-
gilifts, fhould we not have learned to fight, and laboured in it, many days
prior to the conteft, imitating all fuch particulars as we fhould adopt in a real
conteft when we contend for victory ? And fhould we not, as approaching
in the nearest manner poffible to a fimilitude of real contention, inftead of
thongs, gird ourfelves with the ceftus, that we may be able fufficiently both
to give wounds and with premeditation avoid them ? And if it fhould happen
that there are none with whom we can contend, fhould we not, without
dreading the laughter of the foolifh, dare to fufpend an inanimate image, and
exercife ourfelves againft it ? And if we were in want both of animate and
inanimate adverfaries, fhould we not venture to contend even with our own
fhadows ? Or, would any one fay that this particular motion of the hand
was devifed for any other purpofe ?
CLIN. For nearly no other purpofe, O gueft, than that which you have
juft now mentioned.
GIJKST. What then? Will the warlike part of the city dare to engage
in the greateft cf contefts, worfe prepared than combatants of this kind? I
mean,
THE L A W 8.
mean, when they are t o iight for life for their children, pofieflions, and
the whole of the city. Will not, therefore, the legiflator be afraid left
thefe mutual gymnaftic excrcifes fhould appear to certain perfons ridiculous?
And will he not eftablifh bv law, that military concerns fhould be encased
iii every day in an inferior degree, without arms, exciting t o this purpofe
the choirs, and the whole of gymnaftic exercife ? Will he not likewife
order, that both greater and leffer gymnaftic exercifes fhould be performed
every month at leaft, that each may contend in taking poffeflion of places,
or acting on the defenfive in every part of the city ; truly imitating every
thing pertaining to war, and fighting with balls and with darts, which ap
proach as near as poffible to true and dangerous darts ? And this, that the
fportive contefts of the citizens with each other may not be entirely deftitute
of fear, but may excite terror, and thus, after a manner, evince who is mag
nanimous, and who is not ? F6r, thus he may be able in a proper manner
t o honour fome, and difgrace others, and render the whole city through the
whole of life ufeful for true contention. But, if any one fhould happen to
die in thefe contefts through involuntary flaughter, let it be eftablifhed that
the homicide, when he has made an expiation according to law, fhall be
confidered in future as pure. For the legiflator ought to think that, in the
place of a few who may happen to die, others again will fucceed not worfe
than the flain: but that fear becoming, as it were, extinct in all thefe, he
will no longer be able to diftinguifh the better from the worfe ; which is, in
no fmall degree, a greater evil to the city than the involuntary deftruction
of a few individuals.
CLIN. W e agree with you, O gueft, that thefe things ought to be legally
eftablifhed, and attended to by all the city.
GUEST. DO we, therefore, all of us know the reafon, why in cities at
prefent there is fcarcely any fuch choir and conteft, or, at leaft, in a very
fmall degree ? Shall we fay that this happens through the ignorance of the
multitude and of the legiflators ?
CLIN. Perhaps fo.
GUEST. By no means, O bleffed Clinias! But it is proper to fay that
there are two caufes of this, and thofe very fufficient.
CLIN. What are they ?
GUEST. One is, that, through the love of riches every thing elfe being at
all
T H E L A W S . 225
the fecond place, he that runs the twofold courfe, viz. from the harriers to
the goal, and from the goal to the barriers. In the third place, the eque
strian racer. In the fourth place, he who runs twenty-four ftadia. And,
in the fifth place, he who is lighter armed, whom we fhall order to run for
the fpace of fixty ftadia to a certain temple of Mars. Afterwards we fhall
enjoin another, who is heavier armed, to run a fhorter and fmoother fpace
of ground. And again, another who is an archer, and has all the apparatus
belonging to archery, fhall, contending, proceed through mountains and all-
various places, for a hundred ftadia, to the temple of Apollo and Diana.
Having eftablilhed the conteft, therefore, we muft wait for thefe till they ar
rive, and beftow on the feveral victors the rewards of victory.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. Thefe contefts we muft conceive to have a tripartite divifion :
one of boys; another of beardlefs youths; and a third of men. And for
the beardlefs youths we mall eftablifh two out of three parts of the courfe : but
for boys the halves of thefe, who fhall contend with archers and armed men.
With refpect to females, for naked girls not yet fit for marriage, we fhall
eftablifh the ftadium, the twofold courfe, the equestrian courfe, and the long
courfe, or that of four-and-twenty ftadia. But thofe that are thirteen
years of age fhall not, prior to their marriage, contend in the courfe longer
than their twentieth, nor fhorter than the eighteenth year of their age. At
the fame time care muft be taken that their clothing is adapted for the
purpofe. And thus much concerning the contefts of men and women in
the courfe. As to the particulars refpecting strength, inftead of wreftling,
and fuch things as are adopted at prefent, fuch as are more difficult muft
be inftituted. And one mould contend with one, two with two, and fb on,
as far as to ten with ten. But the things which the victor ought neither to
fuffer nor do, and the number of thefe, muft be legally eftablifhed by thofe
that are fkilled in the contefts of arms ; in the fame manner as, in wreftling,
thofe that prefide over this exercife determine what is beautifully performed
in wreftling, or the contrary. Let the fame things too be legally eftablifhed
refpecting women till they are married. But it is requifite that the whole of
1
the peltaftic fhould be oppofed to the pancratian conteft ; and that thofe who
2G 2 engage
228 THE LAWS.
engage in this conteft (hould ufe bows, half-mooned fhields, darts, and the
hurling of (tones both from the hand and flings. Laws too (hall be efta
blifhed refpecting thefe particulars, by which the rewards of victory fhall be
given to thofe that behave well in thefe contefts. After thefe things, it i3
requifite we fhould eftablifh laws refpecting equeftrian contefts. But we
have not much occafion for horfes in Crete; fo that the Cretans muft ne-
ceffarily pay lefs attention to the rearing of horfes, and contefts with them.
For no one of you is in any refpecl: a curator of chariots, or ambitious of
acquiring renown through them. So that it would be foolffh to eftablifh
contefts of this kind. W e muft, however, eftablifh an equeftrian fport with
(ingle horfes, with colts that have not yet fhed their teeth, with thofe that
are fituated between thefe, and with thofe that have attained the perfection
o f their nature, according to the condition of the country. Let, therefore,
contention and defire of victory with thefe be according to law ; and let a
common judgment of all thefe contefts, and of thofe that contend with
a r m s , be attributed to the governors of tribes, and the mafters of horfes.
But it will not be proper to give laws to the unarmed, neither in gymnaftic
exercifes nor in thefe contefts. However, he who hurls an arrow or a
dart on horfeback is not ufelefs for Crete. So that let there be ftrife and
contention with thefe for the fake of fport. But it is not (it to force women
by law to engage in this conteft. However, if nature is not averfe to girls
o r virgins contending in this manner, in confequence of their former dif.
ciplines and habits, it may be admitted. And thus much may fuffice for
gymnaftic conteft and difcipline, whether it is fuch as takes place in contefts,
or fuch as we daily engage in under proper mafters. W e have likewife, in
a fimilar manner, difcuffed the greater part of m u f i c But the particulars
refpecting rhapfodifts, and thofe that follow thefe, together with thofe con
tefts of chairs which muft neceffarily take place in feftivals, days, months
and years being affigned to the Gods and their attendants,—how all thefe
a r e to be difpofed, and whether they are to be inftituted for three or for five
years, muft be referred to the conceptions imparted by the Gods refpecting
their order. T h e n alfo it is proper that the contefts of m u f i c fhould alter
nately take place, according as the athletae, the instructor o f youth, and the
guardians of the laws, affembling together for this purpofe, fhall determine.
For thefe (hall order when, and with whom, the feveral contefts in all
dancing
THE LAWS.
dancing and finging affemblies (hall take place. But of what kind each of
thefe ought to be, both with refpecl to the odes and harmonies mingled
with rhythms and dancing, has been often faid by the firft legiflator; con
formably to which, succeeding legiflators mould eftablifh contefts in fuch a
manner that they may be properly adapted to the feveral facrifices and ftated
times ; and fhould ordain facred feflivals for the city. With refpecl to thefe,
therefore, and other fuch particulars, it is not difficult to know what legiti
mate order they fhould be allotted; nor would the transferring of them be
greatly advantageous or detrimental to the city. There are, however, fome
particulars of no fmall confequence, which it is fo difficult to eftablifh, that
divinity alone is equal to the talk; but now they require fome bold man
who, honouring in the higheft degree liberty of fpeech, will declare what
appears to be beft for a city and citizens, and will eftablifh it in fuch a man
ner, as to introduce into the corrupted fouls of the citizens that which is
becoming and confequent to the whole polity. He will, likewife, affert
things contrary to their moft ardent defires; and this without any human
affiftance, and fingly following reafon alone.
CLIN. What is it you now fay, O gueft ? for I do not understand you.
GUEST. It is likely. But I will endeavour to fpeak to you in a yet clearer
manner. For, when my difcourfe led me to difcipline, I faw the youth of
both fexes affociating in a benevolent manner with each other. But I was
alarmed, as it was reafonable to fuppofe I fhould, when I confidered who
would ufe a city in which young men and women are delicately educated,
and never engage in thofe vehement and fordid labours which in the higheft
degree extinguifh petulance, but through the whole of life are at leifure for
facrifices, festivals, and choirs. How, therefore, in this city will they ab
stain from thofe defires which hurl many of both fexes into the extremity of
danger, fo that thofe things may be forbidden by law which reafon orders us
to abstain from ? Indeed, it is not wonderful if the laws which were above
eftablifhed vanquifh a multitude of defires. For the law which forbids the
poffeffion of riches in an immoderate degree, contributes not a little to the
acquifition of temperance : and the whole of difcipline poffeffes laws accom
modated to this purpofe. And, befides this, the eye of the governors is com
pelled not to look elfewhere, but always to obferve youth. Thefe things,
therefore,
230 T H E LAWS.
therefore, poffefs meafure with refpecl: to fuch other defires as are human.
But the unnatural connexion with boys and girls, with women as if they
were men, and with men as if they were women, whence innumerable
evils arife both to individuals of the human fpecies and to whole cities,
how can any one prevent ? And what medicine can be found by which the
danger in each of thefe may be avoided ? This is by no means eafy, O
Clinias. For, in other things, and thefe not a few, all Crete and Lace-
daemon will afford us no fmall aftiftance in eftablifhing laws foreign from
the manners of the multitude ; but, with refpecl to amatory affairs, they
will entirely oppofe us. For, if any one, following nature, fhould eftablifh
the law which exifted prior to the times of Laius and fhould affert it was
proper not to have connexion with men and boys as if they were females,
adducing as a witnefs the nature of wild beafts, and mowing that, among
4
thefe, males are not connected with males, becaufe this is unnatural, per
haps he would ufe a probable reafon, but he would by no means accord with
our cities. In addition to this, likewife, he would not agree with them in
that particular which we have faid ought always to be obferved by a legif
lator. For he ought always to obferve among legal inftitutions, what con
tributes to virtue, and what does not contribute. Thus, for inftance, he
fhould confider whether what we have juft now afferted would, when le
gally eftablifhed, be beautiful, or at leaft not bafe,. and how far it would
contribute to the acquifition of virtue. Whether, when it takes place, it
will produce the habit of fortitude in the foul of him who is perfuaded, or
a fpecies of temperance in the foul of him who perfuades ? Or fhall we fay-
that no one will be perfuaded of thefe things, but rather of every thing con
trary to them ? For every one will blame the effeminacy of him who yields
to pleafures, and is incapable of endurance. But will not every one repro
bate the fimilitude of the image in him who imitates the female fex ? W h a t
man, therefore, will legally eftablifh fuch a thing as this ? Scarcely no one
who has true law in his mind. How, therefore, do we fay it is true, that
the nature of friendfhip, defire, and the love which we have fpoken of, muft
be neceffarily beheld by him who would properly confider thefe things ? For,
* A fon of Labdacus, and king of Thebes* He was die father of CEdipus, by whom he was -flam.
fmee
THE LAWS. 231
fince they are two, and there is another third fpecies arifing from both, and
which is comprehended in one name, the greateft doubt and darknefs are
produced.
CLIN. HOW?
GUEST. W e call a friend one who is fimilar to the fimilar according to
virtue, and equal to the equal. W e likewife denominate him a friend who
is indigent of a rich man, though he is contrary to him in genus. But,
when each of thefe friendfhips becomes vehement, we call it love.
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. The friendfhip, therefore, which arifes from contraries is dire
and ruftic, and is not often mutual: but that which arifes from fimilars is
mild and mutual through life. But as to that which is mixed from thefe,
in the firft place, it is not eafy to learn what his wifh may be who poffeffes
this third love: and, in the next place, being drawn by both to that which
is contrary, he himfelf is doubtful what he fhould do ; the one exhorting
him to ufe the flower of his age, and the other diffuading him from it. For,
he who is a lover of body, and hungers after its flower, as if it were ripe
fruit, endeavours to be satiated with it, and confers no honour on the m a n
ners of the foul of his beloved. But he who poffeffes a carelefs defire of
body, and rather beholds than loves it with his foul, fuch an one, fince he is
a lover of foul in a becoming manner, confiders the fatiety of body, with
refpect to body, as difgraceful; but, reverencing and cultivating temperance,,
fortitude, magnificence, and prudence, he always wifhes to live chastely with
a chafte lover. But the love which is mixed from both thefe is the love
which we juft now difcuffed, as ranking in the third place. Since, there
fore, there are three kinds of love, ought the law to forbid all of them, and
prevent them from fubfifting in us ? Or, is it not manifest we fhould be
willing that the love which is of virtue, and which defires that youth may-
arrive at the fummit of excellence, fhould fubfift in the city ; but that, if
poffible, we fhould expel the other two ? Or how fhall we fay, O friend
Megillus ?
MEGIL. YOU have fpoken, O gueft, about thefe particulars in a manner
perfectly beautiful.
GUEST. I was right in my conjecture, O friend, that you would accord
with me in fentiment. But it is not proper that I fhould inquire what your
6 law
232 THE LAWS.
law conceives about things of this kind, but that I fhould receive what you
admit; and, after this, that I fhould endeavour to perfuade Clinias to be of
our opinion. Let, however, that which you have granted me be admitted,
and let us now diligently difcufs the laws.
MEGIL. YOU fpeak with the utmoft rectitude.
GUEST. I poffefs an art at prefent relative to the eftablifhment of this law,
which is partly eafy, and partly in every refpect difficult.
MEGIL. How do you fay ?
GUEST. W e know even at prefent many men, who, though they act
illegally, yet in a becoming manner and diligently abftain from a connec
tion with beautiful perfons, and this not involuntarily, but for the moft part
willingly.
MEGIL. W h e n does this take place ?
GUEST. When any one has a'beautiful brother or filter. The fame law
too, though unwritten, fufficiently defends a fon or a daughter, and pre
vents their parents from having any connection with them, either openly or
fecretly. Indeed, it prevents the vulgar from even defiring a connection of
this kind.
MEGIL. T r u e .
GUEST. A fmall word, therefore, extinguifhcs all fuch pleafures.
MEGIL. What word is that ?
GUEST. That which fays thefe things are by no means holy, but that they
are odious to divinity, and the moft bafe of all bafe things. But does not
this take place, becaufe the contrary to this is never afferted, but each of us/
from our childhood hears the fame things faid both jocofely and ferioufly;
1
and often in tragedies, when a Thyeftes or CEdipus is introduced, or a
certain Macareus *, who being fecretly connected with their lifters, but de
tected, immediately furfered death, as the punifhment of their offence ?
MEGIL. This is faid with the greateft rectitude. For rumour poffeffes a
certain wonderful power; fince no one attempts even to breathe in a man
ner contrary to law.
GUEST. T h a t which we juft now faid, therefore, was right; that it was
1
A fon of Pelops and Hippodamia, and grandfon of Tantalus. He debauched JErope, the wife
of his brother JEgeus.
* A fon of Mollis, who debauched his utter Canace, and had a fon by her*
4 f
« y
THE LAWS. 233
eafy for a legiflator, who wifhed to enflave fome one of thofe defires which
in a remarkable degree enflave men, to know in what manner this muft be
accompliflied. For, if this rumour becomes confecrated among flaves and
the free-born, men and women, and the whole city, it will caufe this law
to be moft firm and ftable.
MEGIL. Entirely fo. But how can it be brought to pafs that all men (hall
willingly fpeak in this manner ?
GUEST. Your queftion is a very proper one. For this is what I faid, that
I had an art relative to this law, by which men might be induced to ufe co
pulation according to nature, and in order to produce offspring. Let them,
therefore, abftain from connection with males, and not defignedly cut off
the race of men, nor diffeminate in rocks and ftones, where the prolific na
ture of that which is fown can never take root. Let them, likewife, ab
ftain from every feminine field in which the feed is unwilling to germinate.
This law, if it was eftablifhed, and poffeffed the fame authority in other things
as in the connection of parents, would produce innumerable benefits. For,
in the firft place, it would be eftablifhed according to nature. And, in the next
place, it would reftrain men from amatory fury and madnefs, from all adul
teries, and the immoderate ufe of meats and drinks. It would likewife caufe
men to be familiar and friendly with their wives; and many other benefits
would arife if this law was diligently obferved by every one. But, perhaps,
fome very young man, and who is full of feed, on hearing that this law is
to be eftablifhed, will immediately revile us, as framing laws which are
foolifh, and impoftible to be obferved, and will fill every place with his voci
ferations. It was in confequence of looking to this, that I faid I poffeffed a
certain art, which was partly eafy and partly difficult, by which this law might
be firmly eftablifhed. For it is eafy to underftand that this is poffible, and in
what manner it is poffible. For we have faid that, when this legal inftitu-
tion is fufficiently confecrated, it will fubdue every foul, and entirely caufe
them, through fear, to be obedient to the eftablifhed laws. But at prefent
it appears to be impoftible that it fhould ever take place: juft as the infti-
tution of eating in common is confidered as a thing impoftible to be perpe
tually obferved by a whole city; yet it is adopted by you, though it appears
impoftible to perfuade women to this, nor does it feem to be naturally
VOL. II. 2 H adapted
234
THE LAWS.
adapted to your cities. Hence, through the flrength of this Lviief, I faid
that both thefe could not without great difficulty be lcgailv cilibiifhed.
MEGIL. And you was right in faying fo.
GUEST. Are you, therefore, willing that I mould endeavour to mention
to you a thing endued with a certain perfuafive power, and which is not be
yond human ability to accomplifh ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly, we are willing.
GUEST. Will, therefore, any one more eafily abflain from venereal con
cerns, and be willing to obferve in a moderate manner, and not like the
vulgar, the order impofed on him, when his body is in a good condition, or
when it is badly affected ?
CLIN. Doubtlefs, when his body is in a good condition.
GUEST. Have we not, therefore, heard of the Tarentine Iccus, who, for
the fake of Olympic and other cdntefts which he applied himfelf to, through
a defire of victory and art, and in conjunction with temperance and forti
tude, never had any connection either with a woman or boy during the
whole time of his exercife ? T h e fame thing too is reported of Cryffon,
Aftyllus *, Diopompus, and many others; though their fouls were much
worfe difciplined than thofe of your and my fellow citizens, O Clinias, and
their bodies much more luxurious.
CLIN. YOU give a true account of what the antients fay refpecting the
conduct of thefe athletae.
GUEST. W h a t then ? Could they for the fake of victory in wreftling, in
the courfe, and fuch like things, have the courage to abftain from that
affair which is called bleffed by the multitude ; and fhall our youth be inca
pable of a fimilar continence, for the fake of a far more excellent victory,
which we fing to them from their very childhood, as a thing moft beautiful,
in fables, in profe and in verfe, and charm them into a perfuafion of this,
as it is ft we fhould ?
CLIN. What victory are you fpeaking of?
GUEST. Of the victory over pleafure,—that, being continent in this, they
may live happily : for, if they are vanquifhed by pleafure, the very contrary
x
Aftyllus is mentioned by Paufanias as a viaor in the Olympic repeated courfe. See vol ii.
o f my tranflation, p. 119.
will
THE L A W S . 235
will take place. Betides this, will not the dread led: it fhould be a thing
by no means holy, enable them to fubdue thofe things which others worfe
than themfelves fubdue ?
CLIN. It is probable it will.
GUEST. Since, therefore, we have arrived thus far about this law, and
have fallen into doubt through the depravity of many, we now fay with
confidence, that our citizens ought not to be worfe than birds, and many
wild beats : for many herds of thefe live a tingle, pure, and incorrupt life
till the time of procreating offspring ; and when they arrive at this age, the
male benevolently u n i t i n g with the female, and the female with the male,
they live for the remainder of their time in a holy and juft manner, firmly
abiding in the firft compacts of friendship. But it is requifite that our
citizens fhould be better than wild beafts. If, therefore, they are corrupted
by other Greeks, and the greater part of Barbarians, and are incapable of
retraining themfelves when they fee and hear that the Venus which is
called inordinate is capable of accomplishing in them that»which is greateft,—
in this cafe, it is requifite that the guardians of the laws, becoming legislators,
fhould devife for them a fecond law.
CLIN. What law would you advife fhould be eftablifhed for them, if they
reject the prefent ?
GUEST. Evidently that which follows this, O Clinias.
CLIN. What law do you mean ?
GUEST. That they fhould efpecially caufe the ftrength of pleafures to be
unexercifed, altering the courfe of its infufion and aliment through labours
of the body. But this will take place if the ufe of venereal pleafures is not
attended with impudence. For, thefe being more rarely ufed through fhame,
the miftrefs of them will poffefs a more imbecil dominion. Cuftom, there
fore, and an unwritten law, fhould privately perfuade them to adt in this
manner, and diffuadc them from a contrary mode of conduct as bafe. For
thus, in the fecond place, we fhall prefcrve the becoming; and one race of
men comprehending three oe-ucr::, w:H c-mnei ihofe of a depraved nature,
and who, we have confeflcd, are their imer'<:-> no: to act in an illegal
manner.
CLIN. What three genera arc thefe?
;
GUEST. Thole that venerate divinity, the !o\•• ~ o* honour, and thole that
236 THE LAWS.
do not defire corporeal beauty, but are lovers of the beautiful manners of the
foul. And thefe things, perhaps, which are now afferted by us, are like prayers
in fi fable. But they will by far fubfifl: in the mofl: excellent manner, if
they fhould be adopted by all cities. Perhaps, too, if divinity pleafes, we
may by force accomplifh one of the two in amatory affairs : either that no
one fhall dare to touch any free and well-born woman befides his wife,
or have any connection with concubines, or diffeminate contrary to nature
in the barren foil of males : or elfe we muff entirely take away con
nection with males ; and if any one has connection with other women
than thofe which came to his houfe in conjunction with the Gods, and
facred marriages, whether fuch women are bought, or acquired by any
other means,—fuch an one, unlefs he is concealed from all men and women,
may perhaps with propriety be deprived by law of all the honours in the
city, as being one who is truly a foreigner. This law, whether it is proper
to call it fimple or twofold, fhould be eftablifhed refpecting all venereal and
amatory concerns, which are tranfacted by us with each other through fuch-
like defires, and this both in a proper and improper manner.
MEGIL. I very much approve, O gueft, of this law ; but let Clinias here
inform us what is his opinion refpecting thefe things.
CLIN. 1 fhall do fo, O Megillus, when it appears to me that a proper
opportunity prefents itfelf for this purpofe : but let us now permit our gueft
to proceed forward in his difcuflion of laws.
MEGIL. Right.
GUEST. But we have now proceeded fo far, that we are nearly arrived
at the eftablifhment of eating in common; which in other places we have
faid it is difficult to eftablifh, but no one will fuppofe but that it ought to be
adopted in Crete. After what manner, however, mult it be eftablifhed ?
Shall we fay as here, or as in Lacedaemon ? or is there a third mode better
than both thefe ? It appears to me to be difficult to difcover this third
mode, and that when found it will not be productive of any great good.
For what we have now inftituted appears to have been accomplifhed in
an elegant manner. After this, it follows that we fhould fpeak refpeding
the apparatus of food, and fhow in what manner it fhould be procured for
our citizens. Food then in other cities is all-various, and procured from
many places, but efpecially from two places. For food is obtained for the
greateft
T H E LAWS. 237
greateft part of the Greeks from the earth and fea; but to our citizens
from the earth alone. This, therefore, will be eafy for the legiflator. For
much lefs than half of the laws will be fufficient ; and thefe will be more
adapted to free-born men. For the legiflator of this city will have nothing
1
to do with naval and mercantile affairs, or with inn-keepers, publicans,
victualling-houfes, miners, borrowing money, ufury, and ten thoufand other
things of this kind. But he will only have to give laws to hufbandmen,
fhepherds, the curators of bees, and the guardians and fuperintendants of
things of this kind: and his principal bufinefs as a legiflator will confift in
attending to marriages, the procreation, education, and difcipline of children,
and the eftablifhment of magiftrates in the city. It is, therefore, now
neceffary that we fhould direct our attention to nutriment, and to thofe
who by their own labour procure it. Let the laws, therefore, called geor-
gic be firft eftablifhed. And let this be the firft law of Jupiter Termi-
1
nalis : No one fhall move the boundaries of land, neither that of a neigh
bouring fellow-citizen, nor of a neighbouring ftranger, if he fhould poffefs the
extremities of the land; but he fhould confider that the faying,'This is to move
things immoveable', is true. And every one fhould rather wifh to move a
mighty rock, than a boundary, or fmall ftone, which terminates friendship
and hatred by an oath. For Omophylus * Jupiter is a witnefs of the one,
and Hofpitable Jupiter of the other; and thefe divinities are roufed in con
junction with the moft hoftile battles. He, too, who is obedient to the law
fhall be free from condemnation: but he who defpifes it fhall be obnoxious
to a twofold punifhment; one, and that the firft, from the Gods ; but the
fecond from the law. For the law fays that no one fhall voluntarily move
the boundaries of his neighbour's land. But of him who does move them,
any one that is willing may inform the hufbandmen, who fhall lead him to
the court of judgment. Here he fhall be condemned by the judges to make
reftitution, as one who diftributes land privately and by force, and fhall be
otherwife punifhed in fuch manner as the judges fhall determine. But, in the
next place, many and fmall injuries of neighbours, when often taking place,
produce great enmities, and render vicinity difficult and vehemently bitter.
On this account a neighbour ought to be extremely cautious of injuring his
of the water, foas to Injure thofe in the higher grounds; or, on the contrary,,
if the inhabitants of the higher places, inconfiderately permitting the waters
to flow, injure the inhabitants of the lower grounds, and difagreement arifes
between the two refpecting this particular,—then, in the city, the city fur-
veyor, but, in the country, he who prefides over the land, (hall order what
each ought to do in this cafe. But he who is not obedient to this order (hall
fuifer the pun'fhnent of his envy and morofenefs, and mall give the injured
perfon the double of his lofs. A participation of the fruits of autumn
fhould be made by all men as follows :—-The God of autumn imparts to us
two gracious gifts; one Dionyfiacal, which does not require to be concealed;;
but another, to which concealment is natural. Let this law then be ^efta
blifhed refpecting autumnal fruits. Whoever taftes of the ruftic fruit of
grapes, or of figs, before the time of vintage, which concurs with A returns,,
fhall be fined fifty drachms facred to Bacchus, if he has gathered thefe fruits
from his own land; but if from that of his neighbour's, a mina; and if
from other lands, two parts of a mina. Grapes and figs, which we deno
minate generous, may be gathered by any one, after what manner and when
he pleafes, if they are his own ; but not when they belong to another, unlefs
he obtains leave of the poffeffor; and this in conformity to. the law which
fays that no one fhall move that which he has not depofited,. and that he
who does fo fhall be fined. But if a flave, not complying with the orders
of his mafter, gathers fruits of this kind, he fhall receive as many lafhes
with a whip as the number of the grapes and figs which he gathered. When
a'native has bought "any generous autumnal fruits, he may eat them if he
pleafes ; but if a ftranger as he paffes along defires to eat thefe autumnal
fruits, whether he is alone or with one companion, he may eat them as
hofpitable property : but the law forbids ftrangers from eating thofe fruits
which are called ruftic. If any one ignorantly gathers thefe, or if they are
gathered by a flave, the flave fhall be punifhed with ftripes; but the free per
fon fhall be difmiffed wjth an admonition that he may gather other au
tumnal fruits, but that thofe from which raifins, wine, and dry figs are made,
are not fit to be gathered. .With refpect to pears, apples, pomegranates,
and all fuch fruits, let it not be confidered as bafe to gather them fecretly..
But if any one who is lefs than thirty years of age is detected gathering
them, let him be chaftifed, but without wounds ; and let not the free-born
mam
240 THE LAWS.
man fuffer any punifhment for inflicting this chaftifemenr. Let it likewife
be lawful for a ftranger to partake of thefe fruits in the fame manner as of
generous autumnal fruits. If any perfon more advanced in years taftes of
thefe, but does not take them away, let him, in the fame manner as a
ftranger, be permitted to partake of all thefe: but if he is not obedient to
the law, let him be confidered as one who does not contend for virtue ;—if
any one gives information of this to the judges of thefe particulars. Again,
water is the moft nutritive of every thing pertaining to gardens, but it is
eafily corrupted. For neither the earth, the fun, nor the air, which toge
ther with water nourifh things germinating from the earth, can be eafily
corrupted either by medicaments, turnings afide, or thefts : but all fuch
things as thefe are able to take place refpecting the nature of water; and on
this account it requires the afliftance of law. Let this, then, be the law re
fpecting it: If any one voluntarily corrupts water belonging to another
perfon by medicaments, or ditches, or thefts, whether fuch water is fontal
or collected, he fhall be taken before thesediles; and, if convicted, he fhall
be punifhed adequately to his offence. With refpect to the conveyance of all
feafonable fruit, let it be lawful for any one who is willing, to carry his own
fruit any where, fo long as he does not injure any one, or fo long as a gain
arifes to himfelf triple of the damage which his neighbour has fuftained.
L e t the magiftrates be the infpectors of thefe things, and of all fuch inju
ries as are either committed by violence or fecretly, againft a perfon him
felf, or his property. Let all fuch particulars be laid before the magiftrates,
if the injury does not exceed three minae; but if it does, let the cafe be
brought before the common courts of juftice, and let him who has com
mitted the injury be punifhed. But if any magiftrate fhall be found to con
demn an accufed perfon unjuftly, let him be confidered as a debtor to the
injured perfon of twice the lofs which he fuftained. And, in fhort, let the
unjuft conduct of the magiftrates be brought before the common courts of
juftice by any perfon that is willing. But as there are ten thoufand fmall
legal inftitutions, according to which punifhments ought to be inflicted re
fpecting the allotments of juftice, citations, and the perfons cited, whether
the citation ought to be made between two, or between many ;—all fuch
particulars as thefe muft not be left deftitute of law, nor yet do they feem
worthy to be noticed by an aged legiflator. Let young men, therefore, give
laws
T H E L A W S . 241
to, and taken care of, by the twelve guardians o f the laws, five o f the elder
being excepted. With refpect to arms, and all warlike instruments, if there
mould be a neceflity of any foreign art, whether relative to plants, or metals,
o r bonds, or animals which are fubfervient to war, the care of the importa
tion and exportation of thefe mult be committed to the masters of the horfe,
and the generals of the army ; but the guardians of the law muft eftablifh
refpecting thefe becoming and fufficient laws. No victualling-houfes fhall
be suffered, either in the city or in any part of the region for the fake of ac
cumulating wealth. But it appears that the mode eftablifhed by the law of
the Cretans of distributing the food which is the produce o f the country, is
a proper one : for a general distribution into twelve parts is made of the
whole produce of the land, which alfo is con fumed. Every twelfth part of
barley, wheat, all autumnal fruits, and vendible animals, fhould be triply di
k
vided according to proportion ; one part being given to free-born perfons,
another to the fervants of thefe, and a third part to artificers and strangers,
whether fuch strangers have taken up their residence in the city through the
want of neceffary fuftenance, or for the fake o f any advantage to the city,
o r any individual in it. This third part, therefore, of all neceffaries*, fhould
be alone vendible from neceflity; but nothing belonging to the two other
parts fhould be neceffarily fold. How, therefore, are thefe to be distributed
in the moft proper manner ? In the firft place, it is evident that we fhould
distribute them partly equally, and partly unequally.
CLIN. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. It is neceffary that every land fhould produce and nourifh things
better o r worfe than each of thefe.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. As, therefore, there are three parts, let no more be diftributed
either to masters or flaves, or ftrangers, but let the distribution be made to
all, according to the fame equality of fimilitude. But let each citizen f i n c e
he receives two parts, have the power o f distributing both to flaves and free
born perfons, as much, and fuch things, as he pleafes. It is however proper
that a greater quantity than thefe fhould be diftributed in meafure and
number, and that a distribution fhould be made after an account is taken of
all the animals which derive their nourifhment from the earth. After this,
it is neceffary that habitations fhould be feparately affigtied them in an
orderly
T H E LAWS. 243
one fhall dare to commit it. Indeed, we neither wifh, nor do we very much
fear, that a citizen, when properly educated, will ever labour under this dif-
eafc. But the fervants of thefe, ftrangers, and the flaves of ftrangers, will
attempt many things of this kind ; for the fake of which efpecially, and
at the fame time fearing for all the imbecility of human nature, I fhall fpeak
about the law of facrilege, and all other fuch particulars as are either dif
ficult to be cured or entirely incurable. The preface, however, to thefe par
ticulars, according to what has been formerly aftented to, ought to be as
fhort as poffible. Some one, therefore, may thus addrefs him who is ex
cited by a vicious defire both day and night to plunder temples, mingling at
the fame time admonitions with his fpeech : O wonderful man, neither a
human nor a divine evil moves and excites you now to facrilege, but a certain
execrable fury, arifing in men from antient and unpurified offences, which
you ought to dread with all your might. Learn, then, what this dread is.
W h e n any fuch opinion attacks you, betake yourfelf to expiations, betake
'yourfelf, in a fuppliant manner, to the temples of thofe Gods that avert
evils from mankind ; and betake yourfelf to an affociation with good men.
Among thefe partly hear, and endeavour yourfelf to fay, that every man
ought to honour things beautiful and juft. But fly without turning back
from an affociation with the vicious. And if, in confequence of your acting
in this manner, the difeafe ceafes, you have done well; but if not, confider-
ing that in this cafe it is better to die, liberate yourfelf from life. Since,
therefore, we have lung thefe exordia to thofe whofe thoughts lead them to
deeds impious and deftrucrive to the city, it is proper to difmifs him in
filence who is obedient to the law : but to him who will not be perfuaded,
it is neceffary, after the preface, to fing in a higher ftrain. He, then, who
is detected in the act of facrilege, if he is either a flave or a ftranger, fhall
have his calamity written in his face and hands, and after he has received as
manv lafhes with a whip as the judges fhall think proper, he fhall be driven
naked beyond the borders of the region. For, perhaps, being brought to
his right mind by this punifhment, he will become a better man. For no
punifhment iubiifting according to law is inflicted with an evil intention. But
one of two things is nearly always effected : for he who fuffers punifhment
either becomes better or lefs depraved. If, however, a citizen fhall at any
time appear to have perpetrated any thing of this kind, or fome mighty and
arcane
THE LAWS. '247
arcane crime towards the Gods, or his parents, or his country, the judge
fhall pronounce fuch an one to be incurable, in confequence of confidering,
that though he has been well nourifhed and difciplined from his childhood,
yet he has not abstained from the greatest vices. But death to fuch a man
is the least of evils. Such an one, therefore, that others may be benefited by
his example, being ftigmatized with infamy, and expelled beyond the bound
aries of the region, fhall there be put to death. But let his children and
race be honoured and praifed, if they avoid his manners, as thofe that
bravely fly from evil to good. It will not, however, be proper that the
riches of any fuch perfon fhould become public property, in a polity in which
the fame and equal allotments ought to be perpetually preferved. But when
any one perpetrates fuch things as are to be punifhed with a fine, he fhall be
fined as much as he poffeffes above his allotted portion, but the lot itfelf fhall
remain entire. The guardians of the laws, however, confidering this affair ac
curately from written accounts, fhould always give a clear statement of it to the
judges, that no one may be deprived of his allotments through want of money.
If any one fhould appear to deferve a greater fine, and no one of his friends
is willing to be bound for him, and procure his liberty, fuch an one fhall be
punifhed with lasting and apparent bonds, and with certain reproaches. But
let no one offence ever by any means pafs unpunifhed, nor any fugitive ; but
let him either be punifhed with death, or bonds, or stripes, or certain fqualid
feats, or with standing, or being exhibited in temples at the extremitv of
the region, or by fines, in the manner we have before mentioned. Let the
guardians of the laws too be eftablifhed the judges of death ; and let the beft
among them be chofen for this purpofe, who in the preceding year had acted
in the capacity of magiftrates. But the citations and accufations of thefe,
and fuch like particulars, together with the manner in which they ought to
take place, fhould be attended to by junior legiflators. The manner, how
ever, in which fuffrages ought to be conducted, it is our bufinefs to deter
mine. Let them, therefore, be given openly. But, prior to t h i s , let the
judge fit before the accufer and defendant, and as near to them as poffible,
in a grave and dignified manner. Let all the citizens too that are at leisure,
diligently attend as the hearers of fuch caufes. And, in the first place, let
the accufer fpeak, and afterwards the defendant. After this, let the fenior
judge diligently and fufficiently examine what was faid : and, after the elder
judge,
248 T H E LAWS.
judge, all the other judges in order ought to confider what is worthy of dif-
cuffion in the fpeeches of the accufer and defendant. But he who does not
think there is any thing worthy of difcuflion in either of the fpeeches,
fhould refer the investigation of it to another. And, laftly, fuch things as
fhall appear to be well faid, being committed to writing, and figned by all
the judges, fhall be placed in the temple of Vefta. And again, affembling
the next day into the fame place, they fhall in a fimilar manner examine
and judge, and put their fignatures to what fhall appear to have been well
faid. When this has been thrice accomplifhed, and the proofs and witneffes
have been fuffkiently examined, each judge bearing in his hand a facred
pebble, and fwearing before Vefta that he has judged to the utmoit of his
ability juftly and truly, a judgment of this kind fhall be thus brought to a
conclufion.
After crimes refpecting the Gods, it is requifite to fpeak of thofe which
pertain to the diffolution of a polity. H e , therefore, who fubjects govern
ment to the power of- a man, enflaves the laws, makes the city fubfervient
to factious focieties, and, accomplifhing all this by force, excites illegal fedi-
tions. It is proper to confider a character of this kind as the greateft of all
enemies to the whole city. But he who, though he is not the author of any
thing of this kind, yet poffeffes the greateft authority in the city, but takes
no notice of thefe confpiracies, or if he does notice them, through timidity,
fuffers his injured country to be unrevenged,—a citizen of this kind ought
to be confidered as the fecond in wickednefs. Every man who is of the
fmalleft utility in a city fhould inform the judges of thefe particulars, and
bring him to judgment who endeavours by ftratagem to produce a vi
olent and illegal mutation of the polity. But let the fame judges give
fentence in thefe cafes as decided in facrilege ; and let the whole procefs be
conducted in a fimilar manner. Let the fuffrage too which vanquifhes in
multitude, be the fentence of death. And, in fhort, let not the difgrace and
punifhment of the father attend the children, unlefs the father, grand
father, and great-grandfather, of fome one in fucceffion, have deferved death.
Thefe, with their poffeffions, except as much as pertains to the lot, fhall be
fent to their antient paternal city. But as to thofe citizens who fhall hap
pen to have more children than one, and thefe not lefs than ten years of
age, ten out of their number muft be chofen by lot, which the father, or
A paternal
THE LAWS. 1*9
•paternal-or maternal grandfather, fhall approve ; and after they are chofen,
their names muft be fent to Delphi. Then, with a better fortune, the pof
feffions and habitation affigned by lot mail be reftored to him whom the
Delphic God approves.
CLIN. And very properly fo.
GUEST. Let there be yet a third common law, refpecting judges, and the
mode of judgment, againft thofe that are accufed of treafon. In a fimilar
manner let there be one law refpecting the abiding of children in, and
their egreffion from, their country ; juft as we inftituted one refpecting the
betrayer of his country, the man who commits facrilege, and he who by
violence deftroys the laws of the city. With refpect to theft too, whether
in great or fmall matters, let one law, and one punifhment, be ordained for
every kind of theft. For, when any one is condemned for thieving, if his
own poffeffions, befides his allotted portion, are fufficient, he fhall make a
twofold reftitution : and if he does not, he fhall be fettered till he has
either paid the appointed fum, or perfuaded him to whom he is indebted to
excufe him from paying it. But if any one is convicted of public theft, he
fhall then be freed from his bonds, when he has either perfuaded the city,
or made a twofold reftitution.
CLIN. HOW is it that we fay, O gueft, there is no difference whether the
theft is fmall or great, and whether it is from facred or not facred places,
and fuch other diffimilitudes as fubfift about the whole of thieving? For,
fince thefts are various, the legiflator ought to attend to their varieties, and
noinflict fimilar punifhments on diffimilar offences.
GUEST. You moft excellently repulfe me, O Clinias, who am, as it
were, hurrying along, and you likewife recall into my memory what I have
formerly thought, that the particulars refpecting the eftabliftiment of laws
have never been by any means properly determined.
CLIN. But how, again, do we fay this ?
GUEST. W e did not adopt a bad image when we faid, that alj thofe of the
prefent day that fubmitted to laws were fimilar to thofe flaves who are
cured by flaves. For it is well to know this, that if at any time one of
thofe phyficians who meddle with the medical art from experience alone,
without reafon, fhould meet with a free-born phyfician difcourfing with a
free-born patient, and very nearly philofophifing, by investigating in a ra-
VOL. II. 2 K tional
250 THE LAWS.
tional manner the beginning of his difeafe, and afterwards difcourfing about
all the nature of bodies, he would readily and vehemently laugh, and would
addrefs the free-born phyfician in language not at all different from what is
generally ufed towards moft phyficians. For he would fay to him, O ftupid
fellow, you do not cure the fick man, but you difcipline him as if he
wanted to become a phyfician, and not to be well.
CLIN. And would he not fpeak properly by fpeaking in this manner?
GUEST. And may it not alfo be very properly objected againft us, that
whoever difcuffes laws in the manner we do at prefent, difciplines the citi
zens, but does not give them laws ?
CLIN. Perhaps fo.
GUEST. But at prefent a fortunate circumftance happens to us.
CLIN. What is that ?
GUEST. That there is no neceftity for us to eftablifh laws, but that, enter
ing voluntarily on the bufinefs of legiflation, we have endeavoured to per
ceive in every polity what is beft and moft neceffary, and after what
manner it might take place. And now, as it feems, it is permitted us if
we pleafe to confider what is beft, or, if we had rather, what is moft ne
ceffary, refpecting laws. W e may choofe, therefore, whichever is moft
agreeable to us.
CLIN. W e propofe, O gueft, a ridiculous choice, and we manifeftly be
come fimilar to thofe legiflators who are compelled by a certain mighty
neceftity to give laws immediately, and are not permitted to defer this till
tomorrow. But it is lawful for us to fpeak through divine aftiftance, juft as
it is permitted thofe who gather ftones, or any other materials of a building,
to collect abundantly, and at leifure, fuch things as are adapted to the
future building. Like builders, therefore, who do not raife ftructurcs from
neceftity, but at leifure, let us lay down fome things, and join together others,
fo that it may be rightly faid that fome things pertaining to the laws are
placed as foundations, and that other particulars are raifed on them as foun
dations.
GUEST. For thus indeed, O Clinias, our fynopfis of laws will be more
natural. But, by the Gods, let us confider this refpecting legiflators.
CLIN. W h a t ?
G U E S T . That there are writings and written difcourfes in cities refpeding
4 ^a variety
THE LAWS. 251
a variety of particulars, and that there are writings and difcourfes of the
legiflator.
CLIN. Undoubtedly,
GUEST. Whether, therefore, fhall we direct our attention to the writings
of poets and others ; writings which, whether in verfe or in profe, are com
pofed refpecting the mode of conduct in life ; but by no means apply our
felves to the writings of legiflators ? Or fhall we direct our attention to
thefe beyond all others ?
CLIN. TO thefe far beyond others.
GUEST. But will it not be neceffary that the legiflator fhould only confult
writings refpecting things beautiful, good, and juft, and that he fhould teach
what is the nature of thefe, and how they fhould be ftudied by thofe that
intend to be happy ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But it is fhameful that Homer, Tyrtaeus, and other poets, fhould
have written more beautifully refpecting life and the ftudies of men than
Lycurgus, Solon, and other legiflators. Or, is it not proper that writings,
refpecting laws fhould be by far the moft beautiful and beft of all writings
in a city: but that other writings fhould be confonant to thefe ; or, if they
are difcordant, that they fhould be treated with ridicule ? W e ought, there
fore, to conceive, that laws fhould be fo written for cities that the legif
lator in compofing them fhall appear to have affumed the perfon of a father
and mother, and the writings themfelves ought to be full of benevolence
and prudence, and not like thofe of a tyrant and defpot, commanding,
threatening, and written on walls. Let us confider, therefore, whether we
fhould endeavour to fpeak in this manner refpecting laws, whether we are
able or not. Let us, however, attempt it with alacrity, and, proceeding in
this way, patiently endure whatever difficulties we may have to encounter.
And may our journey be profperous ! which it will be if Divinity pleafes.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well. Let us, therefore, do as you fay.
GUEST. In the firft place, then, let us accurately confider, as we began
to do, refpecting facrilege, every kind of theft, and all injuries. And let
us not be indignant if, while delivering laws in an intermediate manner,
we eftablifh fome things, and deliberate about others. For we are becom
ing to be legiflators, but are not yet, though, perhaps, we foon fhall be. But
2K 2 if
252 T H E L A W S .
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Whether, therefore, does any one, confidering all damages as
injuries, think, in confequence of this, that they are attended with twofold
injuries, one kind being voluntary, and the other involuntary ? For the invo
luntary damages of all men are neither in number, nor magnitude, lefs than
the voluntary. But confider whether I fay any thing to the purpofe, or not.
For, do I not fay, O Clinias and Megillus, that when fome one unwillingly
hurts another, he acts unjuftly, but involuntarily injures one who is un
willing to be injured? And do I legally eftablifh this as an involuntary in
jury ? Indeed I do not at all confider a damage of this kind as an injury,
whether it is of a greater or lefs magnitude. But we often fay that he who
affifts another in an improper manner acts unjuftly, if his affiftance is not
victorious. For, my friends, it is not proper, neither if any one imparts
any thing, nor if, on the contrary, he takes any thing away, to call fuch an
action fimply juft or unjuft: but the legiflator fhould confider whether he
who benefits, or is the caufe of detriment to another, is endued with worthy
manners, and employed thofe manners juftly. And he fhould look to thefe
two things, viz. injuftice, and detriment. He fhould likewife, as much as
poffible, legally indemnify the perfon that has fuftained a damage, reftore
what has been loft, raife what has fallen, and repair the ravages of death
and wounds. Laftly, he fhould always endeavour that the difcords arifing
from damages may, by means of the laws, terminate in friendfhip.
CLIN. Thefe things are well faid.
GUEST. Unjuft damages, therefore, and emoluments, if any one happens
to derive emolument from injuring another, ought to be cured, if they are
fuch as are capable of being cured, as difeafes inherent in the foul. But it
is requifite to fay, that the cure of injuftice verges to this.
CLIN. TO what ?
GUEST. That the law may difcipline every one who does an injury, whe
ther it be great or fmall, and may entirely compel him, either that he fhall
never afterwards dare to do the like voluntarily, or by far lefs frequently*
through the dread of the confequent punifhment. In whatever manner any
one may accomplifh this, whether by works or words, pleafure or pain,
honour or infamy, fines or gifts, fo as that men may either love, or at leaft
not hate, the nature of juftice, but may hate injuftice,—this is the bufinefs of
the
1b6 T H E LAWS.
the moft beautiful laws. But thofe whom the legiflator perceives to be in
curable with refpect to thefe particulars, he fhould punifh in the extreme,
as knowing that death is better than life to all fuch as thefe; and that when
they are liberated from life they will doubly benefit others. For they will
ferve as a warning toothers not t o a d unjuftly, and the city, by their death,
will be freed from bad men. On this account // will be neceffary for the
legifator to Jiunijh INCURABLE offences with death, but BY NO M E A N S on any
other account,
C L I N . Thefe things appear to have been fpoken by you in a very fufficient
manner; but we fhould gladly hear you relating ftill more clearly the differ
ence between injuftice and detriment.
G U E S T . I fhall endeavour, therefore, to do and fay as you requeft me.
For it is evident that you have both faid to, and heard from, each other thus
much refpe&ing the foul, that*anger naturally refiding in it, whether as a
certain paffion, or a certain part, and being contentious and invincible, fub-
verts many things through irrational violence.
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
G U E S T . Befides this, too, we do not call pleafure the fame as anger, but
we fay that it poffeffes dominion from a contrary power, and that it per-
fuades us, with a violent deception, to do whatever it pleafes.
C L I N . And very much fb.
G U E S T . He, likewife, who fays that ignorance is the third caufe of
crimes will not be deceived. But he will be a better legiflator who gives
this a twofold divifion : confidering one kind as fimple, and the caufe of
iight offences; but the other twofold, when any one is void of difcipline,
not only from being detained by ignorance, but by an opinion of wifdom, fo
as to think that he has a perfect knowledge about things of which he is en
tirely ignorant. Things of this kind, therefore, when followed by power
and ftrength, are to be eftablifhed as the caufes of mighty and ruftic crimes ;
but when followed by imbecility, as in this cafe they become the crimes of
children and old men, they are to be conlidered as crimes, and laws are to
be eftablifhed for thofe that commit them ; but, at the fame time, they
ihould be reckoned the mildeft of all crimes, and as deferving the moft
abundant indulgence.
CLIN. YOU fpeak reafonably.
^ GUEST
T H E LAWS. 157
the neareft relative of the deceafed does not call him to an account, the de
filement, as it were, revolving on fuch a one, or, in other words, the flain
perfon directing his anger towards him, he fhall be accufed by any one that
pleafes, and fhall be compelled by law to leave his country for five years.
But if a ftranger involuntarily flays a ftranger in the city, whoever is willing
fhall accufe him by the fame laws. If an inhabitant flays a ftranger, he
fhall be exiled for one year. And, univerfally, if a ftranger flays a ftranger,
who is an inhabitant and a citizen, befides his purification he fhall be
2 L2 banifhed
THE LAWS.
bammed for the whole of his life from the country in which laws of this kind
have dominion. And if he returns illegally, the guardians of the laws
fhall punifh him with death ; and his property, if he has any, fhall be given
to the neareft relation of the deceafed. However, if any one involuntarily
returns before the limited time, being driven on the coaft by a ftorm at fea,
in this cafe, let him fix a tent on the fhore, fo that his feet may touch the
water, and watch for a fit opportunity of failing. But, if he fhould be for
cibly brought into the city by any one, let him be liberated by the firft ma
giftrate he may meet with, and fent back with fafety into exile. Again, if
any one with his own hand fhall flay a free-born perfon, being incited by anger
to the deed, a thing of this kind ought, in the firft place, to receive a two
fold diftinction. For he commits murder through anger, who fuddenly
and unintentionally kills a man by blows, or any other fuch like means, fo
that immediately after the impulfe penitence follows the deed. And he like-
wife murders another in anger, who having been previoufly defamed by igno
minious words or deeds, and, endeavouring to be avenged, afterwards
voluntarily flays the perfon by whom he has been injured, and is not penitent
for the deed. Murder, therefore, as it appears, muft receive a twofold dif.
tribution; and both of them nearly are produced by anger. But they may
moft juftly be faid to fubfift between the voluntary and the involuntary. In
reality, indeed, they are but images of the voluntary and involuntary. For,
he who retains his anger, and does not immediately and fuddenly, but with
ftratagem, at fome diftance of time, avenge himfelf, is fimilar to one who
murders voluntarily. But he who does not conceal his anger, but immediately
follows its impulfe without premeditation, is fimilar to one who murders in
voluntarily. However, he is not altogether involuntary, but an image of
one that acts involuntarily. On this account, it is difficult to determine re
fpecting murders committed through anger, whether they fhould be efta
blifhed by law as voluntary or involuntary actions. The beft and the trueft
method, therefore, that can be adopted is, to confider both thefe kinds of
murder as images, and to divide them apart from each other, fo as to clafs
the one under premeditated, and the other under unpremeditated actions.
Severer punifhments, therefore, are to be ordained for thofe that commit
murder through anger, with premeditation ; but milder punifhments for
thofe that murder without deliberation, and fuddenly, For, that which is
fimilar
T H E LAWS.
fimilar to a greater evil mould receive a greater punifhment, but that which
is fimilar to a leffer evil, a leffer punifhment. L e t it, therefore, be thus efta
blifhed by our laws.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. But again returning to the fubject we fay, that if any one with
his own hand flays a free-born perfon, but was incited to the deed by a cer
tain anger, without premeditation, in other refpects let him fuffer the fame
punifhment as it is proper he fhould fuffer who kills a man without anger;
but let him, from neceflity, be exiled for two years, as a punifhment for his
anger. But he who commits -murder through anger, but with deliberation,
fhall be punifhed in other refpects in the fame manner as the former cha
racter ; but he fhall be banifhed for three years inftead of two, that his anger,
which is greater, may be punifhed for a longer time. And let this be the
univerfal eftablifhment refpecting thefe particulars. For it is difficult to
give laws about fuch things with accuracy. For, fometimes, murder of this
kind, which is confidered by the law as of a more atrocious, will prove to
be of a milder, nature ; and fometimes that which is of a milder, will be
confidered as of a more atrocious, nature ; according as the murder is com
mitted in a more favage or a more gentle manner. But, for the moft part^
they will happen agreeably to the above-mentioned mode. Of all thefe
particulars, therefore, the guardians of the laws fhould be infpectors. When
the time of the banifhment of thefe offenders is expired, the guardians of
the laws muft fend twelve judges to the boundaries of the region, for the
purpofe of confidering, in a ftill clearer manner, the actions of the exiles
during this time; and that they may determine in a proper manner refpect
ing their modefty and reception. But the exiles fhall acquiefce in the judg
ment of thefe magiftrates. And if again, on returning from banifhment,
any one of thefe, being impelled by anger, fhall commit the fame offence,
he fhall be perpetually banifhed : and if he returns from his exile, he fhall be
punifhed in the fame manner as a ftranger for returning from exile. Let
him who kills hjs flave purify himfelf. But if he kills the flave of another
perfon in anger, let him pay to the mafter of the flave double the worth of
his lofs. If any homicide is not obedient to the laws refpecting murder, but,,
while he is unpurified, defiles by his prefence the forum, gymnafia, and
other facred places,—whoever is willing may bring before a court of judg
ment
262 THE LAWS.
ment both the homicide, and the relation of the deceafed who has neglected
to avenge the dead, and compel him to pay a double fine, and fuffer in other
refpects a double punifhment. And let the offending party confider the fine
as legal. If a flave kills his mafter in anger, the kindred of the deceafed
fhall be allowed to flay the homicide in whatever manner they pleafe, and
fhall be pure from murder, fo long as they do not by any means preferve the
life of the flave. But if a flave does not kill his own mafler, but fome other
free-born perfon, in anger, he fhall be given up by his mafler to the kindred of
the deceafed, who fhall, from neceflity, put him to death in whatever manner
they pleafe. If a father or mother fhall in anger flay a fon or daughter, by
blows, or any other violent manner (a thing which will happen, though
but rarely), let them be purified after the fame manner as other homicides,
and be exiled for three years. And after they return from exile, the huf-
band fhall be divorced from the wife, and the wife from the hufband: and
they fhall never afterwards beget children together, nor fhall either of thefe
dwell together with him whofe fon or brother either of them flew, nor
communicate with him in facred rites. But he who is impious with refpect
to thefe things, and does not obey thefe laws, fhall be obnoxious to the
charge of impiety by any one that is willing. If a man flays his wife, or a
wife her hufband, in anger, they fhall be purified in a fimilar manner with
other homicides, and fhall be exiled for three years. But, on returning from
exile, let not either of them be permitted to join with their children in
facred rites, nor ever eat at the fame table with them. And, if either the
father or the child is difobedient to this law, let them be obnoxious to the
charge of impiety by any one that is willing. If a brother flays either a
brother or a lifter, or fifter a brother or a fifter, in anger, let them be pu
rified and exiled in the fame manner as parents that flay their children; and,
on their return from exile, let them not eat at the fame table, or join in
facred rites, with thofe whom they have deprived of brothers, or filters, or
fons. And if any one is difobedient to this law, he fhall with juftice be
obnoxious to the charge of impiety. If any one, through incontinent anger,
is fo enraged with his parents as to dare to flay one of them in his infane
fury,—if the dying parent, before he expires, fhall voluntarily abfolve his
murderer from the deed, then, being purified in the fame manner as thofe who
commit murder voluntarily, and performing fuch other things as they per
form,
THE LAWS. 263
form, let him be confidered as pure. But if the dying parent does not ab-
folve him, let him be obnoxious to many laws. For he muft be fubject to
the extreme puniftunents of whipping, and, in a fimilar manner, of impiety
and facriiege, becaufe he has expelled the foul of his begetter. So that, if it
were poffible that a man could die frequently, it would be moft juft that a
parricide or matricide fhould fuffer many deaths. For, how is it poffible that
he who is not permitted by any law to deftroy his parents, who led forth
his nature into light, even though he fhould find that he was going to be flain
by them, but is enjoined by the legiflator to endure all things rather than
perpetrate a deed of this kind,—how is it poffible, I fay, that fuch a one can
in any other way be properly punifhed ? Let death, therefore, be ordained
as the punifhment of him who in anger flays either his father or mother.
But if a brother flays a brother'in his own defence, being attacked by h i n v
through fedition taking place between them, or any other fuch means, let
him be pure in the fame manner as one who flays an enemy. And if a
citizen flays a citizen, or a ftranger a ftranger, in his own defence, let him be
fimilarly pure ; as, likewife, if, in defending himfelf, a citizen flays a ftranger,
or a ftranger a citizen, or a flave a flave. But if a flave, in his own de
fence, flays a free-born perfon, let him be obnoxious to the fame laws as
him who flays his father. Let the fame thing alfo be underftood refpecting
the abfolution from murder in all thefe cafes as was faid concerning the ab-
folution from parricide. If any dying perfon, therefore, among thefe, pre
vious to his death, willingly abfolves his murderer from voluntary murder,
purifications fhall be administered to the homicide, and he fhall be exiled for
a year. And thus we appear to have fpoken fufficiently refpecting murders
committed by violence, involuntarily, and in anger. Let us now fpeak
concerning fuch as are voluntary, and perpetrated with every kind of in
juftice, and from stratagems, through the tyranny of pleafures, defires, and
envy.
CLIN. You fpeak properly.
GUEST. Again, therefore, in the firft place, let us fpeak to the utmost of
our power concerning the caufes of thefe. T h e greateft caufe, then, is de
fire, which has dominion in a foul rendered favage by venereal incentives.
It is this which abundantly, and in the moft vehement manner, inflames the
minds of the multitude, and which, through a depraved nature and want of
difcipline,
264 THE LAWS.
difcipline, generates ten thoufand loves of infinite riches. But we fay that
the want of difcipline is the caufe why both among the Greeks and Barbarians
riches are praifed in a vicious manner. For they place thefe in the firff,
though they belong to the third, rank of things good; and, through this opi
nion, deftroy both themfelves and poflerity. For, to fpeak the truth to all
cities refpecting riches, is the moft beautiful and the beft of all things. But
the truth is, that riches fubfift for the fake of the body, and the body
fubfifts for the fake of the foul. Since, therefore, thofe things are good
for the fake of which riches naturally fubfift, they will rank in the third
place after the virtue of the body and foul. This reafon, therefore, will in
form us as a teacher, that he who defires to be happy ought not to feek
after wealth indifcriminately, but in a juft and temperate manner. For
thus murders would not be committed in cities, which require to be purified
by murders. But now, as I faid in the beginning of this difcuflion, this is
one and the greateft caufe of the greateft punifhments of voluntary murder.
T h e fecond is the habit of an ambitious foul, which generates envy; and
this is bitter to thofe that dwell together, and efpecially to him by whom it
is poffeffed, and afterwards to the beft perfons in the city. But cowardly and
unjuft fears rank in the third place, which produce many murders, when
fuch things have been tranfacted by any one, or are at prefent tranfacted, as
no one wifhes to be confcious have taken place, or do take place. On this
account they take away by death thofe that might give information of fuch
tranfactions, when they cannot prevent them from making a difcovery by
any other means. And thus much for a preface to all thefe particulars. To'
which may be added, what many who are ftudious refpecting the myfteries
have heard about things of this kind, of the truth of which they are vehe
mently perfuaded,—I mean, that fuch actions are punifhed in Hades, and that
the perpetrators of them, again returning hither,. neceffarily fuffer punifh
ment according to nature, and end their days by fuffering the very fame
kind of death which they caufed another to fuffer. For him, therefore,
who from this preface is perfuaded, and is in every refpect afraid of fuch a
punifhment, there is no occafion to eftablifh a law refpecting voluntary mur
der : but for him who will not be perfuaded by it let the following law be
ordained. He who defignedly and unjuftly flays with his own hand his
fellow-citizen, fhall, in the firft place, be expelled from temples, from the
forum,
THE LAWS. 265
forum, from ports, and from every general alfembly, that he may not defile
any of thefe by his prefenee; and this, whether any one forbids him from
thefe places or not. For the law forbids him, and forbids him as a perpetual
injunction to the whole city. But the male or female relative, as far as to
a coulin, of the deceafed, who does not profecute fuch a one in a proper
manner, nor expel him from thefe places, fhall iirff of all receive in him
felf the defilement, together with the hatred of the Gods, agreeably to the
imprecation of the law. And, in the fecond place, he fhall be obnoxious to
any one who is willing to revenge the dead. He who is willing to do this,
having performed every thing refpecting wafhings, and fuch other parti
culars as Divinity has caufed to be legal in cafes of this kind, and uttered
fuch things as muft be previoufly announced, let him proceed, and compel
the homicide to fuffer the punifhment of his deed according to law. But
that thefe things ought to take place through certain prayers and facrifices to
certain Gods, who attend to fuch particulars, and are careful that murder
may not be perpetrated in cities, will eafily be apparent to the legiflator.
However, who thefe Gods are, and in what manner thefe judgments may
be introduced, fo as to take place with the utmoft rectitude with reipect to
a divine nature, the guardians of the laws, together with the interpreters
and diviners, muft promulgate. But let the judges of thefe particular^ be
thofe to whom we have given the power of punifhing facrilege. JLet him
too who is condemned, be punifhed with death; and let him not be buried
in the country of the murdered perfon, on account of his having acted in an
impudent, as well as an impious manner. If he makes his efcape, being
unwilling to ftand his trial, let him be perpetually exiled. And if he is
ever detected in any part of the country in which he has committed the
murder, he who firft meets with him, whether he was the murderer of one
of his kindred, or fellow-citizens, fhall Hay him with impunity ; or fhall
deliver him bound to thofe magiftrates that prefide as judges over thefe
affairs, that he may by them be put to death. But if any one fhould ftand
forth in his defence, he fhall be bound for his appearance, and fhall procure
three bondsmen, whom the judges fhall think fufficient, for the purpofe. If
he is either unwilling or incapable of doing this, he fhall be bound by the
magiftrates, and properly fecurod, that he may be punifhed for his interfe
rence. If any one flays another, not with his own hand, but by confulta-
VOL. 11. 2M tion
266 THE LAWS.
tion and ftratagem, and yet, though he is the caufe of the murder, and not
purified in his foul, fhall re fide in the city where the deed was committed,
fuch a one, being condemned, (hall he iimilarlv puniihed, except that he
fhall not be permitted to procure bondsmen, but (hall be allowed his proper
fepulchrc. Let other things refpeding him take place in the fame manner
as above. Let the fame particulars too be eftablifhed refpeding ftrangers
towards ftrangers, citizens and ftrangers towards each other, and flaves to
wards flaves, in murder committted with the homicide's own hand ; and in
that which is committed by confultation and ftratagem, excepting that thefe
latter homicides fhall be obliged to give bondsmen, in the fame manner as
thofe that murder with their own hands. If a flave voluntarily murders a
free-born perfon, whether with his own hand, or through confultation, and
is condemned, the public executioner fhall lead him to the tomb of the mur
dered perfon, or to a place where he may fee the tomb. Here he fhall be
whipt as long as the perfon that apprehended him pleafes, and if he furvives the
whipping, he fhall be put to death. But if any one kills a flave who has
not in any refped aded unjuftly, through fear left he fhould difclofe his bafe
and vicious adions, or through fome fimilar caufe, he fhall be punifhed in
the fame manner as if he had (lain a citizen. However, if cafes fhould
happen for which it is very difficult to eftablifh laws, at the fame time that
it is impoftible not to deliver laws refpeding them, fuch as the voluntary,
and, in every refped, unjuft, murdering of kindred, whether the homicide
accomplifhes this with his own hand, or by confultation and ftratagem,
(murders which frequently take place in cities badly inhabited and governed,
and fometimes in a region where no one would exped to find them)—in fuch
cafes as thefe, it will be proper that what was lately mentioned by us fhould
be repeated. For, perhaps, fome one, on hearing thefe things, may be in
duced more willingly to abftain from the moft impious of all murders. For
a fable, or a difcourfe, or by whatever other name it may be proper to call
it, is clearly delivered by antient priefts, that Juftice, the avenger and in-
fpedor of the murdering of kindred, ufes the law of which we have juft now
fpoken. Hence, they fay, fhe has ordained that he who commits any fuch
adion fhall neceffarily fuffer the fame things as he has committed. So that,
if any one has ever murdered his father, he fhall himfelf, in certain periods
of time, be violently put to death by his children. And, if any one has mur-
6 dercd
THE LAWS.
fome public con tell, the relations of the perfon fo killed mall avenge hi*
death : and the praefects of the land fhall do whatever the relation or rela
tions of the deceafed command. But the punifhment fhall confift in driving
the animal beyond the boundaries of the region, and there flaying him. If
any inanimate thing deprives a man of life, except thunder, or any other fuch-
like dart fent from Divinity, by either falling on the man, or the man falling
on it, he who is nearefl of kin to the deceafed fhall appoint his neighbour to be
a judge in this cafe, and fhal! make an expiation both for himfelf and the
whole of his kindred. But the thing condemned fhall be exterminated the
region, in the fame manner as animals that are homicides. If any one is
found dead, and it is not manifeft by whom he was flain, but cannot be dif-
covered after the moft diligent fearch, proclamations mult be employed as
in other murders, and the crier muft proclaim in the forum, that whoever
has flain this or that perfon, as being guilty of murder, muft not approach
any facred places, nor refide in any part of the region where the deed was
committed : for, if he is detected within the boundaries of the faid region,
he fhall be put to death, and, being hurled beyond them, left unburied. Let
this one law, therefore, be eftablifhed as the principal one refpedting murder.
And thus much may fuffice about things of this kind. Let the following,
then, be the particular cafes in which he who commits murder will be pure.
If any one detects a thief entering his houfe by night, for the purpofe of
robbing it, and flays him, let fuch an one be pure. In like manner, let him
be pure who flays a highwayman in his own defence. And if any one ufes
force refpecting venereal concerns towards a free-born woman or boy, let
him be put to death with impunity, either by the injured party, or by the
father, brothers, or fons of the perfon fo injured. Likewife, if a man meets
with any one offering violence to his wife, and kills him, let him be pure,
according to law. And if any one, in afTifting his father, or mother, or
children, or brothers, or wife, in doing that which is by no means unholv,
fhould flay fome one, let him be in every refpect pure. And thus far we
have given laws concerning that education and difcipline of the living foul,
which if it is fortunately endued with, it may be fuffered to live, but of
which if it is unfortunately deprived, it muff be put to death : and we have
likewife ordained luch punifhments as murders deferve. W e have fpoken
too refpecting the nutrition and difcipline of bodies.
It
T H E LAWS.
It now remains that we fhould define, to the utmoft of our power, what
violent, voluntary, and involuntary actions are, and how many they are in
number, and what are the punifhments accommodated to each. For thefe, a s
it appears, will be properly difcuffed after thofe. But even the vileft legifla
tor will place the confideration of wounds, and mutilations from wounds,
after murder. Wounds, therefore, are to be divided in the fame manner as
murders. For fome of them are inflicted involuntarily; others through anger ;
fome through fear ; and fome voluntarily and from defign. Refpecting all
thefe, the following obfervations mult be premifed. It is neceffary that laws
fhould be eftablifhed for men, and that they fhould live according to law, or
they would in no refpect differ from the moft favage animals. But this is
owing to the nature of men, which is never found to be fufficient of itfelf
to know what is advantageous to a human polity ; and, when it does know
this, is never always able to do and wifh that which is belt. For it is, in the
firft place, difficult to know that not private but public advantage mud
neceffarily be attended to by the political and true art ; (for that which is
common binds, but that which is private dilacerates, cities,) and that it is
more advantageous, both to the public and individuals, that common concerns
fhould be well eftablifhed, than fuch as are private. In the fecond place,
though fome one fhould know fufficiently from art, that thefe things natu
rally fubfift in this manner, yet, after this, if he fhould govern the city with
an unreftrained authority, he would be incapable of perfevering in this
dogma, and of living in the opinion that common advantage fhould be
nonrifhed in a city, and private follow the general good. But the mortal
nature will always impel him to prerogative and private advantage : for
this nature avoids pain, and purfues pleafure, in an irrational manner ; prefers
both thefe to that which is more juft and excellent ; and, producing darknefs
in itfelf, fills at length both itfelf and the whole city with evils of every
kind. Indeed, if any man, through a divine dcftiny, fhould be naturally
fufficient to comprehend what is the public good, he would require no laws
for the government of hiinfelf; for neither any law, nor any order,.is better
than fcicncc ; nor is it lawful that intellect fhould be fubfervient and a flave
to any thing, but that it fhould be the ruler of all things, if it is thus true,,
and really free by nature. But now, with refpect to fuch an intellect as this,
it cannot be faid, that it is not by any means any where to be found, but it
fhould
'270 T EI E L A W S.
mould be faid that it h but rarely feen. That which ranks, therefore,
in the fecond place, muft be chofen, viz. order and law ; of which many
things are indeed perceived, but it is impoflible to view all that pertains to
them. And thus much we have laid for the fake of thefe things.—Now, let
us ordain what he who wounds or injures another ought to fuffer or pay.
For it is eafy for every one to comprehend properly, whether any one is
wounded or not, who it is that is wounded,in what part,and after what manner.
For there are an innumerable multitude of particulars of this kind, and which
very much dirfer from each other. It is, therefore, alike impoflible, to refer all,
or no one of thefe, to courts of juftice. For this one thing, in all thefe, muft
neceffarily be referred to the deciiion of juftice. I mean, whether each of
thefe was done, or nor. That nothing, indeed, mould be determined by courts
of juftice refpecting the fine for injuries of this kind, but that all things, both
ifnall and great, fhould be determined by law, is nearly impoflible.
CLIN. What then fhall we lay after this?
GUEST. That fome things fhould be referred to courts of juftice, but that
others fhould be determined by the legiflator himfelf.
CLIN. What are the particulars then which the legiflator muft decide,
and what thofe which muft be decided by courts of juftice?
GUEST. With the greateft propriety, after thefe things, the following
affertions may be made: That, in a city in which the courts of juftice are
depraved and dumb, the opinions of the judges concealed, and fentence
privately paffed ; and in which fomething ftill more dire than this takes place,
when each of the judges decides, not in iilence, but in the midft of tumult,
as in a theatre, the rhetoricians prailing and blaming with loud exclama
tions ;—then a heavy calamity befalls the whole city. If, therefore, from a
certain ncceiiitv, any one fhould be compelled to give laws to fuch courts of
juftice, it would not be a fortunate circumftance; but, at'the fame time, he
who is forced to <nve them, fhould commit only the fmalleft fines to the
judges, but ihould clearly ordain the greateft part of them himielf. But, in
a city, in which courts of juftice are eftablifhed with as great propriety as
poffible, and the judges are well educated, and examined with the greateft
accuracy ; in fuch a city, it will be proper and becoming to refer many things
to the deciiion of fuch judges, refpecting the punifhment of fuch as are con
demned. N o one, therefore, fhould be indignant with us, that we do not
now
THE LAWS. 171
now promulgate to thefe, fuch things as are the greateft and moft numerous,
which judges that are educated in the vileft manner may be able to perceive ;
and who likewife may be capable of punifhing every offence in a proper
manner. But, as we are of opinion that thofe for whom we promulgate
laws, will not be in the fmalleft degree inelegant judges of thefe things, we
fhall commit moft things to their decifion. However, as we have often
laid, in the former part of this difcuftion, that a defcription and formulae of
punifhments ought to be given as examples to judges, which are never to be
tranfgreffed, and this we ourfelves have accomplifhed,—this was then both
rightly afferted and performed, and muft be obferved at prefent, as we are
again returning to the laws. Let the written law, therefore, be efta
blifhed refpeding wounds. If any one, thinking in conjundion with his
will to flay his friend, (if his friend is one of thofe whom the law forbids
him to injure) wounds, but is not able to kill him, fuch an one, as neither
deferving pity nor regard, we fhall compel to fuffer the punifhment of
murder, no otherwife than if he had adually flain his friend : except we
fhould reverence his fortune, if it fhould not be entirely bad, and alio the
daemon who, commiferating both him and the wounded perfon, may become
an averter of evil to both, and may caufe the wound of the one not to be
incurable, and the fortune and calamity of the other to be devoted to the
Furies. Gking thanks, therefore, to this daemon, and not oppofiug him,,
we fhall take away the punifhment of death from him that infiided the
wound, but order him to be exiled for life in a neighbouring city, and there
enjoy the fruits of all his poffeffions. If the wounded perfon, however, has
fuffered any lofs, he fhall make him a proper reftitution, and fuch an one as
the court of juftice fhall determine. Bur thofe judges that decide in cafes
of murder fhall decide in this cafe. If a child dtflgnedly wounds his parent,
or a flave his mafter, the puuifhrnent fhall be death. And if a brother
dcfigncdly wounds a brother or fifter, or a lifter a lifter or brother, the
punifhment fhall in like manner be death. But if a woman wounds her
hufband with an intention of flaying him, or a hufband his wife with the
fame defign, let each be perpetually bani-hed. And, with refped to their
property, if their fens or daughters are at that time but children, let perfons
be appointed to manage their affairs, and take care of the orphan children.
But if their fons or daughters are adults, let them not be compelled to pro
vide
THE LAWS.
vide for their exiled parent, but let them be permitted to take pofTeffion of
his or her property. If any one who has no children happens to fall into
calamities of this kind, let his kindred, as far as to coufins, both of the male
and female fide, afTemble, and, confulting together with the guardians of the
laws and priefts, in the houfe of the exiled perfon, let one family out of the
five thoufand and forty houfes of the city be appointed as his heir : at the
fame time confidering that no houfe out of this number is fo much the pro
perty of its inhabitant, and his kindred, as of the city at large. It is requifite,
indeed, that the city fhould poffefs its own houfes, to the utmoft of its
power, hi the moft holy and profperous manner. When any houfe, there
fore, is at the fame time both unfortunate and impious, in confequence of its
poffefTor leaving no children behind him, and of having been condemned for
voluntary murder, or any other crime towards the Gods, or his fellow
citizens, the punifhment of which according to law is evidently death, or
perpetual exile ;—when this is the cafe, in the firft place, let the houfe be
purified and expiated according to law'; and, in the next place, let the kindred,
as we juft now faid, affembling together with the guardians of the laws,
confider what family in the city is moft renowned for virtue, and at the fame
time fortunate, and confiding of a numerous progeny. Let one of the chil
dren belonging to this family be adopted by the father of the deceafed, and by
his grandfather and greatgrandfather, befeeching, at the fame time, Divinity
that he may be a parent, mafter, and minister of holy and facred rites, with
better fortune than his prcdeceflor. ilav::;g : rayed alter this manner, let
him be appointed heir according to law. But let the guilty perfon be
fuffered to lie without a name, without children, and without any lot, in
confequence of being opprelfed by fuch calamities as thefe. Boundary,
however, as it appears, is not in all things mingled with boundary. But
where there is a common confine, this, being previously hurled in the middle
of both boundaries, tubfifts between both. And we have faid that crimes
committed through anger are of this kind, lubfifting between voluntary and
involuntary crimes, l f t h e n a n y o n e is condemned for wounding another
through anger, if the wound fhall prove to be curable, he fhall pay the double
of the lofs fuftained ; but if incurable, he fhall make a four-fold reftitution.
If the wound fhall prove to be curable, but at the fame time becomes the
caufe of great fhame and difgrace to the wounded perfon, he fhall ltkewife
pay
THE LAWS. 273
pay a fourfold fine. But if any one, in wounding another, not only injures
the wounded perfon, but the city, by rendering him incapable of aflifling
his country againft the enemy, he fhall be fimilarly fined, and, befides this,
make reftitution to the city for its lofs. Befides, too, his own military
duties, he fhall perform thofe of the wounded perfon ; or, in cafe of non
compliance, he fhall be accufed according to law, by anyone that is willing,
for negleft of military duty. He fhall likewife make a double, triple, or
quadruple reftitution, according to the decifion of the judges. If one near
relation in a fimilar manner wounds another, the parents and kindred, as
far as to the male and female coufins affembling together, fhall decide the
cafe among themfelves, and fhall deliver the offender to his parents to be
punifhed according to nature. But if the punifhment fhould be doubtful,
it fhall be determined by the kindred on the male fide. And if they are
incapable of deciding the cafe, they fhall betake themfelves at laft to the
guardians of the laws. When children inflict any fuch wounds on their
parents, the judges fhall be thofe that have paffed beyond their fixtieth year,
and whofe children are truly their own, and not fuch as are adopted. H e
that in this cafe is condemned fhall be put to death, or fuffer fome greater
punifhment, or one that is not much lefs ; but no one of his kindred fhall
be permitted to judge him, though he fhould be of the age prefcribed by
law. But if a flave wounds any free-born perfon in anger, his mafler fhall
deliver him to the wounded perfon, that he may punifh him in whatever
manner he pleafes: but if his mafler does not deliver him, he himfelf fhall
make a compenfation for the injury. If any one has a fufpicion that the
flave and wounded perfon acted from mutual compact, he fhall acquaint the
judges with his fufpicion ; and if he does not prove that his fufpicion
was true, he fhall be fined triple of the damage fuflained ; but if he does
prove it, let him be obnoxious to flavery, who has acted thus artfully with a
flave. But let him who involuntarily wounds another, pay a fimple fine.
For no legiflator is fufficient to govern fortune. Let the judges alfo be fuch
as were appointed for children when guilty of wounding their parents, and
let thefe determine the proper punifhment. All the above-mentioned
paffions, indeed, are violent; and every kind of flriking likewife is violent.
It is neceffary, therefore, that every man and every woman fhould always think
About things of this kind, that an elderly perfon is to be honoured in no
VOL. 11. 2 N fmall
274 THE LAWS.
fmall degree beyond a younger perfon; that they are fo by the Gods ;
and muft be fo by men who defign to be faved and be happy. T o fee,
therefore, an elderly ftruck by a young man in a city, is fhameful, and
odious to Divinity. But it feems fit that every young man, when ftruck by
an old man, fhould patiently endure it, through a reverence of his age.
Let it, therefore, be thus : Every one fhall reverence both in word and
deed a perfon older than himfelf; and in fuch a manner, that whoever is
more than twenty years of age, whether male or female, may be reverenced
as a father or mother; and fo that every young perfon may abftain from
offering violence to any who are capable of begetting or bringing forth
children, through regard to the Gods that prefide over births. In a fimilar
manner, let no violence be offered to a ftranger, whether he has refided for
Ibme time in the city, or has but recently taken up his abode in it. For,
whether he excites contention, or refifts an injury, let no one dare to chaftize
him with blows. But if a ftranger fhould dare wantonly to ftrike a citizen,
let him who thinks he ought to be punifhed bring him before the praefects
of the city, but not ftrike him himfelf, that, by thus refraining from a ftranger,
he may be far from daring to ftrike a fellow-citizen. The praefects of the
city, reverencing the hofpitable God, fhall examine the affair ; and if it fhall
appear that the ftranger has acted unjuftly, the citizen fhall give him as
many lafhes with a whip, as the blows which he received from him, that he
may prevent him from daring to do the like in future. But if it fhall appear
that the ftranger has not acted unjuftly, after threatening and difgracing the
perfon that brought him before the praefecfs of the city, let both be difmifled.
If one perfon ftrikes another of the fame age with himfelf, or who is a little
older, but without children, or if an old man ftrikes an old man, or one
youth another, the injured parties may defend themfelves according to nature*
without weapons, with their naked hands. But if any one who is more than
forty years of age fhall dare to ftrike another, either while the perfon he
ftrikes is attacking another, or defending himfelf, let him be called ruftic,
illiberal, and fervile ; and he may be confidered as fufficiently punifhed by
this reproach. And if any one is obedient to thefe admonitions, he will be
of a tractable difpofition : but let him who cannot be perfuaded by them,
and who defpifes this exordium, receive with alacrity the following law :
If any one ftrikes another who is older than himfelf by twenty years or
more,—
THE LAWS. 275
more,—in the firft place, let him who happens to be prefent at the time, if he
is neither of an equal age, nor younger, prevent any further violence ; or, if
he does not prevent it, let him be confidered as unworthy according to law.
But if he is of the fame age with, or younger than, the perfon ftruck, let
him defend him as if he was his brother or father, or as if he was his
fuperior. And, befides this, let him be obnoxious to judicial punifhment,
who, as we have faid, dares to ftrike a perfon older than himfelf: and if he is
condemned, let him be punifhed with bonds, for not lefs than a year; or for
a longer time, if it fhall feem proper to the judges by whom he is con
demned. If a ftranger or an inhabitant fhall ftrike one who is twenty years
older than himfelf, let the fame law have the fame power, with refpecl to
thofe that are prefent giving him affiftance. And let him who in this cafe
fhall be condemned, if he is a ftranger, and not an inhabitant of the city, be
punifhed with bonds for the fpace of two years. But if he is an inhabitant
of the city, and is not obedient to the laws, let him be punifhed with bonds
for three years, if the court of juftice does not determine that he fhall be
punifhed for a longer time. Let whoever happens to be prefent on this
occafion, and does not give affiftance according to law, be fined. And if he
poffeffes one of the firft and largeft efrates, let him be fined a mina; but if
his eftate is of the fecond rank, fifty drachms; if of the third, thirty ; and
if of the fourth, twenty. Let the court of juftice too refpeding all fuch
particulars confifl of the generals of the army, the prarfeds of the military
orders, the governors of tribes, and the mafters of the horfe. But with
refped to laws, as it appears, fome are inftituted for the fake of worthy men,
that they may be inftruded by them, how they may affociate with each
other in a benevolent manner; but others for the fake of thofe who, avoid
ing difcipline, and being of an intradable nature, are difpofed to rufh into
every kind of vice. It is for thefe that what follows is afferted, and that
the legiflator neceffarily eftablifhes laws ; at the fame time wifhing, that
there may never be any occafion to ufe them. Whoever, therefore, dares
to ftrike his father or mother, or the progenitors of thefe, neither dreading
the anger of the Gods above, nor the punifhments which are faid to be
inflided under the earth, but, as one who thinks he knows that of which he
is perfedly ignorant, defpifes affertions which are both antient and affented
to by all men, and in confequence of this ads unlawfully,—fuch a one
2 N 2 requires
THE LAWS,
requires the moft extreme remedy. Death, therefore, is not the laft remedy,
but the punifhments which are inflicted in Hades are rather ultimate reme
dies ; and which, though they are moft truly faid to exift, yet are incapable
of averting fouls of this kind from evil. For, if they were capable, there
never would be found any who would impioufly dare to ftrike their parents.
It is requifite, therefore, that the punifhments for crimes of this kind in the
prefent life, fhould be as much as poffible in no refpect inferior to thofe which
are inflicted in Hades. Let the following law, therefore, be eftablifhed: If any
one who is not infane fhall dare to ftrike his father or mother, or their fathers
or mothers,—in the firft place, let any one who is prefent (as was mentioned
before) give affiftance. And if it is an inhabitant that gives affiftance, let
him be called to take the principal feat in the games ; but if he does not
give affiftance, let him be perpetually banifhed from the region. If he is
not an inhabitant, but gives affiftance, let him be praifed ; but if he does
not give affiftance, let him be blamed. If a flave gives affiftance, let him be
made free ; but if he does not affift, let him receive a hundred lafhes with
a whip. And if this happens in the forum, let the punifhment be inflicted
by the praefects of the market; but if in any other part of the city, by the
aediles* In like manner, if it fhould happen beyond the city, let him be
punifhed by the governors of the huibandmen. If any citizen is prefent
when a parent is ftruck by his child, whether fuch citizen is a boy, a man,
or a woman, let him give affiftance, at the fame time exclaiming that fuch
conduct is impious. But if he does not give affiftance, let him be obnoxious
1
to Jupiter Omognius and Patroius *. Laftly, if any one is condemned for
ftriking his parents, let him, in the firft place, be perpetually banifhed from
the city to fome other region ; and, in the next place, let him be expelled
from all facred places and ceremonies; from which if he will not abftain,
let him be punifhed with blows by the magiftrates that take care of rural
affairs, and entirely in fuch a manner as they pleafe. And if he returns
from exile, let him be punifhed with death. If any free-born perfon fhall
eat or drink with fuch a one, or have any tranfactions with him, or volun
tarily touch him, if he fhould happen to meet with him,—fuch a one fhall
neither be fuffered to enter into any temple, or forum, nor in fhort into the
1
Viz. who prcfides over nations and families. * Paternal.
city,
THE LAWS. 277
city, till he is purified; for he fhould think that he has had communication
with an execrable fortune. But if, being unperfuaded by the law, he ille
gally defiles facred places, and the city,—whatever magiftrate, perceiving
this, does not punifh fuch an one, let him be accufed as guilty of one of the
greateft crimes. If a flave flrikes a free-born perfon, whether he is a ftranger
or a citizen, let any one who is prefent give aftiftance, or be punifhed with
the above-mentioned fine, according to the value of his eftate. Thofe who
are prefent, therefore, fhall fuccour the injured perfon, and deliver to him
the offender bound. Then the injured perfon, receiving him in this con
dition, fhall give him as many lafhes with a whip as he pleafes; obferving,
at the fame time, not to injure his mafter, to whom he fhall afterwards
deliver him, to be poffeffed according to law. But let the law be this:
If a flave ftrikes a free-born perfon, without being ordered to do fo by the
magiftrates, his mafter, on receiving him bound from the perfon he has
injured, fhall not free him from his bonds till the flave has perfuaded the
injured perfon that he deferves to be releafed from them. Let the fame laws*
be adopted for women, in their conduct towards each other, with refpecl: to
all thefe particulars; and for women towards men, and men towards
women.
INTRO-
INTRODUCTION
TO
T H E T E N T H BOOK OF T H E LAWS.
I. In the Laws thefe three things are afferted by Plato: That there are
Gods, that they providentially attend to all things, and that they conduct all
things according to justice, and receive no perversion from subordinate na
tures. That thefe, then, are the principal of all theological dogmas, is
obvious to every one. For, what is more principal than the hyparxis of
the Gods, or than beneficent providence, or immutable and undeviating
power? through which the Gods produce fecondary natures uniformly, and
preferve and convert them to themfelves with perfect purity: they indeed
governing others, but being in no refpect paffive to things fubordinate, nor
changed together with the variety of the objects of their providential energy.
W e fhall learn, however, in what manner thefe things are naturally diftin-
guifhed, if we endeavour first to comprehend by a reafoning procefs the
fcientific
I N T R O D U C T I O N TO T H E T E N T H BOOK OF T H E LAWS. 279
icicntific method of Plato in each of thefe fubjecls, and, prior to the reft, by
what irreprehenfible arguments he proves that there are Gods ; and, in the
next place, confider the problems which are fufpended from this.
Of all beings, then, it is neceffary that fome'fhould move only, that
others fhould be moved only, and that the natures which fubfift between,
thefe fhould both be moved and move ; and this in fuch a manner, that
either they muff neceffarily be moved by others, and move others, or be
1
felf-motive. Thefe four hypoftafes fucceed each other in an orderly pro-
greffion. For, prior to that which is moved only, and is paftive to other
primary caufes, is that which moves others, and is moved by others; and
beyond this is the felf-motive nature, originating from itfelf, and, in confe
quence of moving itfelf^ imparting to others alfo the reprefentation of being
moved. And after all thofe which participate of efficient or paffive motion
the immovable nature fucceeds. For every thing felf-motive, as poffefling
its perfection in a life attended with mutation and interval, is fufpended
from another more antient caufe, which always fubfifts according to the fame
things, and after the fame manner, and whofe life is not according to time,
but in eternity : for time is the image of eternity. If, therefore, all things
which are moved by themfelves ire moved according to time, but the eter
nal form of motion is beyond thai which is borne along according to time, the
felf-motive nature will be the f ond in order, and not the firft among beings.
And again, that which moves others, and is moved by others, muft: necef
farily be fufpended from a felf-motive nature : and not this only, but like~
wife every alter-motive compofition or conftitution of things, as the Athenian
gueft demonftrates. For, fays he, if every thing which is moved f h o u l
a
ftop , there will not be that which is firft moved, unlefs the felf-motive
natures have a fubfiftence in beings. For the immovable is by no means
naturally adapted to be moved, nor would it then be that which is firft
moved. And the alter-motive nature will require another moving power. T h e
felf-motive nature, therefore, alone, as beginning its energy from itfelf, will
move itfelf, and others alfo, in a fecondary degree. For a nature of this
kind imparts to things alter-motive the power of being moved, in the fame
manner as the immovable inferts in all things the power of moving. And
again, in the third place, that which is moved only, we muff primarily fuf-
pend from the natures which are moved by another, but which move others.
For it is requifite that both other things, and the feries of natures which are
moved, and which extends fupernally as far as to the order of things laft,
ihould be filled with their proper media. All bodies, therefore, belong to things
which are naturally adapted to be moved only, and to be paflive. For they
are effective of nothing, on account of poffeMing an hypoftafis endued with
interval, and participating of magnitude and bulk; fince whatever is effective
and motive of other things naturally makes and moves in confequence of
employing an incorporeal power.
Of incorporeal natures, however, fome are divifible about bodies, and
others are exempt from fuch a diftribution about the laft of things. The
natures, therefore, which are divided about the bulks of bodies, whether
they confift in qualities, or in material forms, belong to the natures which
are moved by another, but which move others. For thefe, becaufe they
have an incorporeal allotment, participate of the power of moving ; but
again, becaufe they are divided about bodies, and, in confequence of this,
are deprived of the power of verging to themfelves, are diftributed together
with their fubjects, and are replete with fluggifhnefs from thefe, they re
quire a moving power which is not borne along to foreign feats, but
poffeffes an hypoflafis in itfelf. Where, then, fhall we have that which
moves itfelf? For things which are extended into bulks and intervals, or
which are divided in thefe, and confift about them iufeparably, muft of
neceflity either be alone moved, or move in confequence of being moved by
others. But it is requifite, as we have before faid, that the felf-motivc nature
ihould be prior to thefe, which is eftablifhed in itfelf, and not in others, and
which fixes its energies in itfelf, and not in things fubordinate to itfelf.
There is, therefore, fome other nature exempt from bodies, both in the
heavens and the much-mutable elements, from which the power of being
moved is primarily imparted to bodies. If, then, it be requifite to difcover
what fuch an effence is, we fhall act rightly in following Socrates, and con
fidering what that nature is, which, by being prefent to things alter-motive,
imparts
TENTH BOOK OF THE LAWS. 28i
or carried in a circle, and is rolled round the fame according to one definite
order? How is it always immutably allotted the fame idea and power
according to nature, unlefs it participate of the effective nature of form
according to intellect ? For foul is the fupplier of motion ; but the caufe of
a ftable condition, and which leads back the fluctuating mutation of things
which are moved, to famenefs, and to a life bounded according to one
reafon, and a circulation fubfifting after the fame manner, muft evidently
fee fuperior to foul.
Body, therefore, and the whole of this fenfible effence, belong to alter-
motive natures ; but foul is felf-motive, binding in itfelf all corporeal motions ;
and prior to this is immovable intellect. Nor muft you conceive that this
immovable nature of intellect is fuch as that which we fay is fluggilh, void
of life, and without fpirit; for it is the leading caufe of all motion, and the
fountain of all life, as well of that which is converted to itfelf, as of that
which has its hypoftafis in other natures. Through thefe caufes the world
is called by Timaeus an animated intellectual animal. It is denominated an
animal from its own nature, and the life which pervades to it from foul,
and which is divided about i t ; but animated, from the prefence of a divine
? Intuitive perception is the chara&criftic of intellect, as difcur&ve energy of the rational foul.
foul
TENTH BOOK OF THE LAWS. 283
foul in it; and intellectual, from the government of intellect. For a fuffi
cient fupply of life, the government of foul, and the communication of
intellect, connectedly contain the whole of heaven.
But if this intellect is intellect according to effence, fince the very being
of intellect confifts in intellection, and Timaeus, demonstrating this, calls it
divine, for he fays that f o u l r e c e i v i n g a divine intellect, is rightly and pru
dently difciplined,—if this be the cafe, it is neceffary that the whole of
heaven fhould be fufpended from the deity * of this intellect, and that motion
fhould be prefent to this univerfe from foul, but perpetual permanency and
a subsistence after the fame manner from intellect, and one union, concord
in itfelf, sympathy and an all-perfect meafure, from a unity through which
intellect is uniform, foul is one, and every being is a whole and perfect,
according to its nature. It is alfo neceffary that every thing fecondary,
together with the perfection in its own proper nature, fhould alfo partici
pate from an order eftablifhed above it of another more excellent idiom.
For that which is corporeal, being alter-motive, derives the appearance of
felf-motive power from foul, and is through it an animal. But foul, being
felf-motive, participates of life according to intellect, and, energizing tem
porally, poffeffes unceafing energy and ever-vigilant life from its vicinity to
intellect. And intellect, poffeffing its life in eternity, and in an effence ever
in energy, and fixing all its intelligence collectively in itfelf, is perfectly
divine, through a caufe prior to itfelf, or, in other words, from the unity
which it participates. For, as Plotinus fays, it has twofold energies, fome
3
as intellect, and others as being inebriated with nectar : and, in another
place, that this intellect is a God, through that prior to itfelf which is not
intellect. Juft as foul, by that summit of itfelf which is above foul, is intel
lect ; and body, through a power prior to body, is foul.
All things, therefore, as we have faid, are fufpended from unity through
intellect and foul as media. And intellect is, indeed, uniform, or has the
form of unity ; but foul is mentiform, or has the form of intellect; and
the body of the world is vital. Every thing, in fhort, is fufpended from
that which is prior to itfelf. And, with refpect to the things posterior to
1 a
i. e. the foul of the world. Sec the Introduction to the Parmenides.
3
That is, as energizing fuper-intellectually through its unity, which is the bloflbm of its
cflence, and which abides in unprocceding union in the ineffable caufe of all.
zo 2 thofe
284 INTRODUCTION TO THE
thofe above mentioned, one enjoys a divine nature more nearly, and another
more remotely. And deity, indeed, is prior to an intellectual effence, in
which, as in a vehicle, it firft rides; but intellect is moft divine, as being
deified prior to other things. Soul is divine, fo far as it requires an intel
lectual medium ; and the body which participates of fuch a foul, fo far as it
participates, is, indeed, divine (for the illumination of divine light fupernally
pervades as far as to the laft dependance), but, fimply confidered, is not
divine. But foul, by looking to intellect, and living from itfelf, is primarily
divine.
The fame reafoning, alfo, muft be adopted with refpect to each of the whole
fpheres, and the bodies which they contain. For all thefe imitate the whole
of heaven, fince they have a perpetual allotment. And the fublunary ele
ments are not entirely mutable according to effence, but abide, according to
1
their wholenejfes , in the univerfe, and comprehend in themfelves partial
animals : for every wholenefs has, in conjunction with itfelf, more partial
hypoftafes. As, therefore, in the heavens the number of the ftars proceeds
in conjunction with the whole fpheres, and as, in earth, a multitude of
terreftrial partial animals fubfifts, together with its wholenefs,—in like man
ner, I think it is neceffary, that in the wholes which are fituated between
heaven and earth, every element fhould be filled with its proper numbers.
For how, in the extremes, can wholes, which fubfift prior to parts, be
arranged with their parts, unlefs there is alfo the fame analogy in the
media ?
But if each of the fpheres is an animal, is perpetually eftablifhed after the
fame manner, and gives completion to the univerfe, fo far as it has life
always primarily participating of foul, but, fo far as it preferves its own
order immutably in the world, is comprehended by intellect, and fo far as it
is one and a whole, being the leader of its proper parts, is illuminated by
divine union,—if this be the cafe, not only the univerfe, but each of its per
petual parts, is animated, endued with intellect, and as much as poffible
fimilar to the whole. For each of thefe is a univerfe, with refpect to its
kindred multitude. In fhort, there is one wholenefs with a corporeal form
of the univerfe, but many others under this, depending on this one; one
1
Each of the elements Is a ivhohnefs from the poffeflion of one perfect form which remains
perpetually the fame.—See the Introduction to the Tim*us.
foul
TENTH BOOK OF THE LAWS.
foul of the world, and after this others orderly distributing, in conjunction
with it, its whole parts with inviolable purity ; one intellect, and an intel
lectual number under this participated by thefe fouls; and one God who
connectedly contains all mundane and fupermundane natures, and a multi
tude of other Gods who diftribute intellectual effences, the fouls fufpended
from thefe, and all the parts of the world. For, it is impoffible that every
progeny of nature fhould be generative of things fimilar to itfelf, but that
wholes, and the firft things in the univerfe, fhould not in a much greater
degree extend in themfelves the exemplar of fuch like propagation. For the
fimilar is more allied to, and more naturally accords with, the fimilar, from
the reafon of caufe, than with the diftimilar; and, in like manner, the fame
than the different, and bound than the infinite. And thus much concerning
the firft particular, or the existence of the Gods.
II. Let us now direct our attention to the fecond thing demonstrated in
the following book, viz. that the Gods providentially attend both to wholes
and parts. That which is felf-motive, then, is the principle of motion and
being to all mundane natures; and life proceeds from foul, together with
local and other motions. A progrefTion, likewife, into being is derived from
this; and, by a much greater priority, from an intellectual effence, which
binds in itfelf the life of things felf-motive, and precedes, according to caufe,.
all temporal energy. But in a ftill greater degree is this progreffion into
being derived from an hyparxis, characterized by unity, which contains both
intellect and foul, fills with total goods, and proceeds to the laft of things.
For all the parts of the world are not able to participate of life, nor of in.-
tellect and gnostic power ; but all things participate of the one, as far as t c
matter itfelf, wholes and parts, things according to .nature and the.con
traries to thefe, and nothing is destitute of a caufe of this, kind ; nor can any
thing which participates of being be deprived of the one.. If, therefore, the.
Gods, who are characterized by unity, produce all things,, and. contain -all
things in their unknown comprehending powers,, how is it poffible that they
fhould not alfo contain a providence, fupernally pervading as far as to the
moft partial natures ? For it is every where fit that offspring fhould enjoy
the care of their caufes. But all alter-motive are the progeny of felf-motive
natures ; and things which fubfifl in time, either according to the whole or
a part of die whole of time, are the effects of things eternal; becaufe per
petual
286 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO THE
* It is neceffary here in the original, after the word Karatxrafftus, to add tx ruv votpuv 9«*v.
* Viz. from the intelligible Gods, who are wholly characterized by the fupercfiential. See the
Introduction to the Parmcnides.
things,
TENTH BOOK OF T H E LAWS. 287
things, imparting being, containing the meafurcs of life, and distributing the
powers of energy to energizing natures. Whether alfo are they incapable
of providentially attending to all things at once, or do not leave any part
deftitute of their prefiding care ? And if they are not curators of all things in
the world, whether do they provide for greater things, but neglect leffer ?
Or do they take care indeed of leffer things, but pay no attention to fuch
as are greater ? For, if we similarly deprive them of a providential attention
to all things through imbecility, how, attributing to them that which is
greater, viz. the production of all things, can we avoid granting what is
naturally confequent to this, that they providentially attend to their offspring?
For it is the province of a power which makes a greater thing, to direct
alfo a leffer. But if the Gods take care of leffer things, but neglect greater,
how can this mode of providence be right ? For the more allied and the
more fimilar are naturally more adapted to the communication of good,
which the Gods impart. And, if the firit of mundane natures are thought
worthy of providential attention and of the perfection emanating from the
Gods, but the Divinities are incapable of proceeding as far as to the laft
of things, what is that which will re ft rain their being prefent to all things ?
What will interrupt their unenvying energy ? How can thofe who are
capable of effecting greater things, be imbecil with refpect to dominion over
leffer? Or how will thofe who produce the effence even of the minuteft things,
through impotency not be the lords of their perfection ? For all thefe things
oppofe our natural conceptions. It remains, therefore, that the Gods muft
know what is adapted to every thing, and poffefs a power perfective of, and
a dominion which rules over, all things. But if they know what is accord
ing to nature, and this, to thofe that generate all things, is to take care of all
things, an abundance of power is not deprived of this providential attention.
It may alfo be inquired, whether the will of providence is in the Gods ?
or whether this alone is" wanting to their knowledge and power, and that,
on this account, things are deprived of their care ? For if, knowing what is
adapted to themfelves, and being able to fill the objects of their knowledge,
they are not willing to provide for their own progeny, they will be indigent
of goodnefs, will be no longer unenvious, and, by fuch an hypothcfis, we fhall
fubvert the hyparxis according to which they are effentialized. For the very
being of the Gods is constituted in goodnefs, and in this they poffefs their
hypoftafis.-
288 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO T H E
hypoff afis. But to provide for fubject natures, is to impart to them a certain
good. By depriving the Gods therefore of providence, do we not at the
lame time deprive them of goodnefs ? And, depriving them of goodnefs, do
x
we not alfo ignorantly fubvert their hyparxis ? By every neceftity , there
fore, goodnefs is confequent to the very being of the Gods. And this being
admitted, it follows that they do not depart from a providential attention to
fccondary natures, through indolence, or imbecility, or ignorance; and
again, as confequent to this, it muft be admitted, that they poffefs the moft
excellent knowledge, undented power, and unenvying will.
Thus providing, therefore, for all things, they appear to be in no refpect
deficient in the fupply of goods. Let no one, however, fuppofe a providence of
fuch a kind, as to extend the Gods about fecondary natures, and deprive
them of their exempt tranfcendency, or afcribe to them, who are eftablifhed
far remote from all mortal moleftation, a bufy energy, and laborious life.
For their bleffednefs is not willing to be defiled with the difficulty of ad-
mi niftration.; fmce the life alfo of worthy men is attended with facility of
energy, and is free from moleftation and pain. But all labours which are
the confequence of perturbation, arife from the impediments of matter. If,
however, it be requifite to define the mode in which the providence of the
Gods energizes, we muft eftablifh it to be fpontaneous, undented, immaterial
and ineffable. For they do not govern all things in the fame manner as
men when they providentially attend to their own affairs, viz. by inquiring
what is fit, inveftigating the good of any particular by dubious reafonings,
directing their view to externals, and following effects; but, previoufly
affuming in themfelves the meafures of wholes, producing from themfelves
the effences of things, and looking to themfelves, in a filent path, they lead,
perfect, and fill ail things with good, neither producing fimilar to nature, which
alone energizes by its very effence without free deliberation, nor like par
tial fouls, who energize in conjunction with will, and are deprived of effential
operation, but they comprehend both thefe in profound union. And they
will, indeed, what they are able to effect by their very effence ; but, being
able to accomplifh, and producing all things by their very effence, they con
tain, in unenvying will, the caufe of production. What bufy energy, there-
Gods. | For foul is faid to provide for things fecondary in one way, and
intellect in another; but Deity, which is prior to intellect:, tranfcendently
provides for all that intellect and foul provide. And of the Gods themfelves
there is one providence of the fublunary, and another of the celeftial. And
of thofe beyond the world there are many orders; but the mode of providence
is varied in each.
III. In the third place, let us confider how we are to underftand the im
mutability of a divine nature, which conducts all things according tojuflice,
without departing from undeviating rectitude, both in the providence of all
other things and of human affairs. This, then, I think, muft be apparent to
every one, that every where that which governs according to nature, and
pays every attention to the felicity of the governed, muff lead and direct
them to that which is beft. For neither will the pilot, in governing failors and
k
a lhip, have any other principal end than the fafety of thofe that fail in the
veffel, and of the veffel itfelf; nor will the phyfician, being the curator of
the fick, either cut the body, or adminiffer medicines for the fake of any
thing elfe than the health of the fubjects of his care ; nor can it be faid that
the general or guardian looks to any other end, than the latter the liberty of
thofe whom he preferves, and the former that of his foldiers. Nor does any
other, to whom the government and care of any thing are committed, endea
vour to fubvert the good of his charge, over which he prefides, and, aiming at
which, he difpofes every thing pertaining to the objects of his government in
a becoming manner. If, therefore, we grant that the Gods are the go
vernors of all things, and acknowledge that their providence is extended
to all things, goodnefs being the characterise of their nature, and that
they poffefs every virtue, how is it poffible for them to neglect the felicity of
the fubjects of their providential energy ? Or how can they be inferior to
other leaders in the providence of things fubordinate ? fince the Gods always
look to that which is better, and eftablifh this as the end of all their govern
ment ; but other leaders overlook the good of men, and embrace vice rather
than virtue, being perverted by the gifts of the depraved. In fhort, whether
you are willing to call them leaders, or governors, or guardians, or fathers,
a divine nature will not appear to be indigent of any one of fuch-like appel
lations. For all things venerable and honourable fubfift in them primarily:
and, on this account, here alfo fome things are naturally more venerable
and
TENTH BOOK OF THE LAWS. 291
virtue. For this I think is obvious to every one, that what is more fimilar
to the Gods is more blefled than that which is deprived of them through
diftimilitude and diverfity. So that, if here, indeed, the uncorrupted and
undeviating form of providence is honourable, in a much greater degree muft
it be honourable with the Gods. But if with them mortal gifts are more
venerable than the divine meafures of juftice,—with men, alfo, earth-bom
will be more fufficient than Olympian goods to perfect felicity, and the
blandifhments of vice than the works of virtue. Through thefe demonftra-
tions, therefore, Plato, in this book, delivers to us the hyparxis of the Gods,
their providential care extending to all things, and their immutable energy,
which things are, indeed, common to all the Gods, but have a leading dignity
and a primary fubfiftence according to nature in the doctrine concerning the
divinities. For this triad appears fupernally pervading from the occult
genera as far as to the moft partial progreflions, in the divine orders; fince
a uniform hyparxis, a power providential of all fecondary natures, and an
intellect undeviating and immutable, fubfift in all the Gods, as well in thofe
prior to the world, as in thofe of a mundane characteriftic.
THE
THE LAWS,
BOOR X.
AFTER the Taws refpeding wounds, let the following general law be
eftablifhed refpecting violence of every kind; that no one fhall carry or
take away any thing belonging to another, or ufe his neighbour's property,
if he has not obtained the confcnt of its poffeffor. For all the above-men
tioned evils have depended, depend at prefent, and will depend on a thing
of this kind.- But the greateft of the remaining evils are the intemperance
and infolence of young men. T h e firft of thefe confifts in infolent and inju
rious behaviour towards facred concerns. And the intemperance and info
lence of young men are particularly mighty evils when they take place in
public and holy affairs, or in any common part of the tribes, or any other
communions of this kind. But the fecond of thefe crimes, and which rank
in the fecond place, are thofe committed towards private facred concerns
and fepulchres. Thofe of the third rank, feparate from the above-mentioned
particulars, confift in infolent behaviour towards parents. The fourth kind
of infolence takes place when any one, defpifingthe magiftrates, takes away
or ufes any thing belonging to them, contrary to their intention. The fifth
confifts in unjuftly calling to account the political conduct of any citizen.
And for each of thefe a common law muft be eftablifhed. For, with refpect
to facrilege, we have fummarily faid in what manner it ought to be punifhed,
if it is committed with violence and fecrecy. Let us now fpeak concerning
the punifhment which thofe ought to fuffer who fpeak or act in an infolent
manner towards the Gods, premifing firft of all the following particulars,
as an atonement. He who believes that there are Gods, conformably to the
laws, will never at any time voluntarily act in an impious manner, or fpeak
4 illegally.
204 THE LAWS.
illegally. But he who does fo will fuffer one of thefe three things: either
he will not believe that there are Gods ; or he will believe that there are,
but that they take no care of human affairs; or, in the third place, he will
believe that they are eafily appeafed by facrifices and prayers.
C L I N . What then fhall we do, and what fhall we fay to them ?
G U E S T . O good man! let us, in the firft place, hear what I prophefy they
will jocofely fay in contempt of us.
C L I N . What?
G U E S T . They will, perhaps, in a reviling manner thus addrefs u s : —
O Athenian gueft, you Lacedaemonian, and you Cnoffian, you fpeak the
truth. For fome of us are by no means of opinion that there are Gods;
others among us believe that they take no care of human affairs ; and others,
that they may eafily be appeafed by facrifices and prayers, agreeably to what
you faid. But we think it proper, in the fame manner as it appeared pro
per to you refpecting laws, that before you threaten us feverely you fhould
endeavour to perfuade and teach us that there are Gods, adducing for this
purpofe fufficient arguments ; and likewife, that they are beings too excel
lent to be allured in an unjuft manner by any gifts. For, now often hearing
thefe, and other fuch particulars, afferted by the beft of poets, rhetoricians,
prophets, priefts, and ten thoufand others, the greater part of us do not
turn from acting unjuftly, but we endeavour by fuch conduct to obtain a
remedy for our evils. But from legiflators who confefs themfelves not to
be ruftic, but mild, we think it reafonable to expect that they fhould endea
vour to perfuade us that there are Gods ; fo that, though they may not fpeak
better than others refpecting the exiftence of the Divinities, yet they may
fpeak better with refpect to truth. And perhaps, indeed, we may be per
fuaded by you. If, therefore, we fpeak in a proper manner, comply with
our requeft.
C L I N . It appears therefore eafy, O gueft, to fhow the truth of this
affertion, that there are Gods,
GUEST. HOW ?
CLIN. In the firft place, the earth and fun, all the ftars, and the feafons
fo beautifully adorned and diftinguifhed by months and years, evince the truth
of this affertion. T o which we may add, that all men, both Greeks and
Barbarians, believe that there are Gods.
GUEST.
THE LAWS.
GUEST. O blelTed man, I am afraid for the depraved, (for I will not ever
fay that I am afhamed of them,) left you fhould defpife them. For you are
ignorant with refpect to the caufe of the difference between them and others,
and think that their fouls are impelled to an impious life through the incon
tinence alone of pleafures and defires.
C L I N . But what other caufe is there, O gueft, befides this ?
GUEST. One, of which you are nearly entirely ignorant, through living
remote from fuch characters.
C L I N . What is it ?
GUEST. A certain ignorance of a very grievous nature, and which appears-
to be the greateft prudence.
CLIN. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. There are certain writings among us, partly in verfe and partly
in profe, which, as I underftand, you have not, through the virtue of your
polity. The moft antient of thefe writings affert, -refpecting the Gods, that
the nature of Heaven, and of the other Divinities, was firft generated ; and
at no great diftance from the beginning of thefe compofitions, the generation
of the Gods, and their difcourfes with each other, are related. It is not
eafy to cenfure thefe writings, on account of their antiquity, whether they
may be properly adapted to the hearers of them, or not. But I fhall never
praife them as ufeful, nor as in every refpect fpeaking properly refpecting
the reverence and honour which is due to parents. Let us, therefore, difmifs
and bid farewel to the writings of the antients, and fpeak of them in fuch
a manner as is pleafing to the Gods. But let us accufe fuch affertions of
junior wife men as are the caufes of evil. Their affertions, then, produce
the following effect:—When you and I, as arguments that there are Gods,
adduce the fun and moon, the ftars, and the earth, as Gods and Divine
natures,—others, perfuaded by thefe wife men, will fay that they are earth
and ftones, incapable of paying any attention to human affairs, though they
are celebrated as Divinities in difcourfes well calculated to procure per-
fuafion.
C L I N . Such an affertion, O gueft, would be of a dangerous nature, even
if I was the only one that heard i t ; but now, fince it is heard by many, it
is ftill more dangerous.
GUEST. What then ought we to fay, and what ought we to do? Shall
we
T H E LAWS.
who dcfpife every thing of this kind, though not from one fufficient argu
ment, as every one who poffeffcs the leaft degree of intellect will acknowledge,
and on this account compel us to fpeak as we do at prefent, how mall we be
able to correct them in mild language, and at the fame time, in the firft
place, teach them that there are (rods ? Let us, however, dare the attempt.
For it is not proper that, at the fame time they are infane through the voracity
of plcafure, we fhould be tranfported through anger with fuch characters as
thefe. Laying afide all anger, therefore, let us prcvioufty add refs thofe who
are thus vitiated in their dianoetic part, and mildly fpeak to one of them as
follows: O boy, you are as yet a youth; but time, as it advances, will
caufe you to change your opinions, and think in many refpects contrary to
what you do at prefent. Wait, therefore, till that period, that you may be
able to judge concerning things of the greateft confequence. But to poffefs
right conceptions refpecting the Gods, though to you at prefent it appears to
be a thing of no confequence, is of the greateft importance as to living well,
or the contrary. If, therefore, I announce to you what follows as one of
the things of the utmoft confequence, I fhall by no means fpeak falfely. Not
you alone, nor your friends, are the firft that have entertained this opinion
refpecting the Gods, but there always have been a greater or lefs number
who have laboured under this difeafe. I will, therefore, tell you what
happens to moft of them, viz. that they do not remain in this opinion, that
there are no Gods, from youth to old age. T w o opinions, indeed, refpect
ing the Gods remain, though not in many, yet in a few,—I mean, that there
are Gods, but that they take no care of human affairs; or, if they do, that
they may be eafily appealed by facrifices and prayers. If, therefore, you
will be perfuaded by me, wait, confidering whether this is the cafe or not,
till you poffefs' as clear information in this particular as can poftibly be
obtained. And in order to this, interrogate others, and particularly the
legiflator. But at the prefent time do not dare to act in any refpect impious
towards the Gods. For he who eftablifhes laws for you will endeavour,
both now and hereafter, to teach you how thefe things fubfift.
CLIN. What has been faid thus far, O gueft, is moft beautiful.
( T U K S T . Entirely fo, O Megillus and Clinias; but we are ignorant that
GUEST. That which in the opinion of many is the wifeft of all affertions.
CLIN. Speak yet clearer.
GUEST. Some then lay, with refpect to all things that have been, are, and
will be, that fome fubfift from nature, others from art, and others through
fortune.
CLIN. And they fpeak well.
GUEST. It is fit, indeed, that wife men mould fpeak properly. Following
them, therefore, let us confider what they meant by this affertion.
CLIN. By all means.
GUEST. It appears (fay they) that the greateft and moft beautiful things
are produced by nature and fortune, but leffer things by a r t ; which receiv
ing from nature the generation of great and primary works, faftiions and
fabricates all fmaller works, which we all of us denominate artificial.
CLIN. How do you fay?
1
GUEST. 1 will fpeak ftill clearer. They fay that fire and water, earth
and air, fubfift from nature and fortune, and not from art. That the bodies
alfo, which are pofterior to thefe, viz. of the earth, the fun, the moon, and
the ftars, are generated through thefe, which are entirely deftitute of foul.
They add, that, all things being cafually borne along by the impulfe of for
tune, they became in a certain refpect properly harmonized together, viz. the
hot with the cold, the dry with the moift, the foft with the hard ; and, in
fhort, that all things of a contrary temperament were, from neceffity, through
fortune mingled together. That, befides this, the whole of heaven, with all
that it contains, all animals and plants, and the feafons of the year, were
produced after this manner : not (fay they) through intellect, or any divinity,
nor yet through art, but, as we have faid, from nature and fortune. That
afterwards mortal art was generated from thefe by mortals, and that through
its affiftance certain pofterior difciplines were produced, which do not very
much partake of truth, but are certain images allied to each other; fuch as
painting, mufic, and the filter arts, beget. They add, that if there are any
arts which produce any thing of a ferious nature, they arc fuch as commu-
1
Plato here alludes to thofe natural phllofophers Democritus, Anaxagoras, and Archelaus; the
firft of whom afferted, that the univerfe was conftituted by a certain rafh chance rather than by a
divine intellect; and the other two, that the celeftialorbs have nothing in them more divine than
the fublunary elements.
nicatc
T H E L A W S . 299
vacate their own power with that of nature ; fuch as are the arts of medicine,
agriculture, and gymnaflic : and that the political art communicates in a
certain fmall part with nature, but very much with art. So that, according
to them, the whole of legiflation does not confifl from nature, but art, and
its pofitions are not true.
CLIN. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. O bleifed man, they fay in the fir ft place, that the Gods do not
fubfifl from nature, but from art and certain laws, and that thefe are dif
ferent in different nations, according as the legiflators by mutual agreement
have determined. They likewife affert, that things beautiful or becoming
are not the fame by nature as by law; and that things jufl have not any
natural fubfiftence whatever, bat that men always diffent among themfelves
refpecting thefe, and are perpetually changing them. That, when they are
changed by them, they then poffefs authority, deriving their fubfiftence from
art and laws, and not from any certain nature. Thefe, my friends, are the
particulars which are taught young men from the writings of the wife,
both in profe and verfe, and by which they learn that the moft juft is that
which is obtained by violence. Hence, young men fall into impiety fo as to
believe that there are not Gods, fuch as the law ordains us to conceive have
an existence. Hence, too, feditions arife, through which men are drawn to
a life confuting in vanquifhing others, and refuling fubjection to others
according to law, as if it was a life naturally proper.
CLIN. O gueft, what a circumftance have you related, and what a peft
to young men, both publicly to cities, and to private families !
GUEST. YOU fpeak truly, O Clinias. W h a t then ought a legiflator to do
in this cafe ? Ought he only to threaten every one in the city, that they
fhall be punifhed unlefs they affert and believe that there are Gods, fuch as
the law fays there are ; and unlefs they conceive they ought to act in fuch a
manner with refpect to things beautiful and juft, and every thing elfe of the
greateft confequence, and whatever pertains to virtue and vice, as the
writings of the legiflator enjoin ? If, therefore, any refufe to obey his laws,
ought he to punifh fome with death, others with ftripes and bonds, others
with infamy, and others with poverty and exile ? but ought he to pay no
attention to perfuafion and gentle methods, at the fame time that he is efta-
blifhing laws ?
2 Q2 CLIN.
300 THE LAWS.
all things, and that he denominates thefe very things nature, but is of opinion
that foul was produced afterwards from thefe ? Indeed, it not only appears
to be fo, but is truly signified to us by the very alTertions themfelves.
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. Whether or no, therefore, by Jupiter, have we found, as it were,
a certain fountain of the ffupid opinion of thofe men who have ever touched
upon phyfical inquiries ? Confider, investigating the whole affair. For it
will be of no fmall confequence if it fhall appear that thofe who meddle
with impious affertions, and thus rule over others, do not employ good, but
vicious arguments. To me, therefore, this appears to be the cafe.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well: but endeavour to fhow that it is fo.
GUEST. But I fhall appear to employ unufual arguments.
CLIN. Let not this make you fluggifh, O gueft. For I understand that
you are of opinion we fhall wander from the bufinefs of legiflation, if we
engage in a disputation of this kind. But if it is not poffible to fhow by any
other method than this that the laws fpeak properly concerning the Gods,
let us, O wonderful man, adopt it.
GUEST. I will enter, therefore, on this difcourfe, which, as it appears, is
fo unufual. Thofe difcourfes, then, which render the foul impious, affert
that the first caufe of the generation and corruption of all things is not the
first, but was produced afterwards ; and that what was posterior is prior.
On this account they err refpecting the true effence of the Gods_
CLIN. I do not yet understand.
GUEST. Almost all men, O my affociate, appear to be ignorant what the
foul is, and what power it poffeffes, both with refpect to other things and
its generation ; I mean, that it ranks among things firft, that it had a fub
fiftence prior to all bodies, and that more than any other nature it rules over
the mutation and all the ornament of bodies. If this is the cafe, does it not
neceffarily follow, that things allied to foul will have an origin prior to thofe
pertaining to body, foul itfelf being more antient than body ?
CLIN. It is neceffary.
GUEST. Opinion, therefore, diligent attention, intellect, art, and law, will
be prior to things hard and foft, heavy and light. Befides this, too, great
and primary works and actions, which are produced by art, will rank among
things firft; but natural productions, and nature herfelf, (which they do not
properly
302 T H E LAWS.
courfe refpecting the foul is finifhed, and it is fhown that foul is. prior to
body.
C L I N . You appear to us, O gueff, to fpeak moff excellently: do, there
fore, as you fay.
GUEST. Come then, let us invoke Divinity; for, if it is ever proper to
do fo, it will be requifite in the prefent cafe ; and let us befeech the Gods
with the greatest earneftnefs to affiffc us in demonstrating their exiftence.
Holding, therefore, as by a certain fecure rope, let us afcend into the prefent
reafoning. And it appears to me that, by the following interrogations re
fpecting thefe things, I fhall mofl fecurely anfwer my opponent. If any
one then fhould afk me, O guefl, do all things fland ftill, and is nothing
moved ? Or, does the very contrary to this take place ? Or, are fome things
moved, but others fland ftill ? To this I fhould reply, Some things are
moved, and others fland ftill. Do not, therefore, the things which fland
ftill, abide in a certain place, and are not the things which are moved, moved
in a certain place ? Undoubtedly. And fome things do this in a certain
refpect in one feat, but others in more than one. Do you mean we fhall
fay that fome things which abide, receiving the power in the middle, are
moved in one, in the fame manner as the periphery of circles, which are
faid to fland ftill, revolves ? I do. But we underfland that in this revolution
a motion of this kind, leading round the greateft and the leaft circle, distri
butes itfelf analogoufly in fmall and large circles, and is itfelf, according to
proportion, lefs and more. On this account it becomes the fountain of all
wonderful things, proceeding homologous according to flownefs and fwift-
nefs, in large and fmall circles, and thus accomplifhing what to fome one it
might appear impoffible to accomplifh. You fpeak moft true. But by things
moving in many things, you appear to me to mean fuch as are moved locally,
always paffing from one place to another. And fometimes, indeed, they
x
obtain the bafis of one certain centre, and fometimes of more than one ,
by being rolled round. Each too meeting with each, they are cut by thofe
that fland ftill. But when they meet with each other, and are borne along
1
Viz. T h a t which changes its place changes the centre of place, to which the circumference
of the moving body is compared ; and fometimes, befides changing the centre, it preferves after a
manner the fame centre, when, not being fixed, but transferred from one place to another, it is
carried round by a certain equal circumference.
in
304 THE L A W S.
in an oppoflte direction, then the parts fituated in the middle, and thofe
between thefe, becoming one, they arc mingled together. I acknowledge
that thefe things are as you fay. Befides this, too, the things which are min
gled together are incrcafed ; but when they arc feparated, they are then
corrupted, when the permanent habit of each remains; but when it does
not remain, it is diffolvcd through both. But the generation of all things
;
takes place when a certain pa (lion is produced, viz. when the principle
receiving increafe arrives at a fecond transition, and from this to that
which is near i t ; and when it has arrived as far as to three, it poffeffes fenfe
in things fentient. Every thing, therefore, is generated by this mutation and
tranfition. However, a thing truly is, when it abides: and when it is
changed into another habit, it becomes entirely corrupted. Have we not
therefore, O friends, enumerated all the forms of motion, except tA'o?
CLIN. Of what kind are thofe ?
GUEST. They are nearly thofe, O excellent man, for the fake of which
the whole of our prefent difcuffion is undertaken.
CLIN. Speak more clearly.
GUEST. Was not the prefent difcuflion undertaken for the fake of foul?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST, Let one motion then be that which is able to move other things,
but is always incapable of moving itfelf *: but let the other be that which
3
is always able to move both itfelf and other things, by mingling and fepa-
rating, by increafe, and the contrary, and by generation and corruption ; and
this motion is different from all the other motions.
CLIN. Be it fo, therefore.
GUEST. Shall we not, then, place that motion as the ninth, which always
4
moves another, and is moved by another; but call that the tenth motion,
1
By the principle here, Plato means a motive and feminal nature. This nature by aherntion
proceeds through three degrees, i. e. into length, breadth, and depth, and finally arrives at
vitality and fenfation.
* This motion belongs to nature.
3
This is the motion of foul.
4
Plato in this book diftinguifhes the genus of motions into ten fpecies, viz. circulation about
an immovable centre, local tranfition, condenfation, rarefaction, increafe, decreafc, generation,
corruption, mutation or alteration produced in another by another, and mutation produced from
a thing itfelf, both in itfelf and in another. This laft is the xi.lh motion, of which he now
fpeaks, ana is the motion of foul.
which
T H E L A W S .
which moves both itfelf and others, which is adapted to all actions and
paffions, and which is truly denominated the mutation and motion of all
tilings ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
QUEST. But which of the ten motions fhall we with the greateft rectitude
judge to be the moft robuft, and by far the moft efficacious of all motions ?
CLIN. It is neceffary to fay, that the motion which is able to move itfelf
is infinitely to be preferred to the reft, and that all the others are pofterior
to this.
GUEST. YOU fpeak well. Muft not, therefore, one or two of the things
which have not at prefent been rightly afferted by us be tranfpofed ?
CLIN. What things do you mean ?
GUEST. W e did not altogether fpeak properly refpecting the tenth motion.
CLIN. Why fo ?
GUEST. Becaufe, according to reafon, it is the firft in generation and
flrength; but that which follows this is the fecond, though it has been juft
now abfurdly called by us the ninth.
CLIN. How do you fay ?
GUEST. Thus. When one thing moves another, and fomething elfe
always moves this, will there ever among fuch things as thefe be any thing
which is firft moved ? But how is it poffible that a thing which is moved by
another can ever be the firft of things changed ? It is certainly impoffible.
But when a thing moving itfelf caufes mutation in fomething elfe, and this
latter in fome other, and ten thoufand things are thus moved in fucceflion,—
whether or no in this cafe will there be any other principle of all the motion
than the mutation of that which moves itfelf?
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft excellently. The lb things, therefore, muft be
granted.
GUEST. Further ftill, let us thus interrogate and anfwer ourfelves. If all
generated natures Ihould, after a manner, ftand ftill, as many of thofe we are
now addreffing dare to fay they do, which among the above-mentioned
motions would neceffarily firft take place ?
CLIN. Doubtlefs that which moves itielf. For the motion depending on
another could not by any means take place till it had previoufly under
gone fome mutation.
VOL. ii. 2 R GUEST.
30f3 THE LAWS.
1
Plato, by an evil foul, here means the nature or natural life fufpended from the rational foul
of the world, and which is the proximate vis matrix of bodies. As this life, without the govern
ing influence of the rational foul of the world, would produce nothing but confufion and disorderly
motions, it may be faid, when confidered as left to itfelf, to be evil.
6 prudent,
THE LAWS. 309
prudent, and full of virtue, governs heaven and earth, and the whole period
of generated nature, or that which poffeffes neither of thefe ? Are you
willing, therefore, that we fhould anfwer this queftion as follows ?
C L I N . HOW ?
GUEST. Thus, O wonderful man. If the whole path of the heavens, and
the local motion of all the natures it contains, poffefs a nature fimilar to the
motion, circulation, and reafonings of intellect, and proceed in a manner
allied to thefe, it muff evidently be granted, that the mofl: excellent foul
takes care of the whole world, and leads it according to a path of this kind.
C L I N . Right.
GUEST. But if it proceeded in a mad and difordered manner, it muff be
led by an evil foul.
CLIN. And this alfo is rightly afferted.
GUEST. What nature, then, does the motion of intellect poffefs? T o this
queftion indeed, O friends, it is difficult to anfwer prudently. It is, there
fore, juft, that I fhould now anfwer for you.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well.
GUEST. Let us not, therefore, looking as it were to the fun in an oppofite
direction, and thus introducing night in midday, anfwer the prefent queftion,
as if we could ever fufficiently behold and know intellect with mortal eyes:
for, by looking to the image of the object of our interrogation, we fhall fee
with greater fccurity.
CLIN. How do you fay?
GUEST. Let us receive from among thofe ten motions, as an image, that
to which intellect is fimilar. This motion I will recall into your memory,
and anfwer for you in common.
CLIN. YOU fpeak in the moft beautiful manner.
GUEST. W e muft remember, therefore, it was afferted by us above, that
of all things that exift, fome arc moved, and others abide.
CLIN. It was fo.
GUEST. But, of things which are moved, fome are moved in one place, but
others are borne along in more than one.
CLIN. They are fo.
GUEST. But it is neceffary that thefe motions, which are always borne
along in one, fhould be moved about a certain middle, in imitation of circles
fafhiohed
310 THE LAWS.
fafhioned by a wheel, and that they mould be, in every refpecl;, as much as
poffible allied and fimilar to the circulation of intellect.
CLIN. How do you fay ?
GUEST. That both of them are moved according to the fame, in a fimilar
manner, in the fame, about the fame, and towards the fame, according to
one reafon and order. If, therefore, we fhould fay that intellect, and the
motion which is borne along in one, are fimilar to the local motions of a
fphere fafhioned by a wheel, we fhould not by any means be bad artificers
in difcourfe of beautiful images.
CLIN. YOU fpeak with the utmoft rectitude.
GUEST. T h e motion, therefore, which is never borne along in a fimilar
manner, nor according to the fame, nor in the fame, nor about the fame,
nor towards the fame, neither in ornament, nor in order, nor in one certain
reafon, will be allied to all folly/
CLIN. It will, with the greateft truth.
GUEST. Now, therefore, it will be no longer difficult to affert openly,
1
that fince it is foul which leads all things in a circular manner, it muft
neceffarily follow that the circulation of the heavens muft be led round,
taken care of, and adorned, either by the moft excellent foul, or the contrary.
CLIN. O gueft, from what has been faid, it is not holy to fay otherwife
than that either one foul, or many fouls, poffefting every virtue, caufe the
circulation of the heavens.
GUEST. You underftand my arguments, O Clinias, moft excellently : but
liften ftill further to this.
CLIN. TO what ?
GUEST. If foul convolves the fun, moon, and the other ftars, is not each
a
of thefe convolved by a foul of its own ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. W e fhall, therefore, difcourfe about one foul, in fuch a manner,
that what we fay may be accommodated to all the ftars.
1
T h e reader muft carefully remember that foul leads all things circularly, from its pofleflionof
a divine intellect; for Plato has juft before fhown, that a circular is an image of intellectual motion.
* Ariilotle alfo, in the. twelfth book of his Metaphyfics, (hows, that each of the heavenly bodies
pofTefTes a divine intellect, which is the fource of its motions; to my Tranflation of which I refer
the reader.
CLIN.
THE LAWS. 311
nias and Megillus, who does not believe that there are Gods, let us difrriifs
him.
CLIN. W h a t boundaries do you mean ?
GUEST. Either that he muft teach us we do not fpeak rightly, in afferting
that foul is the iirft generation of all things, together with fuch other parti
culars as are confequent to this; or, if he is incapable of afferting any thing
better than we have afferted, that he fhall be perfuaded by us, and live foF
the remainder of his life in the belief that there are Gods. Let us, there
fore, now fee whether we have fpoken fufficiently or not, in our arguments
that there are Gods, to thofe who deny their exiftence.
CLIN. Your arguments, O gueft, are very far from being infufficient.
GUEST. Let this, then, be the conclufion of our difcourfe to thefe. But
let us cure, in the following manner, him who believes that there are Gods,
but that they take no care of human affairs.—O moft excellent man! we
fhall fay, becaufe you think that there are Gods, a certain nature allied to
Divinity leads you to honour, and believe in that which is connate with your
felf ; but the profperous condition of evil and unjuft men, both in private
and public, who, though they are not truly happy, yet are confidered to be
fo in the higheft degree in the inelegant opinion of the multitude, and are
improperly celebrated as fuch in poetical, and a variety of • other compo-
fitions ;—this it is which leads you to impiety. Or, perhaps, on feeing
impious men leaving behind them, after having arrived at old age, grand
children in the greateft honours, you are difturbed : Or from hearing, or
perhaps being yourfelf an eye-witnefs, of fome who, though they have acted
in a moft impious and dire manner, yet, by means of fuch actions, have
arrived from flender poffeffions and fmall power to tyrannies and the greateft
wealth. It is evident that, in all fuch cafes as thefe, you are unwilling to
blame the Gods as the caufes of them, through your alliance with their
nature, but, at the fame time, being led by a certain privation of reafon, and
not being able to be indignant with the Gods, you have arrived at the pre
fent condition, fo as to believe in their exiftence, but that they defpife and
neglect human affairs. That the prefent dogma, therefore, may not lead
you to greater impiety, but that you may be removed further from it, we fhall
endeavour, to the utmoft of our power, to convince you of its fallacy, con
joining the following difcourfe with the former, which we employed againft
thofe
THE LAWS. 313
thofe who entirely denied the existence of the Gods. But do you, O Megillus
and Clinias, take upon you to anfwer for the young man, as you did before;
and if any thing difficult ihould happen to take place in our difcourfe, I,
taking hold of you as I juft now did, will pafs over the river.
CLIN. Rightly faid. Do you, therefore, act in this manner; and we tb
the utmoft of our power will do as you fay.
GUEST. But, perhaps, it will not be difficult to evince that the Gods pay
no lefs attention to fmall things than to fuch as tranfeend in magnitude. For
it was juft now afferted by us, that they are good from the poffeffion of
every virtue, and that, in confequence of this, a providential concern for all
things is in the higheft degree accommodated to their nature.
CLIN. This was vehemently afferted.
GUEST. Let us, therefore, in common investigate that which follows this,—
I mean, what the virtue of the Gods is, fince we acknowledge that they are
good. Do we not then fay, that to be temperate, and to poffefs intellect,
are things pertaining to virtue, but the contraries of thefe to vice ?
CLIN. W e do fay fo.
GUEST. But what? Does not fortitude belong to virtue, and timidity to
vice ?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST. And do not we fay that fome of thefe are bafe, and others beautiful?
CLIN. It is neceffary we fhould.
GUEST. And muft we not fay that fuch among thefe as are bafe belong
to us, but that the Gods participate neither any thing great, nor any thing
fmall, of fuch-like particulars ?
CLIN. And this alfo every one will acknowledge.
GUEST. But what ? Do we place negligence, indolence, and luxury, as
belonging to the virtue of the foul ? Or how do you fay ?
CLIN. HOW can we?
GUEST. AS belonging, therefore, to the contrary?
GLIN. Yes.
GUEST. The contraries, therefore, to thefe belong to that which is contraryi
CLIN. TO that which is contrary.
GUEST. What then ? Will not he who pofTeffes thefe contraries be con-
VOL. ii. 2s fidered
314 THE LAWS.
! Hcfiod.
CLIN.
THE LAW*.
mated, containing qpuch virtue and much vice, and fince both foul and
1
body are generated hWeftru&ible , though not eternal, like the Gods accord
ing to law*, (for thgre never would be any generation of animals if either
foul or body was deftroyed,) and befides, (ince that which is good in the foul is
always naturally difpofed to aifift, but that which is evil in it to injure,—our
king, perceiving all thefe things, devifed in what manner each of the parts
mould be fituatcd, fo that virtue might vanquish in the univerfe, but vice be
fubdued, in the moft eminent degree, and in the beft and moft facile
manner. H e devifed, therefore, how each particular fhould be generated
with reference to the univerfe, what feat it fhould refide in, and what places
it fhould be allotted: but he left to our will the caufes of this or that gene
ration. For where the defire of any foul is, and fuch as is its condition,
there each of us nearly refides, and fuch for the moft part each of us fubfifts.
CLIN. It is likely.
GUEST. Every thing, therefore, that participates of foul is changed, and
pofleffes in itfelf the caufe of this mutation; but, when changed, it is borne
along according to the order and law of fate. And thofe fouls whofe manners
are lefs changed, have a lefs extended progreflion ; for they proceed no fur
ther than the fuperhcies of the region. But thofe whofe manners are more
changed, and are more unjuft, fall into depth, and into the places beneath,
which are denominated Hades, and the like, where they are vehemently
terrified, and converfant with dreams, both living and when freed from body,
A greater foul, however, when it participates either of virtue or vice,
becoming in this cafe ftrong, through its own will, and converfe with other
natures, if, mingling with divine virtue, it becomes eminently divine, then
it is tranflated into another better place, which is entirely holy: but if it
mingles itfelf with the contrary to divine virtue, then its life is transferred
into a contrary place. This then, O boy and young man, who think that
you are neglected by the Gods, is the judgment of the Olympian divinities ;—
that he who k more depraved fhall depart to more depraved fouls, but he
* Body, when corrupted, is refohred into the elementary whole* from which it originated, but
is never deftroyed.
a
Law here fignifies intellectual diftribution. So that the Gods according to law are thofe
divine natures which proceed from the intellect of the fabricator of tht univerfe. Thefe Gods
are thus denominated in the Golden Verfes of Pythagoras.
W%>
THE LAWS. 319
who is better, to fuch as are better, both in life, and in all deaths, and that
he fhall both fuffer and do fuch things as ought to be done by fimilars to
fimilars. But neither you nor any other fhould pray that you may be exempt
from this judgment of the Gods. For thofe who ordained this eftablifhed
it more firmly than all judgments, and as that which ought to be venerated
in every refpect. Indeed, you will never be neglected by this judgment; not
though you were fo fmall, that you could defcend into the profundities of
the earth, or fo elevated, that you could fly into heaven. But you will fuffer
from thefe divinities the punifhment which is your due, whether you abide
here, or depart to Hades, or whether you are removed to a place ftill more
ruftic than thefe. My difcourfe to you, likewife, will be the fame refpecting
thofe impious men whom you have feen rifing into confequence from fmall
beginnings, and whom you have confidered as having paffed from felicity to
mifery. For it has appeared to you that, in the actions of thefe, as in a
mirror, the negligence of all the Gods was vifible; and this, from your
being ignorant in what manner the end of fuch characters contributes to the
good of the whole. But can you think, O moft courageous of all men, that
it is not neceffary to know this, which he who is ignorant of, will neither be
able to perceive, nor difcourfe about, the feHcity of life, and an unhappy
fortune. If, therefore, Clinias, and the whole of this aged company, arc
able to perfuade you that you do not know what you fay refpecting the Gods,
divinity will aftift you in a beautiful manner ; but if you ftill require fome
further reafon, hear, if in any refpect you poffefs intellect, what w e fhall
fay to our third antagonist. For, that there are Gods, and that they take
care of men, I fhould fay, has been not altogether badly demonstrated. But
that the Gods can be moved by the gifts of certain unjuft men, muft not
be granted to any one, but confuted in every poflible way to the utmoft of
our power.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft beautifully •» and we fhall do as you fay.
GUEST. Come, then, by the Gods themfelves, if they are moved by gifts,
in what manner are they moved ; and what kind of beings muft they in this
cafe be ? For it is neceffary that they muft poffefs fovereign authority- who
continually govern all heaven.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST. But to what rulers are they fimilar, or what rulers are fimilar to
4 them.
THE LAWS.
them, that we may be able to compare fmall things with great ? Whether
will the charioteers of twc-yoked cars that contend in the courfe be fuch as
thefe, or the pilots of (hips? Perhaps, however, they may be aftimilated to
certain commanders of armies, or to phyficians, who are cautious refpecting
the war of difeafes about bodies, or to hufbandmen, who fear for their plants
during the ftormy feafons, or to fhepherdsand herdsmen. For, fince we havq
granted that the univerfe is full of much good, and much evil, though not
of more evil than good, we fay that a thing of this kind is an immortal war,
and requires an admirable defence. But the Gods, and, at the fame time,
daemons, fight for u s ; and we are the poffeffion both of Gods and daemons.
Jnjuftice and infolence, however, together with imprudence, corrupt us.
And, on the contrary, juftice and temperance, in conjunction with prudence,
-which refide in the animated powers of the Gods, preferve us. But that
k
fomething of thefe refides in us, though for a fhort time, may be clearly feen
from this ; for certain fouls refiding on the earth, and poffefting an unjuft gift,
are evidently favage towards the fouls of guardians, whether they are dogs,
or fhepherds, or in every refpect the higheft of all rulers. Thefe they attack,
perfuading them by flattering words and fpecious enchantments, (according
to the rumours of the wicked,) that it is lawful for them to ufurp an unjuft
authority among men, without any difagreeable confequences to themfelves.
This fault, which we denominate, prerogative, is called, in flefhly bodies,
difeafe; in the feafons of the year, peftilence ; and in cities and polities, by
changing the word, injuftice.
CLIN. Entirely fo. ,
GUEST. According to this reafoning, therefore, it is neceffary to fay, that
he who afferts that the Gods always pardon unjuft men," when a part of their
unjuft acquifitions is offered to them, afferts at the fame time that they
are like dogs, to whom wolves give a fmall portion of their rapine, and who,
becoming mild by gifts, permit them to plunder the herds. Is not this the
affertion of thofe who confider the Gods as eafily appealed ?
CLIN. It is.
GUEST. But will not he be the moft ridiculous of all men, who aftimilates
the Gods to any of the above-mentioned guardians ? Shall we fay, there-*
fore, that they refemble pilots, who giving themfelves up to the libation of
ivine, and the odour-of flefh, deftroy both the fhips and the Jailors ? >
CLIN.
T H E LAWS. 321
CLIN. By no means.
GUEST. But neither do they refemble charioteers, who, when orderly-
arranged in the courfe, through being corrupted by gifts, yield the victory
to the two-yoked cars of their opponents.
CLIN. For fuch an affertion produces a dire image.
GUEST. But neither do they refemble the commanders of an army, nor
phyficians, nor huibandmen, nor fhepherds, nor certain dogs feduced by
wolves.
CLIN. Prophefy better things. For how is it poffible they can refemble
any of thefe ?
GUEST. But are not all the Gods the greateft of all guardians, and guardians
of the greateft affairs ?
CLIN. Very much fo.
GUEST. Shall we fay, then, that thofe who are the guardians of the molt
beautiful things, and who, as guardians, are tranfcendent in virtue, are
worfe than dogs, and men of a moderate character, who never betray juftice
by receiving in an unholy manner gifts from unjuft men ?
CLIN. By no means; for fuch an affertion is not to be borne. And he
who entertains fuch an opinion may moft juftly be confidered as the worft
and moft impious of men.
GUEST. W e may fay, then, that we have fufficiently demonftrated the three
things which we propofed to evince, viz. that there are Gods; that they
take care of all things; and that they are not in any refpect to be moved by
gifts, contrary to what is juft.
CLIN. Undoubtedly ; and we affent to thefe reafons.
GUEST. And befides this, in a certain refpect we have fpoken more vehe
mently, through the contention of vicious men. But, O friend Clinias, we
have employed a difcourfe of a contentious nature, left our adverfaries, think
ing that they had vanquifhed, fhould imagine they had a ficenfe to do what
ever they pleafed, conformably to their conceptions refpecting the Gods.
Through an earneft defire of preventing this, we have fpoken in a more novel
manner. But if, during this fhort time, we have offered any thing calculated
to perfuade thefe men that they fhould hate themfelves, and embrace contrary-
manners, the exordium of our laws refpecting impiety will have been beauti
fully delivered.
V O L . ii. 2 r CLIN.
322 THE LAWS.
CLIN. Let us hope that this will be the cafe; but if it mould not, the
legiflator is not to be accufed for this kind of difcourfe.
GUEST. After the preface, therefore, the difcourfe which is the interpretes
of the laws will properly follow,, proclaiming to all impious perfons, that
they muft depart from their depraved manners, and betake themfelves to
fuch as are pious. But for thofe who will not be perfuaded by thefe argu
ments, let the following law of impiety be eftabhfhed :—If any one fpeaks
or ads impioufly, let any one who is prefent defend the caufe of piety, and
give information to the magiftrates of the affair : and thofe magiftrates that
are firft made acquainted with it, fhall bring the offender before the court
of juftice appointed by law for the determination of fuch cafes. But if any
magiftrate, on hearing the affair, does not act in this manner, let him be
accufed of impiety by any one who is willing to punifh him, for the fake of
the laws. And if any one is condemned, let the court of juftice punifh him for
the feveral impieties he has committed. Let bonds, then, be the punifhment
of all impious conduct. And let there be three prifons in the city: one com
mon for moft crimes about the forum, for the fake of fecuring a multitude
of perfons; another fttuated about the place where a nocturnal affembly is
held, and which is to be denominated the prifon for the correction of man
ners ; and a third in the middle of the region, and in that part which is
moft folitary and ruftic, calling it by the name of the prifon of punifhment.
W i t h refpect to impiety, there are three caufes of it, as we have already
mentioned; and fince two things take place from each of fuch-like caufes,
there will be fix genera of crimes againft the Gods, which require neither
an equal nor a fimilar punifhment. For fome, who though they do not in
any refpect believe there are Gods, yet,, from naturally poffeffmg a juft dif
pofition, hate the vicious, and, through being indignant with injuftice,.
neither commit unjuft aclions themfelves, nor affociate with, but avoid,,
unjuft men, and love the juft. But others, befides the opinion that all things
are deftitute of the Gods, fall into incontinence of pleafures and pains, at
the fame time poffeffmg ftrong memories and acutenefs with refpect to
difciplines. The opinion that there are no Gods, is a paftion common to
both thefe; but they differ in this, that the one is the caufe of lefs, and the
other of more, evil than other men. The one of thefe fpeaks with the
greateft freedom concerning the Gods, facrifices and oaths; and, as he ridi
cules
THE LAWS. 323
cules others, will perhaps render others like himfelf, unlefs he is punifhed.
But the other who is of the fame opinion, is confidered by the vulgar as
ingenious, and is full 0 / fraud and ffratagem. From thefe characters many
diviners are produced, and fuch as are excited to every kind of incantation.
Sometimes, too, from thefe tyrants, public fpeakers, and commanders of
armies, are formed ; and thofe who in their private myfteries act infidioufly,
and deceive men by fophiflical devices. Of thefe, indeed, there are many
fpecies; but two of them deferve the eftablifhment of laws : of which the
ironic produces crimes that deferve more than one or two deaths ; but the
other requires admonition and bonds. In a fimilar manner, too, the opinion
that the Gods are negligent, produces two characters; and the opinion that
they are eafily appeafed, another two. Since, therefore, the impious are
thus diftinguifhed, thofe who become fuch through folly, without a vicious
difpofition and corrupt manners, the judge fhall confine in the prifon for cor
rection, for not lefs than five years. But, during this time, let no one of
the citizens converfe with them, except thofe that participate of the noc
turnal affembly, who affociate for the purpofe of admonifhing and procur
ing fafety to the foul. When the period arrives that they are to be liberated
from their bonds, if any one among them fhall appear to be more modeft in
his manners, let him dwell together with the modeft; but if it appears that
he is not, and he is again condemned for the fame crime, let him be
punifhed with death. With refpect to fuch as, in addition to their believing
that there are no Gods, or that they are negligent, or eafily appeafed, are
of a favage difpofition, defpifing'mankind, alluring the fouls of many while
living, and afferting that they can allure the fouls of the dead ; likewife,
pretending that they can perfuade the Gods by facrifices, prayers, and incan-
tions, and endeavouring by thefe means to deftroy private perfons, whole
families, and cities, for the fake of their riches,—among fuch as thefe,
whoever fhall be condemned, let him be fettered in the prifon which is in
the middle of the region, and let no free-born perfon be ever allowed to
vifit him, but let the food appointed for him by the guardians of the laws
be brought to him by fervants. But, when he dies, let bim be hurled beyond
the boundaries of the region, and left without a tomb. And, if any free
born perfon fhall bury him, let him fuflain the punifhment of impiety by any
one who is willing to inflict it. If he leaves behind him children fufficient for
2T 2 the
324 THE LAWS.
the'purpofes of the city, let the guardians of orphans take no lefs care of thefe
than of others, and from the very day on which their father was condemned.
But it is proper that a common law mould be eftablifhed for all thefe, which
may caufe the multitude to behave lefs impioufly towards the God6, both in
word and deed, and may render them lefs void of intellect, through not per
mitting them to make innovations in facred concerns. Let the following
law, then, be fimply eftablifhed for all of them:—No one fhall have a temple
in any private houfe. But when any one intends to facrifice, let him go to
public buildings raifed for this purpofe, and prefent his offerings to thofe
priefts and priefteffes who take care of thefe particulars in a pure and holy
manner. Here let him pray, together with thefe, and any other who is
willing to join him in prayer. Let thefe things be adopted, becaufe it is
not eafy to eftablifh temples and ftatues of the Gods ; but to effect a thing
of this kind properly, is the work of a mighty dianoetic power. But it is
ufual, with women particularly, and all fuch as are imbecile, or in danger,,
or want, or, on the contrary, when they receive an abundance of any thing*
always to confecrate that which is prefent, vow facrifices, and promife ftatues
to the Gods, daemons, and the fons of the Gods; being terrified by fpectres
when awake, and, in a fimilar manner, recollecting many vifions in dreams ;
for all which they endeavour to obtain remedies, and for this purpofe fill all
the pure places in houfes and ftreets with altars and temples. For the fake
of all thefe particulars, it is requifite that the law we have juft mentioned
fhould be eftablifhed ; and befides this, for the fake of the impious, left they,
fraudulently ufurping thefe in their actions, and raifing temples and altars
in private houfes, fhould think to make the Gods propitious by facrifices and
prayers; thus infinitely increafing their injuftice, and provoking the indig
nation of the Gods, both againft themfelves, and thofe that permitted them
to act in this manner, though men of a better character. For by this means
the whole city becomes fubjedt to the punifhment of impiety, and, in a
certain refpect, juftly. Divinity, indeed, does not blame the legiflator; for
the law eftablifhed by him fays, that no one fhall poffefs temples of the
Gods in private houfes. But if it fhall appear that any one poffeffes {em-
ples, and performs orgies in any other places than fuch as are public, he who
detects him fhall announce the affair to the guardians of the laws. And if
fuch a one, whether a man or a woman, fhall be found not to have com
mitted
T H E L A W S . 325
mitted any great or impious crimes, he mail be obliged to carry his private
facred concerns to public temples : and if he does not immediately comply
with the law, let him be finec) till he does. But, if any one acting impioufly
fhall appear to have committed, not the impious deed of boys, but of im
pious men, whether by facrificing to the Gods in private or in public temples,
let him be condemned to death, as one who has facrificed impurely. How
ever, the guardians of the laws muff judge whether his impiety is puerile or
not, and thus, when he is brought before a court of juftice, muft inflict on
him the punifhment of impiety.
THE
T H E LAWS,
B O O K XI.
IT now remains that we mould fpeak of mutual compacts, and the order
which they ought to receive. But a thing of this kind is, in a certain refpect,
fimple. I mean, that no one fhall touch my property, nor move the leaft
thing belonging to me, without my confent. And I, if I am endued with a
found mind, fhall act in the fame manner with refpect to the property of
others. In the firft place, then, we fhall fpeak about fuch treafures, as fome
one may depofit both for himfelf and thofe belonging to him, who is not
defcended from rny parents, and which I fhould never pray that I might find,
nor, if I did find, fhould move, nor be induced to partake of, by thofe who
are called diviners. For I fhould never be fo much benefited by the poffeflion
of riches, when obtained after this manner, as I fhould excel in the virtue of
the foul, and in juftice, by not receiving them. For thus I fhould acquire
one poffeftion inftead of another, a better in that which is better; preferring
the prior poffeffion of juftice in the foul, to wealth. For it is well faid of
many particulars, that things immovable fhould not be moved ; and it may
be faid of this, as being one of them. It is likewife proper to be perfuaded
by what is commonly afferted about thefe things, that fuch particulars do not
contribute to the procreation of children. But he who takes no care of
children, and neglects the legiflator, and, therefore, takes away that which
neither he nor his grandfather depofited, fuch a one corrupts the moft beau
tiful and fimple law, which was eftablifhed by a man by no means ignoble,
and which fays, You fhall not take away that which you have not depofited.
W h a t then ought he to fuffer, who defpifes thefe two legiflators, and who
takes away that which he did not himfelf depofit, and which is not a fmall
4 affair,
THE LAWS. 327
affair, but a mighty treafure ? Divinity, indeed, knows what punifhment he
ought to fuffer from the Gods. But let us declare what he ought to fuffer
from men. Let him who firft perceives him, give information of the affair :—
if it happens in the city, to the aediles ;. if in the forum, to the prefects of the
markets; and, if in any other part of the region, to thofe that take care of
the land, and the governors of thefe. When the affair becomes apparent,
let the city feud to Delphi, and let what the God determines, both refpecting
the money and him that has moved it, be performed by the city conformable
to the oracle. And if he who gives the information is free-born, let him be
confidered as a virtuous character ; but, if he does not give information, as a
vicious character. If he who reveals the affair is a flave, it will be proper
that he lhould be made free by the city, and that the city fhould pay his
mafter the price of his manumiflion * but, if he does not reveal it, let him be
r
punifhed with death. Let a fimilar law follow this, refpecting things fmall
and great. If a man leaves any property, whether willingly or unwillingly,
let him who may happen to meet with it -fuffer it to remain ; confidering
that the daemon who prefides over roads defends things of this kind, which
are dedicated to Divinity by law. When any one, being unperfuaded by this
law, takes away fuch properly to his own houfe, if he is but of little worth,,
being a flave, let him receive many lafhes with a whip, from any one not
lefs than thirty years of age who may happen to meet him. But, if he is
free-born, befides being confidered as illiberal, and void of law, let him pay
as a fine ten times the worth of what he took away to its proper owner.
When anv one accufes another of holding his property, whether it be much
or little, and the perfon who detains it acknowledges that it is in his pof-
feftion, but denies that it is his who demands it,—if a written account of the
affair is given to the magiftrates according to law, he who detains it fhall be
called before a magiftrate, and if it fhall appear to be the property of the accufer,.
it fhall be reftored to him. But if it fhall be found to belong to neither, but
to fome abfent perfon, if its poffeilor will not engage to reftore it to the
ablent perfon, let him be compelled to depoiit it. If a written account of
the affair is not given to the m a g i f t r a t e s , let the property be denolited with
the three oldeft magiftrates till fentence is paffed. And, if the fubject of
difpute is an animal, let him w h o upon trial is caft, pay the magiftrates the
expenfe of its keeping; but let the affair be decided by the magiftrates
within
52S THE LAWS.
within the fpace of three days. If any one leads away another as a flave,
who is going to be manumitted, let him who leads him be difmiffed ; but
he who is thus led away, if he can procure three refpe&able bondsmen, fhall
be confidered as free ; but otherwife not. But if any one is led away in
any other manner, let him by whom he is thus led be obnoxious to the
charge of nfing violence, and be condemned to reftore double the lofs to the
perfon led away. Every one, too, may be permitted to lead away his free
man, if he is not ferved by him, or not fufficiently. The attention, how
ever, which fuch a one ought to pay his mafter confifts, in the firft place, in
going thrice every month to his mafter's houfe, and announcing that he is
prepared to do whatever is juft, and in his power; and, in the fecond place,
that he may perform, with refpecl to matrimony, whatever fhall appear re
quifite to his mafter. But it fhall not be lawful for him to poffefs greater
wealth than the perfon by whom he was liberated : but, if he does poflefs
more, let the excefs be given to his mafter. Let a freed perfon not remain
in the city more than twenty years, but, in the fame manner as ftrangers, let
him after this period depart, taking with him the whole of his property, unlefs
he can perfuade the magiftrates and his liberator to the contrary. But if the
poffeffions of a freed perfon, or of any other ftranger, exceed thofe of the third
«ftate, let him, on the thirtieth day after this has been difcovered to be the cafe,
take his property and depart; and let him not, though he fhould requeft it, be
permitted by the magiftrates to ftay any longer. Let him who difobeys
this law be brought before a court of juftice ; when condemned, be punifhed
with death ; and let his riches become public property. Let the judges of
the tribes take cognizance of thefe cafes, unlefs the litigants have previoufly
fettled the affair among themfelves by means of their neighbours or arbitra
tors. If any one aflerts that a certain animal, or any thing elfe, is his own
property, let him who poflelTes it take it either to the feller, or to him who
properly and juftly gave it, or who after fome other manner delivered it of
his own authority. And let it remain with a citizen, or an inhabitant of
the city, for thirty days, but with a ftranger for five months, fo that the
middle of thefe may be that month in which the fun is turned from the
fummer to the winter tropic. Let whatever one perfon changes with
another through buying or felling, be exchanged in a place appointed for
each in the forum, and let every thing pertaining to buying and felling be
trau faded
THE LAWS. 32p
be tranfacted in this place, and no where elfe. Likewife, let there be no delay-
either in buying or felling. But, if the commutation is made in other places,
let no judgment according to law be paffed upon it. With refpect to feafts,
in which every man pays his own lfiare, if any difference fhould arife in
fettling the payment of the fhares, let the parties fo tranfact with each other
as about a thing which is not noticed by the courts of juftice. Let a feller,
who receives no lefs than fifty drachms as the price of his commodity, be
obliged to wait ten days in, the city, and let the buyer know the place of his
abode; and this for the fake of thofe complaints and legitimate abate
ments which ufually happen about things of this kind. But let lawful and
unlawful abatements take place as follows : When any one fells a flave who
labours under a confumption, or the ftone, or the ftrangury, or that which
is called the facred difeafe, or any other difeafe which is immanifeft to many,
is of long, continuance and difficult to cure, whether of the body or mind,
if a phyfician or a mafter of gymnaftic buys him, no abatement fhall be
made; nor yet when the feller informs the buyer of the^ true condition of
the article of fale. But if an artift fells to an ignorant perfon any thing of
this kind, the buyer fhall be permitted to return the perfon bought by him,
who labours under any difeafe but the facred, within fix months : but if he
labours under this difeafe, he fhall be permitted to return him within a year.
Affairs of this kind fhall be decided by phyficians chofen by the common
confent of the litigants. He who in thefe cafes is condemned, fhall pay to
the buyer double the price for which he fold him. But if one ignorant
perfon fells any thing to another, let the return and judgment be made in
the fame manner as was mentioned above; and let him who is condemned
pay a fimple fine. If any one fells a homicide to another, if the tranfaction
takes place between two fkilful perfons, let no return be made ; but if
between a fkilful and ignorant perfon, let a return then be made when the
buyer perceives the cafe. But let the affair be decided by the five youngeft
guardians of the laws. If it fhall appear that the feller was not ignorant
that the perfon he fold was a homicide, let the houfe of the buyer be puri
fied according to the law of the interpreters, and let the feller pay him triple
the price of the homicide. Let him who changes money for money, or for
animals, or any thing elfe, give and receive every thing unadulterated,
agreeably to the injunctions of law. About the whole of this vice, how-
VOL. ii. 2 v ever,
«3t> THE LAWS.
ever, it is requifite to lay down a preface, in the fame manner as in other laws-.
£very man, indeed, ought to confider adulteration, lying, and deception, as
forming one genus, about which it is ufual for the multitude to fay, though
very crroneoufly, that when each of thefe is opportunely adopted, the refult is
frequently proper. But as they leave the occafion, the where, and the when,
diforderly and indefinitely, they often by this affertion both injure themfelves
and others. The legiflator, however, mould not fuffer this indefinite to be
unnoticed, but greater or leffer boundaries ought always to be clearly deter
mined. Let them, therefore, now be determined. Let no one tell a lie,
or deceive, or adulterate any thing, calling at the fame time on the Gods,
linlcfs he is defirous of becoming odious to Divinity. This, however, will be
the cafe with him, in the firft place, who, fwearing falfely, defpifes the Gods;
and, in the fecond place, with him who fpeaks falfely before thofe that are
better than himfelf. But the good are more excellent than the bad, and, in
fhort, the elder than the younger. On this account, parents are better than
their offspring, men than women and children, and governors than the go
verned. All thefe ought to be reverenced in every government, and efpe
cially in political governments, for the fake of which we have engaged in
the prefent difcuffion. For he who adulterates any thing in the forum,
lies and deceives, and, calling on the Gods, fwears falfely before the guar
dians of the forum, and violates their laws, neither fearing men, nor reve
rencing the Gods. T o be careful, indeed, not to contaminate the names
of the Gods, is in every refpect beautiful; for they ought not to be ufed in
common like other names, but every thing pertaining to the Gods fhould be
preferved in a pure and holy manner. Let the following law, therefore, be
eftablifhed for thofe who will not be perfuaded t o act in this manner :—He
who fells any thing in the forum fhall not be fuffered to fix two prices to
any article ; but when he has fixed a fimple price, if he does not fell it, he
fhall take it away, and be allowed to bring it back again on the fame day,
without valuing it at a higher price than before. Let praife, and taking
an oath, never be employed in felling. And if any one is difobedient to
this law, any citizen, not lefs than thirty years of age, who detects him in
fwearing, fhall ftrike him with impunity ; and if he neglects to do this, let
him be confidered as a betrayer of the laws. But let him who detects any
one felling an adulterated article, and incapable of being perfuaded by what
4 we
THE LAWS. 331
we have now faid, expofe the fraud of fuch a one, if he is able, before a
magiftrate ; and let a flave, or an inhabitant, bring with him the adulterated
article. Let a citizen, who neglects to accufe fuch a one, be pronounced
a bad man, as one who defrauds the Gods: but, if he accufes him, let him
dedicate the adulterated article to the Gods who prefide over the forum. Let
him who openly felts things of this kind, befides being deprived of the
adulterated article, receive publicly as many lafhes with a whip as there are
drachms in the fum for which he fold the article; a cryer at the fame time
proclaiming in the forum the caufe of his being whipped. Let the praefects
of the markets, and the guardians of the laws, endeavour to detect all the
adulterations and evil practices of the fellers, by making inquiry of men
(killed in vendible articles, and caufe to be written on a pillar before the
forum what a feller ought to do, and what not, fo that men of this kind
may clearly know how to act according to law in difpofing of their refpec-
tive articles. As to the particulars relating to the aediles, we have fpoken
of thefe fufficiently above. But if it fhould appear that any thing is wanting
to thefe, let them fupply the deficiency by communicating with the guar
dians of the laws, and afterwards let them write their firft and fecond legal
inftitutions on a pillar.
x
After adulteration it follows that we fhould fpeak of cauponation . But
about the whole of this we fhall firft of all give our advice, and the reafons
or fuch advice, and afterwards eftablifh a law refpecting it. For all cau-
nation in a city does not fubfift for the fake of injuring the city, but natu-
ally for the fake of the contrary. For how is it poffible that he fhould not
benefit the city who caufes money, from being poffeffed in an incommen-
furate and anomalous manner, to be poffeffed equably, and with commen-
furation ? It is requifite to fay, that the power of money, the merchant, the
mercenary character, and the inn-keeper, will accomplifh this for us. For
thefe, and others of this kind, whether they act in a more becoming or a
more bafe manner, endeavour to fupply the indigence of others, and render
poffeffions equal. But let us confider the reafon why this appears neither
beautiful nor becoming, and why it is calumniated ; that though we may -
not procure a remedy for the whole by law, yet we may for a part.
1
T h e keeping an inn or vi&ualling-houfe,
2 U 2 CLIN.
333 THE LAWS.
muft aftign cauponation to thofe men whofe manners, when corrupt, wiLl
be no great peft to the city ; and, in the third place, fome method muft be
devifed by which the fouls of thefe men may not eafily be filled with impu
dence and illiberality. But, after what has now been faid, a certain law re
fpecting thefe things prefents itfelf to us, with good fortune. The city of the
Magnefians, which Divinity firft raifed, is by Divinity again inhabited*
Among thefe there is a law, that no hufbandmen who belong to the forty-
five thoufand houfes fhall either voluntarily or involuntarily be an inn-keeper
or a merchant, or act in the capacity of a fervant to any private perfon,
unlefs that perfon becomes in his turn a fervant to him ; a father and mother,
with their progenitors, all his elders, and fuch as being free live in an inde
pendent manner, being excepted. It is not, however, eafy to determine by
law who is free, or the contrary ; yet fuch as thefe are diftinguifhed from
the nobles by the hatred and love which they bear towards them. But let
him who through a certain art is engaged in illiberal cauponation be accufed
before thofe who hold the firft rank in virtue, by any one that is willing, as
a difgrace to his family. And if it fhall appear that he has defiled his pater
nal houfe by any unworthy employment, let him, after having been fettered
for a year, abftain from fuch employment. If, after this, he engages in it
again, let him be fettered for two years. And let him always be confined
in bonds as often as he is detected, twice as long as the preceding time. But
a fecond law orders that all fuch as are not citizens, together with foreigners,
mail exercife cauponation. And a third law ordains, that the foreigner or
inhabitant who engages in this art, fhall either be a moft excellent character,
or vicious in the fmalleft degree. It is proper, likewife, that the guardians
of the law fhould confider that they are not only guardians of thofe who are
eafdy prevented from acting in an illegal and vicious manner, viz. thofe who
are well-born and educated ; but that they are much more guardians of
thofe who are different "from thefe, and who engage in employments by
which they are ftrongly impelled to improbity. Since, however, caupona
tion is abundantly various, the guardians of the laws mould affemble toge
ther with thofe that are fkillcd in the feveral fpecies of i t ; and, as we ob-
ferved a little before concerning adulteration, which is allied to this art,
they fhould, in the firft place, eftablifh fuch things as apppear neceffary to
the city.. Afterwards, having inquired into the coft and emolument attend
ing
334 T H E LAWS.
ing this art, they fhould attend to the moderate gain refulting from it, and
eftablifh its expenfes and emoluments. And fome particulars fhould be
attended to by the prefects of the markets, others by the aediles, and others
by the prsefects of the land. After this manner nearly will cauponation be
advantageous to every one, and injure thofe by whom it is exercifed in the
city in the fmalleft degree. T h e genus of artificers is facred to Vulcan and
Minerva, who furnifh our lives by their arts. But thofe individuals are
facred to Mars and Minerva who prelervc the works of artificers by other
arts of an aftiftant and defenfive nature. T h e genus of thefe is, indeed,
juftly facred to thefe Gods: and all thefe providentially take care of the
region and people. Some of them, too, prefide over warlike contefts; but
others effect the generation of inftruments, and works for hire. Reveren
cing, therefore, the Gods that are the authors of thefe arts, it will not be
proper to deceive them, by lying about things of this kind. If any artificer
does not complete his work in a prefixed time, through a vicious difpofition,
but, paying no reverence to the divinity who is the giver of life, through a
blindnefs of intellect, thinks that his kindred God will pardon him, fuch a
one, in the firft place, will be punifhed by the God himfelf; and, in the
fecond place, let it be eftablifhed by law, that he fhall be fined the worth of
the work which he has not finifhed in the proper time, and that, beginning
again, he fhall complete it in the time firft agreed upon. Let the fame law too
confult for the artificer as for the feller of vendible articles. Let care be
taken, therefore, that he does not aik more than the worth of his work, but
let his demand be moft fimple, and accommodated to its worth. For an
artift knows the worth of his work. In cities, therefore, confifting of free
men, it is not proper that an artift fhould endeavour to deceive the fimple
by art, which is naturally clear and void of falfehood. Hence, when this
is the cafe, the injurer fhall make a proper recompenfe to the injured perfon.
If any one, in paying an artift for his work, does* not pay him according to
the agreement, defpifing Jupiter the guardian of the city, and Minerva who
communicates with the polity, and, being influenced by a little gain, diffolves
mighty communions ; in this cafe, let the law aflift the union of the city, in
conjunction with the Gods. Let him, therefore, who, having ordered a work
to be executed for him, does not pay for it in the appointed time, be fined
double the price agreed upon. And let judgment'be pafled on things of this
kind
THE LAWS. 335
and others lefs, according as they were evidently well or ill affected towards
me in my difeafes, in my old age, and in other all-various fortunes.
CLIN. Does he not therefore, O gueft, appear to you to fpeak well ?
GUEST. Antient legiflators, O Clinias, appear to me to have been effe
minate, and to have looked to a trifling part of human affairs in the efta
blifhment of laws.
CLIN. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. That, being terrified at this language of the dying man, they
made a law, that every one fhould be permitted to make his will as he
pleafed. But both you and I could anfwer the dying in your city in a more
elegant manner.
CLIN. HOW ?
GUEST. O friends, (we fhould fay) who have but a fhort time to live, it
is difficult for you to know your affairs, and likewife to know yourfelves,
according to the infcription of the Delphic temple. I, therefore, being a
legiflator, confider that neither yourfelves, nor thefe poffeffions, are your
own, but that they belong to the whole of your race, both paft and to come,
and that both the whole of your race and poffeffions, by a much greater
priority, belong to the city. This being the cafe, if any one, through flat
tery, either when you are difeafed, or in your old age, fhould perfuade you
to make your will in an improper manner, 1 fhould not admit fuch a will
to be voluntarily made. But, looking to that which is beft both for the whole
city, and the whole of your race, I fhall eftablifh laws in fuch a manner as
that the advantage of individuals may give way, as it is fit it fhould, to
that of the public. Do you, therefore, be mild and benevolent towards
us, as human nature requires you fhould. It will be our part to take care
to the utmoft of our power of every thing belonging to you, and not in a
partial manner, by neglecting fome things and attending to others. Let this
then, O Clinias, be the confolation which we addrefs in a prefatory man
ner to the living and the dead. But let the law be as follows :—Let him
who makes a will, and has children, in the firft place appoint that child his
heir whom he thinks moft deferving. And, in the next place, let him
fignify which of his children he choofes to confign over to the care of
another perfon. If any one of his children fhall remain without an here
ditary portion,- and there is reafon to expect that this child will be fent into
a colony
THE LAW S. 337
a colony according to law, let the father be permitted to leave him from
his other poffeffions as much as he pleafes, except the paternal allotment,
and every thing pertaining to it. But if there are many children thus cir-
cumftanced, let the father bequeath them, as he pleafes, whatever remains
beyond the allotment. However, if any one of thefe poffeffes a houfe, let
him not leave fuch a one any money. In like manner, let him not be
queath a daughter any thing if fhe is betrothed to a man ; but let him
bequeath her fomething if fhe is not betrothed. If any allotment in the
region belonging to fons or daughters fhall be found after the will has been
made, let it be left to the heir of the perfon that made the will. If the
teftator has no fons, but daughters, let him fignify in writing what men he
would wifh as hufbands for his daughters, and as fons for himfelf. And if
the fon of any one, whether natural or adopted, happens to die before he
has arrived at manhood, let the teftator mention this circumftance in the
will, and fignify who he wifhes fhould be his fon in his ftead, with more
aufpicious fortune. If any one who has no children makes a will, let him
be permitted to leave the tenth part of his poffeffions, beyond the allotment,
to any one that he pleafes. Let him bequeath all the reft benignantly,
without blame, and according to law, to the fon whom he adopts. If the
children of any dying perfon require tutors, and the father in his will has
mentioned thole whom he wifhes to undertake this office, let fuch perfons
enter on this employment according to his wifh, if it is agreeable to them.
But, if fuch a one has either died inteftate, or has not mentioned the tutors
in his will, let the next of kin undertake this office,—two on the father's
fide, two on that of the mother, and one from among the friends of the
deceafed. In this cafe, too, let the guardians of the law appoint the tutors.
And let the whole care pertaining to orphans devolve on fifteen of the guar
dians of the laws that are older than the reft. And this number being
divided into three parts, let three of them every year undertake this office,
till the five periods are accomplifhed in a circle. Let the greateft care
likewife be taken that this mode may never fail. If any one dies inteftate,
and leaves behind him children that require a guardian, let them be provided
for by the fame laws. But if any one dies unexpectedly, and leaves behind
him daughters, let him pardon the legiflator if he difpofes of his daughters
in confequence of looking to two thing?, viz. proximity of race, and the
VOL. II. 2x prefervation
?38 THE LAWS.
one who is deprived of either father or mother, fuffer twice the punifhment
he would have fuflained from injuring one, both of whofe parents were
living.
The laws which follow relate to the tutors of orphans, and the attention
which magiftrates fhould pay to the tutors. If, therefore, they poffeffed a
paradigm of the education of free children, the tutors both taking care of
thefe and their own concerns, and if they had laws refpecling thefe fuffi
ciently diftinct, we fhould not without reafon eftablifh certain laws for tutors,
as very much differing from others, and diftinguifh, by various purfuits, the
life of orphans from that of thofe who are not orphans. But now, with
refpecl to every thing of this kind, the privation of parents does not with
us differ much from paternal government, but is unwilling to equalize
honour, difhonour, and providential care. Hence the law, through its atten
tion to orphans, confoles and threatens. And further ftiil, it will be very
opportune for it to threaten as follows :—He who takes care either of a
female or a male, and who from among the guardians of the law is appointed
to obferve the tutor of thefe, fhall poffefs the fame affect ion for the orphans
intrufted to his care as if they were his own offspring ; nor fhall he beftow
lefs attention to their affairs, but even more, than to his own. Let every
one, therefore, take care of orphans conformably to this law. But, if any
one acts contrary to this law in affairs of this kind, let fuch a tutor be con
demned by a magiftrate. And if it fhall appear to the kindred of the
orphans, or to any other of the citizens, that the tutor has acted negligently
or vicioufly, let him be brought before a court of judgment, and make a four
fold reftitution of the lofs fuftained, and let one half be given to the boy r
city. Greater difcord takes place between fathers and Ions, and fons and
fathers, than is proper, in which fathers think that the legiflator ought to
permit them to renounce their fons by a public crier, fo as that they may no
longer be their fons according to l a w : and fons are of opinion that they
ought to be allowed to accufe their fathers of maduefs, when they are dif-
gracefully circumftanccd through difeafe or old age. Thefe things ufually
take place when the manners of men are perfectly corrupt. For, if the half
only of thefe evils took place, as that the parents alone, or the children
alone, were vicious, calamities which are the progeny of fuch a mighty hatred
would have no exiftence. Indeed, in any other polity, a fon, when aban
doned by his father, would not neceffarily be deprived of the city. But, in
a city governed by thefe laws, he who is given up by his father mufl neceffa
rily take up his abode in fome other place. For no one is allowed to unite
himfelf with any family of the five thoufand and forty houfes. On this ac
count it is neceffary, that the fon who is abandoned by his father fhould not
only be driven from his father, but from his whole race. It is proper, there
fore, in things of this kind, to act according to the following law :—When
any one, through anger by no means fortunate, whether he is juftly enraged
or not, defires to be liberated from an alliance with him whom he has be
gotten and educated, let him not be permitted to accomplifh his defire either
in an improper manner or directly. But, in the firft place, let him affemble
his own relations, as far as to his coufins, and, in a fimilar manner, thofe of
his fon on the mother's fide. W h e n they are affembled, let him accufe his
fon to them, and fhow them that he deferves to be expelled from all his
kindred. Let the fon alfo be permitted to defend himfelf, and endeavour to
prove that he does not deferve to fuffer any thing of this kind. And if the
father perfuades them that his accufation is juft, and all the relations, both
male and female, except the father, mother, and the fon himfelf, vote for
his being abandoned ; when this is the cafe, let a father be permitted to
renounce his fon, but by no means when this is not the cafe. If any citizen
wifhes to adopt a fon whom his father abandons, let him not be reftraincd
from adopting him by any law. For the manners of youth naturally fuftain
many mutations in life. But, if no one in the fpace of ten years wifhes to
adopt fuch a fon, let thofe whofe province it is to fend offspring into a
colony, take care that this rejected fon is made an inhabitant of fuch a colony
in
THE LAWS. 343
curfed his fon Phoenix in anger, and Thefeus, Hippolytus, and innumerable
other fathers, innumerable other fons. From which it becomes apparent,
that the Gods hear the prayers of parents againfl: their children. For it is
moft juft that nothing fhould be fo noxious to a child as the imprecation
of his parent. Nor let any one think that the prayers of his father and
mother are alone heard by the Gods according to nature, when they are
defpifed by him, for they are alfo heard when they are honoured by, and are
vehemently dear to, him. On this account, when in their prayers they earneftly
invoke the Gods to blefs their children, ought we not to think that they are
fimilarly heard by them, and that the Gods equally impart to them fuch
things as are good ? For otherwife they would not be juft diftributors of
what is good, which we fay becomes the Gods the leaft of all things.
CLIN. Certainly.
GUEST, We fhould think, therefore, as we obferved a little before, that
we cannot poffefs any image which is more honoured by the Gods, than
our fathers and grandfathers, mothers and grandmothers, when worn out
with age. When any one honours thefe, divinity rejoices: for, otherwife,
he would not hear their prayers. The image, indeed, of our progenitors
ought to be confidered by us, as far more wonderful than inanimate images.
For animated images when they are reverenced by us, pray for us, but do
the very contrary when they are defpifed by us. But inanimate images do
neither of thefe. So that he who behaves properly to his father, grandfather,
and all of this kind, fuch a .one poffeffes the moft powerful of all images
with refpecl to procuring divine benevolence.
CLIN. YOU fpeak moft beautifully.
GUEST. Every one, therefore, endued with intellect will fear and honour
the prayers of his parents, as knowing that they have often been profitable and
noxious to many. Thefe things, then, are thus eftablifhed by nature. By
good men, therefore, their aged progenitors when living to the extremity of
life, will be confidered as a treafure ; and, if they die before they arrive at
that period, they will be vehemently defired by them. On the contrary,
they will be terrible in the extreme to the vicious. Let every one, there
fore, perfuaded by thefe affertions, honour his parents according to law.
But if any one is deaf to thefe exordia, for fuch the following law wiH be
properly eftablifhed. If any one then, in this city, reverences his parents lefs
V P L . il. z y than
THE L A W9,
than he ought, and does not pay them more attention than he does his fons,
grandfons, and himfelff neglecting to comply with their will in all things
beyond that of others, let parents who are fo neglected, give information of
the affair themfelves, or by fome other, to three of the oldeft guardians of the
law, and likewife to three of the women that have the care of marriages*
And let thefe, after they have invertigated the affair, punifh the offender ; if
he is a young man, indeed, with flripes and bonds, if he is not more than
thirty years of age ; and let the fame punifhment be inflicted on a woman,
if fhe is forty years of age. But if they are older than this, and yet do not
ceafe to neglect their parents, but afflict them, let them be brought before
a court of juftice, and be tried by thofe citizens who furpafs all the reft in
age: and, if they are condemned, let the court of juftice determine what they
ought to fuffer, without omitting any punifhment which ought to be in
flicted on fuch an occafion. If any one, however, who is afflicted by his
children, is unable to tell his condition, let any free perfon who hears of
his cafe, announce it to the governors; or let him, if he omits to do this, be
confidered as a vicious perfon, and be accufed by any one that is willing of
the injury fuftained. But if a flave gives information of this affair, let him
be made free. And if he is the flave either of the afflicting or afflicted
perfon, let him be made free by the magiftrate who is acquainted with the
affair. But if he is the flave of any other citizen, let his ranfom be paid
for to his mafter, by the public. Let the magiftrates, likewife, be careful
that no one injures a perfon of this kind, on account of his giving information*
W i t h refpect to injuries by poifons, we have already made a divifion of fuch
of thefe as are deadly : but we have not yet diftinguifhed other injuries,
whether they are committed by means of drink or meat, or unctions, volutin
tarily, and with premeditation. For there are two kinds of poifons pertain
ing to the human fpecies. For, as we juft now clearly faid, bodies are
naturally injured by bodies : and, in the next place, by enchantments, incan
tations and bindings, fome who dare to injure others, are perfuaded that they
are able to accomplifh their purpofe through thefe, and others, that nothing
is fo eafy as to be injured by thofe that poffefs the power of witchcrafts
Thefe particulars, therefore, and all that pertains to things of this kind, it is
neither eafy to know how they naturally fubfift, nor, if any one does know,
to perfuade others. But the minds of men being dubious as to things of this
kind,
THE LAWS. 347
fake of all thefe particulars, and looking to all thefe, the laws, like good
archers, fhould confider this as a mark, viz. the magnitude of punifhment, and
the proper defert in each offence. A judge, therefore, ought to act in this
manner, as the minifler of the legiflature, fince it is permitted him by law to
eftablifh what punifhment offenders ought to fuffer: and, like a painter, he
fhould diligently copy his original. This, indeed, O Megillus and Clinias,
fhould be done by us at prefent, in the moft beautiful and beft manner; and
we fhould eftablifh what punifhments ought to be inflicted, both on bafe
actions committed by fraud, and thofe committed by violence; and this in
fuch a manner as the Gods, and the fons of the Gods, will permit us to
eftablifh. Let no one then who is infane be openly feen in the city, but
let the relations of the infane perfon keep him fecure at home, in the b<*ft
manner they are able. If they do not, let them be fined. And let him who
poffeffes the largeft eftate be fined a hundred drachms, if he is negligent
in fecuring an infane perfon, whether he be a flave, or free. But let him
who poffeffes the next eftate to this, be fined four out of five parts of a
mina ; he who poffeffes a third eftate, three parts of a mina : and, he who
poffeffes a fourth eftate, four parts. Many, indeed, are rendered infane by
various means. Some, as thofe of whom we have juft fpoken, through
difeafe. Others through anger, and the vicious education of a depraved
nature; who, being incited by a trifling enmity, talk loudly, and blafpheme
each other. But nothing of this kind ought to take place in a city governed
by good laws. W i t h refpect to every kind of flander, therefore, let the
following law be eftablifhed. Let no one flander another. But when one
perfon in difcourfe with another is doubtful of any particular, let him with
whom he difcourfes inftruct both him and thofe that are prefent in the
truth of the cafe, and entirely abftain from flander. For men, when they
flander each other with bafe words, are to be confidered as effeminate. And,
in the firft place, from words, which are a light thing, hatred and grievous
enmities are often produced in reality. For he who is gratified with anger,
which is a thing of an unpleafant nature, and is filled with it as with
noxious aliment,—fuch a one, being rendered as ruftic and favage in this part
of his foul as he was once gentle and mild through difcipline, leads a morofe
life, and receives from anger this bitter grace. Hence, nearly all men from
things
THE LAWS. 340
fend a caufe, and obtain juftice, if fhe is more than forty years of age, and
is unmarried. But, if fhe is married, let her be permitted to bear witnefs
only. Let a male and female flave, and a boy, be alone permitted to bear
witnefs and defend a caufe in cafes of murder, if they can give fufficient
fecurity for their appearance at the trial, if they fhould happen to be accufed
of bearing falfe witnefs. If any one accufes another of bearing falfe witnefs,
let each of the litigants confider the teftimony, both in whole and part,
before fentence is paffed. But let the magiftrates preferve in writing the
accufations of bearing falfe witnefs made by both, and bring them forward
for the purpofe of determining the falfe witneffes. If any one fhall be found
to have given falfe witnefs twice, let the law no longer compel him to bear
witnefs again. But if he fhall be found to have given falfe witnefs thrice,
let him not be permitted ever to bear witnefs again. And if he dares after
this to bear witnefs, let any one who is willing give information of him to
a magiftrate. Afterwards, let the magiftrate deliver him to a court of
juftice , and, if he is convicted, let him be put to death. When in any law-
fuit falfe witneffes are detected, and are found to be the means of an oppo
nent gaining his caufe, if more than half of the witneffes are condemned, let
no judgment be paffed from their evidence. But it is proper in this cafe
diligently to inquire, whether or not any fentence fhould be paffed ; that,
in whatever manner the caufe may be determined, by this means juftice may
be done. Since, however, there are many beautiful things in the life of
man, in moft of them dire calamities are, as it were, naturally inherent,
through which they are ftained and defiled. But why fhould not juftice
among men be beautiful, which renders all human affairs mild ? And this
being beautiful, why fhould it not be beautiful to patronize the caufe of
another? This, then, being the cafe, a certain evil calumny gives a beau
tiful name to an art, which, it fays, was firft devifed in judicial affairs ; by
means of which, in litigations, and the patronizing of caufes, any one may
vanquifli another, whether the caufe is juft or not. They add, that the gift of
this art, and of the arguments proceeding from it, confifts in beftowing re
wards from money. This, therefore, whether it is an art, or a certain ex
ercife void of art, muft by no means be planted in our city ; but, reverencing
the legiflator, it fhould be perfuaded not to fpeak contrary to juftice, and
fhould be fent to fome other region. Thofe, then, that are perfuaded by
thefe
352 THE LAWS.
thefe arguments we pafs over in filence: hut let the following law be an
nounced for thofe that are unperfuaded by them:—If it fhall appear that
any one endeavours to give a contrary direction to the power of juftice in
the fouls of the judges, and either excites or patronizes many unfeafonable
law fuits, let any one who is willing charge him with acting bafely in judi
cial matters, or with patronizing a bad caufe. And let the caufe be tried
in a feledV court of juftice. If, too, he is condemned, let the court of juftice
determine whether he acted in this manner through avarice or love of con
tention. And if through a love of contention, let the judges appoint him a
certain time, beyond which he fhall neither plead any caufe himfelf, nor
patronize that of another. But if through avarice, if he is a ftranger, let
him depart from the city without ever returning to it again, or if he neglects
to do this, let him be put to death. If he is a citizen, in confequence of
thus improperly honouring money, let him be immediately put to death.
Likewife, let him be put to death who has been found by a court of juftice
to have acted twice in this manner.
THE
THE LAWS,
BOOK XII.
but becaufe, perhaps, one of thefe characters may be cured, but the other
is incurable. If a flave, or a ftranger, is accufed and condemned of any
public theft, let fentence be paffed on him what he ought to fuffer, or what
fine he ought to pay, as if it were probable that he might be cured. But if
any citizen, who has been properly educated, is convicted of having com
mitted any public theft, or violence, whether he is detected in the fact or
not, let him be punifhed with death, as one who is nearly incurable. For
hte fake of war, indeed, many confultations and many laws are very pro
perly inftituted. The greateft of all things, however, confifts in this, that
neither any male or female be at any time without a governor, nor the foul
of any citizen be ever accuttomed, either ferioufly or in fport, to do any thing
from itfelf alone ; but that in all war, and in all peace, it perpetually looks
to a governor, and lives following his mandates, fo as to comply with them
in the fmalleft particular; to ftand when he commands, walk, engage in
gymnaftic exercifes, wafh, eat, rife by night for the purpofe of keeping
guard and giving fignals ; and in dangers themfelves, neither to purfue nor
give way to any one, without the mandate of the governors. And, in one
word, that it fhould never be taught to do or know any thing feparate from
others; but that the life of all men fhould, in the higheft degree, in all things
be collected into one, fubfift together, and be common. For nothing will
ever be more excellent, better, or more artificial than this, for the purpofe
of procuring fafety and victory in war. In peace, too, men fhould be
accuftomed from their childhood to govern others, and to be governed by
others. But anarchy fhould be expelled from all life, both from that of men,
and of beafts that are in fubjection to men. All choirs, too, fhould be cele
brated, with a view to the beft mode of conducting w a r ; and all facility,
dexterity, and promptitude, fhould be ftudied for the fake of this. On this
account, too, we ought to accuftom ourfelves to endurance of hunger and
and thirft, cold and heat, and a hard bed. And, what is greateft of all, for
the fake of this we fhould be careful not to corrupt the power of the head
and feet by the tegument of foreign clothing, which deftroys the generation
and nature of our proper hairs and fhoes. For thefe extremities, when pre-
ferved, poffefs the greateft power of the whole body, but the contrary when
they are not preferved. And one of thefe is in the higheft degree fubfervient
to the whole body ; but the other is endued with a principal authority, natu-
r a l l
4 7
THE LAWS. 355
rally poffefling all its principal fenfes. And this praife of a warlike life
ought to be heard by young men. But the law is as follows:—Let every
one engage in war who is chofen for this purpofe, or is deputed a certain
part. But, if any one, through a certain vice, deferts his pott without leave
from his commander, let him be accufed of defertion, when he returns, to
the principal officers of the army. Let him be judged, too, by all the mili
tary orders, by the horfe and the foot feparately, and in a fimilar manner by
the reft. And let the foot be introduced to the foot, the horfe to the horfe,
and each of the other orders to thofe of the fame rank with themfelves. If
any one is condemned, let him afterwards be prohibited from engaging in
any military conteft, or accufing another of neglect of military duty. And
befides this, let a court of juftice determine what he ought to fuffer, or what
fine he ought to pay. After this, when the trial for defertion is finifhed, let
the commanders again affemble each of thefe orders, that military rewards
may be conferred on thofe who have conducted themfelves ftrenuoufly in
battle. But any one who is willing may judge of the victory among thofe of
the fame rank with himfelf, fo as that he neither produces arguments nor wit-
neffes of any former battle, but alone confiders the battle which has then been
fought. Let a crown of olive, too, be the reward of the military champion.
And afterwards, let thofe that have obtained thefe crowns fufpend them in
the temples of the warlike Gods, with any infcription they pleafe, that they
may be a teftimony through the whole of life of the military virtue of the
molt valiant, and thofe that were valiant in the fecond and third degree.
But, if any one engages in battle, and leaves the army before he is difmiffed
by his commanding officers, let him be tried by the fame judges as the de-
ferter was tried by, whom we mentioned above, and, if condemned, let him
be fimilarly punifhed. It is proper, however, that one man, when he is
about to judge another, fhould be fearful left he fhould either voluntarily or
involuntarily inflict punifhment falfely. For juftice is faid, and is truly faid,
to be a bafhful virgin. But falfehood is naturally odious to bafhfulnefs and
juftice. In other things, therefore, it is requifite to be cautious with refpect
to judging erroneoufly, but particularly as to throwing away armour in
battle. For, it may happen that fome one may be erroneoufly confidered as
bafe for an action of this kind, and may be punifhed for it undefervedly.
For it is by no means eafy to determine properly in this cafe. At the fame
2Z 2 time
356 THE LAWS.
judges condemned to death, let him die, as neceflity requires. But if he was
fentenced by them to pay a fine, the double of which he is capable of pay
ing, let him be fined the double of it.
It is, however, now requifite to hear what the accufations of thefe judges
will be, and after what manner they will take place. The firft places, then,
in all public fpeclacles fhould always be given to thofe who are appointed by
the common content of the whole city to prefide over all others as long as
they live. And further ftill, when it is found neceffary to fend magiftrates
to infpecl the common facrifices, fpecfacles, and other facred rites of the
Greeks, let them be fent from thefe. Likewife, let thefe alone in the city
be adorned with a crown of laurel; and let them all be priefts of Apollo and
the Sun. Let him, too, be the high-prieft every year from among thefe,
who in the former year was judged to excel the other priefts ; and let his
name every year, as long as the city is inhabited, become the meafure of
the number of time. But when thefe priefts die, let care be taken that their
funerals and fepulchres furpafs thofe of the other citizens. Let every one,
too, on this occafion have a white robe, and let there be no weeping and
lamentation. Let there be alfo two choirs, one confifting of fifteen girls,
and the other of as many boys ; and let each of thefe furround the bier,
praifmg the priefts, as it were, in a hymn, and each by turns celebrating
their felicity in fongs through the whole day. On the morning following,
let a hundred young men, who are engaged in gymnaftic exercifes, carry
the bier to the fepulchre which the relations of the deceafed have chofen.
And, in the firft place, let the unmarried young men march before the bier
armed in a warlike manner, together with horfes and horfemen ; the foot
with their light arms, and others in a fimilar manner. But let boys, going
before the bier, fing a paternal fong; and let them be followed by girls, and
women who are no longer capable of bearing children. After thefe, let
priefts and priefteffes follow, as to a pure fepulchre, though they are for
bidden to go to other fepulchres ; if the Pythian deity likewife aflents. Let
the fepulchre, too, for thefe be built under the earth; and let it be a long
arch compofed of valuable and undecaying ftones, and containing on each
fide beds of ftone. In this let them place the bleffed deceafed, and plant a
grove of trees in a circular order round the monument, except in one part,
that the fepulchre may be always enlarged when it is requifite. Every year^
too,
360 THE LAWS.
fent to Pythian Apollo, to Olympian Jupiter, and alfo to Nemea and Ifth-
mus, for the purpofe of communicating in the facrifices and contefts facred.
to thefe Gods. But let as much as poffible many, and thefe fuch as are the
mofl beautiful and the beft, be fent on this occafion, who may procure for
the city renown, and glory correfponding to warlike glory in facred concerns,
and things pertaining to pacific communions. And when they return home,
let them teach the young men, that the legal inftitutions of other nations,
refpecting political affairs, are inferior to their own. If any fpeculators,
likewife, who abound in leifure, are defirous of furveying the affairs of other
men, let no law belonging to the guardians of the laws reftrain them from
executing their defire. For a city, when ignorant of good and evil men,
cannot, in confequence of being unfociable, be fufficiently mild and perfect.
Nor, again, can it prcferve its laws by manners alone, without a knowledge
of them. For among the multitude of mankind, there are always fome
divine men, not indeed many, but who in the higheft degree deferve to be
alfociated with : and thefe do not fpring up in well-governed cities, more
than in their contraries. Every one, therefore, who is an inhabitant of a
well-governed city, and whofe manners are uncorrupt, ought, leaving his
country, to tread in the fteps of thefe men, exploring both by land and fea,
that when he returns to his country he may give ftability to fuch legal in
ftitutions as are beautifully ordained, and correct fuch as are in any refpect
deficient. For without fuch a fpeculation and inquiry a city can never
continue perfect, nor yet if the explorers fpeculate badly.
CLIN. HOW, therefore, can both thefe take place?
GUEST. Thus. In the firft place, let a fpeculator of this kind not be
more than fifty years of age. In the next place, let him be approved both
in other refpects, and for the purpofes of war, if he intends to leave to other
cities an example of the guardians of laws. But, when he is more than
fixty years of age, let him no longer travel as a fpeculator. Let him, there
fore, return when he pleafes, within the fpace of ten years, and on his return
go to the affembly of thofe that examine the laws. But let this affembly be
compofed of the old and the young; and let it be held every day from
neceflity, before the dawn of day, till the fun rifes. And, in the firft place,
let it be compofed of thofe priefts who receive rewards, as being more excel
lent than the reft ; in the next place, of twelve of the fenior guardians of the
3 A 2 laws;
364 THE LAWS.
laws; and, in the laft place, of the prefident of all erudition, together with
the young, and thofe who no longer act in this capacity. Let not any one
of thefe be alone, but let him go with fome young man whom he may
choofe, between thirty and forty years of age. Let thefe, when they affemble,
always difcourfe concerning the laws and their own city ; and, if they have
heard any thing excellent refpecting thefe, let them communicate it to each
other. Let them alfo difcourfe concerning fuch difciplines as appear to con
duce to this fpeculation, and which thofe who are fkilled in will be enabled
to underftand more clearly; but thofe who are not fkilled in them will
more darkly comprehend the things pertaining to laws. Afterwards, let
fuch particulars among thefe as are approved of by the more aged, be learnt
with the greateft affiduity by the younger. If any young man of the aflembly
fhall appear to be an unworthy character, let the whole aflembly blame him
by whom he was brought thither. But let the whole city defend and honour
thofe young men whofe conduct: in the affembly is approved. If fuch young
men as go to the affembly are worfe than others, let them be more difgraced
than others. Let him who fpeculates the legal inftitutions of other men
immediately go to this affembly on his arrival from foreign parts ; and if
he has difcovered any thing among others, refpecting the eftablifhment of
laws, or difcipline, or education, or has himfelf found out any thing per
taining to thefe, let him communicate it to the whole affembly. If, too,
it fhall appear that he has returned neither worfe nor better than he was
before, let him be praifed for having done his beft : but if he returns much
better, let him while living be greatly honoured, and, when dead, let all the
aflembly pay him thofe honours which are his due. But if it fhall appear
that he has returned corrupted, though he pretends to be wife, let him not
dare to affociate with any young or old perfon. And if he is obedient to
the magiftrates, let him live as a private m a n ; but if not, let him be put to
death. Likewife, if, when he ought to be brought before a court of juftice,
any magiftrate neglects to bring him, let fuch magiftrate be difgraced when
a contention takes place about rewards. Let him, therefore, who travels,
travel in this manner, and let him be fuch a perfon as we have defcribed.
But, in the next place, foreigners ought to be kindly received. There are
four kinds of foreigners, then, of whom we ought to make mention. T h e
firft is, of thofe who are always fummerly, and moft of whom, like birds, fly
over
THE LAWS. 365
over the fea in fummer to other cities, for the fake of acquiring riches. It
is proper that thefe fhould be received in the forum, in the ports and public
buildings, beyond the city, by the magiftrates who prefide over thefe places ;
fuch magiftrates at the fame time taking care that no innovation is made
by any of thefe foreigners. Let juftice, too, be properly diftributed to them,
and no aflbciation be held with them, beyond what is abfolutely neceffary.
The fecond kind is, of thofe who travel for the fake of beholding what Mufes
are received by different cities. It is proper that all fuch as thefe fhould
have habitations near the temples, properly conftructed for hofpitable pur-
pofes. Priefts, too, and the purifiers of temples, ought to take care of thefe,
that after they have ftaid a fufficient time, and have feen and heard all
that they came to fee and hear, they may depart without any detriment either
to themfelves or others. Let the priefts, too, be the judges of thefe. And,
if any one of them commits an injury, or is injured, let the priefts fine the
offending party as far as to fifty drachms. But it is proper that greater
offences fhould be punifhed by thofe that prefide over the markets. The
third kind of foreigner that ought to be publicly received, is he who is
fent from another region on fome public affair. Him let the generals of
the army, the mafters of the horfe, and the military tribunes, alone receive.
And let him be alone taken care of by him with whom he refides together
with the chief magiftrates. The fourth genus of foreigners is indeed rare.
Some one, however, may come from another region with the fame defign
that our fpeculators travel into foreign parts. Let fuch a one then be
received on the following conditions. In the firft place, he muft not be lefs
than fifty years of age. In the next place, he muft come.with an intention
either of beholding what is remarkably beautiful in other cities, or of
inftrucling other cities in things of this kind. Let fuch a one, therefore,
approach, unbidden, to the gates of the rich and the wife, fince he comes
under this defcription himfelf. And let him go to the houfe of him who
takes care of the whole of difcipline, believing that one who is victorious in
virtue will be confidered by fuch a character as a fufficient gueft. Like-
wife, when he has learnt from others, and has taught others, what he con
fiders as fit to be learnt and taught, let him depart like a friend from friends
with gifts and becoming honours. All foreigners, both male and female,
ought to be received according to thefe laws, and, in a fimilar manner
reverencing
366 THE LAWS.
reverencing hofpitable Jupiter, we fhould fend men from our city. For
foreigners ought not to be expelled with food and victims, (as the inhabit
ants of the Nile do at prefent,) nor yet are they to be driven away by
favage edicts. Let every furety be refponfible for another in a confpi-
cuous manner; and let the whole tranfaction be acknowledged in writing,
before not lefs than three witneffes, if the fecurity is within a hundred
drachms. But, if it is beyond a thoufand, let there be five fureties at leaft.
Let the furety, if he is a fhopkeeper, be one that acts juftly in his bufinefs,
or elfe let him by no means be confidered as worthy of belief. If any one
defires to fearch in the houfe of another perfon for fomething belonging to
himfelf, let him firft of all fwear by the legal Gods that he hopes to find
there what he is in fearch of. In the next place, let him enter the houfe
naked, or with no other clothing than a tunic, and ungirded. Then let
him be permitted to fearch the houfe, and examine every thing, whether
fealed or unfealed. But, if any one refufes admittance to him who defires
to fearch his houfe, let him who is forbidden accefs bring an action againft
him who refufes him admittance, for the value of what he has loft; and, if
fuch perfon is condemned, let him be obliged to pay twice the value of the
lofs fuftained. If the mafter of the houfe on fuch an occafion happens to be
abfent, let thofe that are prefent permit only fuch things as are unfealed to
be examined ; and let the perfon that fearches the houfe feal with his own
fignet the things already fealed, and leave for five days any perfon he pleafes
as a guard in the houfe. But if the mafter of the houfe is abfent for a
longer time than this, let him who defires to fearch the houfe take the
aediles along with him, break open fuch things as are fealed, and, after he
has examined them in conjunction with the domeftics and aediles, feal them
again. With refpect to things of an ambiguous nature, let not a limited
time for the determination of them be left dubious : for by this means there
will be no altercation about houfes and land. But if any one is in poffeftion
of other things, and it appears that he has ufed them openly for the fpace
of a year, in the city, in the forum, and in temples, and no one has laid claim
to them during that time, in this cafe let no one be permitted afterwards to
demand thofe things as his own. But if fuch perfon ufed fuch things,
neither in the city, nor in the forum, but openly in the fields, and the proper
owner of them is not found in five years, let no one be fuffered to demand
A them
THE LAWS. 367
them after the expiration of this time. But if fuch perfon ufes thefe things
at home in the city, let the period of laying claim to them be limited to
three years. But if he ufes them fecretly in the fields, let it be limited to
ten years. And, if he ufed them in another diftrict, let the perfon who has
loft them be permitted to lay claim to them at any time. If any one forci
bly hinders another, whether a plaintiff or defendant, from having recourfe
to juftice,. if it is a flave that he hinders, whether his own or belonging to
another perfon, let no notice be taken of the affair, and let the legal procefs
be ftopt: but if it is a free-born perfon, befides the legal procefs being ftopt,
let him by whom he was forcibly detained be imprifoned for a year, and
let any one who is willing accufe him of mancipation. If any one forci
bly prohibits a gymnaftic or mufical antagonift, or an opponent in any other
conteft, from contending in his art, let any one who is willing inform thofe
that confer rewards on the victors in thefe exercifes, of the affair; and thefe
fhall be the means of procuring admittance to the contefts to fuch as are
willing to engage in them. But if it fhould happen that they are incapable
of procuring them admittance, if he who impedes is himfelf victorious, let
the reward of his victory be given to the perion he impeded, and let the
name of the perfon fo impeded be infcribed as victor in whatever temples
he pleafes. But let not the perfon that impedes be fuffered to fufpend an
offering, or make any infcription of a victory of this kind. Likewife, let
him be accufed of having done an injury, whether he vanquifhes in con
tending, or is vanquifhed. If any one receives ftolen goods knowingly, let
him fuffer the fame punifhment as the perfon that ftole them. Let death,
too, b« the punifhment of him that harbours an exile. For every one
fhould reckon him as a friend or an enemy, who is confidered as fuch by the
city. If any one of his own accord makes peace with, or denounces war
againft, certain perfons, without general confent, let death be the punifh
ment of fuch a one. But if any part of a city makes peace, or denounces
war, by itfelf, let the generals of the army bring the authors of this action
before a court of juftice ; and, when condemned, let their punifhment be
death. Let thofe that ferve their country in any refpect do this without
gifts. And let no occafion or arguments ever induce us to believe that we
ought to receive gifts for good offices, but not for fuch as are bad. For
it is neither eafy to know when actions are good or bad, nor to endure
patiently
368 THE LAWS.
greater lofs. Here, if the defendant is a fecond time condemned, let him
pay the fifth part of the profcribed fine. But if any one accufes thefe judges,
and wifhes to difpute the affair in a third court of juftice, let him refer the
caufe to felect judges. And if he is again condemned by thefe, let him pay
the fum that is owing, and the half of it befides. But if the plaintiff, being
repulfed by the firft judgment, is not fatisfied, but appeals to a fecond,—if he
\anquifhes let him receive a fifth part, but if lie is vanquifhed let him
lofe the fame part. And if he goes to a third court of juftice, not being
fatisfied with the former judgments, let the defendant, if vanquilhed, pay
(as we have faid) the fum that is owing, and the half of it befides; but let
the plaintiff pay the half only. With refpecl to the allotments of courts of
juftice, the perfection and eftablifhment of things miniftrant to the magif
trates, the times in which each of thefe ought to take place, the particulars
refpecting votes, the delavs, terms, citations and repulfes which take ;•'
in judicial affairs, and whatever elfe neceffarily pertains to thefe,—all this
we have already difcuffed. However, according to the proverb, what is
beautiful and right may be fpoken twice and thrice. All fuch legal par
ticulars, therefore, as are fmall and eafy to be difcovered, when omitted by
an aged legiflator, ought to be filled up by a junior legiflator. And thus
much may fuffice concerning private courts of juftice. But fuch as are
public and common, and which are employed by magiftrates to proper pur-
pofes, are found in many cities eftablifhed in no unbecoming manner by
equitable men. Whence it is requifite that the guardians of the laws fhould
procure fuch things as are adapted to this new polity, by reafoning, correct
ing, and exploring them, till they appear to them to be fufficiently eftablifhed ;
and then bringing them to a conclufion, that they fhould feal them as things
immovable, and ufe them through the whole of life. With refpect to the
filence of judges, the praifes which are given them, or the contrary, and
likewife concerning things juft, good, and becoming, which differ in other
cities, we have already lpoken, and fhall again fpeak in the end. But it
is requifite that he who in future will be an equitable judge fhould look
to all thefe particulars, and being in poffeffion of them, when committed to
writing, fhould make them the object of his ftudy. For written laws are
more calculated to make him who learns them better, than all ether dif-
VOL. II. 3u ciplines,
370 THE LAWS.
ciplines, if they are properly eftablifhed. For, indeed, divine and admirable
law does not rafhly poffefs a name adapted to intellect ' . And befides this,
the writings of the legiflator afford us a perfpicuous examination of the
affertions of others refpecting praife and blame, which are partly tranfmitted
to us in verfe, and partly in profe, and which likewife daily take place in a 1
other affociations, when men contend with each other through emulation,
and conceflions which are vain in the extreme. Thefe a good judge fhould
always keep in his poffeffion, as remedies againft the poifon of other dif-
courfes, correcting by them both himfelf and the city; confirming and
praifing the good, and recalling, to the utmoft of his power, fuch of the evil
as are curable from ignorance, intemperance, timidity, and, in fhort, from
all injuftice." For, if they are incapable of being cured, thofe judges, and
governors of the judges, that put them to death, as the only remedy to fouls
in fuch a condition, may be ofte'n faid, with juftice, to deferve praife from
the whole city. After annual judgments are finifhed, let.them ufe the fol
lowing laws:—In the firft place, let the magiftrate who exercifes the office
of a judge confign over all the money of the debtor to the victor, leaving
him only fufficient for neceffary ufes. And let this take place immediately
after the giving of votes, the affair being announced by a cryer, and in the
hearing of the judges. In the next place, if, after fentence is paffed, one
month has elapfed and a fecond commenced, and the vanquifhed perfon has
not voluntarily paid what is due to the victor, let the judicial magiftrate
deliver up the money of the debtor to the victor. But if the debtor has not
fufficient money to difcharge the debt, and he is deficient not lefs than a
drachm, let not the debtor be ftiffered to go to law with any other perfon
till he has paid all that is due to the vietor ; but let any other perfon be per
mitted to goto law with him. If any one, when condemned by a magiftrate,
unjuftly takes any thing from him, let the injured magiftrate take the
ofFeivJ.cr before the court of juftice of the guardians of the laws. And if he
: : - i i L i c m n e d by thefe, let him be punifhed with death, as one whofubverts
the whole city and the lasw. But a man who is born and educated, and who
I•< ect5 and educates children, under thefe laws, who engages moderately in
:,
contracts, is punifhed if he acts unjuftly, and fees thofe punifhed that injure
him, and, laftly, who grows old together with the laws,—fuch a one will
end his days according to nature.
With refpect to the funeral rites of the dead, whether male or female, and
the particulars which pertain to the infernal and fupernal Gods, let them be
inftituted according to the anfwers of the interpreters. Let there be no
fepulchres in cultivated places, neither large nor fmall. But let that place alone
receive the bodies of the dead which is ufelcfs for other purpofes, and will
in the fmalleft degree injure the living. For no one, either living or dying,
ihould impede the fecundity of mother earth, and thus deprive fome living
perfon of aliment. Likewife, let no tomb be raifed higher than five men
are able to raife in five days. Let the ftone columns, too, be no larger than
are fufficient to admit an encomium of the dead in four heroic verfes ; and
let the dead be laid out no longer a time than is fufficient to evince that they
are truly dead. But, with refpect to human affairs of this kind, an interval
of three days before the burial will be nearly fufficient. It is likewife pro
per to believe the legiflator in other things; and when he afferts that the foul
is in every refpecl different from the body ; and that, in the prefent life, it
caufes each of us to be that which each of us is ; but, that body follows each
of us like an image ; and, that bodies may be beautifully faid to be the
images of the perfectly dead. That, befides this, each of us may be truly
denominated an immortal foul, which will depart to other Gods to give an
account of its conduct, as the law of our country afferts. This, however,
is a circumftance which produces confidence in the good, but is terrible in
the extreme to the evil; for no great aftiftance can be rendered them after
death. Hence, it is neceffary to give them all proper aftiftance while living,
that they may live in the moft juft and holy manner, and that after the pre-.
fent life they may efcape the punifhments which await the commiftion of
crimes. Since this, then, is the cafe, we ought by no means to ruin our
families, in confequence of thinking that this mafs of flefh which is buried
is truly our relative ; but we fhould be perfuaded that the fon or brother, or
any perfon for whom we have an affection, and whom we confider as buried,
has departed hence in confequence of having finifhed and filled up his fate.
W e fhall, therefore, act well on thefe occafions by employing a moderate
j B 2 expenfe,
3
72 THE LAWS.
GUEST. Many things, O Clinias, are beautifully faid by the antients, and
this is true, in no fmall degree, with refpecl to the names of the Fates.
CLIN. HOW fo ?
GUEST. That the firft of thefe is Lachefis, the fecond Clotho, and the.
third Atropos *, who is the preferver of what has been afferted by us. Thefe
arc affimilated to things conglomerated by fire, and which poffefs an incon
vertible power. And in a city and polity thefe ought not only to procure
health and fafety to bodies, but a good eftablifhment of laws in fouls, or
rather the prefervation of laws. But it appears to me that this is yet
wanting to laws,—I mean, an inquiry how they may obtain an inconvertible,
power according to nature.
CLIN. YOU fpeak of no fmall affair, if it is poffible to find how a thing
of this kind may take place in every poffeffion.
GUEST. But this is poffible, as it appears in every refpecl to me at prefent.
CLIN. Let us not, therefore, depart hence, by any means, till we have
added this to the laws we have now delivered. For it is ridiculous to labour
in any thing in vain, and not to lay down fomething flable.
MEGIL. YOU exhort in a proper manner : and you will alfo find me to
be fuch a one.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well. What then is this prefervation, and after what
manner may it be obtained in our polity and laws ?
GUEST. Have we not faid that an affembly ought to be held in our city
of the following kind :—That always ten of the oldeft guardians of the law,
together with all fuch as are honoured with gifts, fhould make a part of this
affembly ? That, further ftill, thofe who have travelled over many regions
in order that they might find fomething adapted to the prefervation of the
laws, fhould goto this affembly, if on their return their manners were found
to be uncorrupted, and themfelves worthy to be members of this affembly ?
That, befides this, each of thefe ought to bring with him young men, who are
not lefs than thirty years of age, and who are judged to deferve this honour
both by nature and education, and by the approbation of the whole affembly?
And that if any unworthy young man fhould be brought to the affembly,
the fentence which is paffed mould be of no moment ? Laftly, that this
1
For an account of the Fates, fee the Notes to the Tenth Book of the Republic.
affembly
374 T H E L A W S .
affembly ihould be convened before day, when there is a perfect leifure from
all other bufinefs, both public and private ? Was not fomething of this
kind afferted by us in the preceding difcourfe ?
CLIN. It was.
GUEST. Again, therefore, refuming the difcourfe about this afTembly, we
fay, that if any one hurls forth this, as an anchor of the whole city, and
which contains in itfelf every thing that can be defired, every thing will be
preferved which we wifh to be fo.
CLIN. HOW fo ?
GUEST. W e fhall after this take occafion to fpeak with rectitude, and,
to the umoft of our power, leave nothing unfinifhed.
CLIN. YOU fpeak exceedingly well: act, therefore, agreeably to your
conceptions.
• GUEST. It is proper therefore^ O Clinias, to underftand, with refpect to
every thing, a fit faviour in every work ; as in an animal, the foul and the
head are naturally the greateft faviours of the whole.
CLIN. How again do you fay?
GUEST. T h e virtue of thefe, doubtlefs, affords fafety to the whole animal.
CLIN. But how ?
GUEST. In foul, indeed, befides other things, intellect is infcrted ; and
in the head, befides other things, fight and hearing. And, in fhort, intellect
being mingled with the moft beautiful fenfes, fo as to produce one thing,
the prefervation of the feveral parts may molt juflly be faid to be thus
effected.
CLIN. It appears fb.
GUEST. Undoubtedly. But does not intellect, mingled with the fenfes,
become the fafety of fhips, both in tempefts and fair weather ? Or, in a fhip,
do not the pilot and the failors, in confequence of mingling their fenfes with
the piloting intellect, preferve both themfelves and every thing pertaining to
the fhip ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But there is no need of many examples about things of this kind:
let us confider, therefore, in an army, and in medicine, to what mark both
commanders and phyficians directing their attention, become the means of
prefervation.
CLIN,
THE LAWS. 375
the laws, and he who is thought to furpafs all others in virtue, and for this
receives rewards, can poffefs, than fortitude, temperance, juftice, and pru
dence ?
CLIN. HOW is it poffible there can?
GUEST. Ought not, therefore, interpreters, teachers, legiflators, and guar
dians of others, to teach thofe who defire to know and to perceive things of
this kind, or who require punifhment and reproof, what power virtue and
vice poffefs ; and muft they not, through information of this kind, in every
refpect excel others ? Or will any poet coming into the city, or any in-
ftructor of youth, be confidered as better than him who excels in all virtue i
And, in the next place, will it appear wonderful if a city, in which the
guardians have not a fufficient knowledge of virtue, in confequence of being
without a guard, fhould fuffer the fame things which many cities at prefent
fuffer ?
CLIN. It will not appear wonderful.
GUEST. W h a t then ? Shall we do what we juft now fpoke of? Or fhall
we confider how we may enable the guardians to excel others in virtue,
both in words and in reality ? Or after what manner our city may become
(imilar to the head and fenfes of the prudent, through poffeffmg in itfelf a
guard of this kind ?
CLIN. How, therefore, O gueft, and after what manner, fhall we fpeak*
affimilating it to a thing of this kind ?
GUEST. It is evident that the city itfelf will refemble the cavity of the
head ; and that the junior guardians, who are ingenuous and fagacious, will
be placed, as it were, on the higheft fummit, whence they can furvey, in a
circle, the whole city, and, while they defend it, deliver the fenfes to the
memory, and announce to the elders every thing that takes place in the city.
But thefe being affimilated to intellect, through underftanding in the higheft
perfection a multitude of things which are worthy of regard, they will con-
fult for the city, and employ the junior guardians as agents in their confuta
tions. For thus both will truly preferve the city in common. Whether,
therefore, fhall we fay they are to be eftablifhed in this manner, or not ?
Or fhall we fay that they are all to be confidered as equal, and not accurately
determine the difference between them, in education and difcipline ?
CLIN. But this, O wonderful man, is impoflible.
GUEST.
T H E L A W S ; 379
GUEST. Let us, therefore, proceed to a more accurate difcipline than the
former.
CLIN, By all means.
GUEST. But is not that which we juft now touched upon the very thing
which w e are in want of?
CLIN. Entirely fo.
GUEST, W e faid, then, that in every thing a confummate artificer and
guardian ought not only to be capable of looking to many things, but fhould
eagerly tend to one thing, and, when he has obtained a knowledge of it,
orderly difpofe according to this whatever he beholds,
CLIN. Right.
GUEST. Can, therefore, any fpeculation be affigned more accurate than
that which is able to look to one idea from things many and diflimilar ?
CLIN. Perhaps not.
GUEST, Not perhaps, but in reality, O dasmoniacal man ! there is not any
human method more clear than this.
CLIN. Believing what you fay, O gueft, I will admit it. Let us, there*
fore, proceed, fpeaking agreeably to this affertion.
GUEST. A S it appears, therefore, the guardians of a divine polity muft: be
compelled by us to fee accurately, in the firft place, what that is which is
the fame in all the four virtues ; and which, being one thing in fortitude and
temperance, juftice and prudence, we very properly call by one name,
virtue. Strenuoufly laying hold of this at prefent, O friends, if you are wil
ling, we will not leave it till we have fufficiently faid what that is which is
to be looked to, whether as one thing, or as a whole, or as both, or in what
ever way it may fubfift. Or can we think that, if this efcapes, us we can
ever fufficiently poffefs the things pertaining to virtue, refpecting which w e
are neither able to fay whether it is many things, nor whether it is four
things, nor whether it is one thing? If, therefore, you are perfuaded by
our advice, we fhall devife fome method by which this may take place in
our city. Or, if it appears in every refpect agreeable to you, we will difmifs
it.
CLIN. A thing of this kind, O gueft, is by the hofpitable God by no means
to be difmiffed, fince you appear to us to fpeak with the utmoft rectitude.
But how can any one devife this method ?
GITEST. W e fhall not yet fay how this is to be devifed: but, in the firft
3 c z place,
THE- LA WS.
participate of generation, and is immortal; and that it rules * over all bodies.
But, befides this, our guardian of the laws mould not be ignorant of that which
has been often afferted by us, that there is a true intellect in the ftars; and
he fhould likewife poffefs the neceffary difciplines which are previous to thefe
things; and employ a proper Mufe, in order to harmonize the purfuits of
manners and legal inftitutions. And, laftly, he fhould be able to render a
feafon for fuch things as admit one, and to fhow why this is not poffible with
other things. He who has not thefe requifites for public virtues will nearly
never be a fufficient governor of the whole city, but will be fubfervient to
other governors. But it is now proper to confider, O Clinias and Megillus,
whether we ought to eftablifh the character we have been defcribing, as the
future legal guardian of all the preceding laws, for the fake of the prefer
vation of the whole city; at the fame time, that nocturnal affembly of
governors, endued with all fuch difcipline as we have mentioned above,
being adopted : or how fhall we act ?
CLIN. But, O beft of men, why fhould we not to the utmoft of our power
eftablifh him ?
GUEST. W e certainly ought all of us to flrive to accomplifh this. 1, in
deed, will cheerfully be your helper. For perhaps through fkill in, and
the confideration of, things of this kind, I may find many other affrftants
befides myfelf.
CLIN. Let us, O gueft, proceed in this path rather than any other, in
which Divinity himfelf nearly leads us. But let us now fpeak of and devife
the method by which this may be properly accomplifhed.
GUEST. Laws about things of this kind, O Megillus and Clinias, cannot
be eftablifhed till the city is orderly difpofed; for then their authority may
be legally determined. But they cannot in any other way be adopted with
rectitude than by erudition and frequent examination in conjunction with
others.
CLIN. How fb ? W h y do we again fay this ?
* As Plato, therefore, has demonftrated in the preceding Tenth Book, that the apparent orb of
everyftaris the vehicle of a ruling foul, it follows, according to him, that no one isfirmlypious
who docs not believe this. And hence, the grofs ignorance or impudence of thofe fophiftical
priefts who have dared to affert that Plato ridiculed the religion of his country is fufficiently obvious.
GUEST.
THE LAWS.
that we muft either omit the eftablifhment of this city, or not difmifs this
our gueft, but by entreaties and all manner of devices make him a partaker
with us in eftablifhing the city.
CLIN. You fpeak with the greateft truth, Megillus. And I indeed fhall
act in this manner ; but do you alfo cooperate with me.
MEGIL. I will.
THE
EPINOMIS,
THE PHILOSOPHER
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE EPINOMIS.
THE
THE EPINOMIS;
0 R,
THE P H I L O S O P H E R .
appears to you as well as to me, that by fpeaking as follows about this affair
we (hall fpeak well. For I fay it is not poffible for men in this life, except
a few, to become bleffed and happy. But the hope is beautiful that after
death we (hall obtain every thing, for the fake of which we cheerfully live
and die in the befl manner we are able. Nor is my affertion novel, but
that which we all after a certain manner know, as well Barbarians as Greeks.
For the production of every animal is in the beginning difficult. In the
firft place, the participation of the fcetal habit is difficult; and, in the next
place, to be nourifhed and educated. And, as we all fay, thefe things are
accomplifhed through ten thoufand labours. T h e time, too, is fhort, not
only with refpect to the endurance of calamities, but every thing elfe which
caufes human life to take breath, as it were, about a medium. For old ao-e?
fwiftly arriving makes every one who is not full of puerile opinion unwil
ling to return to life again, wheii he confiders the life he has lived. And is
not the fubject of our prefent inveftigation an argument of the truth of thefe
affertions ? For we inveftigate how we may become wife, taking it for
granted that there is in each of us a power by which this may be accom
plifhed. But wifdom theii flies from us, when we apply ourfelves to any of
thofe things which are called by the name of art or prudence, or to any
other fuch particulars as we rank among the fciences; becaufe no one of
thefe, as being converfant with human affairs, deferves to be called by the
appellation of wifdom. T h e foul, however, vehemently confides and pro
prieties, that fhe naturally poffeffes this power : but what it is, and when, and
how it fubfifts, fhe is not altogether able to dilcover. But do not our
doubting and inveftigation refpecting wifdom refer to this exceedingly,,
viz. that there is abundance of hope for fuch as are able to examine both
themfelves and others prudently, and in an according manner, through
every kind of reafoning and difputation ? Shall we fay that thefe things are
fo, or not ?
CLIN. We admit that they are, O gueft, hoping that we fhall in time,,
together with you, entertain the moft true opinions refpecting them.
GUEST. In the firft place, then, let us difcufs thofe other purfuits which)
are, indeed, called fciences, but do not render him wife who receives and
poffeffes t h e m ; that, removing thefe out of the way, we may endeavour to
aflign the particulars of which we are in want, and, when affigned, to learn
6 them.
THE P II I L 0 S 0 P H E K.
them. Let us, therefore, firft confider the things which the mortal genus
1
firft requires : for thefe are nearly moft neceffary, and truly fuch as are firft .
But he who is knowing in thefe, though at firft he may appear to be wife,
yet now he is not confidered as fuch, but is rather difgraced by fcience of
this kind. W e fhall mention, therefore, what they are, and fhall fhow that
every one who propofes to appear to others to be a moft excellent man,
will avoid thefe through the pofTefTion of prudence and accurate ftudv. Let
the firft art then be that which orders us to abftain from the eating of human
flefh ; this, according to the fable, being the practice of mankind formerly,
after the manner of favage animals, and which recalls us to legal nutriment.
The antients, indeed, were and are benevolent to us. Let us, however, bid
farewell to thofe whom we call the firft men. The preparation, indeed,
and nutriment of Cerealian food is beautiful and good, but will never render
a man completely wife: for it is attended with moleftation. Nor yet
will the whole of agriculture be able to accomplifh this. For we all
of us appear to undertake the cultivation of the earth, not from art but
nature, through the favour of Divinity. But neither can the conftruclion
of houfes, the whole of architecture, the making of every kind of furni
ture, the art of the copperfmith, and the apparatus of tectonic, plaftic,
pleclic, and, in fhort, of all inftruments which are accommodated to the
vulgar, but are not fubfervient to virtue, accomplifh this. Nor, again, can
the whole of hunting, though it is various and artificial, confer magnificence
on the wife man. Nor yet divination, or the interpreting art; for thefe
alone know that which is aflerted, but they do not underfland whether it is
true or not. Since then we fee that none of thofe arts by which necefta-
ries are procured can make any one wife, after this that difcipline remains
which is for the moft part imitative, but by no means ferious. For imita
tion is here effected by means of many inftruments, and through many gef-
tures of bodies not altogether graceful. In difcourfe, too, there is imita
tion in every Mufe ; and in things of which the graphic art is the mother,
where things, many and all-various, are exprefled in moift and dry bodies ;
none of which, though fabricated with the greateft diligence, can in any
refpect render a man wife. After imitation, thofe arts remain which afford
1
That is, they are firft to man, who is naturally adapted to proceed from the imperfect to the
perfect i but the perfect is firft to nature.
innumerable
TITE E P I N O M I S ; OR,
which many denominate nature rather than wifdom. This takes place
when any one eafily underftands a thing which he is learning, and firmly
remembers a multitude of things; and can rapidly attribute to any thing
that which is accommodated to it, when it is proper fo to do. For all thefe
fome denominate nature, others wifdom, and others fagacity of nature..
But no prudent perfon will ever be willing to call any one of thefe a truly
wife man. It is however neceffary, that a certain fcience fhould be rendered,
apparent, which he who poffeffes will.be truly wife, and not only fo in
opinion. But let us confider ; for we are attempting a thing in every refpect
difficult, as we are endeavouring to find fomething different from the above-
mentioned particulars, which may be truly and with propriety called wif
dom, and which he who receives will neither be vile, nor ftupid, but be
rendered through it wife and good, and become an elegant man in a city,,
whether he governs or is governed.
Let us, therefore, confider this in the firft place, inveftigating that one
fcience belonging to human nature, which not exifting, man would become
moft ftupid and unwife. But this is not very difficult to perceive. For,
as I may fay, referring one to one, that which number imparts to the mortal
race will accomplifh this. I think, however, that a God himfelf, rather
than a certain fortune, gave us this for our prefervation. It is proper,
however,
THE P H I L O S O P H E R . 393
however, to inform you what God I think it was, though my opinion will
appear wonderful, and yet in a certain refpect nut wonderful. For, how is
it poffible that he who is the caufe to us of every thing good fhould not alfo
be the caufe of by far the greateft good, prudence ? But what God am I
celebrating, O Megillus and Clinias? Nearly Heaven, whom it is moft
juft we fhould, in the higheft degree, honour, and fervently pray to, fince
this is done by all other Daemons and Gods. That Heaven, indeed, is the
caufe to us of all other good, we all acknowledge. But we muft alfo affert
that, at the fame time, he has given us number, and ftill imparts it to us, if
any one is willing to follow us in what we fay. For he will afcend to the
right contemplation of this divinity (whether we may be allowed to call
r
him the World, or Olympus, or Heaven,) w ho attends to the variety it
contains, and how, by the courfes of the ftars which revolve in it, it imparts
the feafons and nutriment to all things ; and befides thefe, prudence, as we
have faid, together with all number, and every other good. But this is the
greateft thing, when any one, receiving from him the gift of number, pro
ceeds through every circulation. Again, recurring back a little, let us call
to mind that we very rightly conceived that, by taking away number from
human nature, we fhould be deprived of prudence. For the foul of this ani
mal would fcarcely any longer be able to receive every virtue, if deprived of
reafon. But the animal which does not know two and three, the even and
the odd, and is entirely ignorant of number, will never be able to give a rea
fon refpecting thofe things of which it alone poffeffes fenfation and memory ;
but nothing hinders it from poffeffing the other virtues, I mean fortitude
and temperance, without this knowledge. However, he who is void of
true reafon can never become wife. And he to whom wifdom is not pre
fent, which is the greateft part of the whole of virtue, as in this cafe he will
not be perfectly good, fo he will never be happy. So that there is the
greateft neceffity that number ffiould be eftablifhed as a principle : but to
fhow that this is neceffary, a difcourfe longer than the preceding is requifite.
It was, however, juft now rightly afferted by us, that ail the other arts
which we a little before enumerated, muft be entirely fubverted if the arith
metical fcience is taken away. But fome one who looks to the arts may be
of opinion, that there are but few things in which mankind are indigent of
number ; yet, even here its utility is great. But if any one looks to that
VOL. 11. 3E which
394 THE E P I N O M I S j OR,
teach men one and two, fo that even the moft indocile may hence learn to-
number. For thus each of us, on perceiving thefe things, may underftand
three and four, and the many. And from thefe Divinity fabricating, made-
r
one thing the moon, which at one time appearing greater, and at another
lefs, continually varies as far as to fifteen days and nights. And this is a
period, if any one is willing to eftablifh the whole circle as one. So that, as
I may fay, the moft indocile animal may learn to number, if he is one to>
whom Divinity has imparted the ability of learning. And, as far as to thefe,
and in thefe particulars, every animal has the ability of becoming fkilled in-
arithmetic, by confidering one thing itfelf,. by itfelf. But always to reafon
about all numbers, when compared with each other, appears to be a more
arduous undertaking. And for the fake of this* Divinity having made, as
we
THE PHILOSOPHER. 395
we. have faid, the moon, increafing and decreasing, fabricated months for
the purpofe of conftituting the year, and caufed us to compare every num
ber with number, with profperous fortune. Hence, earth bears fruit for us,
and becomes prolific, fo that fhe is the nurfe of all animals ; and winds and
fhowers are produced, neither immoderate nor immenfe. But if any thing
evil happens in thefe, it is proper to accufe not a divine, but human, nature,
as unjuftly diftributing its own life. T o us, therefore, inveftigating laws,
k has appeared, that other things which are beft for men, are eafy to be
known, and that every one can fufficiently underfland and perform what we
afferted refpecting them, if he underftands what is advantageous and what is not
fo. It has been fhown by us, indeed, and at prefent it appears, that all other pur
fuits are not difficult in the extreme; but to affign the manner in which men
may be rendered good, is perfectly difficult. And again, to poffefs other goods
in a proper manner is, as has been faid, poffible, and not difficult,—I mean
riches, and the body. Likewife, every one acknowledges it is requifite that
the foul fhould be good; and every one will fay that it becomes good through
temperance, fortitude, and the like. Every one, too, will fay that the foul
ought to be wife ; but what the wifdom is which it ought to acquire, is not,
as we juft now obferved, determined by any of the multitude. Now, there
fore, befides the above-mentioned kinds of wifdom, we have difcovered a
wifdom by no means vile; fo that he who learns what we have difcuffed will
appear to be wife. But whether he who learns thefe things will be in
reality wife and good, muft become the fubject of our difcourfe.
CLIN. HOW juftly, O gueft, you faid that you fhould endeavour to fpeak
greatly about great things !
GUEST. They are not trifling things, Clinias; and what is of ftill greater
confequence, they are in every refpect true.
CLIN. Exceedingly fo, O gueft; but, at the fame time, do not yield to
labour, but continue your difcourfe.
GUEST. I will. Neither do you, therefore, be weary of hearing.
CLIN. W e fhall not: for I will be anfwerable to you for both of us.
GUEST. It is well. But it is neceffary, as it appears, to fpeak firft of all
from the beginning; and efpecially, if we are able, we fhould comprehend
izi one name that which we confider as wifdom. But if we are very inca
pable of accomplifhing this, we fhould confider that which ranks in the
3E 2 fecond
aojS T H E SMN'OM.19; OR,
fecond place, the quality and number of thofe arts, which he who receive*
will, according to our doctrine, be a wife man.
CLIN. Proceed, then, in this manner.
GUEST. In the next place, then, the legiflator will be without envy who
fpeaks better refpecting the Gods than the antients, and who employing, as
it were, beautiful difcipline, honours the Gods with hymns, extols their
felicity, and thus paffes through life.
CLIN. YOU fpeak well, O gueft; fince the propofed end of your laws
confifts in acquiring the beft and moft beautiful end of life, through reve
rencing the Gods, and purity of conduct.
GUEST. How, therefore, fhall we fpeak, Clinias? Does it appear to you)
that we fhould vehemently honour by hymning the Gods, and that we fhould
befeech them that we may proceed to fpeak things the moft beautiful andf
the beft refpecting their divinities ? Or how do you fay }
CLIN. Thus, in a wonderful manner. But, Odaemoniacal man, confiding
in the Gods, pray, and begin your difcourfe on the beautiful things refpecting;
the Gods and Goddeffes.
GUEST. Be it fo,. if Divinity himfelf is pleafed to be our leader. Do you
only pray with me.
CLIN. NOW, therefore, proceed with your difcourfe.
GUEST. AS the antients, then, as it feems, have badfy delivered in image*
the generation of Gods and animals, it is proper, in the firft place, accord*
ing to our former affertion, to accomplifh: this in a better manner, by re-
fuming our difcourfe to the impious. For, if you remember, Clinias, we have
fhown that there are Gods, that their providence extends to all things both*
fmall and great, and that they are not to be appeafed by any unjuft Applica
tions or gifts. Thefe things, indeed, you fhould call to mind, becaufe they
are highly true. But the greateft among thofe affertions is this, that every
foul is more antient than every body. Do you remember ? or, rather, do-
you not perfectly remember this ? For that which is better, more antient,
and more divine, is prior to that which is worfe, junior, and lefs honourable.
And, univerfally, that which governs is more antient than that which is
governed, and that which leads than that which is led. W e muft admit
this, therefore, that foul is more antient than body. But, if this be the cafe,
it is probable that what is firft in the generation of the firft muft take the
lead.
THE P H I L O S O P H E R . 307
lead. W e lay down this pofition, then, that the principle of a principle fub-
fifts in a more becoming manner, and that thus we fhall moft rightly afcend
to the wifdom refpecting the generation of the Gods,
CLIN. Let thefe things be fo, which are afferted in the befl: manner we
are able.
GUEST. Come, then, do we not fay that an animal then fubfifls moft truly
according to nature, when one compofition of foul and body produces by its
junction one form ?
CLIN. W e do.
GUEST. A thing of this kind, then, is mofl juftly called an animal.
CLIN. It is.
GUEST. But it is requifite, according to afTimilative reafoning, to fay, that
there are five folid bodies, from which the moff beautiful and beft things
may be fafhioned. But the whole of the other genus poffeffes one form. For
there is not any thing elfe which can be generated immortal, and in no
refpect at any time poffefs colour, except the truly moft divine genus of
foul. But this is nearly that alone to which it pertains to fafhion and fabri
cate ; but it belongs to body to be fafhioned, generated, and become the'
object of fight. And we again affert (for it muft not be faid once only) that
it is the-property of foul to be invifible, endued with knowledge, intelligible',,
and to partake of memory and the reafoning power in even and odd muta
tions. As there are, therefore, five bodies, it is requifite to fay that two of
them are fire and water, that the third is air, the fourth earth, and the*
fifth aether. But in the feveral principalities of thefe many and all-varioua
animals are produced. T h e truth of this we may thus learn in one of thefe
bodies. For let us, in the firft place, confider the terrene genus of animals r
viz. all the human kind, all fuch animals as have many feet, and are without
feet, fuch as have a progreffive motion, and fuch as are ftable and connected
by roots. But this one thing ought to be attended to, that though all ani
mals are conflituted from all thefe genera, yet the terrene genus abounds
with e-.rth and folidity. It is, however, requifite to place another genus of
animals, which is generated, and, at the fame time, capable of being feen.
For it confifts for the moft part of fire ; but likewife contains fmall parts of
earth and air, and of all other things. Hence, it is requifite to affert that
all-various and vifible animals are generated from this genus. It is likewife
neceffary
303 THE E P I N O M I S ; OR,
neceffary to think that thefe genera of animals conftitute all that the heavens
contain ; or, in other words, that they are the divine genus of the ftars, con-
fifting of a moft beautiful body, and of a foul the moft happy and the beft.
It is alio requifite to confider this refpeding thefe two genera of animals.
For each of them is, from the greateft neceftity, either indeftructible, im
mortal and divine, or the life of each is fo extended as not to require any
longer period of duration. In the firft place, therefore, as we have faid,
we muft confider that there are thefe two genera of animals. And we as:ain
fay that both of them are vifible ; the one, as it appears, confifting wholly
of fire, and the other of earth. We muft likewife affert, that the earthly
genus is moved in a diforderly manner, but that which confifts from fire, in
perfect order. It is proper, therefore, to confider that which is moved
without order, as ftupid. But it is requifite to eftablifh this as a great argu
ment, that the natures which revolve in the heavens are endued with intel
lect,—I mean, that they always proceed according to the fame and in a fimi
lar manner, and both do and fuffer the fame. But the neceftity of a foul pof<
x
fefling intellect is by far the greateft of all neceftities . For it promulgates
laws governing and not governed. But when foul, which is a thing of the
moft excellent nature, deliberates according to the moft excellent intellect,
then that which is perfect according to intellect takes place in reality, nor
can an adamant be more firm and inconvertible than fuch a foul. Indeed,
the three fates preferve perfect that which is deliberated by each of the Gods
with the beft counfel. It is requifite, therefore, men fhould be convinced
that the ftars, and the whole of this progreffion, are endued with intellect,
from this circumftance, that they always perform the fame things. For in
the paft time they have deliberated for a wonderfully extended period re
fpecting their actions. But they are not, in deliberating, agitated upwards
and downwards, nor do they wander and revolve in a diforderly manner,
acting differently at different times. The contrary of this, however, appears
to many of us,—I mean, that becaufe they perform the fame things, and in
a fimilar manner, they are without a foul. T h e vulgar, too, embracing this
INSANE OPINION, conceive that the human genus is intellectual and vital,
becaufe it is moved, but that the divine genus is deftitute of intellect, becaufe
it abides in the fame lations. Rut it becomes the man who attributes to
the Gods tilings more beautiful, more excellent, and more friendly to their
natures, to conceive that it is neceffary to confider them as polTefTing intel
lect, becaufe they always accomplifh the fame things, according to the fame,
and in a fimilar manner. And that this is the nature of the ftars, mofl beau
tiful to the fight, and which by a progreflion and mufical dance, the mofl:
beautiful and magnificent of all choirs, produces in all animals every thing that,
is proper and becoming. But that we juftly confider them as animated,
may, in the firft place, be evinced by their magnitude. For they are not
in reality fo fmall as they appear to be ; but it deferves to be believed, that
each of them is of an immenfe magnitude, as this may be fhown by fufficient
demonflrations. For we may rightly think that the whole fun is larger than
the whole earth ; and that all the flars poffefs a wonderful magnitude. W e
fhould confider, therefore, after what manner fo great a bulk can be made
to revolve by a certain nature perpetually in the fame time. I fay, there
fore, that Divinity is the caufe of this, and that it cannot in any other man
ner be accomplifhed. For it can no otherwife become animated than through
a God, as we have evinced. As Divinity, therefore, is the caufe of its
animation, and all things are eafy to a God, in the firft place, he generated
every body and every bulk in the heavens an animal; and, in the next place,
he caufed it to move in that manner which he conceived, by a dianoetic
energy, to be the beft. And now, refpecting all thefe particulars, we fhall
make one true affertion, viz. It is impoffible that earth, heaven, all the
ftars, and all the bulks compofed from thefe, could fubfift, unlefs a foul is
either prefent with each, or refident in each, enabling them to revolve with
fuch accuracy according to years, and months, and days, and thus procuring
for all of us every good. But it is requifite that, by how much more vile
man is than celeftial animals, by fo much the lefs fhould he trifle, but affert
fomething confpicuous concerning them. H e , therefore, who afligns cer
tain fluxions of bodies, or natures, or any thing of this kind, as the caufes of
the celeftial convolutions, will not affert any thing confpicuous.
It is, however, requifite to rcconfidcr what we have faid with the utmoft
attention, that it may appear v\hether our affertions were reafbnable, or alto
gether futile. In the firft place, then, we faid, that there were two things,
the
400 THE E P I N O M I S ; OR,
the one foul, and the other body; and that there were many things pertain
ing to each. W e likewife afferted, that all thefe mutually differed from each
other ; and that there was no other third thing common to any one of them:
but that foul differed from body in this, that the former poffeffed, and the
latter was deftitute of, intellect; that the one governed, and the other was
in a ftate of fubjedtion ; and that the one was the caufe of all the paffions of
bodies, but that the other was not the caufe of any one of thefe. So that
he who afferts that celeftiai natures were generated by any thing elfe, and
that they do not confiff, in the manner we have faid, from foul and body,
mult be very ftupid and irrational. If, therefore, it is requifite that the
arguments refpecting all fuch particulars as thefe fhould be victorious, and
that every nature of this kind fhould be believed to be divine, one of thefe
two things muft follow, viz. we muft either celebrate the celeftiai orbs as
Gods, and in fo doing we fhall act moft rightly ; or we muft confider them
as images of the Gods, fabricated as ftatues by the Gods themfelves. For
thefe two confequences are neither abfurd nor of fmall importance, but, as
we have faid, one of thefe muft enfue; and thefe ftatues are to be honoured
beyond all other ftatues. For no ftatues will ever be found more beautiful
and more common to all men than thefe, nor any that are eftablifhed in
more excellent places, or which fo tranfcend in purity, venerablenefs, and all
life, as thefe, which are throughout generated the fame. Now, therefore,
we fhould alfo endeavour to affert this refpecting the Gods, viz. Since we
perceive two fpecies of vifible animals, one of which we fay is immortal,
and the whole of the other which is terrene, mortal, we fhould endeavour
to unfold, according to probable opinion, three fpecies of animals which
fubfift between thefe five. After fire, then, we place aether ; and we affert,
that from it foul fafhions animals which poffefs, like other genera, an abun
dant power from their own nature, but the fmalleft degree of power for the
fake of a mutual bond, from other genera. But, after aether, foul fafhions
from air another genus of animals ; and a third genus from water. Soul,
therefore, having fabricated all thefe, filled the whole of heaven with ani
mals, employing, to the utmoft of its power, all the genera, as all thefe par
ticipate of life. But the fecond, third, fourth, and fifth, beginning from the
generation of the vifible Gods, at length end in us men. Refpecting the
4 Gods,
THE PHILOSOPHER.
•Gods, Jupiter, Juno, and all the reft, let any one affign them fuch places as
he pleafes, if he only diftributes them according to the fame law, and con
fiders this reafoning as liable.
W e muft call, therefore, the nature of the flars, and fuch things as we
perceive together with the flars, the vifible Gods, the greateft and the mofl
honourable, perceiving every way mofl acutely, and ranking among fuch
things as are firft. But after, and under thefe, in a following order, damons
fubfift, an aerial genus, poffeffing a third and middle feat, who unfold the
will of the Gods to men, and whom it is highly fit we fhould honour by
prayers, for the fake of obtaining their propitious intcrceffion. W e cannot,
however, wholly perceive either of thefe two kinds of animals, one of which
fubfifls in ether, and the other in a following order in air. For, though
thefe daemons are by their fituations near us, yet they never become manifeft
to us ; but they participate of an admirable prudence, as being docile and of
a good memory; and they know all our thoughts. They likewife love in a
wonderful manner worthy and good men, and vehemently hate fuch as are
vicious, as being themfelves participants of pain. For the Gods, indeed,
who poffefs the end of a divine allotment, are fituated beyond the reach of
all pleafure and pain, and participate, in the utmofl perfection, of prudence
and knowledge. And, as the heavens are full of animals, thefe daemons,
1
and the higheft Gods, mutually interpret all things to each other. For the
middle animals are borne to earth and the whole heaven with a light and
rapid impetus. But he who affimilates the fifth genus of animals, which is
from water to a demigod, will affimilate rightly. And this genus is fome
times vifible, and fometimes concealed from our fight; and, when it is vifible,
is feen in a wonderful and obfeure manner. As, therefore, there are thefe
five kinds of animals, whatever occurs to us in dreams, oracles, and divina
tions, and fuch things as we hear through the voice of the healthy or dif-
eafed, or which happen to us at the dole of life, whence many facred rites
are inftituted, both privately and publicly, and will be inftituted hereafter,—
with refjietl to all thefe, the legijlator who poffeffes the fmallejl degree of Intel-
li'tl, 'util never make innovations in any of them, left he jliould turn his city
to a religion which poffeffes nothing confpicuous. Nor will he forbid any thing
1
By demons interpreting all things to the Gods, nothing more is implied than an energy in
daemons, by which they become fitted to receive the influence of divinity more abundantly.
"VOL. ii. 3 F refpecting
*02 T H E E P I N O M I S ; 01?,
refpecting facrifices which the law of his country has eftablifhed, as being
convinced that it is not poffible for a mortal nature to know any thing about
fuch like particulars. And for the fame reafon MUST NOT THOSE BE
THE WORST OF MEN WHO DO NOT CELEBRATE THE TRULY APPARENT
GODS, AND WHO SUFFER THE OTHER GODS TO REMAIN DFPRIVED OP;
THEIR SACRED RITES, AND THE HONOURS WHICH ARE THEIR DUE ?
For this is juft as if fome one fhould perceive the fun and moon infpecting
without receiving any honours from the whole of the human race, and at
the fame time fhould not be anxious for the celebration of their divinities by
mankind, that feftivals and facrifices may be inftituted, and that certain parts
of greater and leffer years may be often diftributed in honour of them.
Would not fuch a one, if he fhould be faid to be evil both to himfelf and to
any other by whom he is known, be juftly faid to be fo ?
CLIN. Undoubtedly, O gueft: for fuch a one muft be the word of min.
GUEST. Know affuredly then, friend Clinias, that this very thing has
now happened refpeding myfelf.
CLIN. How do you fay }
GUEST. Know that there are eight powers revolving round the whole hea
ven, which are filters to each other, and which I have beheld without paying
them any great attention : for this is eafy for another to accomplifh. Of thefe,
the following are three ; one of the fun, another of the moon, and another
of all the ftars, which I mentioned a little before: and befides thefe there
1
are five others. W i t h refpect to all thefe, and fuch natures as are con
tained in thefe, whether they have a progreftive motion themfelves, or are
borne along in vehicles, no one of us fhould at any time think that fome of
them are Gods, and others n o t ; nor yet, that fome of them are legitimate,
but others fuch as it is not lawful for any of us to mention ; but we fhould
fay that they are all of them brothers, and that they live in fraternal allot
ments. W e fhould likewife honour them, not ordaining for fome a year,,
for others a month, and for others no allotted portion of time, in which
they accomplifh their revolutions, and at the fame time give perfection to a
world, which reafon determines to be the moft divine of all vifible things.
This world a happy man will in the firft place admire ; and, in the next
" Viz. the five planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and Mercury.
place,
T H E P H I L O S O P H E R . 403
1
That is, the fyhcrc of the fixed flars.
404 THE E P I N O M I S j OR,
the others along with it, according to the opinion of thofe who have fbme
fkill in thefe affairs. But it is neceffary to fpeak of fuch things as we
fufficiently know. For true wifdom will thus in a certain refpecl appear to
him who participates, though in a fmall degree, of right and divine intelli
gence. Three ftars then remain, one of which differs from the reft by the
flownefs of its motion. This ft at* is called by fome Phaenon, or Saturn.
That which is next to this in flownefs is called Phaethon, or Jupiter : and,
after this follows Puroeis, or Mars, who has the moft red colour of them all.
Thefe things, when explained by any one, are not difficult to be underftood ;
but, when underftood, we fhould frame fuch conceptions refpecting them
as we have mentioned above. This, alfo, ought fo be known by every
Grecian, that we inhabit a region which is nearly the beft of all others for
the acquifition of virtue. But it is proper to affert that its praife confifts in
being fituated between the nature of fummer and winter. However, as we
have faid, becaufe we are more diftant from the nature of fummer than the
Barbarians we underftood pofterior to them the orderly arrangement of
thefe Gods ; yet we muft affert, that whatever the Greeks receive from the
Barbarians, is by them carried to greater perfection. This, too, we fhould
conceive to be the cafe with refpect to the fubject of the prefent difcourle.
For, though it is difficult to difcover without ambiguity all fuch particulars
as the prefent, yet the hope is both beautiful and great, that the Greeks
will reverence all thefe divinities with a more excellent mode of worfhip
than that which they received from the Barbarians, and that they will
employ both difcipline and the Delphic oracle^, and every legitimate obferv-
ance, for this purpofe. Nor fhould any Greek be at any tim fearful, that
mortals ought not bufily to employ themfelves about divme concerns ; but,
on the contrary, lie fhould think that neither is a divine nature deftitute of
intellect, nor ignorant of human nature. For he knows that, in confequence of
Divinity acting as a teacher, thofe that are taught follow and learn: and he
likewife certainly knows that he teaches us number and to numerate. For he
would be the moft ftupid of all beings if he were ignorant of this. For,
as it is faid, he would truly be ignorant of himfelf, if he were indignant, and
not delighted with thofe that are able to learn, and who are rendered good
through Divinity. But it is highly reafonable to fuppofe that the firft con
ceptions
THE PHILOSOPHER. 405
ceptions of men, refpecYing the nature and actions of the Gods, were neither
fuch as wife men would frame, nor thofe that fucceeded them. For they
afferted, that fire and water, and the other bodies, were the moft antient of
all things ; but that the particulars belonging to that wonderful thing foul
were of pofterior origin. Hence, they confidered the lation of body as
better and more honourable, and as moving itfelf through heat and cold,
and every thing elfe of this kind : but they aflerted that foul neither moved
body nor itfelf. But, now fince we fay, if foul fubfifts in body, that it is
not at all wonderful it fhould move and carry about both the body and itfelf,
there can be no reafon todifbelieve its ability to carry about a certain weight.
Hence, as we now think proper to affert, that foul is the caufe of the uni
verfe ; and as of things, fome are good and others evil, it is not at all
wonderful, that foul fhould be the caufe of every lation and motion, but that
a lation and motion which tends to good fhould proceed from the beff foul,
and a lation and motion to the contrary, from a contrary foul. But it is
neceffary that things good fhould have vanquifhed, and fhould continue to
vanquifh, things which are not fo. All thefe particulars have been afferted
by us according to Juftice, the avenger of the impious. With refpect, how
ever, to that which we have juft now examined, we ought not to hefitate in
afferting, that a good man is a wife man.
Let us however fee, whether this wifdom, of which we were fome time
fince in fearch, can be acquired by difcipline or art. For, if we are deftitute
of the knowledge of this, we fhall be ignorant of things juft. Thus it
appears to me, and therefore I affert this to be the cafe. For, having
explored upwards and downwards, I will endeavour to evince to you that
which has become apparent to me. For, when the greateft part of virtue
is negligently attended to, it becomes the caufe of ignorance, as what we
have juft now faid appears to me moft pcrfpicuoufly to fignify. But no one
fhall perfuade us, that there is any part of virtue belonging to the mortal
race, greater than piety. W e muft likewife affert that this is not produced
in the moft excellent natures through the greateft ignorance. But thofe-
are the moft excellent m.tures which are moft rarely found, and which
when found benefit others in the higheft degree. For the foul which,
moderately and mildly receives a flow or the contrary nature, is fimple and
?
ingenuous i
400* THE EPINOMIS; OR,
by us, that the moon accomplifhes its period mofl fwiftly, and thus, firfl of
all, leads forth month and full moon. In the fecond place, it is requifite to
confider the fun who produces the folflices through the whole of his period,
and, together with the fun, thofe that revolve in conjunction with him.
But that we may not often affert the fame things about the fame, the revo
lutions of all thofe natures which we mentioned before, and which it is not
eafy to underfland, muft be made the fubject of contemplation; preparing
human nature for this purpofe by difciplines pertaining to thefe fpeculations,
and this by long exercife and labour, while it is in a juvenile ft ate. On
this account, the mathematical difciplines will be neceffary ; of which the
firfl and the greateft is that which refpects numbers, but not thofe that
poffefs a body, but which contain the whole of the generation and power of
the even and the odd, as thefe two contribute to the knowledge and nature
1
of things. That which is very ridiculoufly called geometry follows thefe
in an orderly fucceffion. But the fimilitude of numbers naturally diffimilar
to planes, becomes confpicuous by comparifon. This circumftance, how
ever, to him who is capable of understanding it, will evidently appear to be
not a human, but a divine miracle. After this, thofe numbers which receive
a triple increafe, and are fimilar to the nature of a folid, are to be confi
dered, and likewife thofe that are diffimilar to this nature, which is called
by thofe that are converfant with it, geometry. But this, to thofe that are
capable of understanding it, is a divine and wonderful thing, that as the
power of things always revolves about that which is double, and in its own
opposite, according to each proportion, every nature is fafhioned according
to genera and fpecies. The firft power, therefore, of the double proceeds
according to number, in the ratio of one to two, being double * according to
power.
1
Alluding to its name, which fignifiesthe meafuring of the earth, which is a mechanical ope
ration; but geometry is a fpeculative fcience.
* Of numbers, fome are linear, others fuperficial, and others cubic and folid. The firft are
fuch as the number 2 ; the fecond fuch as the number 4, which is the fquare or fecond power
«f 2 ; and the third fuch as eight, which is the cube or third power of 2. Duple proportion alfo
was confidered by the anticnts as perfect. In the firfl; place, becaufe it is the firfl proportion,
being produced between one and two and, in the fecond place, becaufe it contains all proportions
y
vrithin
40b T H E E P I N O M I S ; OR,
power. But in that which is folid and tangible, the double again proceed*
from one to eight. Another power of the double proceeds to the middle,
but perhaps into that which is more than the lefs, and lefs than the greater ;
while again, another power by the fame part furpaffes, and is furpaffed by
the extremities. But in the middle, of the proportion of fix to twelve, the
fefquialter and fefquitertian proportion fubfiits. And in the middle of thefe,
a power revolving to both distributes to men an according and apt utility,
which is imparted by the bleffed choir of the Mufes for the fake of fports,
rhythm, and harmony. All thefe things, therefore, are produced and fubfift
after this manner. But their end is this, that we may betake ourfelves to
divine generation, and the moft beautiful and divine nature of things vifible,
as far as divinity has conferred on men the ability of beholding them. Thefe,
however, we fhall never behold without the above-mentioned difcipline,
Befides this, in our feveral converfations we muft refer every individual
thing to its fpecies, by interrogating and confuting when any thing is im
properly afferted. For this may be rightly faid to be the moft beautiful and
the firft touch-ftone which men can employ. But where only a pretended
examination takes place, it is of all labours the moft vain.
Further ftill, the accuracy of time muft be confidered by us, and the ex-
actnefs with which it caufes all the revolutions of the heavenly bodies to be
accomplifhed ; that he who believes the affertion to be true, that foul is
more antient and more divine than body, may alfo think it was beautifully
ana fufficiently faid, that all things are full of Gods, and that no one of the
natures more excellent than mankind, at any time forget, or pay but little
within itfelf \ for the fefquialter, fefquitertian, and the like proportions are, as it were, parts
below duple proportion. The numbers which ihe author of the £ pinomis here adduces are i, 2,
4, 6, 8, 12. T h e ratio of 4 to 2 is duple, and that of 8 to 4 is alfo duple. Thefe two excefTes
are equal in ratio, for that of each is duple, but they are not equal in number; for 8 exceeds 4
by 4, but 4 exceeds 2 by 2. Again, if we compare 6 to 4, and afterwards to 8, in the firft cafe
we (hall have a fefquialter, and in the fecond a fefquitertian ratio ; but thefe excefTes are unequal
in ratio, but equal in number. For the ratio of 6 to 4 = i t , and the ratio of 8 to b = if i but
6 exceeds 4 by 2, and is exceeded by 8 by 2. Again, compare 12 to 6, which is a duple ratio,
and between thefe compare 8 to each. T h e n , 12 to 8 will be a fefquialter ratio, and 8 to 6 will
be a fefquitertian ratio ; but a duple ratio arifes from 12 to t\ and the excefTes between 12 and
B, and 8 and 6, are unequal both in ratio and number.
attention
THE PHILOSOPHER. 4O0
attention to our concerns. But in all fuch things as thefe we fhould thus
confider, that he who rightly apprehends each of thefe particulars will be
benefited by them ; but that it will be better for him who does not, to in
voke Divinity. The manner, however, in which thefe particulars may be
rightly apprehended is as follows: (for it is neceffary to relate this alfo)—
Every diagram, fyitem of number, and compofition of .harmony, together
with the one concord of all the ftars in, their revolutions, ought to be beheld
by him who learns in a proper manner. But that of which we are fpeaking
will become apparent to him who rightly learns looking to one thing. For,
1
to thofe who reafon fcienlifcally, there will appear to be naturally one bond
of all thefe. But he who attempts to apprehend thefe in any other way
ought, as we have faid, to invoke Fortune. For, without thefe, it is not
poffible that any nature in cities can be happy. But this is the mode, this
is the education, thefe are the difciplines ; and through thefe we muff pro
ceed, whether they are difficult or eafy. But it is not lawful to neglecT: the
Gods; fince the profperous conception of all the above-mentioned parti
culars becomes apparent by an orderly progreffion. And I call him who
rightly apprehends all thefe, moft. truly the wifeft of men. I likewife frxe-
nuoufly affirm, both in jefl and ferioufly, that fuch a one, when he has by
death filled up his allotted time, will no longer participate of many fenfes,
as at prefent, but will be a partaker of one deftiny alone ; and becoming one,
inftead of a multitude of things, will be happy, and, at the fame time, moft
wife.and bleffed. And again, whether any one lives bleffed on the conti
nent, or in iflands, I affirm that he will always participate a fortune of this
kind; and that, whether any one living a public or a private life ftudies
thefe things, he will, in like manner, obtain the fame deftiny from the
Gods. But, as we have faid in the beginning, and now the affertion appears
to be moft true, it is only poffible for a fezv of mankind to be perfeclly bleffed
and happy. And this is rightly afferted by us. For thofe that are divine
and at the fame time prudent men, who naturally participate of the other
virtues, and who befides this have acquired all fuch portions of bleffed dif
cipline as we have mentioned, thefe alone can fufficiently receive and poffefs
1
Meaning Dialectic; for an account of which fee my Introduction to the Parmenides.
VOL. II. 3 G all
410 THE EPINOMIS,- OR, THE PHILOSOPHER.
THE
THE TIM^EUS,
A BIALOGFJE
ON N A T U R E .
3 « *
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE T I M JE U S.
microcofm*-
416 INTRODUCTION TO T H E TIM.EUS.
things, and generating and vivifying every part of the vifible world. For
nature verges towards bodies, and is infeparable from their fluctuating
empire. But foul is feparate from body, is eftablifhed in herfelf, and fub-
fifts both from herfelf and another; from another, that is, from intellect
through participation, and from herfelf on account of her not verging to
body, but abiding in her own effence, and at the fame time illuminating the
obfcure nature of matter with a fecondary life. Nature, therefore, is the laft
of the caufes which fabricate this corporeal and fenfible world, bounds
the progreflions of incorporeal effences, and is full of reafons and powers
through which fhe governs mundane affairs. And fhe is a goddefs indeed,
confidered as- deified ; but not according to the primary fignification of the
word. For the word God is attributed by Plato, as well as by the antient
theologifts, to beings which participate of the Gods. Hence every pure
intellect is, according to the Platonic philofophy, a God according to union ;
every divine foul according to participation ; every divine daemon according
to contact; divine bodies are Gods as ftatues of the Gods; and even the
fouls of the moft exalted men are Gods according to fimilitude ; while in
the mean time fupereffential natures only are primarily and properly Gods-
But nature governs the whole world by her powers, by her fummit com
prehending the heavens, but through thefe ruling over the fluctuating empire
of generation, and every where weaving together partial natures in amicable
conjunction with wholes.
But as the whole of Plato's philofophy is diftributed into the contem
plation of intelligibles and fenfibles, and this very properly, fince there is
both an intelligible and fenfible world, as Pkto himfelf afferts in the courfe
of the dialogue ; hence in the Parmenides he comprehends the doctrine
of intelligibles, but in the Timaeus of mundane natures. And in the former
of thefe dialogue? he fcientifically exhibits all the divine orders, but in the
latter all the progreflions of fuch as are mundane. Nor does the former
entirely neglect the {peculation of what the univerfe contains, nor the latter
of intelligibles themfelves. And this becaufe fenfibles are contained in
intelligibles paradigmatically, and intelligibles in fenfibles according to
fimilitude. But the latter abounds more with phyfical {peculations, and the
former with fuch as are theological ; and this in a manner adapted to the
perfons after whom the dialogues are called : to Timaeus on the one hand,
4. who
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E T I M A E U S . 419
who had compofed a book on the univerfe, and to Parmenides on the other,
who had written on true beings. T h e divine Jamblichus, therefore, afferts
very properly, that the whole theory of Plato is comprehended in thefe two
dialogues, the Parmenides and Timaeus. For the whole doctrine of mun
dane and fupermundane natures is accurately delivered in thefe, and in the
moft confummatc perfection ; nor is any order of beings left without invefti
gation.
W e may behold too the fimilitude of proceeding in the Timaeus to that
in the Parmenides. For, as Timaeus refers the caufe of every thing in the
world to the firft artificer, fo Parmenides fufpends the progreftion'of all
things from the one. And as the former reprefents all things as partici
pating of demiurgic providence, fo the other exhibits beings participating of
a uniform effence. And again, as Timaeus prior to his phyfiology prefents
us through images with the theory of mundane natures, fo Parmenides prior
to'his theology excites us to an inveftigation of immaterial forms. For it is
proper, after being exercifed in difcourfes about the beft polity, to proceed
to a contemplation of the univerfe ; and, after an athletic contention through
ftrenuous doubts about ideas, to betake ourfelves to the myftic fpeculation of
the unities of beings. And thus much for the hypothefis or argument of
the dialogue.
But as a more copious and accurate inveftigation of fome of its principal
parts will be neceffary, even to a general knowledge of the important truths
which it contains, previous to this 1 fhall prefent the reader with an abftract
of that inimitable theory refpecting the connection of things, which is the
bafis of the prefent work, and of the whole philofophy of Plato. For by a
comprehenfive view of this kind we fhall be better prepared for a minute
furvey of the intricate parts of the dialogue, and be convinced how infinitely
fuperior the long loft philofophy of Pythagoras and Plato is to the experi
mentalfarrago of the moderns.
x
Since the firft caufe is the good , and this is the fame with the one, as is evi
dent from the Parmenides, it is neceffary that the whole of things fhould be
the moft excellent, that is, the moft united that can poflibly be conceived.
But perfect union in the whole of things can no otherwife take place than
fore, is very properly faid to be generated, at the fame time that this gene
ration is perpetual ; becaufe, on account of its divifibility and extenfion, it
alone derives its exiftence from an external caufe : likewife, becaufe it is a
compofite, and becaufe it is not at once wholly that which it is, but poffeffes
its being in continual generation. This body, too, on account of the perpe
tuity of its duration, though this is nothing more than a flowing eternity,
may be very properly called a whole with a total fubfiftence : for every
thing endued with a total fubfiftence is eternal; and this may be truly afferted
of the body of the world, when we confider that its being is co-extended
with the infinite progreftions of time. Hence, this divine or celeftiai body
may be properly called oKog oKutwg, or a whole totally, juft as the limb of an
animal is pepog p-pixae., or apart partially. But between whole totally and
fiart partially two mediums are neceffarily required, viz. part totally and
whole partially fapog ohixwg and oKog pspiKug). The parts, therefore, with a
total fubfiftence which the world contains, are no other than the celeftiai
orbs, which are confequently eternal and divine, after the fame manner as
the whole body of the world, together with the fpheres of the elements ;
and the wholes partially are no other than the individuals of the various
fpecies of animals, fuch as a man, a horfe, and the like.
Now this divine body, on account.of its fuperiority to fublunary natures,
was called by Ariftotle a ffth body, and was faid by Plato to be compofed
for the moft part from fire. But in order to a more perfect comprehcnfion
of its nature, it is neceffary to obferve, that the two elements which, accord
ing to Plato, are fituated in the extremes, are fire and earth, and that the
characteriftic of the former is vijibility* and of the latter tangibility ; fo that
every thing becomes vifible through fire, and tangible through earth. Now
the whole of this celeftiai body, which is called by the antients heaven, con
fifts of an unburning vivific fire, like the natural heat which our bodies con
tain, and the illuminations of which give life to our mortal part. But the
ftars are for the moft part compofed from this fire, containing at the fame
time the fummits of the other elements. Hence, heaven is wholly of a
fiery characteriftic, but contains in a caufal manner the powers of the other
elements ; as, for inftance, the folidity and ftability of earth, the congluti-
nating and unifying nature of water, and the tenuity and tranfparency of air.
For,
All INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^US.
" But from thefe demiurgic caufes a progreflion of the elements into the
univerfe takes place, but not immediately into the fublunary world. For
how can the moff immaterial things give fubfiftence to the moft material
without a medium ; or things immovable be immediately hypoftatic of fuch
as are moved in all directions ? Since the progreffion of things is nowhere
without a medium, but fubiifts according to a well-ordered fubjection ; and
generations into thefe material, diftipated, and dark abodes, take place
through things o f a proximate order. Since, therefore, the elements in the
demiurgus are intellects and impartieipable intellectual powers, what will
be their firft progreflion? Is it not manifeft that they will yet remain
intellediual powers, but will be p a r t i c i p a t e d by mundane natures? For from
imparticipable intellect the proximate progreflion is to that which is parti
cipated. -And, univerfally, progreffion takes place from imparticipables to
t h i n g s participated, and frum l u p e r m u n d a n e to m u n d a n e f o r m s . But what
*re thefe t h i n g s which, y e t reman i n t e l l e c t u a l , but are participated, and what
fubjection do t h e y poffefs? Is it not e x i d e n t that t h e y are no longer i n t e l
lectual (i. e. effentially intellectual) ? But I call t h o f e natures intellectual
which are the forms of intellect, and of a truly intellectual effence. But
becoming
424 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^EUS.
centre, and this can be no other than earth. For, in an orderly progreflion
of things, that which is mod: diftant, and the laft, is the worft ; and this we
have already fhown is the earth. But in a fphere, that which is moft diftant
from the fuperficies is the centre ; and, therefore, earth is the centre of the
world. This conclnfion, indeed, will doubtlefs be ridiculed by every fagacious
modern, as too abfurd in fuch an enlightened age as the prefent to deferve
the labour of a confutation. However, as it follows by an inevitable con
fequence from the preceding theory, and this theory is founded on the har
monious union of things, we may fafely affert that it is confubfiftent with
the univerfe itfelf. At fuch a period, indeed, as the prefent, when there is
fuch a dire perverfion of religion, and men of every defcription are involved
in extreme impiety, we cannot wonder that the fpirit of profane innovation
fhould caufe a fimilar confufion in the fyftem of the world. For men of
the prefent day being deftitute of true fcience, and not having the leaft
knowledge of the true nature and progreftions of things, in the firft place
make the univerfe an unconnected production, generated in time, and of
courfe naturally iubject to diffolution ; and, in the next place, allow of no
effential diftinction in its principal parts. Hence, the earth is by them hurled
into the heavens, and rolled about their central fun in conjunction with the
celeftiai orbs. The planets are fuppofed to be heavy bodies fimilar to our
fluggifh earth ; the fixed ftars are all fo many funs ; and the fun himfelf is a
denfe, heavy body, occafionally fuffering dimnefs in his light, and covered
with dark and fuliginous fpots. With refpect to this laft particular, indeed,
they boaft of ocular conviction through the aftiftance of the telelcope ; and
what reafoning can invalidate the teftimony of the eyes ? I anfwer, that the
eyes in this particular are more deceived when affifted by glaffes, than when
trufting to their own naked power of perceiving. For, in reality, we do not
perceive the heavenly bodies themfelves, but their inflammations in the air :
or, in other words, certain portions of air enkindled by the fwiftnefs of
their courfe. This at leaft cannot be denied to be poffible; and, if fo, it is
not at all wonderful that a grofs aerial inflammation fhould, when viewed
through a telefcope, appear dim and clouded with fpots. But this is not an
hypothecs of my own invention, but is derived from Ammonius Hermeas,
who, as we are informed by Olympiodorus in the Phaedo, was of this opi
nion, as alfo was Heraclitus long before him ; who, fpeaking (fays Olym-
VOL. ii. 31 piodorus)
426 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^EUS.
piodorus) hi his obfcure way concerning the fun, fays of that luminary
" enkindling meafures and cxtinguijliing meafures"—that is, enkindling an
imao*e of himfelf in the air when he rifes, the fame becoming extin£uifhed
when he fets.
Nor let the moderns fondly imagine that their fyflem of affronomy was
adopted by Pythagoras and his followers, for this opinion is confuted by
Spanheim and Dickinfon ; and this, fays Fabricius ", with no contemptible
arguments: and we are informed by Simplicius % long before them, that
the Pythagoreans by the fire in the middle did not mean the fun, but a
demiurgic vivific hre, feated in the centre of the earth. The prophecy of
Swift, therefore, in his Gulliver's Travels, that the boaffed theory of gravi
tation would at one time or other be exploded, may certainly be confidered
as" a mofl true prediction, at leaft fo far as relates to the celeftial orbs.
But to return from this digreffion. The inerratic fphere, according to
the Platonic philofophy, has the relation of a monad to the multitude of ftars
which it contains ; or, in other words, it is the proximate caufe of this mul
titude which it contains, and with which it has a coordinate fubfiftence.
But, according to the fame philofophy, all the planets are fixed in folid
fpheres, in conformity to the motions of which they perpetually revolve j
but, at the fame time, have peculiar motions of their own befides thofe of
J
the fpheres . Thefe fpheres too are all concentric, or have the fame centre
with the earth and the univerfe, and do not coniift of hard impenetrable
matter, as the moderns have ignorantly fuppofed ; for being divine or imma
terial bodies, fuch as we have already defcribed, they have nothing of the
denfity and gravity of this our earth, but are able to permeate each other
without divifion, and to occupy the fame place together; juft like the illu
minations emitted from feveral lamps, which pafs through the whole of the
fame room at once, and pervade each other without confufion, divulfion, or
any apparent diflinction. So that thefe fpheres are fimilar to mathematical
bodies, fo far as they are immaterial, free from contrariety, and exempt
from every paffive quality ; but are different from them, fo far as they are
full of motion and life. But they are concealed from our fight through the
1
Vid. Biblioth. Graec vol. i . de Orpheo.
• In Arlftot. de Ccelo, lib. 2 .
3 For Plato makes no mention of epicycles and eccentric circles.
tenuity
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E T I M J E U S , 427
tenuity and fubtility of their nature, while, on the contrary, the fire of the
planets which are carried in them is vifible through the folidity which it
poffeffes. So that earth is more predominant in the planets than in the
fpheres ; though each fubfifls, for the moft part, according to the character-
iftic of fire. But let it be carefully remembered, that the peculiarity of all
fire is the being vifible, but that neither heat nor fluidity belongs to every
fpecies of fire: and that the property of all earth is the being tangible, but
that gravity and fubfiding downwards do not belong to all.
But, in confequence of each of thefe fpheres being a 6\OTY\C, or part with
a totalfubfiftence, as we have already explained, it follows that every planet
has a number of fatellites furroutiding it, analogous to the choir of the fixed
ffars ? and that every fphere is full of Gods, angels, and daemons, fubfifting
according to the properties of the fpheres in which they refide. This theory
indeed is the grand key to the theology of the antients, as it fhows us at one
view why the fame God is fo often celebrated with the names of other Gods ;
which led Macrobius formerly to think that all the Gods were nothing more
than the different powers of the fun ; and has induced certain fuperflcial
moderns, to frame hypothefes concerning the antient theology fo ridi
culous, that they deferve to be confidered in no other light than the ravings
of a madman, or the undifciplined conceptions of a child. But that the
reader may be fully convinced of this, let him attend to the following ex
traordinary paffages from the divine commentaries of Proclus on the Timaeus.
And, in the firft place, that every planet is attended with a great number of
fatellites, is evident from the following citation;—" There are other divine
animals attending upon the circulations of the planets, the leaders of which
are the feven planets; and thefe revolve and return in their circulations in
conjunction with their leaders, juft as the fixed ftars are governed by the
circulation of the inerratic f p h e r e . " — * & i h v a i KOCI aAAa £ W Bstoe ay ovpavix (rvwro-
jjisvee Tats TW> TTKUVW^E-JOOV 7r$pi<popccig, cuv yyc-povsg zi<riv ot lifjoc.—Ka/ arvuTr^nroXtt, y„ott trvv-
wKOK<xQi<ntxTcti locig eavTuv ctpyjxig, M<r7T£p KOCI TOL aTrKavvf xpocTSiTOii vffo rr g oKr\g irc-pi^opotg
t *.
And in the fame place he informs us, that the revolution of thefe fatellites
is fimilar to that of the planets which they attend ; and this, he acquaints
us a little before, is according to Plato a fpiral revolution. K a / yap TOCVTOC
r
Tpt7TGp ;V0l £0-71) KCCl 7T?\CC^V SyfiVTOC TOtaVTYjV, OICCV eipyjX.iV 7TSfi TUV plKf/to TTpOTSpOV.
1
Vid. Procl. in T i m . p. 279.
3 1
^ Again,
428 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^EUS.
Again, with refpect to their number—" about every planet there is a num
ber (of fatelf tes) analogous to the choir of the fixed ftars, all of them fub-
fiffing with proper circulations of their own V—Eo-r/ yap KU^ SWTT^V apiQjjLog
mctXcyw TjO TMV OCO-T^MV yjo^-* crvvv^sa-Tog rocig ontsioctg 7rept$opatg.—And if it fhould be
inquired why, with refpect to the fixed flars, there is one monad, the whole-
nefs (OXOTK) of them ; but among the planets there is both a OAOT^, whole-
nejs or totality that is the fphere of each, and a leader befides in each, that
y
is the apparent orb ; he anfwers in the fame place, that as the motion of
the planets is more various than that of the fixed ftars, fo their poffeffion of
government is more abundant, for they proceed into a greater multitude.
He adds—But in the fublunary regions there is ftill a greater number of
governors; for the monads (that is, totalities} in the heavens generate a num
ber analogous to themfelves. So that the planets being fecondary to the
fixed ftars, require a twofold government; one of which is more total and
the other more partial.
But with refpect to the fatellites, the firfl in order about every planet are
Gods ; after thefe, daemons revolve in lucid orbicular bodies ; and thefe are
followed by partial fouls fuch as ours, as the following beautiful paffage
abundantly evinces. " But that in each of thefe (the planetary fpheres)
there is a multitude coordinate to each, you may infer from the extremes.
For if the inerratic fphere has a multitude coordinate to itfelf, and earth is,
with refpect to terreflrial animals, what the inerratic fphere is to fuch as are
celeftial, it is neceffary that every wholenefs fhould poffefs certain partial
animals coordinate to itfelf, through which alfo the fpheres derive the appel
lation of wholenejfes. But the natures fituated in the middle are concealed
from ourfenfe, while, in the meantime, thofe contained in the extremes are
apparent ; one fort through their tranfcendently lucid effence, and the other
through their alliance to ourfelves. But if partial fouls are diffeminated about
thefe fpheres, fome about the fun, fome about the moon, and others about
each of the remaining fpheres * ; and if prior to fouls there are daemons
filling up the herds of which they are the leaders ; it is evidently beautifully
faid that each of the fpheres is a world. And this is agreeable to the doc
trines of theologifts, when they teach us that there are Gods in every fphere
1
Page 275. ? This Plato himfelf alTerts in the following dialogue.
prior
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E T I M ^ U S .
prior to daemons, the government of fome receiving its perfection under that
of others. As for inftance with refpect to our queen the Moon, that fhe con
tains the goddefs Hecate and Diana ; and with refpect to our fovereign the
Sun, and the Gods which he contains, theologifts celebrate Bacchus as fub
fifling there,
The Sun's afTeflbr, who with watchful eye
Infpe&s the facred pole:
They alfo celebrate Jupiter as feated there, Ofiris, and a folar Pan, as
likewife other divinities, of which the books of theologifts and theurgifts are
full; from all which it is evident how true it is that each of the planets is
the leader of many Gods, which fill up its proper circulation V — ' O n cfe kcci
BV &KCL(TTVI TOVTOOV 7TXYj9og S<TTIV IkOC(TTY\ (T\)<T T Q 1%0V , KOCTOCCTKSVOCO'eiOCg OCV (XTIO TOOV OCKpOCV* Ei
yap y\ aTrXocvYjg <rv<noi%ov locvry\ irXy\9og, kcci v\ yy toov y Q o v i o o v ijMoov £<tti, cog sksivy) t o o v
ovpavtoov, awyKvj Kai skocctt'/jv oXoxy^a 7ravTcog zyjiv yzpiKu u n a . crvvToiya irpog ccvtyi f w a ,
%ia Kai oXoTrjsg XsyovTai. AuvQavzi $s y'txcov ra pscnz tyjv aio-Grjcnv, Tooy axpoov SyjXoov ovtoov,
toov [jlsv, tyjv VTTbpXapsrrpov ovo-iav, toov cii cWa Ti]v Trpog v,y.ag crvyyivstav. E / $i Kai fj.spi-
xat ilrvyxi vrtpi avTovg sa-7rapy]o-av t uXXai y.sv 7rspi y]Xiov, aXXai & tteji cnXrivvjv, aXXai h 7tspt
I k o c c t t o v toov A o / 7 T w v , K a i irpo t o o v ^jv%oov $uijj.ovsg <rv^7iXr,povo-t r a g aysXag oov e i t i v qys[u.ovsg 9
SyjXov Sti KaXoog sipvjTai KOtrpov SKacrTYiv sivai toov crQxipoov, Kai toov Sio?\oyoov y-pag ravToc
$i$ao-KOVTOov, OTTOTav irepi snacrTOUg Ssovg sv avToig sivaij ttqo toov ^atjjiovoov, aXXovg vtto tcov
ctXXoov TsXovvTag Yiys^Loviotv, otov, Kai vrspi ryjg ^scrTroivqg v\^oov XsX/jVYjg, oti xai y) 'Ekcxtyi Sea
1
KTTIV £V aVTVjy Kai Yf ApTSjJjg, Kai TTEpt TOV (3aCTlXSC0g 'YiXlOV KOil TOOV EKSl B&001 , TOV EKEl Aiovv<roir
vpvovvTEg, WsXtog irap^pog E7ricrK07rsoov 7roXov ayvov, tov Aia tov ex.=/> tov Ocriptvy tov Havoc
tov qXixKOv, Tovg aXXovg, oov d i (3i&Xoi 7rXv]psig cicri toov B:-oXoyoov K a i toov Seovpyoov, e£ oov
UTrotVTOOv ^YjXov, QTioog aXvjQsg, kcci toov TtXavoopEvoov gkoco'TOV ay$Xapyj\v sivai TioXXoov Bsoov,
ffV{ji.7rXYipovvToov avTOV tyjv ihiav 'Tr&pttyopav*
Now, from this extraordinary paffage, we may perceive at one view why
the Sun in the Orphic hymns is called Jupiter, why Apollo is called Pan,
and Bacchus the fun ; why the Moon feems to be the fame with Rhea,
Ceres, Proferpine, Juno, Venus, &c. and, in fhort, why any one divinity is
celebrated with the names and epithets of fo many of the reft. For from
this fublime theory it follows that every fphere contains a Jupiter, Neptune,
Vulcan, Vefta, Minerva, Mars, Ceres, Juno, Diana, Mercury, Venus,
Apollo, and in fhort every deity, each fphere at the fame time conferring
on thefe Gods the peculiar cbaracteriftic of its nature; fo that, for inftance,.
I Frock in T i m . p. 279.
in
430 INTRODUCTION TO T H E TTM^US.
in the fun they all poffefs a folar property, in the moon a lunar one, and fo
of the reft. From this theory too w e may perceive the truth of that divine
i a y i n g of the antients, that all things are full of Gods ; for more particular
orders proceed from fuch as are more general, the mundane from the fuper-
mundane, and the fublunary from the celeftiai; while earth becomes the
general receptacle of the illuminations of all the Gods. " H e n c e (fays
Proclus ' ) there is a terreftrial Ceres, Vefta, and Ifis, as likewife a terreftrial
Jupiter and a terreftrial Hermes, eftablifhed about the one divinity of the
earth; juft as a multitude of celeftiai Gods proceeds about the one divinity
of the heavens. For there are progreftions of all the celeftiai Gods into the
earth ; and earth contains all things, in an earthly manner, which heaven
comprehends celeftially. Hence we fpeak of a terreftrial Bacchus, and a
terreftrial Apollo, who beftows the all-various ftreams of water with which
the earth abounds, and openings'prophetic of futurity/' And if to all this we
only add that all the other mundane Gods fubfift in the twelve above men
tioned, and that the firft triad of thefe is demiurgic or fabricative, viz.
Jupiter, Neptune, Vulcan; the fecond, Vefta, Minerva, Mars, defen/ive ;
the third, Ceres, Juno, Diana, vivific ; and the fourth, Mercury, Venus,
Apollo, elevating and harmonic:—I fay, if we unite this with the preceding
theory, there is nothing in the antient theology that will not appear admi
rably fublime and beautifully connected, accurate in all its parts, fcientific
a n d divine. Such then being the true account of the Grecian theology,
Avhat opinion muft we form of the wretched fyftems of modern mytholo-
gifts ; and which m o f t deferves our admiration, the impudence or ignorance
of the authors of fuch fyftems ? The fyftems indeed of thefe men are fo
monftroufly abfurd, that we may confider them as inftances of the greateft
<diftortion of the rational faculty which can poflibly befall human nature,
while conne6fed with fuch a body as the prefent. For o n e of thefe con
fiders the Gods as merely fymbols of agriculture, another as men who once
a
lived o n the earth , and a third as the patriarchs and prophets of the Jews.
Surely fhould thefe fyftems b e transmitted t o poftcrity, the hiftorian by
whom they are related muft either be confidered by future generations as an
impoftor, or his narration muft b e viewed in the light of a n extravagant
romance.
I only add, as a conclufion to this fublime theory, that though the whole
3
1
In lim. p. 282. See my notes on the Cratylus.
of
INTRODUCTION TO T H E TIMAEUS. 431
of the celeftiai region is compofed from the four elements, yet in fome
places fire in conjunction with earth (/. e. earth without gravity and denfity)
predominates; in others fire, with the fummit of water; and in others again
fire with the fummit of air: and according to each of thefe an all-various
mutation fubfifts. Hence fome bodies in the heavens are vifible, and thefe
are fuch as have fire united with the folid ; but others are ftill more vifible
and thefe are fuch as have fire mingled with the fplendid and diaphanous
nature of air. And hence the fpheres of the planets, and the inerratic
fphere itfelf, poffefs a more attenuated and diaphanous effence ; but the ftars
are of a more folid compofition. But fire every where prevails, and all.
heaven is characterized through the power of this exalted element. And
neither is the fire there cauftic (for this is not even the property of the firft
of the fubl unary elements, which Ariftotle calls fiery, wposihg) nor corruptive
of any thing, nor of a nature contrary to earth ; but it perpetually fhines
with a pure and tranfparent light, with vivific heat, and illuminating power.
And fuch are the outlines of the fvftem of the world, according to Pytha
goras and Plato; which, ftrange as the affertion may feem-, appears to have
been but little known from the asra of the emperor Juftinian to the prefent
time. That beautiful mode in which as we have fhown the elements fubfift
both in the heavens and the earth, has not been even fufpected by modern
natural philofophers to have any exiftence; and aftronomers have been very
far from the truth in their affertions concerning the celeftiai fpheres. In
confequence of indolence, or ignorance, or prejudice, or from all three in
conjunction, the moderns have invented fyftems no lefs difcordant with the
nature of things than different from each other. They have juft been able
to gain a glimpfe of the beautiful union of things in the vegetable and ani
mal tribes belonging to the earth, and have difcovered that the loweft of the
animal fpecies and the higheft of the vegetable approximate fo near to each
other, that the difference between the two can fcarcely be perceived ; but
this is the very fummit of their refearches; they are unable to trace the
connection of things any further, and reft fatisfied in admitting that
1
That is, in themfelves: but they are invifible to us, on account of their pone fling but little
of the rending nature of earth *, and this is the reafon why we cannot fee the celeftiai fpheres.
4 The
482 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM.EUS.
T h e divine nature of the celeftiai bodies cannot be feen through the tele-
fcope, and incorporeals are not to be viewed with a microfcopic eye : but
thefe inftruments are at prefent the great ftandards of truth ; and whatever
oppofes or cannot be afcertained by the teftimony of thefe, is confidered as
mere conjecture, idle fpeculation, and a perverfion of the reafoning power.
But let us now proceed to a fummary view of fome of the principle parts
of this moft interefting dialogue. And, in the firft place, with refpecl: to the
hiftory which is related in the beginning, concerning a war between the
inhabitants of the Atlantic iftand and the Athenians :—Crantor, the moft
early of Plato's commentators, confidered this relation (fays Proclus) as a
mere hiftory unconnected with allegory ; while other Platonifts, on the con
trary, have confidered it as an allegory alone. But both thefe opinions are
confuted by Proclus and the beft of the Platonifts ; becaufe Plato calls it a
very wonderful, but at the fame time true, narration. So that it is to be
confidered as a true hiftory, exhibiting at the fame time an image of the
oppofition of the natures which the univerfe contains. But according to
1
Amelius it reprelents the oppofition between the inerratic fphere and the
fixed ftars ; according to Origen*, the conteft between daemons of a fuperior
and thofe of an inferior order ; according to Numenius, the difagreement be
tween more excellent fouls who are the attendants of Pallas, and fuch as are
converfant with generation under Neptune. Again, according to Porphyry,
it infinuates the conteft between daemons deducing fouls into generation, and
fouls afcending to the Gods, For Porphyry gives a three-fold diftinction to
daemons; afferting that fome are divine, that others fubfift according to
habitude, Kara o-yja-tv, among which partial fouls rank when they are allotted
a daemoniacal condition, and that others are evil and noxious to fouls. He
afferts, therefore, that this loweft order of daemons always contends with
fouls in their afcent and defcent, efpecially weftern daemons ; for, according
to the Egyptian?, the weft is accommodated to daemons of this defcription.
But the expofition of Jamblichus, Syrianus and Proclus is doubtlefs to be
preferred, as more confiftent with the nature of the dialogue ; which refers it
to the oppofition perpetually flourifhing in the univerfe between unity and
1
A difciple of Plotinus contemporary with Porphyry.
* Not the father, of that name, but a difciple of Ammonius Saccas, and contemporary with
Plotinus.
multitude,
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E T I M A E U S . 433
multitude, bound and infinity, famenefs and difference, motion and perma
nency, from which all things, the firff caufe being excepted, are compofed.
Likewife, being has either an effential or accidental fubfiftence, and is either
incorporeal or corporeal: and if incorporeal, it either verges or does not
verge to body. But bodies are either fimple and immaterial, as the celeftiai
bodies, or fimple and material, as thofe of an aerial nature, or compofite
and material, as thofe of earth. So that the oppofition of all thefe is occultly
fignified by that antient war ; the higher and more excellent natures being
every where implied by the Athenians, and thofe of a contrary order by the
inhabitants of the Atlantic ifland.
That the reader, however, may be convinced that Plato's account of the
Atlantic ifland is not a fiction of his own devifing, let him attend to the fol
lowing relation of one Marcellus, who wrote an hiftory of Ethiopian affairs,
1
according to Proclus :—" That fuch, and fo great, an ifland once exifted,
is evinced by thofe who have compofed hiftories of things relative to the ex
ternal fea. For they relate that in their times there were (even iflands in
the Atlantic fea, facred to Proferpine : and befides thefe, three others of an
immenfe magnitude ; one of which was facred to Pluto, another to Ammon,
and another, which is the middle of thefe, and is of a thoufand ftadia, to
Neptune. And befides this, that the inhabitants of this laft ifland preferved
the memory of the prodigious magnitude of the Atlantic ifland, as related by
their anceftors ; and of its governing for many periods all the iflands in the
Atlantic fea. And fuch is the relation of Marcellus in his ^ t h i o p i c hiftory."
'Or/ fjLS)/ sysv-ro IOIOCVTYI rig vyo'cg KCXI T^XIKCCVTT,, ^r Kov(ri nvig TCUV IcTTcpovvTcuv TOC TTIA jyg
]
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rx, u7-\r v
t Woo't&wog* yjXrov o-roc^iw TO jxr/fjcg. Ka/ rovg oiKcvvrag sv am'^p-jY^xr^ UTTO TCOU
T.pzycvuv hzcrcti^w T.ipi ryjg ATXMT t$og o;rccg yyjcu,ivv g i vv Tov
t Trajxpzya^ i-a-rctTi'ir, YJ-J ZTTI
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y\:xp'A.z7\7\og EV \oig Ai9i07TiK0ig y-ypettysv»
Indeed it is not at all wonderful that fo large an ifland fhould once have
exifted, nor improbable that many more fuch exift at prefent, though to us
unknown, if we only confider the Platonic theory concerning the earth, of
which the reader will find an account in the Introduction to the Phaedo, and
1
In T i m . p. 55.
1 2
Vid. Scncc. Natural. Qmeft. I I I . 29. Metaphyf. lib. 5.
3K2 and
436 INTRODUCTION 1
TO T H E TIM^US.
and if men of the prefent day had but attended to this fignification of the
word, i. e. if any edition of Ariflotle's works, with a copious index men
tioning this fenfe of neceflity, had fortunately exifled, they would not have
ignorantly fuppofed that this word, when applied to divine natures, figni-
fied conflraint, violence, and over-ruling power. As intellect, therefore, is
eternal, both according to effence and energy, and as foul is eternal in
effence, but temporal in energy, fo the' world is temporal both in effence
and energy. Hence, every thing prior to foul always is, and is never gene
rated ; but foul both is, and is perpetually generated ; and the world never is,
but is always generated : and whatever the world contains in like manner
never is ; but inftead of being always generated, like the whole world, is fo at
fome particular time. Becaufe the world therefore is converfant with per
petual motion and time, it may be faid to be always generated, or advancing
towards being; and therefore never truly is. So that it refembles the image
of a mountain beheld in a torrent, which has the appearance of a mountain
without the reality, and which is continually renewed by the continual re
novation of the firearm But foul, which is eternal in effence, and tem
poral in energy, may be compared to the image of the fame rock beheld
in a pool, and which, of courfe, when compared with the image in the
torrent, may be faid to be permanently the fame. In fine, as Proclus weH
obferves, Plato means nothing more by generation than the formation of
bodies, i. e. a motion or proceffion towards the integrity and perfection of
the univerfe.
Again, by the demiurgus and father of the world we muft underftand Jupi
1
ter, who fubfifts at the extremity of the intellectual triad ; and avio £ocov, or
animal itfelf which is the exemplar of the world, and from the contempla
tion of which it was fabricated by Jupiter, is the laft of the intelligible triad r
and is fame with the Phanes of Orpheus : for the theologift reprefents Phanes
as an animal with the heads of various beafts, as may be feen in our Notes
to the Parmenides. Nor let the reader be difturbed on finding that,
according to Plato, the firft caufe is not the immediate caufe of the univerfe ;
for this is not through any defect or imbecility of nature, but, on the con
trary, is the confequence of tranfcendency of power- For, as the firfl caufe
1
See the Notes on the Cratylus and Parmenides.
h
INTRODUCTION TO T H E T I M ^ U S . 437
is the fame with the one, a unifying energy muft be the prerogative of his
nature ; and as he is likewife perfectly fupereffential, if the world were his
immediate progeny, it muft be as much as poftible fupereffential and pro
foundly one : but as this is not the cafe, it is neceffary that it fhould be
formed by intellect and moved by foul. So that it derives the unity and
goodnefs of its nature from the firft caufe, the orderly difpofition and di
stinction of its parts from Jupiter its artificer, and its perpetual motion from
foul ; the whole at the fame time proceeding from the firft caufe through
proper mediums. Nor is it more difficult to conceive matter after this man
ner invefted with form and diftributed into order, than to conceive a potter
making clay with his own hands, giving it a fhape when made, through the
affiftance of a wheel, and, when fafhioned, adorning it through another
inftrument with figures; at the fame time being careful to remember, that
in this latter inftance different inftruments are required through the imbe
cility of the artificer, but that in the former various mediums are neceffary
from the tranfcendency of power which fubfifts in the original caufe. And
from all this it is eafy to infer, that matter was not prior to the world by
any interval of time, but only in the order of compofition ; priority here im
plying nothing more than that which muft be confidered as firft in the con-
ftrucf ion of the world. Nor was it hurled about in a difordered ftate prior
to »,rder; but this only Signifies its confufed and tumultuous nature, when
conCdered in itfelf, diverted of the fupervening irradiations of form.
"With refped to the four elements, I add, in addition to what has been
faid before, that their powers are beautifully difpofed by Proclus as follows,
viz:
FIRE. AIR.
Subtle, acute, movable. Subtle, blunt, movable.
WATER. EARTH.
Denfe, blunt, movable. Denfe, blunt, immovable.
In which difpofition you may perceive how admirably the two extremes fire
and earth are connected, though indeed it is the peculiar excellence of the
Platonic philofophy to find out in every thing becoming mediums through
that part of the dialectic art called divifion; and it is owing to this that the
philofophy
438 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIMvEUS.
philofophy itfelf forms fo regular and confident a whole. But I have in
vented the following numbers for the purpofe of reprcfenting this diftribution
of the elements arithmetically.
Let the number 60 reprefent fire, and 480 earth ; and the mediums be
tween thefe, viz. 120 and 240, will correfpond to air and water. For as
60 : 120 :: 240 : 480. But 60 = 3 x 5 x 4 . 120 = 3 x 10 x 4. 240 — 6
X 10 x 4. and 480 = 6 x 1 0 x 8 . So that thefe numbers will correfpond
to the properties of the elements as follows :
FIRE: AIR::
3 X 5 * 4*. 3 x 1 0 x 4 : :
Subtle, acute, movable : Subtle, blunt, movable.
WATER : EARTH.
1
6 x i o X 4:: 6 x i o x 8
Denfe, blunt, movable : : Denfe, blunt, immovable.
owing to the fire which they contain being wholly abforbed, as it were, in
grofs and ponderous earth.
In like manner, with refpecl: to earth, the charadteriftic of its nature is
folidity and tangibility, but not ponderofity and a tendency downwards ; for
thefe properties do not fubfift in every fpecies of earth. Hence, when we
confider thefe two elements according to their oppofite fubfiftence, we fhall
find that fire is always in motion, but earth always immovable ; that fire.is
eminently vifible, and earth eminently tangible; and that fire is of a moft
attenuated nature through light, but that earth is moft denfe through dark-
nefs. So that as fire is effentially the caufe of light, in like manner, earth
is effentially the caufe of darknefs ; while air and water fubfifting as mediums
between thefe two, are, on account of their diaphanous nature, the caufes
of vifibility to other things, but not to themfelves. In the mean time
moifture is common both to air and water, connecting and conglutinating
earth, but becoming the feat of fire, and affording nourifhment and ft ability
to its flowing nature.
With refpect to the compofition of the mundane foul, it is neceffary to
obferve that there are five genera of being, from which all things after the
firft being are compofed, viz. effence,permanency', motion, famenefs, difference.
For every thing muft poffefs effence; muft abide in its caufe, from which alfo
it muft proceed, and to which it muft be converted; muft be the fame with
itfelf and certain other natures, and at the fame time different from others
and diftinguifhed in itfelf. But Plato, for the fake of brevity, affumes only
three of thefe in the compofition of the foul, viz. effence, famenefs, and differ
ence ; for the other two muft neceffarily fubfift in conjunction with thefe.
But by a nature impartible, or without parts, we muft underftand intellect,
and by that nature which is divifible about body, corporeal life. The mun
dane foul, therefore, is a medium between the mundane intellect and the
whole of that corporeal life which the world participates. W e muft not,
however, fuppofe that when the foul is faid to be mingled from thefe two,
the impartible and partible natures are confumed in the mixture, as is the
cafe when corporeal fubftances are mingled together; but we muft under
ftand that the foul is of a middle nature between thefe, fo as to be different
from each, and yet a participant of each.
4 The
440 INTRODUCTION TO T H E TIM^EUS.
of divine numbers. Hence we muft not fay that (lie alone pofTciTes an arith
metical effence, for fhe would not be continuous ; nor alone a geometrical
effence, for fhe would not be divided : fhe is therefore both at once, and
muff be called both arithmetical and geometrical. But fo far as fhe is
arithmetical, fhe has at the fame time harmony conjoined with her effence;
for the multitude which fhe contains is elegant and compofite, and receives
in the fame and at once both that which is effential quantity and that which
is related. But fo far as fhe is geometrical, fhe has that which is fpherical
connected with her effence. For the circles which fhe contains are both
immovable and moved ; immovable indeed according to effence, but moved
according to a vital energy ; or, to fpeak more properly, they may be faid to
poffefs both of thefe at once, for they are felf-motive : and that which is
felf-motive is both moved and is at the fame time immovable, fince a motive
power feems to belong to an immovable nature. Soul, therefore, effentially
pre-affumes all difciplines ; the geometrical, according to her totality, her
forms, and her lines; the arithmetical, according to her multitude and
effential unities ; the harmonical, according to the ratios of numbers; and
the fpherical, according to her double circulations. And, in fhort, fhe is
the effential, felf-motive, intellectual, and united bond of all difciplines,
purely comprehending all things ; figures in an unfigured manner; unitedly
fuch thinoso as are divided ; and without dilfance fuch as are diflant from
each other.
W e are likewife informed by Proclus, that, according to Porphyry, a
character like the letter X comprehended in a circle was a fymbol with the
Egyptians of the mundane foul; by the right lines, perhaps (fays he), figni-
fying its biformed progreffion, but by the circle its uniform life and intel
lective progrefs, which is of a circular nature. But of thefe circles the
exterior, or the circle of famenefs, reprefents the dianoetic power of the
foul; but the interior, or the circle of difference, the power which energizes
according to opinion : and the motion which is perpetually revolved in fame
nefs, and which comprehends the foul, is intellect.
Again, we have before obferved that, according to the Platonic philofophy,
the planets revolve with a kind of fpiral motion ; while varioufly wandering
under the oblique zodiac, they at one time verge to the fouth, and at another
to the north, fometimes advance, and fometimes retreat, and being at one
time
446 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM JE U S .
time more diftant from and at another nearer to the earth. And this
motion, indeed, very properly belongs to them, from their middle pofition,
as it is a .medium between the right-lined motion of the elements and the
circular motion of the inerratic fphere t for a fpiral is mixed from the right
line and circle. Add too, that there are feven motions in the heavens; the
circular, before, behind, upwards, downwards, to the right hand, and to the
left. But the fpheres alone poffefs a circular motion. And the ftars in the
inerratic fphere revolve about their centres ; but at the fame time have an
advancing motion, becaufe they are drawn along towards the weft by the
fphere in which they are fixed. But they are entirely deftitute of the other
five motions. On the contrary, the planets have all the feven. For they
revolve about their own centres, but are carried by the motions of their fpheres
towards the eaft. And befides this, they are carried upwards and down
wards, behind and before, to the right hand and to the left. Every ftar, too,
by its revolution about its own centre, imitates the energy of the foul which
it contains about its own intellect; but by following the motion of its fphere,
it imitates the energy of the fphere about a fuperior intellect. W e may
likewife add, that the uniformity in the motions of the fixed ftars confers
union and perfeverance on inferior concerns ; but that the manifold and
oppofite motions of the planets contribute to the production, mingling and
governing of things various and oppofite.
And here, as the reader will doubtlefs be defirous of knowing why earth
is called by Plato the firft and moft antient of the Gods within the heavens,
I doubt not but he will gratefully receive the following epitome of the beau
tiful account given by Proclus of the earth in his ineftimable commentaries
on this venerable dialogue.—" Earth (fays he) firft proceeds from the intel*
ligible earth which comprehends all the intelligible orders of the Gods, and
from the intellectual earth which is co-ordinated with heaven. For our
.earth, being analogous to thefe, eternally abides, as in the centre of heaven;
by which being every way comprehended, it becomes full of generative
power and demiurgic perfection. T h e true earth, therefore, is not this cor
poreal and grofs bulk, but an animal endued with a divine foul and a divine
body. For it contains an immaterial and feparate intellect, and a divine foul
energizing about this intellect, and an ethereal body proximately depending
o n this foul; and, laftly, this vifible bulk, which is on all fides animated and
filled
INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^US. 447
filled with life from its infpiring foul, and through which it generates and
nourifhes lives of all-various kinds. For one fpecies of life is rooted in the
earth, and another moves about its furface. For how is it poffible that
plants fhould live while abiding in the earth, but when feparated from it
die, unlefs its vifible bulk was full of life? Indeed it muff univerfally follow
that wholes muft be animated prior to parts : for it would be ridiculous that
man fhould participate of a rational foul and of intellect, but that earth and
air fhould be deprived of a foul, fublimely carried in thefe elements as in a
chariot, governing them from on high, and preferving them in the limits
accommodated to their nature. For, as Theophraftus well obferves, wholes
would poffefs lefs authority than parts, and things eternal than fuch as are
corruptible, if deprived of the poffeffion of foul. Hence there muft necef
farily be a foul and intellect in the earth, the former caufing her to be pro
lific, and the latter connectedly containing her in the middle of the univerfe;
So that earth is a divine animal, full of intellectual and animaftic effences,
and of immaterial powers. For if a partial foul, fuch as ours, in con
junction with its proper ethereal vehicle, is able- to exercife an exuberant
energy in a material body, what ought we to think of a foul fo divine
as that of the earth ? Ought we not to affert, that by a much greater priority
fhe ufes thefe apparent bodies through other middle vehicles, and through
thefe enables them to receive her divine illuminations ?
" E a r t h then fubfifting in this manner, fhe is faid, in the firft place, to be
our nurfe, as pofTeffmg, in a certain refpect, a power equivalent to heaven ;
and becaufe, as heaven comprehends divine animals, fo earth appears to con
tain fuch as are earthly. And, in the fecond place, as infpiring our life from
her own proper life. For fhe not only yields us fruits, and nourifhes our
bodies through thefe, but fhe fills our fouls with illuminations from her own
divine foul, and through her intellect awakens ours from its oblivious fleep»
And thus, through the whole of herfelf, fhe becomes the nurfe of our whole
compofition.
" But we may confider the poles as powers which give ftability to the
univerfe, and excite the whole of its bulk to intelligible love ; which con
nect a divifible nature indivifibly, and that which poffeffes interval in an
united and indiftant manner. But the axis is one divinity conorep-atingr
the centres of the univerfe, connecting the whole world, and moving its
4 divine.
448 INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^US.
divine circulations ; about which the revolutions of the ftars fubfift, and
which fuftains the whole of the heavens by its power. And hence it is
called Atlas, from the immutable and unwearied energy with which it is
endued. Add too that the word Tsra^-vov, extended, Signifies that this one
power is Titanic, guarding the circulations of the wholes which the uni
verfe contains.
" Earth is likewife called the guardian and fabricator of night and day.
And that fhe caufes the night indeed is evident; for her magnitude and
figure give that great extent to the conical fhadow which fhe produces.
But fhe is the fabricator of the day, confidered as giving perfection to the
day which is conjoined with night; fo that earth is the artificer of both
thefe in conjunction with the fun.
" But fhe is the moft antient and firft of the Gods in the heavens, con
fidered with refpect to her ftability and generative power, her fymphony
with heaven, and her pofition in the centre of the univerfe. For the
centre poffeffes a mighty power in the univerfe, as connecting all its cir
culations ; and hence it was called by the Pythagoreans the tower of Jupiter,
from its containing a demiurgic guard. And if we recollect the Platonic
hypothefis concerning the earth (which we have mentioned before), that
our habitable part is nothing but a dark hollow, and very different from the
true earth, which is adorned with a beauty fimilar to that of the heavens,
we fhall have no occafion to wonder at her being called the firft and moft
antient of the celeftiai Gods*"
Again, according to the Platonic philofophy, fome of the fixed ftars are
fometimes fo affected, that for a confiderable fpace of time they become in-
vifible to us ; and in this cafe, both when they withdraw themfelves from
our view, and when they again make their appearance, they are faid by fuch
1
as are fkilled in thefe affairs, according to the information of Proclus , both
to produce and fignify mighty events. But though it is evident from the
very words of Plato, in this part of the dialogue, that this opinion con
cerning certain ftars difappearing and becoming again vifible was entertained
by all the aftronomers of his time, and by the Pythagoreans prior to him,
1
In T i m . p. 285. And in p. 333 he informs us, that the fixed flars have periods of revolu
tion, though to us unknown, and that different ftars have different periods. See alfo Chalcidius
in Plat. T i m . p . 218.
yet
INTRODUCTION TO THE TIMAEUS. 449
yet this mod: interefting circumftance Teems to have been utterly unknown
to the moderns. Hence, not in the leaft fufpecling this to be the cafe, they
have immediately concluded from ftars appearing of which we have no
account, and others difappearing which have been obferved in the heavens
for many ages, that the ftars are bodies, like earthly natures, fubject to
generation and decay. But this is not wonderful, if we confider that fuch
men as thefe have not the fmalleft conception that the univerfe is a perfect
whole ; that every thing perfect muft have a firft, middle, and laft ; and that,
in confequence of this, the heavens alone can rank in the firft place, and
earth in the laft.
As the univerfe, indeed, as well as each of its principal parts or wholes^
is perpetual, and as this perpetuity being temporal can only fubfift by peri
odical circulation, hence all the celeftiai bodies, in order that all the poffible
variety of things may be unfolded, form different periods at different times ;
and their appearings and difappearings are nothing more than the reftitu-
tions of their circulations to their priftine ftate, and the beginnings of new
periods. For according to thefe efpecially, lays Proclus, they turn and
tranfmute mundane natures, and bring on abundant corruptions and mighty
mutations, as Plato afferts in the Republic.
In the next place, from the fublime fpeech of the demiurgus to the
junior or mundane Gods, the reader may obtain full conviction that the
Gods of the antients were not dead men deified ; for they are here rcpre-
fented as commanded by the mundane artificer to fabricate the whole of
the mortal race. And with refpect to the properties of the fublunary Gods,
which Plato comprehends in nine divinities, Proclus beautifully obferves
that Heaven bounds, Earth corroborates, and Ocean moves, the whole of
generation. That Tethys eftablifhcs every thing in its proper motion, in
tellectual natures in intellectual, middle natures in animal, and corporeal
natures in phyfical motion ; Ocean at the fame time moving all things
collected together in one. But Saturn diftributes intellectually only, Rhea
vivifies, Phorcys fcattcrs fpermatic reafons, Jupiter gives perfection to
things apparent from unapparent caufes, and Juno evolves according to the
all-various mutations of apparent natures. And thus through this ennead
the fublunary world is in a becoming manner diftributed and filled ; divinely
indeed from the Gods, angelically from angels, and demoniacally from
VOL. 11, ^M " daemons.
450 INTRODUCTION TO T H E TIMiEUS.
daemons. And again, the Gods fubfifling about bodies, fouls, and intellects ;
angels exhibiting their providence about fouls and bodies ; and daemons
being divided about the fabrication of nature, and the care of bodies. But
it may be afked, Why does Plato comprehend the whole extent of the Gods
producing generation, in thefe nine divinities ? Becaufe, fays Proclus, this
ennead accomplifhes the fabrication of generation. For in the fublunary
regions there are bodies and natures, fouls and intellects, and thefe both
totally and partially. And all thefe fubfift in both refpects, that is both
totally and partially, in each of the elements, becaufe wholes and parts-
fubfift together. Hence, as each clement ranks as a monad, and contains
bodies and natures, fouls and intellects, both totally and partially, an ennead
will evidently be produced in each. But Heaven and Earth generate the
unapparent effences of thefe, the former according to union, and the latter
according to multiplication : buf Ocean and Tethys give perfection to their
common and diftributed motion ; at the fame time that the motion of each
is different. In like manner, with refpect to the wholes which are adorned,
Saturn diftributes things partial from fuch as are total, but in an intellectual
manner. But Rhea calls forth this diftribution from intellectual natures into
all-various progreffions, and as far as to the ultimate forms of life, in con
fequence of her being a vivific Goddefs. But Phorcys produces the Tita
nic diftindtion, as far as to natural reafons. And after thefe three, the
fathers of compofite natures fucceed. And Jupiter indeed orderly difpofes
fenfible natures totally, in imitation of Heaven. For in the intellectual
order, and in the royal feries, he proceeds analogous to Heaven \ But
Juno moves the wholes, fills them with powers, and unfolds them accord
ing to every progreffion. And the Gods pofterior to thefe fabricate the
partial works of fenfible natures, according to the characterises by which
they are diftinguifhed ; viz. the demiurgic, the vivific, the perfective, and
the connective, unfolding and diftributing themfelves as far as to the laft of
things. For thefe laft are all of them analogous to the Saturnian order,
from whofe government the diftributive characteriftic originally proceeds.
Again, by the Crater in which the mundane foul was mingled, we muft
1
For there are fix kings, according to Orpheus, who prefide over the univerfe—Phanes, Night,
Heaven, Saturn, Jupiter, Bacchus j and of thefe Saturn proceeds analogous to Phanes, and
Jupiter to Heaven.
underfland
INTRODUCTION TO THE TIM^EUS. 451
1
i. e. ftars and fpheres.
3 M Z fuch
452 INTRODUCTION TO T H E TIM.EUS.
fuch as live but for a fhort period (viz. whofe periods of circulation are
fhort) it is neceffary there fhould be a fpecies of rational animals more
divine than man, and whofe exiftence is of a very extended duration. It
is likewife worthy of obfervation, that the foul is conjoined with this grofs
body through two vehicles as mediums, one of which is ethereal and the
other aerial: and of thefe the ethereal vehicle is fimple and immaterial, but
the aerial fimple and material', and this denfe earthly body is compofite and
material.
Again, when our fouls are reprefented after falling into the prefent body
as fuffering a tranfmutation into brutes, this, as Proclus beautifully obferves,
muft not be underftood as if our fouls ever became the animating principles
of brutal bodies, but that by a certain fympathy they are bound to the fouls
of brutes, and are as it were carried in them, juft as evil daemons infinuate
themfelves into our phantafy, through their own depraved imaginations.
And by the circulations of the foul being merged in a profound river and
impetuoufly borne along, we muft underftand by the river, not the human
body alone, but the whole of generation (with which we are externally
furrounded) through its fwift and unliable flowing. For thus, fays Proclus,
Plato in the Republic calls the whole of generated nature the river of Lethe,
which contains both Lethe and the meadow of Ate, according to Empe-
docles * ; the devouring jaws of matter and the light-hating world, as it is
called by the Gods; and the winding rivers under which many are drawn
1
down, as the oracles affert. But by the circulations of the foul the dia-
noetic and doxaftic powers are fignified; the former of which, through the
foul's conjunction with the body, is impeded in its energies, and the latter is
Titanically torn in pieces under the irrational life.
Again, if we confider man with reference to a contemplative life, which is
the true end of his formation, we fhall find that the head, which is the in
strument of contemplation, is the principal member, and that the other
members were only added as miniftrant to the head. With refpect to fight,
1
i. e. men.
3
Ev v KM h Anflu, xai b rnf Arris teipcov, «; p»<r»y "EfinefoHtou, xai to kaGpov rns L\rx xai b (Mtropaiitit
t
uafffMi, «{ bi Seot heyovffi, xai ra cxohia pstQpa, v$' uv bi 7roto>oi xaraffvpovraiy us ra hoyia <pr\7iv. Procl. in
Tim. p . 339. See more concerning this in my Diflertation on the Eleuiinian and Bacchic
Myfteries.
> Viz, the oracles of Zoroafter.
it
INTRODUCTION TO T H E TIM^EUS. 453
and, in the third place, that inherent reafon of the foul enfues, which ger
minates from the fenlitive foul, is accommodated to fpecies of this kind, and
is that through which fenfitive judgment and cogitation fubfift.
But further, the Platonifts admit, with Democritus and Empedocles, that
certain material images of things flow through the pores of bodies, and pre
serve, to a certain diftance, not only the qualities but likewife the ftiape of
the bodies from which they flow. And thefe radial images are intimated
by Plato in this dialogue, in the Sophifta, and in the feventh book of his
Republic ; in commenting on the laft of which, Proclus obferves as follows :
*' According to Plato, (fays he) reprefentations of things are hypoftafes of
certain images fabricated by a dasmoniacal art, as he teaches us in the
Sophifta ; for hhadows, of which they fay images are the companions, polfefs
a nature of this kind. For thefe are the effigies of bodies and figures, and
have an abundant fympathy with the things from which they fall; as is evi
dent from what the arts of magicians are able to effect, and from what they
tell us concerning images and fhadows. But why fhould I fpeak of the
powers of magicians, when irrational animals are able to operate through
images and fhadows, prior to all reafon ? for they fay that the hyaena, by
trampling on the fhadow of a dog feated on an eminence, will hurl him
down and devour him ; and Ariftotle fays, that if a woman, during her
menftrua, looks into a mirror, (he will defile both the mirror and the appa
rent image. ' — O t i koctdc TlXaTWva di sptyavsig \rno<nu<rsig sitiv s^ouXujv tivcvv ^aiyovia.
jAV%ocvri $rjpicvpyovjj.$vat, KaQavrsp avrog ev ru> crotyiVTy $i$a<TKSi» K a / yap ai crxiai dig toc
eibwXa <r-v(\>ysiv tyvjcri toixvtyjv syjovn tyvoriv. Kai yap avrai 0-ccfj.aTMV si<ri kxi (ry/ipajoov
siKovsg, Kat TrocpiroKw typvo-t nrpog ra atyi* cuv sjj.7ri7r]ov(ri crvpTraQziuv, uig $Yi\ov<ri Kai o<rx
payoov (lege payoov) rzyyai Trpog rs r a eiSooKa Upocv Kai Z7rayy \\o>Tai
: Kai jag o'Kiag. Ka/
71 Xzyw jag sksivmv SvvajjLStg d kui roig ahoyoig fj^r] fooig virapyjq irpo Koyov iravjog svspy-tv.
"H yup vxiva tya<riv ty\v tov Kvvog sv v\Jjzi Ka9yj(j.ivov irurwovra <tkixv Kara^txXXii, Kai 9oivv\v
iror/jTsi tov kuvcc- Kai yvvaiKog KzQaipovpsvYig tyvi<riv Ap/crroTfA/jf, sig ivorfjpov i^ovo-vjg, dipoc-
the fame place, that thefe images, on account of their (lender exiftence,
cannot otherwife become vifible to our eyes, than when, in confequence of
being eftdblifhed, reftored, and illuminated in mirrors, they again receive
their priftine power and the fhape of their originals. Hence, fays he, denfity
1
Vid. Procl. in Plat. Polit. p. 430.
is
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E T I M ^ U S , 455
is required in the body which receives them, that the image may not be
diflipated from the rarity of the receptacle, and that from many defluxions
it may pafs into one form. But fmoothnefs likewife is required, led: the
afperity of the receptacle, on account of the prominency of fome of its parts
and the depth of others, mould be the caufe of inequality to the image. And,
laftly, fplendour is required; that the image, which naturally poffeffes a
(lender form, may become apparent to the fight.
In the next place, with refpect to matter, and the various epithets by which
Plato calls it in this dialogue, it is neceffary to obferve, that as in an afcend-
ing feries of fubjeds we muft arrive at length at fomething which is better
than all things, fo in a defcending feries our progreffion muft be flopped by
fomething which is worfe than all things, and which is the general recep
tacle of the laft proceflion of forms. And this is what the antients called
matter, and which they confidered as nothing more than a certain indefinite-
nefs of an incorporeal, indivifible, and intellectual nature, and as fomething
which is not formally impreffed and bounded by three dimensions, but is
entirely remitted and refolved, and is on all fides rapidly flowing from being
into non-entity. But this opinion concerning matter, fays Simplicius
feems to have been adopted by the firft Pythagoreans among the Greeks;
and after thefe by Plato, according to the relation of Moderatus. For he
(hows u s — " that, according to the Pythagoreans, there is a firft one fubfift-
ing prior to the effence of things and every fubftance ; that after this, true
being and intelligible or forms fubfift : and, in the third place, that which per
tains to foul, and which participates of the one and of intellectual forms. But
after this (fays he) the laft nature, which is that of fenfib>;^ fubfifts ; which
9
does not participate of the preceding natures, but is thus affected and formed
according to the reprefentation of thefe; fince the matter of fenfible natures
is the fhadow of that non-being which primarily fubfifts in quantity, or rather
may be faid to depend upon, and be produced by, this." Hence Porphvry,
in his fecond book on Matter, fays Simplicius, obferves that Plato calls
matter, quantity, which is formlefs, indivifible, and without figure ; but
capacious, and the receptacle of form, figure, divifion, quality, and other
things of a fimilar kind. And this quantity and form, confidered according
1
In Aviftot, Phyf. p. 50, f>.
4 to
456 INTRODUCTION TO T H E T I M ^ E U S .
and poffeffing no power from intellect; but is conflituted in the defect and
made, as it were, of all real being. Hence, too, in each of its vanifhing
appellations, it eludes our fearch : for, if we think of it as fomething great,
it is in the mean time fmall; if as fomething more, it becomes lefs ; and
the apparent being which we meet with in its image is non-being, and, as it
were, a flying mockery. So that the forms which appear in matter are
merely ludicrous ; fhadows falling upon fhadow, as in a mirror, where the
pofition of the apparent is different from that of the real object; and which,
though apparently full of forms, poffeffes nothing real and true. But the
things which enter into, and depart from, matter, are nothing but imitations
of being, and femblances flowing about a formlefs femblance. T h e y feem,
indeed, to effect fomething in the fubject matter, but in reality produce
nothing ; from their debile and flowing nature being endued with no folidity
and no rebounding power. A n d fince matter likewife has no folidity, they
penetrate it without divifion, like images in water, or as if any one fhould
fill a vacuum with forms."
Such, then, being the true condition of matter and her inherent fhadowy
forms, we may fafely conclude that whatever becomes corporeal in an emi
nent degree has but little power of recalling itfelf into one ; and that a
nature of this kind is ready by every trifling impulfe to remain as it is i m - -
pelled; to rufh from the embraces of bound, and haften into multitude and
non-entity. Hence, as Plotinus beautifully obferves, (Ennead. 3, lib. 6,) —
" thofe who only place being in the genus of body, in confequence of i m -
pulfes and concuffions, and the phantafms perceived through the fenfes,
which perfuade them that fenfe is alone the ftandard of truth, are affected
like thofe in a dream, who imagine that the perceptions of fleep are true.
For fenfe is alone the employment of the dormant foul; fince as much of
the foul as is merged in body, fo much of it fleeps. But true elevation and
true vigilance are a refurrection from, and not with, the dull mafs of body.
For, indeed, a refurrection with body is only a traufmigration from fleep to
fleep, and from dream to dream, like a man paffing in the dark from bed to
bed. But that elevation is perfectly true which entirely rifes from the dead
weight of bodies; for thefe, poffefTing a nature repugnant to foul, poffefs
fomething oppofite to effence. A n d this is further evident from their gene-
VOL. 11. 3 N ration,
458 I N T R O D U C T I O N TO T H E TIMiEUS.
ration, their continual flowing and decay ; properties entirely foreign from
the nature of being, fubftantial and real."
Laftly, when Plato compofes the elements from mathematical planes, it
is neceflary to obferve that, as thefe are phyfical planes, they muft not only
have length and breadth, but likewife depth, that they may be able to fub
fift as principles in natural effects.—•*« For the Pythagoreans (fays Simpli
cius ' ) confidered every phyfical body as a figured quantity, and as in itfelf
matter, but fafhioned with different figures. That, befides this, it differs
from a mathematical body in being material and tangible, receiving its tan
gibility from its bulk, and not either from heat or cold. Hence, from the
fubject matter being impreffed with different figures, they affert that the
four elements of the elements fubfift. For thefe elements rank more in the
nature of principles, as for inftance, the cubic of earth ; not that earth has
wholly a cubic figure, but that each of the parts of earth is compofed
from many cubes, which through their fmallnefs are invifible to our fight;
and in the fame manner the other elements from other primary figures.
They add too, that from this difference of figures all the other properties of
the elements enfue, and their mutations into each other. For, if it is inquired
why much air is produced from a little water, they can very readily affign
the caufe by faying, that the elements of water are many, and that, the ico-
iaedrons of water being divided, many octaedrons, and confequently a great
quantity of air, will be produced."
Simplicius likewife informs us, that the more antient of Plato's inter
preters, among which the divine Jamblichus ranks, confidered Plato as
fpeaking fymbolically in this part concerning the figures of the elements ;
but the latter Platonic philofophers, among whom Proclus, in my opinion,
ranks as the moft eminent, explained this part according to its literal mean
ing. And Simplicius, in the fame book, has fortunately preferved the argu
ments of Proclus in defence of Plato's doctrine refpecting thefe planes,
againft the objections of Ariftotle.
Should it be afked in what this doctrine concerning planes differs from
the dogma of Democritus, who afferted that natural bodies were fafhioned
1
D e Ccclo, lib. iv. p. 139.
according
I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E T I M i E U S . 459
according to figures, we may anfwer with Simplicius that Plato and the
Pythagoreans by a plane denoted fomething more fimple than a body *,
atoms being evidently bodies ; that they affigned commenfuration and a
3
demiurgic analogy to their figures, which Democritus did not to his atoms ;
and that they differed from him in their arrangement of earth.
And thus much may fuffice at prefent for an epitome of fome of the
principal parts of this moft interefting dialogue. For, as it is my defign at
fome future period to publifh as complete a commentary as I am able from
the ineftimable commentaries of Proclus on this dialogue, with additional
obfervations of my own, a more copious introduction might at prefent be
confidered as fuperfluous. T h e difficulty, indeed, of proceeding any further,
might alone very well apologife for the want of completion in this compen
dium. For the commentary of Proclus, though confifting of five books, is
4
imperfect , and does not even extend fo far as to the doctrine of vifion,
which in the prefent introduction I have endeavoured to explain. 1 truft,
therefore, that the candid and liberal reader will gratefully accept thefe
fruits of my application to the Platonic philofophy; and as this introduction
and the following tranflation were the refult of no moderate labour and
perfeverance, I earneftly hope they may be the means of awakening fome
few at leaft from the fleep of oblivion, of recalling their attention from
fluctuating and delufive objects to permanent and real being; and thus may
at length lead them back to their paternal port, as the only retreat which
can confer perfect fecurity and reft.
* De Coelo, p. 142.
3
Viz. than any vifible fublunary body.
3 i. e. active and fabricative powers.
* It is a circumftance remarkably unfortunate, as I have before obferved, that not one of the
invaluable commentaries of this philofopher has been preferved entire. For that he wrote a com
plete commentary on this dialogue, is evident from a citation of Olympiodorus on Ariftotle's
Meteors from it, which is not to be found in any of the books now extant. In like manner, his
treatife on Plato's theology is imperfect, wanting a feventh book; his commentaries on the Par
menides want many books j his fcholia on the Cratylus are far from being complete; and this
is likewife the cafe with his commentary on the Firft Alcibiades.
3 N 2 THE
T H E T I M ^ U S .
SOCRATES, CRITIAS,
TIMiEUS, HERMOCRATES.
Soc.
I SEE one, two, three, but where, friend Timaeus, is that fourth perfon,
who being received by me yefterday at a banquet of difputation, ought now
in his turn to repay me with a fimilar repaft ?
TIM. He labours, Socrates, under a certain infirmity ; for he would not
willingly be abfent from fuch an affociation as the prefent.
Soc. It remains therefore for you, O Timaeus, and the company prefent,
to fill up the part of this abfent gueft.
TIM. Entirely fo, Socrates. And we fhall endeavour, to the utmoft of
our ability, to leave nothing belonging to fuch an employment unaccom-
plifhed. For it would be by no means juft that we, who were yefterday
entertained by you, in fuch a manner as guefts ought to be received, fhould
not return the hofpitality with readinefs and delight.
Soc. Do you recollect the magnitude and nature of the things which I
propofed to you to explain ?
TIM. Some things, indeed, I recollect; but fuch as I have forgotten do
you recall into my memory. Or rather, if it be not too much trouble, run
over the whole in a curfory manner from the beginning, that it may be more
firmly eftablifhed in our memory.
Soc. Let it be fo. And to begin : The fum of yefferday's difpute was,
what
THE TIMuEUS. 46l
what kind of republic appeared to me to be the belt, and from what fort of
men fuch a republic ought to be compofed.
TIM. And by us, indeed, Socrates, all that you faid was approved in the
higheft degree.
S o c Did we not, in the firft place, feparate hufbandmen and other arti
ficers from thofe whom we confidered as the defenders of the city ?
TIM. Certainly.
Soc. And when we had affigned to every one that which was accommo
dated to his nature, and had prefcribed only one particular employment to
every particular art, we likewife affigned to the military tribe one province
only, 1 mean that of protecting the city ; and this as well from the hoftile
incurfions of internal as of external enemies ; but yet in fuch a manner as to
adminifter juftice mildly to the fubjects of their government, as being natu
rally friends, and to behave with warlike fiercenefs againft their enemies in
battle.
TIM. Entirely fo.
Soc. For we afferted, I think, that the fouls of the guardians fhould be
of fuch a nature, as at the fame time to be both irafcible and philofophic in
a remarkable degree; fo that they might be gentle to their friends, and
bold and ferocious to their enemies.
TIM. YOU did fo.
Soc. But what did we affert concerning their education ? Was it not
that they fhould be inftructed in gymnaftic exercifes, in mufic, and other
becoming difciplines ?
TIM. Entirely fo.
Soc. W e likewife eftablifhed, that thofe who were fo educated fhould
neither confider gold, or filver, or any goods of a fimilar kind, as their own
private property ; but that rather, after the manner of adjutants, they fhould
receive the wages of guardianfhip from thofe whom they defend and pre-
ferve ; and that their recompenfe fhould be no more than is fufficient to a mo
derate fubfiftence. That, befides this, they fhould ufe their public ftipend in
common, and for the purpofe of procuring a common fubfiftence with each
other; fo that, neglecting every other concern, they may employ their
attention folely on virtue, and the difcharge of their peculiar employment.
TIM. Thefe things alfo were related by you.
Soc.
402 T H E T I M i E U S .
being perfuaded that the remainder of the difcourfe could not be more con
veniently explained by any one than by you, if you were but willing to en
gage in its difcuffion. For, unlefs you properly adapt the city for warlike
purpofes, there is no one in the prefent age from whom it can acquire every
thing becoming its conftitution. As I have, therefore, hitherto complied
with your requeft, I fhall now require you to comply with mine in the
above-mentioned particulars. Nor have you indeed refufed this employ
ment, but have with common confent determined to repay my hofpitality
with the banquet of difcourfe. I now, therefore, ftand prepared to receive
the promifed feaft.
HERM. But we, O Socrates, as Timseus juft now fignified, (hall cheer
fully engage in the execution of your defire ; for we cannot offer any excufe
fufficient to juftify neglect in this affair. For yeflerday, when we departed
from hence and went to the lodging of Critias, where we are accuftomed
to refide, both in his apartment and prior to this in the way thither we dif-
courfed on this very particular. H e therefore related to us a certain antient
hiftory, which I wifh, O Critias, you would now repeat to Socrates, that he
may judge whether it any way conduces to the fulfilment of his requeft.
CRIT. It is requifite to comply, if agreeable to Timaeus, the third affociate
of our undertaking.
TIM. I affent to your compliance.
CRIT. Hear then, O Socrates, a difcourfe furprifing indeed in the extreme,
yet in every refpect true, as it was once related by Solon, the moft wife of
the feven wife men. Solon, then, was the familiar and intimate friend of
our great-grandfather Dropis, as he himfelf often relates in his poems. But
he once declared to our grandfather Critias, (as the old man himfelf informed
us,) that great and admirable actions had once been achieved by this city,
which neverthelefs were buried in oblivion, through length of time and the
deftruction of mankind. In particular he informed me of one undertaking
more illuftrious than the reft, which I now think proper to relate to you,
both that I may repay my obligations, and that by fuch a relation I may offer
my tribute of praife to the Goddefs in the prefent folemnity, by celebrating
her divinity, as it were, with hymns, juftly and in a manner agreeable to
truth.
Soc. You fpeak well. But what is this antient achievement which was
not
T H E T I M A E U S . 465
not only actually related by Solon, but was once really accomplifhed by thi3
city ?
CRIT. I will acquaint you with that antient hiftory, which I did not indeed
receive from a youth, but from a man very much advanced in years *, for at
that time Critias, as he himfelf declared, was almoft ninety years old,
and I myfelf was about ten. When, therefore, that folemnity was celebrated
among us which is known by the name of Cureotis Apaturiorum nothing
was omitted which boys in that feifivity are accuffomed to perform. For,
when our parents had fet before us the rewards propofed for the conteft of
finging verfes, both a multitude of verfes of many poets were recited, and
many of us efpecially fung the poems of Solon, becaufe they were at that
time entirely new. But then one of our tribe, whether he was willing to
gratify Critias, or whether it was his real opinion, affirmed that Solon
appeared to him moft wife in other concerns, and in things refpecting poetry
the moft ingenious of all poets. Upon hearing this, the old man (for I very
well remember) was vehemently delighted ; and faid, laughing—If Solon,
O Amynander, had not engaged in poetry as a cafual affair, but had made
it, as others do, a ferious employment ; and if through feditions and other
fluctuations of the ftate, in which he found his country involved, he had not
been compelled to neglect the completion of the hiftory which he brought
from Egypt, I do not think that either Hefiod or Homer, or any other poet,
would have acquired greater glory and renown. In confequence of this,
Amynander inquired of Critias what that hiftory was. T o which he an- v
fwered, that it was concerning an affair the greateft and moft celebrated
1
T h e Apaturia, according to Proclus and Suidas, were feftivalsin honour of Bacchus, which
were publicly celebrated for the fpacc of three days. And they weTe affigned this name, ft aitccx^
that is, on account of the deception through which Neptune is reported to have vanquifhed
Xanthus. The firft day of thefe feftivals was called fy>?r£ia, in which, as the name indicates,
thofe of the fame tribe feaded togetherj and hence (fays Proclus) on this day cvw^iai xai duma
croXAa, fplendid banquets and much feafting took place. The fecond day was called avappva-i^ a
facrifice, becaufe many victims were facrificed in it ; and hence the victims were called avappuputra,
becaufe tpvoptsva am BBUETO, they were drawn upwards, and facrificed. '1 he third day, of which
Plato fpeaks in this place, was called Movpearm, becaufe on this day KHpoi, that is, boys or girls, were
collected together in tribes, with their hair fiiorn. And to thefe fome add a fourth day, which
they call cjnCfo*, or the day after. Proclus further informs us, that the boys who were collected
on the third day were about three or four years old.
VOL. i i . 30 which
TtfE TIM^US.
which this city ever performed ; though through length of time, and the
deftruclion of thofe by whom it was undertaken, the fame of its execution
has not reached the prefent age. But I befeech you, O Critias, (fay Amy-
nander,) relate this affair from the beginning; and inform me what that
event was which Solon afferted as a fad, and on what occafion, and from
whom he received it.
There is then (fays he) a certain region of Egypt called Delta, about the
fummit of which the ftreams of the Nile are divided. In this place a go
vernment is eftablifhed called Saitical; and the chief city of this region of
Delta is Sais, from which alfo king Amafis derived his origin. The city has
a prefiding divinity, whofe name is in the Egyptian tongue Neith, and in the
Greek Athena, or Minerva. Thefe men were friends of the Athenians, with
whom they declared they were very familiar, through a certain bond of
alliance. In this country Solon,' on his arrival thither, was, as he himfelf
relates, very honourably received. And upon his inquiring about antient
affairs of thofe priefts who poffeffed a knowledge in fuch particulars fuperior
to others, he perceived, that neither himfelf, nor any one of the Greeks, (as
he himfelf declared), had any knowledge of very remote antiquity. Hence,
when he once defired to excite them to the relation of antient tranfactions,
he for this purpofe began to difcourfe about thofe moft antient events which
formerly happened among us I mean the traditions concerning the firft
#
Phoroneus and Niobe, and after the deluge, of Deucalion and Pyrrha, (as
defcribed by the mythologifts,) together with their pofterity; at the fame
time paying a proper attention to the different ages in which thefe events
are faid to have fubfifted. But upon this one of thofe more antient priefts
exclaimed, O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are always children, nor is there
any fuch thing as an aged Grecian among you! But Solon, when he heard
this—What (fays he) is the motive of your exclamation ? T o whom the
prieft:—Becaufe all your fouls are juvenile ; neither containing any antient
opinion derived from remote tradition, nor any difcipline hoary from its
exiftence in former periods of time. But the reafon of this is the multitude
and variety of deftruclions of the human race, which formerly have been,
and again will be : the greateft of thefe, indeed, arifing from fire and water ;
but the leffer from ten thoufand other contingencies. For the relation fub
fifling among you, that Phaeton, the offspring of the Sun, on a certain time
attempting
T H E T I M ^ U S , 467
attempting to drive the chariot of his father, and not being able to keep the
track obferved by his parent, burnt up the natures belonging to the earth,
and perifhed himfelf, blafted by thunder—is indeed confidered as fabulous,
yet is in reality true. For it expreffes the mutation of the bodies revolving
in the heavens about the earth ; and indicates that, through long periods of
time, a deftruclion of terreftrial natures enfues from the devaftations of fire.
Hence, thofe who either dwell on mountains, or in lofty and dry places,
perifh more abundantly than thofe who dwell near rivers, or on the borders
of the fea. T o us indeed the Nile is both falutary in other refpects, and
liberates us from the fear of flich-like depredations. But when the Gods,
purifying the earth by waters, deluge its furface, then the herdfmen and
ftepherds inhabiting the mountains are preferved, while the inhabitants of
your cities are hurried away to the fea by the impetuous inundation of the
rivers. On the contrary, in our region, neither then, nor at any other time,
did the waters defcending from on high pour with defolation on the plains;
but they are naturally impelled upwards from the bofom of the earth. And
from thefe caufes the moft antient traditions are preferved in our country.
For, indeed, it may be truly afferted, that in thofe places where neither intenfe
cold nor immoderate heat prevails, the race of mankind is always preferved,
though fometimes the number of individuals is increafed, and fometimes fuffers
a confiderable diminution. But whatever has been tranfacted either by us, or
by you, or in any other place, beautiful or great, or containing any thing
uncommon, of which we have heard the report, every thing of this kind
is to be found defcribed in our temples, and preferved to the prefent day.
While, on the contrary, you and other nations commit only recent tranfac
tions to writing, and to other inventions which fociety has employed for
tranfmitting information to pofterity ; and fo again, at ftated periods of time,
a certain celeftial defluxion rufhes on them like a difeafe ; from whence thofe
among you who furvive are both deftitute of literary acquifitions and the in-
fpiration of the Mufes. Hence it happens that you become juvenile again,
and ignorant of the events which happened in antient times, as well among
us as in the regions which you inhabit.
The tranfactions, therefore, O Solon, which you relate from your antiqui
ties, differ very little from puerile fables. For, in the firft place, you only
mention one deluge of the earth, when at the fame time many have hap-
3 0 2 pened.
468 THE rxumus:
pened. And, in the next place, you are ignorant of a moft illuftrious and
excellent race of men, who once inhabited your country ; from whence you
and your whole city defcended, though a fmall feed only of this admirable
people once remained. But your ignorance in this affair is owing to the
pofterity of this people, who were for many ages deprived of the ufe of let
ters, and became as it were dumb. For prior, O Solon, to that mighty deluge
which we have juft mentioned, a city of Athenians exifted, informed
according to the beft laws both in military concerns and every other duty of
life ; and whofe illuftrious actions and civil inftitutions are celebrated by us as
the moft excellent of all that have exifted under the ample circumference of
the heavens. Solon, therefore, upon hearing this, faid that he was afto-
nifhed ; and, burning with a moft ardent defire, entreated the priefts to relate
accurately all the actions of his antient fellow-citizens. That afterwards
one of the priefts replied:—Nothing of envy, O Solon, prohibits us from
complying with your requeft. But for your fake, and that of your city, I
will relate the whole; and efpecially on account of that Goddefs who is
allotted the guardianfhip both of your city and ours, and by whom they have
been educated and founded : yours, indeed, by a priority to ours of a thou
fand years, receiving the feed of your race from Vulcan and the Earth, But
the defcription of the tranfactions of this our city during the fpace of eight
thoufand years, is preferved in our facred writings. I will, therefore, cur-
forily run over the laws and more illuftrious actions of thofe cities which
exifted nine thoufand years ago. For when we are more at leifure we fhall
profecute an exact hiftory of every particular, receiving for this purpofe the
facred writings themfelves.
In the firft place, then, confider the laws of thefe people, and compare
them with ours : for you will find many things which then fubfifted in your
city, fimilar to fuch as exift at prefent. For the priefts paffed their lift?
feparated from all others. The artificers alfo exercifed their arts in fuch a
manner, that each was engaged in his own employment without being
mingled with other artificers. T h e fame method was likewife adopted with
fhepherds, hunters and hufbandmen. T h e foldiers too, you will find, were
feparated from other kind of m e n ; and were commanded by the laws to
engage in nothing but warlike affairs. A fimilar armour too, fuch as that
of fhields and darts, was employed by each. Thefe we firft ufed in Ana;
the
T H E T I M i E U S , 46g
the Goddefs in thofe places, as likewife happened to you, firft pointing them
out to our ufe. You may perceive too from the beginning what great
attention was paid by the laws to prudence and modefty; and befides this, to
divination and medicine, as fubfervient to the prefervation of health. And
from thefe, which are divine goods, the laws, proceeding to the invention of
fuch as are merely human, procured all fuch other difciplines as follow from
thofe we have juft enumerated. From fuch a diftribution, therefore, and in
fuch order, the Goddefs firft eftablifhed and adorned your city, choofing for
this purpofe the place in which you were born ; as fhe forefaw that, from the
excellent temperature of the region, men would arife diftinguifhed by the
moft confummate fagacity and wit* For, as the Goddefs is a lover both of
wifdom and war, fhe fixed on a foil capable of producing men the moft
fimilar to herfelf; and rendered it in every refpecT adapted for°the habitation
of fuch a race. The antient Athenians, therefore, ufing thefe laws, and
being formed by good inftitutions, in a ftill higher degree than I have men
tioned, inhabited this region ; furpafling all men in every virtue, as it be
comes thofe to do who are the progeny and pupils of the Gods.
But*though many and mighty deeds of your city are contained in our
facred writings, and are admired as they deferve, yet there is one tranfacfion
which furpaffes all of them in magnitude and virtue. For thefe writings
relate what prodigious flrength your city formerly tamed, when a mighty
warlike power, rufhing from the Atlantic fea, fpread itfelf with hoftile fury
over all Europe and Afia. For at that time the Atlantic fea was navigable,
and had an ifland before that mouth which is called by you the Pillars of
Hercules. But this ifland was greater than both Libya and all Afia together,
and afforded an eafy paffage to other neighbouring iflands; as it was like-
wife eafy to pafs from thofe iflands to all the continent which borders on
this Atlantic fea. For the waters which are beheld within the mouth
which we juft now mentioned, have the form of a bay with a narrow
entrance ; but the mouth itfelf is a true fea. And laftly, the earth which
furrounds it is in every refpecl truly denominated the continent. In this
Atlantic ifland a combination of kings was formed, who with mighty and
wonderful power fubdued the whole ifland, together with many other iflands
and parts of the continent; and, befides this, fubje&ed to their dominion all
Libya, as far as to Egypt; and Europe, as far as to the Tyrrhene fea. And
when
476 T H E TIM MVS.
For, with refpect to myfelf, for inftance, I am not certain that I could recoi
led the whole of yefterday's difcourfe, yet I mould be very much aftonifhed
if any thing mould efcape my remembrance which I had heard in fome pad
period of time very diftant from the prefent. Thus, as to the hiftory
which I have juft now related, I received it from the old man with great
pleafure and delight; who on his part very readily complied with my re
queft, and frequently gratified me w i t h a repetition. And hence, as the
marks of letters deeply burnt in remain indelible* fo all thefe particulars
became firmly eftablifhed in my memory. In confequence of this, as foon
as it was day I repeated the narration to my friends, that together with
myfelf they might be better prepared for the purpofes of the prefent affocia-
tion. But now, with refpect to that for which this narration was under
taken, I am prepared, O Socrates, to fpeak not only fummarily, but fb as to
defcend to the particulars of every thing which I heard. But the citizens
and city which you fabricated yeflerday as in a fable, we fhall transfer to
reality; confidering that city which you eftablifhed as no other than this
Athenian city, and the citizens which you conceived as no other than thofe
anceftors of ours defcribed by the Egyptian prieft. And indeed the affair
will harmonize in every refpect; nor will it be foreign from the purpofe to
affert that your citizens are thofe very people who exifted at that time.
Hence, diftributing the affair in common among us, we will endeavour,
according to the utmoft of our ability, to accomplifh in a becoming manner
the employment which you have affigned us. It is requifite, therefore, to
confider, O Socrates, whether this difcourfe is reafonable, or whether we
fhould lay it afide, and fcek after another.
S o c But what other, O Critias, f h o u H w e receive in preference to this?
For your difcourfe, through a certain affinity, is particularly adapted to the
prefent facred rites of the Goddefs. And befides this, we mould confider,
a&a thing of the greateft moment, that your relation is not a mere fable,
but a true hiftory. It is impoffible, therefore, to fay how, and from whence,
neglecting your narration, we fhould find another more convenient. Hence
it is neceffary to confefs that you have fpoken with good fortune; and it is
equally neceffary that I, on account of my difcourfe yeflerday, fhould now
reft from fpeaking, and be wholly attentive to yours.
CRJT. But now confider, Socrates, the manner of our difpofing the mutual
banquet
472 T H E T I M J E U S .
is generated, is not beautiful: the univerfe is denominated heaven, or the world. For from thefe
principles he produces all that follows. Hence, fays Proclus, he appears to me to fay what
eternal is, and what that which is generated is, but not to fay that each of them is. For the
geometrician alfo informs us what a point is and what a line is, prior to his demonftrations, but
he by no means teaches us that each of thefe has a fubfiftence. For how will he act the part of
z geometrician, if he difcourfes about the exiftence of his proper principles ? After the fame
manner the phyfiologift fays what eternal being is, for the fake of the future demonftrations, but
by no means fhows that it is; fince in fo doing he would pafs beyond the limits of phyfiology.
As, ho\vever, Tim'scus being a Pythagorean differs from other phyfiologifts, and Plato in this
dialogue exhibits the higheft fcience, hence he afterwards, in a manner perfectly divine, proves
that true being has a fubfiftence; but at prefent he employs the definition of what it is, preferving
the limits of phyfiology. He appears, indeed, to inveftigatc the definition of eternal being,
and of that which is generated, that he may difcover the caufes which give completion to the
univerfe, viz. form and matter: for that which is generated requires thefe. But he afTumes the
third hypothefis, that he may difcover the fabricative caufe of the univerfe; the fourth, becaufe
the univerfe was generated according to a paradigmatic caufe; and the fifth concerning the name of
the univerfe, that he may inveftigate the participation of the good and the ineffable by the world.
1
That is denominated generated, fays Proclus (in Tim. p. 85.) which has not the whole of its
ffflence or energy cfiabhfheu in one, fo as to he perfectly immutable. And of this kind are, this
VOL. II. 3P funfible
474 T H E T I M ^ U S .
fenfible world, time in things moved, and the tranfitive intellection of fouls. But that every
motion fubfifts according to a part, and that the whole of it is not prefent at once, is evident.
And if the efience of the world poflefTes generation, and the perpetuity of it is according to a
temporal infinity, it may be inferred, that between things eternally perpetual, and fuch as are
generated in a part of time, it is necefiTary that nature mould fubfift which is generated infinitely.
It is alfo requifite that a nature of this kind mould be generated infinitely in a twofold refpect,
viz. either that the whole of it fhould be perpetual through the whole of time, but that the parts
fhould fubfift in the parts of time, as is the cafe with the fublunary elements, or that both the
whole and the parts of it fhould be co-extended with the perpetuity of all time, as is the cafe
with the heavenly bodies. For the perpetuity according to eternity is not the fame with the
perpetuity of the whole of time, as neither is the infinity of eternity and time the fame; becaufe
eternity is not the fame with time, the former being infinite life at once total and full, or, the
whole of which is ever prefent to itfelf, and the latter being a flowing image of fuch a life.
Further ftill, fays Proclus, the term generated has a multifarious meaning. For it fignifies that
which has a temporal beginning, every thing which proceeds from a caufe, that which is efTentially
a compofite, and that which is naturally capable of being generated, though it fhould not be
generated. The term generated, therefore, being multifarioufly predicated, that which is gene
rated according to time pofTcfles all the modes of generation. For it proceeds from a caufe, is a
compofite, and is naturally capable of being generated. Hence, as that which is generated
in a part of time begins at one time, and arrives at perfection in another, fo the world, which is
generated according to the whole of time, is always beginning, and always perfect. And it has
indeed a certain beginning of generation, fo far as it is perfeded by its caufe, but has not a cer
tain beginning fo far as it has not a beginning of a certain partial time.
eternal
T H E T I M J B U S . 475
eternal paradigm. For the world is the moft beautiful of generated natures,
and its artificer the beft of caufes. But, being thus generated, it is fabri
cated according to that which is comprehenfible by reafon and intelligence,
and which fubfifts in an abiding famenefs of being. And from hence it is per
fectly neceffary that this world fhould be the refemblance of fomething. But
to defcribe its origin according to nature is the greateft of all undertakings.
In this manner, then, we muft diftinguifh concerning the image and its ex
emplar. As words are allied to the things of which they are the interpreters,
1
hence it is neceftary, when we fpeak of that which is ftable and firm,
and intellectually apparent, that our reafons fhould be in like manner ftable
and immutable, and as much as poffible irreprehenfible, with every per
fection of a fimilar kind. But that, when we fpeak concerning the image of
1
That which Plato now calls Jtable and firm, he before called eternal being, fubfifling after
the fame manner, and apprehended by intelligence; denominating it flable inftead of eternal
being,z.w\intelleclually apparent, inftead of that which is apprehended by intelligence. He alfo fays,
that the reafonings about it ihould be Jiable indeed, that through the famenefs of the appellation
he may indicate the fimilitude of them to things themfelves ; but immutable, that they may fhadow
forth the firmnefs of the thing; and irreprehenfible, that they may imitate that which is appre
hended by intelligence, and may fcientifically accede. For it is neceftary that reafonings, if they
are to be adapted to intelligibles, fhould poflefs the accurate and the ftable, as being converfant
with things of this kind. For, as the knowledge of things eternal is immutable, fo alfo is the
reafoning) fince it is evolved knowledge. However, as it proceeds into multitude, is allotted a
compofite nature, and on this account falls fhort of the union and impartiality of the thing, he
calls the former in the lingular number fable and firm, and intellectually apparent, but the latter
in the plural number ftable, immutable and irreprehenfible reafons. And fince in reafon there is
a certain fimilitude to its paradigm, and there is alfo a certain diftimilitude, and the latter is more
abundant than the former, lie employs one appellation in common, the Jiable, but the other epi
thets are different. A n d as, with refpect to our knowledge, fcientific reafoning cannot be confuted
by it, (for there is nothing in us better than fcience,) but is confuted by the thing itfelf, as not
being able to comprehend its nature fuch as it is, and as it conies into contact with its impar-
tibility, hence he adds, as much as poffible. Vox fcience itfelf confidered as fubfifling in fouls is
irreprehenfible, but is reprehended by intellect, becaufe it evolves the impartible, and apprehends
the fimple in a compofite manner. Since the phantafy alfo reprehends fenfe, becaufe its know
ledge is attended with paffion according to mixture, from which the phantafy is pure; opinion the
phantafy, becaufe it knows in conjunction with type and form, to w h i c h opinion is fuperior;
fcience opinion, becaufe the latter knows without being able to aflign the caufe, the ability of
effecting which efpecially characterizes the former; and intellect as we have faid fcience, becaufe
the latter divides the object of knowledge tranfitively, but the former apprehends every thing at
once in conjunction with efienee. Intellect, therefore, is alone unconquerable ; but fcience and
fcientific reafoning are vanquifhed by intellect, according to the knowledge of being.
3 p 2 that
476 THE TIMAEUS.
cerning the Gods and the generation of the univerfe, if I fhould not be able
to produce the moft approved and accurate reafons on fo difficult a fubject.
But you ought to rejoice if it fhall appear that I do not employ reafons lefs
probable than others : at the fame time remembering, that I who difcourfe,
and that you who are my judges, poffefs the human nature in common ;
fo that you fhould be fatisfied if my affertions are but aftimilative of the
truth.
Soc. You fpeak excellently well, Timaeus; and we fhall certainly act in
every refpect as you advife. This introduction, indeed, of your difcourfe we
wonderfully approve : proceed, therefore, with the fubfequent difputation.
TIM. Let us declare then on what account the compofing artificer confti-
tuted generation and the univerfe. The artificer, indeed, was good ; but in
that which is good envy never fubfifts about any thing which has being.
Hence, as he was entirely void of envy, he was willing to produce all things
as much as poffible fimilar to himfelf. If, therefore, any one receives this
moft principal caufe of generation and the world from wife and prudent
men, he will receive him in a manner the moft perfect and true. For, as
the Divinity was willing that all things fhould be good, and that as much as
poffible nothing fhould be evil ; hence, receiving every thing vifible, and
1
which was not in a ftate of reft, but moving with confufion and diforder,
he
which an efience unfigurcd, uncoloured, and untouched firft receives, and where alfo the plain
of truth is fituated, as it is written in the Phaedrus, A third kind of truth is that which is con
nate with fouls, which conies into contact: with being through intelligence, and fcience fubfifting
in conjunction with the objects of fcience : for the light pertaining to the foul is the third from the
intelligible; fince the intellectual is filled from the intelligible, and that pertaining to the foul
from the intellectual order. This truth, therefore, fubfifting in fouls, muft be now aftumed,
fince we have admitted a corresponding faith, and not that which is irrational, and deftitute of all
logical confideration; and the one muft be coifjomed with intclligibles, but the other with
fenfibles.
1
Plato being willing to indicate the providence of the demiurgus pervading the univerfe, toge
ther with the gifts of intellect: and the prefence of foul, and to fhow the magnitude of the good
which thefe impart to the world, furvcys prior to this the whole corporeal conititution by itfelf,
and how, thus confidered, it is ecufufed and difordered ; that alfo, beholding by itfelf the order
proceeding from foul and demiurgic ornament, we may be able to define what a corporeal nature
is in itfelf, and what orderly diftribution it is allotted from fabrication. The world, indeed,
always had a fubfiftence, but dife'vurfe divides the thing generated from the maker, and produces
according to time things which fubfift at together, becaufe every thing generated is a com
pofite.
478 THE TIM^US.
he reduced it from this wild inordination into order, confidering that fuch a
conduct was by far the beft. For it neither ever was lawful, nor is, for the-
beft of caufes to produce any other than the moft beautiful of effects. In
1
confequence of a reafoning procefs, therefore, he found that among the
2
things naturally vifible there was nothing, the whole of which, if void of
intelligence, could ever become more beautiful than the whole of that which
is endued with intellect:: and at the fame time he difcovered, that it was
impoftible for intellect to accede to any being, without the intervention of
foul. Hence, as the refult of this reafoning, placing intellect in foul and
foul in body, he fabricated the univerfe ; that thus it might be a work natu
rally the moft beautiful and the beft. In this manner, therefore, according
polite. To which we may add, that demiurgic fabrication being twofold, one being corporeal,
and the other ornamental, Plato, beginning from the ornamental, very properly reprefents every
thing corporeal moved in a confufed and difordered manner, becaufe fuch is its motion from
itfelf when confidered as not yet animated by an intellectual foul.
It alfo deferves to be noticed that Plato, in giving fubfiftence to the confufed and difordered,
prior to the fabrication of the world, imitates the antient thcologifts. For, as they introduce the
battles and feditions of the Titans againft the Olympian Gods, fo Plato pre-fuppofes thefe two,
the unadorned, and the fabricator of the world, that the former may be adorned and participate of
order. They, however, introduce thefe theologically ; for they oppofe the powers that prefide
over bodies to the Olympian deities: but Plato philofophically; for he transfers order from the
Gods to the fubjects of their government.
1
The demiurgus of the univerfe, through the plenitude of his power, fabricates different
things by different powers ; for, fince he comprehends in himfelf the caufe of all fabrications, he
after one manner gives fubfiftence to the whole world, and after another to its parts. Hence, by
one intelligence he adorns the whole world, and generates it collectively, according to which
energy the world alfo is one animal; but by reafoning he produces its parts, and thefe as wholes,
becaufe he is the de*miurgus of total natures, viz. of total intellect, total foul, and all the bulk of
body. I n confequence of this, when compofing parts, he is faid to fabricate by reafoning. For
reafoning here fignifics a diftributive caufe of things; fince it is not the reafoning of one doubt
ing. For neither does art doubt, nor fcience; but artifts and the fcientific then doubt when
they are indigent of their proper habits. If thefe, therefore, do not doubt when they are perfect,
can it be fuppofed that intellect doubts, or the fabricator and father of the univerfe?
a
That is, intelligibles : for that thefe are vifible is evident from the words of Plato further on,
where he f a \ s — " VV hatever ideas intellect perceived in animal itfelf," &c. But that thefe are
naturally vifible will be evident, as Proclus beautifully obferves, if we confider that fome things are
vifible to us, and others according to nature. And the things, indeed, which are vifible to us,
are in their own nature dark and obfeure; but things naturally vifible are truly known, and are
refp.endent with divine light. And fuch are intelligibles.
to
THE TIM^US. 479
moft beautiful analogy naturally produces this effect. For when either in
three numbers, or mafles, or powers, as is the middle to the laft, fo is the
firft to the middle ; and again, as is the laft to the middle, fo is the middle to
the firft: then the middle becoming both firft and laft, and the laft and the firft
paffing each of them into a middle pofition, they become all of them neceffarily
the fame, as to relation to each other. But, being made the fame with each
other, all are one. If, then, it were neceffary that the univerfe fhould be a
fuperficies only, and have no depth, one medium would indeed be fufficient,
both for the purpofe of binding itfelf and the natures which it contains.
But now it is requifite that the world fhould be a folid ; and folids are never
harmonized together by one, but always with two mediums. Hence, the
Divinity placed water and air in the middle of fire and earth, and fabricated
them as much as poffible in the fame ratio to each other ; fo that fire might
be to air as air to water ; and that as air is to water fo water might be to
earth. And from this conjunction and compofition he rendered the world
vifible and tangible. Hence, from things of this kind, which are four in
number, it muft be confeffed that the body of the univerfe was generated
through analogy, confpiring into friendfhip with itfelf from their conjunc
tion, and fo aptly cohering in all its parts, as to be indiffoluble except by
its artificer, who bound it in this union and confent.
The compofition of the world, therefore, received one whole of each of
thefe four natures. For its compofing artificer conftituted it from all fire,
water, air, and earth ; leaving no part of any one of thefe, nor any power
external to the world. For by a reafoning procefs he concluded that it
would thus be a whole animal, in the higheft degree perfect from perfect
parts : that, befides this, it would be one, as nothing would be left from
which any other fuch nature might be produced; and laftly, that it would
be neither obnoxious to old age nor difeafe. For he perceived that the heat
and cold from which bodies are compofed, and all fuch things as poffefs
vigorous powers, when furrounding bodies externally, and acceding to them
unfeafonably, diffolve their union, and, introducing difeafes and old age,
caufe them to perifh by decay. Hence, through this caufe and this reafon
ing procefs, he fabricated the univerfe one whole, compofed from all wholes,
perfect, undecaying, and without difeafe. He likewife gave to it a figure
becoming and allied to its nature. For to the animal which was deftined to
comprehend
THE TIMJEUS. 4S\
fays Homer. But of this luminous fubfiftence fmoothnefs is a fymbol. W h y , therefore, are
the extremities of the univerfe fmooth? W e reply, That it may be fpontaneoufly conjoined
with foul and intellect, and that it may be harmonioufly adapted to fupermundane lights,
through its fimilitude to them. Smoothnefs, therefore, is fignificant of extreme aptitude,
through which the univerfe is able to receive the illuminations proceeding from intellect and
foul; juft as mirrors, by their fmoothnefs, receive the representations of things. Proclus fur
ther obferves, that a mirror was afTumed by antient theologifts as a fymbol of the aptitude
of the univerfe to be filled with intellectual illumination. Hence, fays he, they fay that
Vulcan made a mirror for Bacchus, into which the God looking, and beholding the image
of himfelf, proceeded into the whole of a divifible fabrication. And you may fay that the
fmoothnefs of the external furface of the univerfe, which is now mentioned by Plato, reminds
us of the above-mentioned catoptric apparatus. The whole body of the unrverfe, therefore, being
externally fmooth, becomes connate with its own intellect, and with that of the demiurgus.
Hence, poets eftablifh the demiurgus on the lofty fummit of the world, which is allotted from
him fuch an aptitude, in order to its participation of intelligible caufes.
3
By thefe words, fays Proclus, Plato appears to do nothing elfe than to take away from the
univerfe a divifible life, and divifible organs, which being fufpended from us defcend into gene
ration, or the whole of a vifible nature. For, while we remain on high, we are in no want of
any one of thefe multiform lives and divifible inftruments; but our lucid vehicle is fufficient,
which contains in itfelf unitedly all the fenfes. As, therefore, when we are liberated from gene
ration we are purified from every life of this kind, what ought we to think refpecting tlie
univerfe ? Is it not this, that it has one fimple life, to which the whole of it is excited, and
that it is equally on all fides prepared to be filled with one life ? Or ought we not much more
to admit thefe things of the univerfe ? For wholes are more divine than parts, and things which
comprehend than thofe which are comprehended.
Plato, however, muft not be fuppofed in what he now fays to deprive the world of fenfe j for, ac-
yoL. i i . 3Q cording
482 f ItE TtMAVS.
itfelf. Nor were ears neceffary ; as there was nothing externally audible.
Nor was the univerfe inverted with furrounding air, that it might be indi
gent of refpiration. Nor, again, was it in want of any organ through which
it might receive nutriment into itfelf, and difcharge it when conco&ed : for
there was no poffibility that any thing could either accede to or depart
from its nature, fince there was nothing through which fuch changes could
be produced. For, indeed, the univerfe affords nutriment to itfelf through
its own confumptidn ; and, being artificially fabricated, fuffers and ads all
things in itfelf, and from its own peculiar operations. For its compofing
artificer confidered that it would be much more excellent if fufficient to
itfelf, than if indigent of foreign fupplies. But he neither thought that
1
hands were neceffary to the world, as there was nothing for it either to
receive
cording to him, the world is an animal, and an animal is characterized by fenfe. In order, there
fore, to underftand what the nature of that fenfe is which the world poffeffes, it will be neceffary
to make the following divifion. Of fenfe, therefore, the firft and moft principal is that which
imitates intellect. For every where things which rank as firft poffefs an imitation of things prior
to them. Hence, that is conjoined with firft natures which has a fenfible perception of itfelf,
comprehended in itfelf, notpafling from one thing to another, for this would be divided fenfe, nor
proceeding to externals, for this is imperfect, but poffeffing the whole of that which is fenfible
in itfelf, and which may be rather called confeioufnefs than fenfe. The next to this is that which
proceeds indeed, and does not abide like the former, but yet proceeds according to a perfect
energy, and always, on all fides, fimilarly apprehends that which is known; which is likewife
purified from all paffion, and from all that imbecility which is peculiar to divifible and material
organs. The third is that which is paffive to things external, and is mingled from paffion- and
knowledge ; originating, indeed, from pafTion, but ending in knowledge. The laft fenfe is that
with which a moft obfeure knowledge is prefent, which is full of paffion, and is proximate ta
phyfical fynipathy, as not knowing the forms of fenlibles; as, for inftance, that what operates
is hot or cold, but that what falls upon it is alone pleafant or painful; for fuch is the fenfe of
plants, as Timaeus informs us in the courfe of this dialogue, being the apprehenfion of that
which is alone pleafant and painful from things fenfible. Senfc, therefore, thus fupernally pro
ceeding, the world is fenfitive according to the firft fenfe. For it is vifible, and an eye, according
to the whole of itfelf, fince the fun alfo is called an eye, and each of the ftars. The world,
therefore, is wholly fight and the thing feen, and is truly to be comprehended by fenfe and opinion.
Hence, it contains all-perfect knowledge, indtvifible fenfe, and is itfelf fenfible, the initrument
of fenfe, and fenfe; juft as alfo its artificer is intellect, intelligence, and the intelligible. And
as it comprehends partial bodies in its whole body, fo likewife it contains many fenfes in its total
fenfe.
1
Thefe things, fays Proclus, are by no means in the univerfe, though after another manner
it contains both fenfe and motion. For, fince every thing fenfible is comprehended in it, and it
is
T H E T I M J E U S . 483
receive or reject; nor yet feet, nor any other members which are fubfervient
to progreffion and reft. For from among the feven fpecies of local motion
he feie&ed one, which principally fubiifts about intellect and intelligence,
and affigned it to the world as properly allied to its furrounding body.
Hence, when he had led it round according to fame, in fame, and in itfelf,
he caufed it to move with a circular revolution. But he feparated the other
fix motions from the world, and framed it void of their wandering progref-
fions. Hence, as fuch a converfion was by no means indigent of feet, he
generated the univerfe without legs and feet. When, therefore, that God
who is a perpetually reafoning divinity cogitated about the God who was
deftined to fubfift at fome certain period of time, he produced his body fmooth
and equable ; and every way from the middle even and whole, and perfect
from the compofition of perfect bodies. But, placing foul in the middle of
the world, he extended it through the whole; and befides this, he exter
nally iuvefted the body of the univerfe with foul; and, caufing circle to re
volve in a circle, eftablifhed the world one fhigle, foiitary nature, able
through virtue to converfe with itfelf, indigent of nothing external, and fuf
ficiently known and friendly to itfelf. And on all thefe accounts he ren-
is itfelf the firft fenfible, it has alfo one fenfe conjoined with fenfible of this kind; juft as the
intelligence of the demiurgus is conjoined with the whole of the intelligible, in confequence of
which he is faid by Orpheus to abforb the univerfe in himfelf. After this manner, therefore,
the world abforbs itfelf by the fenfible perception of itfelf, and comprehends the thing known by
a connate knowledge. It alfo poifeffes powers which rule over, and are the guardians of, all
things; and thefe are its hands. It likewife poffeffes perfective orders, which are analogous
to nutritive parts; and receives vivific caufes which correfpond to the members of refpiration.
Further ft ill, it alfo contains other powers, fome of which fill it with unapparent caufes, and others
connect it with intelligible light. And of thefe powers, fome are analogous to fight, and others
to hearing. With this fenfe it likewife poifeffes an analogous motion; for, as it poffeffes a fenfible
perception of itfelf,'fo alfo it contains motion in itfelf, and a revolving about itfelf; and both
thefe according to the fimilitude of its paradigm. For in Phanes, or animal itfelf, there is intel
ligence verging to itfelf, a life converted to itfelf, and a knowledge not fubfifting according to
tranfition and divifion, but felf-perfect, and united with intelligibles themfelves. For fuch is the
intellect which is there, which in confequence of its being abforbed in fupereffential light may
be faid to energize prior to energy; becaufe, according to the Chaldaic oracle, it has not pro
ceeded, but abides in the paternal profundity, and in the adytum, according to a filence which
is nourifticd by Deity.
3 Q 2 dered
484 THE TIMJEUS.
1
dered the univerfe a happy Cod. But indeed the artificer did not produce
foul, as we juft. now began to fay, junior to body : for he who conjoined
thefe would never permit that the more antient nature fhould be fubfervient
to the younger. But we, as being much converfant with that which cafually
occurs, affert things of this kind in an affimilative way ; while, on the con~
trary, the artificer of the world conffituted foul both in generation and virtue
prior to', and more antient than, body, as being the proper lord and ruler of
its fervile nature ; and that in the following manner:
From an effence impartible % and always fubfifling according to famenefs
of
1
,The happinefs of any .being is the proper perfection of that being; and hence, as the per
fections of beings differ, fo alfo do their felicities. A felicity, therefore, in the prefent cafe
mufl be affumed, adapted to the univerfe. For, fince the world is fufpended from a paternal
intellect and a total fabricative energy, and lives according to thofe caufes, it is happy in a degree
confequent to thefe. The world, therefore, living according to the will of the father, and pre-
ferving immutably the intellectual good which is thence imparted, is very juftly faid to be happy.
But the firfl form of felicity, fays Proclus, and which is all-perfect, is that of the world. The
fecond is that of the mundane Gods, whom Plato in the Phaedrus calls happy divinities, follow
ing the mighty Jupiter. The third is that which fubfifts in the genera fuperior to our nature, viz.
angels, daemons, and heroes; for the felicity of each of thefe is different. The fourth is that
which fubfifts in undented fouls, who make blamelefs defcents into mortality, and exhibit an in
flexible and untamed life; fuch as were the fouls of Hercules, Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, &c.
The fifth is the felicity of partial fouls; and this is multiform : for a foul the attendant of the
moon is not happy after the fame manner as the foul that is fufpended from the folar order; but
as the form of life is different, fo alfo the perfection is limited by different meafures. And the laft
form of felicity is that which is feen in irrational animals.
* The Orphic writers, fays Proclus, (in Tim. p. 184.) do not predicate the impartible of every
intelligible or intellectual order, but, according to them, there is fomething better than this ap
pellation; juft as, with refpect to other names, they do not adapt king and father to all orders.
Where, then, fhall we firft perceive the indivifible according to Orpheus, that we may thus under
fland the divinely intellectual conception of Plato ? Orpheus, therefore, eftablifhing one demi-
urgus of all divided fabrication, who is analogous to the one father that generates total fabrication,
produces from him the whole mundane intellectual multitude, the number of fouls, and corporeal
compofitions. This demiurgus, (viz. Bacchus) therefore, generates all thefe unitedly; but the
Gods who are placed about him divide and feparate his fabrications. Orpheus fays, that all the
other fabrications of this divinity were feparated into parts by the diftributive Gods, but that his
heart alone was preferved indivifible by the providence of Minerva. For, as he gave fubfiftence
to intellects, fouls and bodies, and fouls and bodies receive in themfelves much divifion and repa
ration into parts, but intellect remains united and undivided, being all things in one, and com
prehending
THE TIMiEUS. 485
of being, and from a nature divifible about bodies, he mingled from both a
third form of effence, having a middle fubfiftence between the two. And
again, between that which is impartible and that which is divifible about
bodies, he placed the nature of fame and different. And taking thefe, now
they are three, he mingled them all into one idea. But as the nature of dif
ferent could not without difficulty be mingled in fame, he harmonized them
together by employing force in their conjunction. But after he had min
gled thefe two with effence, and had produced one from the three, he again
divided this whole into becoming parts ; at the fame time mingling each part
from fame, different, and effence. But he began to divide as follows :—In the
firft place, he received one part from the whole. T h e n he feparated a
fecond part, double of the firft ; afterwards a third, fefquialter of the fecond,
but triple of the firft : then a fourth, double of the fecond ; in the next place
a fifth, triple of the third ; a fixth, octuple of the firft ; and laftly a feventh,
tvventy-feven times more than the firft. After this, he filled up the double
and triple intervals, again cutting off parts from the whole ; and placed them
fo between the intervals, that there might be two mediums in every interval;
prehending in one intelligence total intelligibles,—hence he fays, that intellectual effence alone,
and an intellectual number, were faved by Minerva. For, fays he,
openly denominating it intellectual. If, therefore, the indivifible heart is intellectual, it will
evidently be intellect and an intellectual number; not that it will, indeed, be every intellect,
but that which is mundane; for this is the indivifible heart, fince the divided God was the fabri
cator of this. But Orpheus calls intellect the indivifible effence of Bacchus; and denominates
his prolific power that life which is diftributed about body, which is phyfical and productive of
feeds, and which he fays Diana, who prefides over all the generation in nature, and leads into
light phyfical reafons, fupernally extends as far as to fubterranean natures. All the remaining
body of the God is, according to Orpheus, mythologically confidered as the compofition pertain
ing to the foul, and is divided into feven parts. " All the parts into which they divided the boy
were feven*," fays the thcologift, fpeaking concerning the Titans; juft in the fame manner as
Timaeus divides the foul into feven parts. And, perhaps, when Timseus fays that foul is extended
through the whole world, he reminds us of the Orphic Titanic divifion, through which not only
the foul is fprcad round the univerfe like a veil, but is alfo extended through every part of it.
With great propriety, therefore, docs Plato call that effence impartible which is proximately
placed above foul, following the Orphic fables, and wifhing, as it were, to be an interpreter of
what is faid in live myflcries.
* 'E'/rra r
& /ra.\ra ^ffn HCUC-CU $ieiMipr,<retvTQ tpwiv o Sfo*cyc$ 7 r t f i rcov T.T«»»v.
and
486 T H E T I M J S U S .
and that one of thefe might by the fame part exceed one of the extremes,
and be exceeded by the other; and that the other part might by an equal
number furpafs one of the extremes, and by an equal number be furpaffed
by the other. But as from hence fefquialter, fefquitertian, and fefquioclave
intervals were produced, from thofe bonds in the firft fpaces, he filled with
a fefquioclave interval all the fefquitertian parts, at the fame time leaving a
1
part of each of thefe. And then again the interval of this part being
1
It is well obferved here by Proclus, (in Tim. p. that from each of the fpheres from
which the univerfe confifts there are certain defluxions which extend as far as to the fubterranean
regions, and alfo certain dregs mingled together, of the elements themfelves, poffeffmg much of
the tumultuous, dark and material, but at the fame time contributing to the whole compofition
and harmony of the world. Plato (fays he) placing the caufe of this in the foul of the univerfe
calls it a remainder (xnppa), a term fignifieant of ultimate fubjection.
Proclus further obferves, " t h a t theologifts alfo eftablifh about fubterranean places the powers
of the higheft Gock; and that Jupiter himfelf is represented by them as adorning thofe places in order
to adapt them to the participation of fuch mighty Gods. That, if this be the cafe, we ought
tiiuch more to think, concerning the foul of the univerfe, that it adorns every thing which
appears to have a difordered fubfiftence, poffeffes the caufe of its exiftence, and arranges it in a
becoming manner according to this caufe. For, how can it govern the univerfe, or conduct all
things according to intellect, \mlefs it orderly difpofes that which \& difordered, and co-harmonizes
things laft with the one life of the world ? If alfo the caufes of thcie prefubfift in the demiurgus*
as Orpheus fays, what wonder is it that the whole foul which poffeffes all fuch things in a manner
adapted to itfelf, as a divine intellect pofreffes demiurgically, fljotdd alfo comprehend the caufe of
things laft in the world, and of that which is as it were the fediment of wholes? For foul prior
to the apparent and fenfible comprehends an unapparcnt world."
Proclns concludes with observing, that the whole number of the cffential monads in the foul
is 105,947*-, the foul thus proceeding according to all the orders of numbers. For it proceeds
decadically indeed, that it may become the mundane foul; fince the decad is the number of the
world: but pentadically, that it may be converted to itfelf; for the pentad is fclf-convcrtive. It
alfo proceeds enneadically (or according to the number 9), that it may not only connect the uni
verfe monadically, but may proceed to the laft of things after departing from the monad : tetradi-
cally, as collecting the quadripartite divifion of things into one, and hebdomadically (or according
to the number 7), as converting all things to the monad, to which the hebdomad is alone re
ferred, this number being motherlefs and mafculine. And the whole of this number is indeed
in the foul of the world totally, viz. has a total fubfiftence ; but in divine fouls, as energizing to
wards the mundane foul, it is contained totally and partially. In daemoniacal fouls, as energizing
yet more partially, it fubfifts on the. contrary partially and totally; and in human fouls partially
•and gnoftically alone.
* In the original fivpia$e$ SSKOL, ^tXtafc's tfevrs, sxarovtafc; retrtrcpes ; but from what Proclus immedi
ately after obferves, it is evident that inftcad of tKa.rwra.fcs TS<?<r«fes we fhould read tvvs«x/jvra.$cs rscvapx-
4 affumed,
T H E T I M . E U S . 487
from the middle to the very extremities of the univerfe, and invefling; it
i
•externally in a circle, at the fame time Jierfelf revolving within herfelf,
gave rife to the divine commencement of an uneeafmg and wife life, through
the whole of time. And, indeed, the body of the univerfe was generated
vifible; but foul is in vifible, participating of a rational energy and harmony %
and fubfifling as the belt of generated natures, through its artificer, who is
the belt of intelligible and perpetual beings. Since, therefore, foul was
compofed from the mixture of the three parts fame, different, and effence,
and was diftributed and bound according to analogy, herfelf at the fame time
5
returning by a circular energy towards herfelf.; hence, when (he touches
upon any thing endued with a diftipated effence, and when upon that which
js indivifible, being moved through the whole of herfelf, fhe pronounces con
cerning the nature of each—afferts what that is with which any thing is the
4
fame , from what it is different, to what it is related, where it is fituated,
how
* Plato here evidently evinces, that the convcrfion of the foul to herfelf is a knowledge of her
felf, of every thing which fhe contains, and of every thing prior to and proceeding from her.
For all knowledge may be faid to be a convcrfion and adaptation to that which is known; and
hence truth is an harmonious conjunction of that which knows with the object of knowledge.
jConverfion, however, being twofold, one as to the good, and the other as to being, the vital
oonverfion of all things is directed to the good, and the gnoftic to being.
* Harmony has a threefold fubfiftence; for it is either harmony itfelf, i. e. ideal harmony in a
-divine intellect; .or that which is firfl harmonized, and is fuch according to the whole of itfelf', or
that which is fecondaxily harmonized, and partly participates of harmony* The firft of thefe muft
be afligned to intellect, the fecond to foul, and the third to body.
3 Plato calls the -gnoftic motions of the foul touchings, indicating by this their immediate
apprehenfion of the objects of knowledge, and their impartible communion with them. Since,
however, one of the circles, viz. the dianoetic power, knows intelligibles, and the other, i. e.
the doxaftic power, fenfibles, what is it which fays that thefe objects arc different from each other,
and that the one is a paradigm, but the other an image ? W e reply, that in the fame manner as
the common fenfe knows vifibles and audibles, the former through fight, and the latter through
hearing, and, in confequence of afferting that thefe are different from each other, muft neceffarily
have a knowledge of both,—fo this reafon of which Plato now fpeaks, being different from the two
circles, afferts through the whole foul fome things concerning intelligibles, and others concerning
fenfibles. For, in as much as the foul is one effence, fhe polfefjes this one gnoftic energy, which
he calls reafon: and hence we fimply fay that the whole foul is rational. This reafon then is the one
knowledge of the foul, which through the circle of famenefs uuderftands an impartible effence,
and through the circle of difference that which is diftipated.
* The foul of the world, fays Proclus (in Tim. p . 234.) comprehends all fenfibles, together with
9 every
THE TIM MVS. 480
how it fubfifts ; and when any thing of this kind happens either to be or to
fuffer both in things which are generated and in fuch as poffefs an eternal
1
famenefs of being. Reafon indeed, which is becoming to be true according
to famenefs, when it is converfant as well with different as fame, evolving
itfelf without voice or found in that which is moved by itfelf; when in this
cafe it fubfifts about a fenfible nature, and the circle characterized by differ-
ence properly revolving, enunciates any circumftance to every part of the
foul with which it is connected ; then ftable and true opinions and belief
are produced. But when again it evolves itfelf about that which is logiftic *,
and the circle of famenefs aptly revolving announces any particular thing,
intellect
every thing which they either do or fuffer. For, fince the univerfe is one animal, it fympathizes
with itfelf, fo that all generated natures are parts of the life of the world, as of one drama. Juft as
if a tragic poet fhould compofe a drama in which Gods make their appearance, and heroes and
other perfons fpeak, and fhould permit fuch players as were willing, to utter the heroic fpeeches,
or the fpeeches of other characters, he at the fame time comprehending the one caufe of all that
is faid. Thus ought we to conceive refpecting the whole foul: that giving fubfiftence to all the
life of the world, this life being one and various, and fpeaking like a many-headed animal with
all its heads, partly in Grecian and partly in Barbaric language, it comprehends the caufes of all
generated natures; knowing particulars by univerfals, accidents by effences, and parts by wholes,
but all things fimply by the divinity which it contains. For a God fo far as a God knows things
partial, contrary to nature, and in fhort all things, even though you fhould fay matter itfelf. For
every thing, whatever it may be, is one, fo far as it proceeds from t h e o n e . The knowledge, there
fore, of all things fimply and directly, is divine.
1
This reafon is the one power of theelfence of the foul, according to which the foul is one, juft
as it is twofold according to the fame and different. This reafon, therefore, being one, knows
according to famenefs. For it does not at one time know the intelligible, and at another time a
fenfible nature, like our reafon, which is unable to energize about both according to the fame.
Plato very properly fays of this reafon, that it is becoming to be true (ahnQes ytyvoptvos) about in-
telligibles and fenfiblcs, but is not abfohitelj true like intellect, in confequence of its tranfitive
knowledge according to both thefe. H e n c e , by afferting that it knows according to famenefs, he
(ignifics the difference between the knowledge of a divine and partial foul; but when he fays
that it is becoming to be true, he indicates the difference between the knowledge of foul and
intellect. You may alfo fay, that it is becoming to tatrue, as being tranfitive in its twofold know
ledges; but that it is tine a-, wording to the fame, as always comprehending the whole form of every
thing which it knows, and not like our reafon evolving every form, but with refpecl to every
thing which it fees beholding the whole at once. For we fee every thing according to a part, and
'.o* according to famenefs.
1
It appears from the comment of Proclus on this part, that wc fhould read \oyiTnxov, and not
•Koymov as in all the printed editions of the Timaeus. Proclus alfo well obferves, that by logiflic,
here, we muft underftand the intelligible, for Plato oppofes this to the fenfible. He adds, that
VOL. ii. 3 R Plato
•.490 THE TIMilUS.
Plato appears to call the intclligibh the logijlic, after the fame manner as he afterwards calls the
fenfible ,/enfi live, (TO aic^n-rov, aiahnnov). For the fenfible is motive of fenfe, and the intelligible of
the reafoning of the foul. After this he obferves as follows : " By aptly revolving we muft under
fland the intellectual, the unimpeded in tranfition, the circular, and the confummation of vigour,
perfection in intellections, the energizing about a divine nature, the beneficent, and moving about
the intelligible as a centre ;"—"hafteningto conjoin yourfelf with the centre of rcfounding light,"
fays fome one of the Gods. By intellect Plato here fignifies intellect according to habit. For
intellect is threefold: the firft, that which is divine, fuch as the demiurgic; the fecond, that which
is participated by the foul, but is at the lame time effential and felf-perfect; and the third, that
which fubfifts according to habit, and through which the foul is intellectual. Science here fig-
nijies the firft knowledge filled from intelligibles, and which has an undcviating and immutable
fubfiftence. But it differs from intellect, fo far as intellect is beheld in fimple projections alone
of the foul; fur through this the foul underftands at once the whole of every thing which is the
object of intellection. For an energy at once collective is the peculiarity of intellect; but that
of fcience confifts in a knowledge from caufe; fince the compofition and divifion of forms con-
fiitute the idiom of fcience.
1
By tl.is, fays Proclus, we muft undcrftand intdlecl and fcience. Every thing, therefore, which
is the recipient of intellect and fcience, of opinion and faith, is foul. For all the knowledges of
the foul are rational and tranfitive. And becaufe they are rational, indeed, they are exempt from
irrational powers ; but, becaufe they are tranfitive, they are fubordinate to intellectual knowledge.
T o r , if fcience and intellect are in intelligibles, they are not vigenerated in them, as Plato here fays
they are in the foul.
3
By the eternal Gods here we muft not underfland, as Proclus well obferves, the mundane Gods;
for Plato docs not alone fpeak of the corporeal nature of the univerfe, but alfo difcourfes about U
as animated, and an intellectual animal, which comprehends in itfelf the mundane Gods. W e
muft underdand, therefore, that the world is the refemblance of the intelligible Gods: for it is
filled from them with deity, and the progreflions into it of the mundane are as it were certain
rivers and illuminations of the intelligible Gods.
9 eternal
T H E T I M i E U S . 4Ql
* Meaning his preceptor Syri'anus, as being his true father, the father of his foul,
f Viz. t.f the circulation about the zodiac.
3 n % greateft
402 THE TIM^EUS.
no fubfiftence prior to the univerfe, but which together with it rofe into
exigence. And all thefe, indeed, are the proper parts of time. But the
terms // was and // will be, which exprefs the fpecies of generated time, are
transferred by us to an eternal effence, through oblivion of the truth. For
we affert of fuch an effence that it was, is, and will be; while according to
tiuth the term // is is alone accommodated to its nature. But we mould
affirm, that to have been and to be hereafter are expreffions alone accommo
dated to generation, proceeding according to the flux of time : for thefe
greateft flrength, and mcafuring all things in conjunction with time. For neither day nor night, nor
month, is without the fun, nor much more year, nor any other mundane nature. I do not here
fpeak according to the apparent fabrication of things alone, for the apparent fun is the caufe of
thefe meafures, but alfo according to that fabrication which is unapparent. For, afcending higher,
we fhall find that the more true* fun meafures all things in conjunction with time, being itfelf
in reality time of time, according to the oracle\ of the Gods concerning it. For that Plato not
only knew thefe apparent parts of time, but alfo thofe divine parts to which thefe are homonymous,
is evident from the tenth book of his Laws. For lie there afferts that we call hours and months
divine, as having the fame divine lives, and divine intellects prefiding over them, as the univerfe.
But, if he now fpeaks about the apparent parts of time, it is by no means wonderful; becaufe now
his defign is to phyfiologize. Let thefe, therefore, be the parts of time, of which fome are
accommodated to the inerratic Gods, others to the Gods that revolve about the poles of the
oblique circle, and others to other Gods, or attendants of the Gods, or to mortal animals, or
the more fublime or more abject parts of the univerfe.
But Plato fays that was and will be are fpecies and not parts of time, in the fame manner as
days and nights, and months and years : for by thefe he reprefents to us thofe divine orders which
give completion to the whole feries of time ; and on this account he calls them parts of time.
Put was and will be are entirely beheld according to each of thefe; and hence they are certain
fpecies, not having as it were a peculiar matter; I mean a diurnal or nocturnal matter, or any
other of this kind. If then thefe are the fpecies of time which was generated together with the
world, there was no generation prior to the world. Neither, therefore, was there any motion :
for in every motion there are thefe fpecies of time, becaufe there are prior and pofterior. But, if
there was not motion, neither was there inordinate motion. In vain, therefore, do the followers
of Atticus fay, that there was time prior to the generation of the world, but not fubfifling in order:
for where time is there alfo there is pad and future; and where thefe are, was and will be muft
likewife be found. But was and will be arc fpecies of time generated by the deminrgus : and
hence time was not prior to the fabrication of the world. Proclus after this obferves, that w a s
indicates the perfective order of time, but will be the unfolding, in the fame manner as is, the
connective order of time. For time unfolds things which yet are not, connects things prefent,
and perfects things paft, and introduces a boundary to them adapted to their periods.
* Viz. the fun confidered according to its fubfiftence in the fupermundane order of Gods,
f Viz. one of the Chaldsean Oracles.
6 parts
T H E T I M ^ U S , 4Q3
parts of time are certain motions. But that which perpetually fubfifts the
fame and immovable, neither becomes at any time older or younger; neither
has been generated in fome period of the paff, nor will be in fome future
circulation of time; nor receives any circumftance of being, which genera
tion adapts to natures hurried away by its impetuous whirl. For all thefe
are nothing more than fpecies of time imitating eternity, and circularly-
rolling itfelf according to number. Befides this, we likewife frequently
affert that a thing which was generated^ is generated: that what fubfifts in
BECOMING TO BE, is in generation ; that what WILL BE, IS TO BE ; and
that NON-BEING IS NOT : no one of which affertions is accurately true. But
perhaps a perfect difcuffion of thefe matters is not adapted to the prefent
difputation.
1
But time was generated together with the univerfe, that being produ
ced together they might together be diffolved, if any diffolution fhould ever
happen
1
Plato, fays Proclus, afferts that time was generated together with the univerfe, animated and
endued with intellect:, becaufe the world firft participates of time according to foul and according
u
to a corporeal nature. But when he fays, that, being produced together, they may together be
dilfolved, if any diffolution fhould ever happen to thefe," he clearly fhows that the univerfe is
unbegotten and incorruptible. For, if it was generated, it was generated in time; but, if it was
generated together with time, it was not generated in time : for neither is time generated in time,
left there fhould be time prior to time. If, therefore, the univerfe was generated together with
time, it was not generated *: for it is neceffary that every thing which is generated fhoukl be
poftcrior to time; but the univerfe is by no means pofterior to time. Again, if every thing
which is diffolved, is diffolved on a certain time, but time cannot be diffolved in a part of itfelf,
time can never be diffolved; fo that neither will the univerfe be diffolved, fince it is indiffoluble,
as long as time is indiffoluble. Time alfo is indiffoluble through the fimplicity of its nature,
unlefs fome one fhould denominate the contrariety which arifes through its proceflion from, and
regreflion to, the demiurgus, generation and diffolution: for thus alfo the univerfe poffeffes dif
folution and generation according to caufe. Juft, therefore, as if fome one, wifhing to indicate
that the circulations of the other nature f are odd in number, fhould fay that the heptad is con-
fubfiftent with them, that if at any time the heptad fhould become an even number, thofe circu
lations alfo may become even, fignifying that the circulations will never be changed into an even
number,—after the fame manner muft we conceive refpecting the all-various indiffolubility of the
world and of time, in confequence of time poffeffing an indiffoluble nature. One caufe, there
fore, of time being generated together with the univerfe is, that the univerfe may be indiffoluble
f
Viz. it was not generated according to the ufual acceptation of the word generated,
•f V i z . the circulations about the zodiac.
and
494 THE TIMiEUS.
and perpetual; but a fecond caufe is, that it may become moft fimilar to its paradigm. How,
therefore, does the univerfe become more fimilar to its paradigm animal itfelf (aurp £uo\) through
time? Becaufe, fays Plato, as the intelligibles from which animal itfelf confifts receive all the
power of eternity, which is unific, and connective, and fubfifts at once, collectively and unitedly,
fo the world receives partibly and divifibly all the meafured motion of time ; through which it
was, and is, and will be, not poflefting thefe three in the whole of time, but each in a part
of time.
1
The one monad itfelf of time (fays Proclus) is an all-perfect number; but from this
monad there is alfo in each of the celeftial revolutions a proper meafure, Saturnian, or Jovian,
or Lunar, receiving its peculiarity from the foul and motive deity contained in each of the fpheres.
For one number is adapted to the fun, another to a horfe, and another to a plant; but the mun
dane number is common to all that the world contains. Hence alfo we fay that the fame time
is every where. For the world has one life, in the fame manner as it has one nature, and one
intellect. But if it has one life, it has alfo one temporal meafure. And as, with refpect to the
parts which it contains, each lives according to the nature which fubfifts in the world as a whole,
fo alfo it is meafured according to toted time; and this is the common meafure of all things. But
after this monad there is a triad, of which the fummit is the meafure of the firft circulation, viz.
of the motion of the inerratic fphere; but the middle is the meafure of the revolutions of the
planets, (for there is one life, one period, and one time, reftoring things to their priftine condi
tion, of all the planets as of one animal), and the third is the meafure of the circular motion in
generation. For through this the mutations of the elements, and the oppofition and regeneration
of the things moved, again receive their fubfiftence. But, after this triad, time proceeds according
to different numbers, meafuring wholes, and bounding all things by appropriate meafures.
* Venus.
of
THE TIMiEUS. 495
of which, thefe jftars, the Sun, Lucifer, and Mercury, mutually comprehend
and are mutually comprehended by each other in a fimilar manner. But
with refpecl: to the other ffars, if any one fhould think proper to inveffigate
their circulations, and through what caufes they are effablifhed, the labour
would be greater than that of the difcourfe itfelf, for the fake of which they
were introduced. An accurate difcuffion, therefore, of thefe particulars may,
perhaps, be undertaken by us hereafter, if convenient leifure fhould fall to
our lot.
When, therefore, each of the natures neceffary to a joint fabrication of
time had obtained a local motion adapted to its condition, and their bodies
became animals through the connecting power of vital bonds, they then
learned their prefcribed order ; that according to the oblique revolution of
the circle of difference, which moves in fubjection to the circle offamenefs,
thefe orbs fhould, by their revolution, partly form a more ample and partly
a more contracted circle ; and that the orb which formed a leffer circle fhould
revolve fwifter ; but that which produced a greater, more flow :—but that
in confequence of the motion of the circle offamenefs^ the orbs which circu-
1
By the other Jlars, fays Proclus, Plato means Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn; and by the word
ejlablijhed, he fignifies the perpetual and incorruptible fabrication of them. After this ProcTus
obferves, that it is here requifite to call to mind the order of all the mundane fpheres, which is
as follows:—The inerratic fphere ranks as a monad, being the caufe to all mundane natures of an
invariable fubfiftence. But of the triad under this monad, viz. Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the firft is
the caufe of connected comprehenfion, the fecond of fymmetry, and the third of feparation.
And again, the moon is a monad, being the caufe of all generation and corruption ; but the triad
confifts from the elements * in generation under the moon; and the planets whofe courfe is equal f
fubfift between thefe. And the Sun, indeed, unfolds truth into light, Venus beauty, and Mer
cury the fymmetry of reafons, or the productive principles of nature. Or, you may fay that
the Moon is the caufe of nature to mortals, (lie being the felf-confpicuous image of fontal %
nature. But the Sun is the demiurgus of every thing fenfible, fince he is alfo the caufe of feeing
and being feen. Mercury is the caufe of the motions of the phantafy; for the fun gives fubfift
ence to the phantaftic ejfence. Venus is the caufe of the appetites of defire; and Mars of all
natural irafcible motions. Jupiter is the common caufe of all vital, and Saturn of all gnoftic
powers. For all the irrational forms are divided into thefe, and the caufes of thefe are compre
hended in the celeftiai fpheres.
late moil: fwiftly, comprehending other orbs as they revolve, mould them
felves appear to be comprehended by the revolution of the more (low. But
all thefe circles revolve with a fpiral motion, becaufe they are agitated at
one and the fame time in two contrary directions : and in confequence of
this, the fphere endued with the flowed: revolution is neareft to that to which
its courfe is retrograde, and which is the fwifteft of all. And that thefe
circles might poffefs a certain confpicuous meafure of flownefs and fwiftnefs
with reference to each other, and that the motion of the eight circulations
might be manifeft, the Divinity enkindled a light which we now denomi
r
nate the Sun , in the fecond revolution from the earth; that the heavens
might
1
Plato, fays Proclus, here delivers the one and the leading caufe of apparent time. For, as
the demiurgus gives fubfiftence to unapparent, fo the fun to apparent time, which meafures the
motion of bodies: for the fun, through Tight, leads info the apparent every temporal interval,
bounds all periods, and exhibits the meafures of reftorations to a priftine ftate. Very properly,
therefore, does Plato call the fun a confpicuous meafure, as efpecially unfolding the progreffion *
of time into the univerfe, according to number. For it has a more accurate period than the five
planets, being freed from advancing and receding motions, and alfo revolves more accurately than
the moon, in confequence of always bounding its progreflions to the north and fouth, according
to the fame fign. But, if it has a more accurate period, it is defervedly faid to be the meafure of
meafures, and to know from itfelf the periodic meafures of the other planets, the ratios which
they contain, and the fwiftnefs of fome of them compared with others. It alfo imitates in a
greater degree than the other planets the permanency of eternity, through perpetually revolving
after the fame invariable manner. Such then is its difference with refpect to the planets.
But the fun is after another manner a more confpicuous meafure of the inerratic fphere; fince
this fphere alfo has a certain appropriate meafure, and an appropriate interval, and one invariable
number of its proper motion. The folar light, however,, makes this meafure, and all the evo
lution of apparent time, confpicuous and known. Hence Plato fays " that thefe circles might
poffefs a certain confpicuous meafure for though there is a certain meafure in the other ftars,
yet it is not confpicuous. But the fun unfolds into light both other intelligibles and time itfelf.
You muft not, however, fay, that the folar light was therefore generated for the fake of mea-
furing; for how is it poflible that wholes can have a fubfiftence for the fake of parts, governing
natures for the fake of the governed, and things eternal for the fake of fuch as are corruptible?
But we ihould rather fay that light manifests total time, poffcfiing an unfolding power, and calls
forth its fupermundane monad, and one meafure, to a menfuration of the periods of bodies. It
is the light of the fun, therefore, which makes every thing that is moved to have a confpicuous
nieafure. And this, indeed, is its total good. But after wholes it alfo fecondarily benefits parts;
for it gives the generation of number and a meafure to fuch things as are fit participants of thefe.
* In the original iTBpioSoy, but the fenfe requires we fhould read irpooloy.
For
THE T f M ^ U S . 497
might become eminently apparent to all things, and that fuch animals
might participate of number as arc adapted to its participation, receiving
numerical
For irrational natures arc deftitute of thefe; but the genera of daemons follow the periods o f the
Gods, and m e n b e c o m e partakers of number and meafure. T h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , therefore, of
the fun, fupernally b e g i n n i n g from w h o l e s , defeend as far as to parts, conferring good through
light. A n d if, c o m m e n c i n g from things apparent, you are willing to fpeak of things u n a p p a -
rent, the fun illuminates the whole world, makes the corporeal nature of it divine, and the w h o l e
o f it to be totally filled with life. It alfo leads fouls through undented light, and imparts to
them an undented and elevating power, and by its rays governs the world. It likewife fills fouls
with empyrean fruits. For the order of the fun proceeds fupernally from fupermundane n a t u r e s ;
and hence Plato does not here give fubfiftence to its light from a certain place, but fays that the
demiurgus enkindled it, as forming this fphere from his o w n effence, and emitting from the folar
fountain a divulfed and nafcent life; w h i c h alfo thcologifts affert concerning the fupermundanc
firmaments. O n this account, alfo, Plato appears to m c to deliver a twofold generation of the
f u n ; one together w i t h the feven governors of the world, w h e n he fafhions their bodies and
places them in their revolving fpheres; b u t the other the enkindling of its light, according to
w h i c h he imparls to it fupcrnuuulane power. For it is one t h i n g to generate itfelf by itfelf, the
whole hulk of the fun, and another to generate it together with a governing i d i o m , through
which it is called the king of every thing vifible, and is eftablifhed as analogous to the one f o u n
tain of good. For, as the good itfelf9 being belter than the intelligible, illuminates both intellect
and the intelligible, fo the fun, being better than the vifible effence, illuminates fight, and w h a t
ever is vifible. B u t if the fun is above the vifible effence, it will have a fupermundane n a t u r e :
for the world is vifible and tangible, and poffeffes a body. W e muft, therefore, furvcy the fun
in a twofold refpect; as one of the feven m u n d a n e governors, and as the leader of w h o l e s , as
mundane and as fupermundane, according to w h i c h alfo h e illuminates with divine light. For,
as the good generates truth, w h i c h deifies both the intelligible and intellectual orders; as P h a n e s ,
according to Orpheus, emits intelligible light, which fills all the intellectual Gods with intelli
gence ; and as Jupiter enkindles an intellectual and demiurgic light in all fupermundanc natures,
fo the fun illuminates every .thing vifible through this undented light. B u t that w h i c h illuminates
is always in an order more elevated than the things w h i c h are illuminated. For neither is the
good intelligible, nor is Phanes intellectual, nor Jupiter fupermundanc. From this reafoning,
therefore, the fun being fupermundane emits the fountains of light. A n d the moft myftic o f
difcourfes place the avholenefi of the fun in the fupermundane order; for there a folar world and
total light fubfift, as the oracles of the C h a l d a a n s fay, and as I am perfuaded. A n d thus m u c h
concerning thefe particulars.
Proclus afterwards, near the end of his commentary o n this part, obferves, that if by the
heavens here we underftand that which is moved in a circle, the fun does not illuminate the
whole of t h i s : for there arc fhadows there, through the o b j u r a t i o n s of the ftars and the
moon. Hut nothing in the world is pure from fhadow, (as neither is there any t h i n g m u n d a n e
pure Iron 1 matter, fupermundanc natures alone being without fhadow and immaterial,) except
VOL. n . 3 S the
THE TIMJETJS.
numerical information from the revolution of a nature fimilar and the fame.
From hence, therefore, night and day arofe; and through thefe revolving
bodies the period of one mofl wife circulation was produced.
And month indeed was generated, when the moon having run through
her circle paffed into conjunction with the fun. But year, when the fun
had completely wandered round his orb. As to the periods of the other
ftars, they are not underftood except by a very few of mankind ; nor do the
multitude diftinguifh them by any peculiar appellation; nor do they meafure
them with relation to each other, regarding the numbers adapted to this
purpofe. Hence, it may be faid, they are ignorant that the wanderings of
thefe bodies are in reality time ; as thefe wanderings are endued with an
infinite multitude, and an admirable variety of motions. But it is eafy to
conceive, that a perfect number of time will then accomplifh a perfect year,
when the eight circulations concurring in their courfes with each other be
come bounded by the fame extremity ; being at the fame time meafured by
the circle fubfifting according to famenefs. But the ftars, whofe revolutions
are attended with a proceflion through the heavens, were generated, that
the whole of this vifible animal the univerfe might become moft fimilar to
the moft perfect intelligible animal from an imitation of a perpetual nature.
the fun. Hence, the fun is truly fhadowlefs and without generation, every thing elfe receiving
at different times different illuminative additions. W h y , then, fome one may fay, was not the
light of the fun enkindled in the firft of the periods from the earth ? Becaufe, I reply, the efful
gence of the fun is of itfelf incommenfurate with generation ; but the moon, exifting as a medium,
and firft receiving his light, renders it more commenfurate with generation. For, as Ariftotle
fays, the moon is, as it were, a leffer fun. And it is requifite that what is proximately above gene
ration fhould not be the moft fplendid and luminous. For it is not lawful that a thing of this
kind fhould approach to that which is dark; but what is proximate to the darkncfs of generation
muft neceffarily be luminous in a fecondary degree, always poffefling, indeed, its proper light,
but evincing a mutation in its participation of a more excellent light. It is likewife requifite that
it ihould exhibit this mutation in an orderly manner, that through this mutation it may be the
paradigm of that very mutable nature which matter introduces to generated things.
But that the ftars, and all heaven, receive light from the fun, may be eafily perceived. For
that which is common in many things derives its fubfiftence from one caufe, which is either
exempt or coordinate; and the coordinate caufe is that which firft participates of that form. But
that firft participates in which this form efpecially fubfifts the firft. If, therefore, light efpe
cially fubfifts in the fun, the fun will be the firft light, and from this the light in other things will
be derived.
And
T H E T I M J E U S .
And indeed the artificer fabricated other forms, as far as to the generation
of time, according to the fimilitude of the world's exemplar.
But as the univerfe did not yet contain all animals in its capacious recep
tacle, in this refpect it was diffimilar to its exemplar. Its artificer, therefore,
fupplied this defect by imprefling it with forms, according to the nature of
its paradigm. Whatever ideas, therefore, intellect perceived by the diano-
etic energy in animal itfelf, fuch and fo many he conceived it neceflary for
the univerfe to contain. But thefe ideas are four: One, the celeftial
genus of Gods ; another, winged and air-wandering; a third, the aquatic
form ; and a fourth, that which is pedeftrial and terrene. The idea, there
fore, of that which is divine, or the inerratic fphere, he for the moft part
fabricated from fire, that it might be moft fplendid and beautiful to behold.
And as he meant to aflimilate it to the univerfe, he rendered it circular;
placed it in the wifdom of the beft nature ; ordered it to become the at
tendant of that which is beft; and gave it a circular diftribution about the
heavens, that it might be a true world, adorned with a fair variety in its
every part. But he adapted to each of the divine bodies two motions; one
by which they might revolve in fame according to fame, by always cogitating
the fame things in themfelves about fame; the other through which they
might be led with an advancing motion from the dominion of the fame and
fimilar circulation. 'He likewife rendered them immovable and ftable as to
the other five motions, that each of them might become in an eminent degree
the beft. And on this account fuch of the ftars as are inerratic were
generated, wdiich are divine animals ; and, in confequence of this, always
abide revolving in that which is fame. But, the ftars, which both revolve and
at the fame time wander in the manner we have defcribed above, were pro
duced next to thefe. But he fabricated the earth the common nourifher of
our exiftence ; which being conglobed about the pole extended through the
univerfe, is the guardian and artificer of night and day, and is the firft
and moft antient of the Gods which are generated within the heavens.
But the harmonious progreflions of thefe divinities, their concurfions with
each other, the revolutions and advancing motions of their circles, how
fhey are fituated with relation to each other in their conjunctions and oppo-
fitions, whether direct among themfelves or retrograde, at what times and
in what manner they become concealed, and, again emerging to our view,
3 s 2 caufe
500 T H E T I M JE U S .
caufe terror, and exhibit tokens of future events to fuch as are able to dif-
cover their fignification—of ail this to attempt an explanation, without in-
fpe&ing the refemblances of thefe divinities, would be a fruitlefs employ
ment. But of this enough ; and let this be the end of our difcourfe con
cerning the nature of the vifible and generated Gods.
But to fpeak concerning the other demons *, and to know their generation,
is a talk beyond our ability to perform. It is, therefore, neceffary in this
cafe
1
Plato here calls the fublunary Gods who proximately prefide over, and orderly di(tribute, the
realms of generation, daemons ; for a God who proximately prefides over any thing is a daemon
according to analogy.
Proclus, in fpeaking concerning daemons who fill up all the middle fpace between Gods
and men, obferves as follows:—" There is a triad which conjoins our fouls with the Gods, pro
ceeding analogous to the three * primary caufes of things, though Plato is accuftomed to call the
whole of it demoniacal. For the angelic prcferves an analogy to the intelligible, which firft un
folds itfelf into light from the arcane and occult fountain of things; on which account it alfo
unfolds the Gods, and announces their occult nature. The daemoniacal is analogous to infinite
life; and hence it proceeds every where according to many orders, and poffefles various fpecies
and a multitude of forms. But the heroic fubfifts according to intellect and a convertive energy ;
and hence it is the infpective guardian of purification, and a magnificently operating life. Again,
the angelic proceeds according to the intellectual life of the demiurgus ; and hence it alfo is effen
tially intellectual, and interprets and tranfmits a divine intellect to fecondary natures. The daemo
niacal governs according to the demiurgic providence and nature of wholes, and rightly gives com
pletion to the order of all the world. But the heroic fubfifts according to a providence convertive
of all thefe. Hence this genus is fublime, elevates fouls on high, and is the caufe of the grand
and robuft. And fuch are the triple genera which are fufpended from the Gods, viz. from the
celeftiai Divinities, and from the infpectrve guardians of generation. For about each of thefe-
Gods there is an appropriate number of angels, daemons, and heroes: for each is the leader of a
multitude which receives the form of its ruling Deity. And on this account the angels, daemons,
and heroes of the celeftiai Gods are celeftiai; of the Gods that prefide over generation, they are
generative ; of thofe that elevate fouls on high, they are anagogic ; of thofe that are immutable,
they are immutable ; and fo on. And again, in thofe Gods of an anagogic characteriftic, the
angels, daemons, and heroes of the Saturnian Gods are faturnine, but thofe of the Solar Gods
are folar. And in thofe that are vivific, the attendants of the Lunar Deities arc lunar, and of
the Mercurial Gods, mercurial: for they derive their appellations from the Deities from which
they are fufpended, as being continuous with them, and receiving one idea with remiflion. And
why is this wonderful, fince partial louls alfo, knowing their prefiding and leading Gods, call
themfelves by their names ? Gr, whence did the ^Efeulapiuses, the Bacchuses, and the Diofcuri
* Viz. Being, life, and intellcB, which confidered according to their fr.ft fubfiftence form the intelligible
triad, or the firft procefiion from the ineffable principle of things. See the Parmenides.
q receive
T H E T I M i E U S , 501
cafe to believe in antient men ; who being the progeny of the Gods, as they
themfelves alfert, mud have a clear knowledge of their parents. It is im-
poffible, therefore, not to believe in the children of the Gods, though they
Ihould fpeak without probable and neceffary arguments : but as they declare
that their narrations are about affairs to which they are naturally allied, it
is proper that, complying with the law, we mould affent to their tradition.
In this manner, then, according to them, the generation of thefe Gods is to
be defcribed :
That Ocean and Tethys were the progeny of heaven and earth. That
from hence Phorcys, Saturn, and Rhea, and fuch as fubfift together with
thefe, were produced. That from Saturn and Rhea, Jupiter, Juno, and all
fuch as we know are called the brethren of thefe defcended. And laftly,
others which are reported to be the progeny of thefe. When, therefore, all
fuch Gods as vifibly revolve,and all fuch as become apparent when they pleafe,
were generated, the Artificer of the univerfe thus addreffed them : " Gods
of Gods *, of whom I am the demiurgus and father, whatever is generated
by
receive their appellations ? As, therefore, in the celeftial Gods, fo alfo in thofe that prefide over
generation, it is requifite to furvey about each of them a coordinate, angelic, demoniacal, and
heroic multitude j the number fufpended from each bearing the name of its monad, fo that there
is a celeftial God, daemon, and hero. W i t h refpect to Earth, alfo, Ocean, and Tethys, it is
requifite to confider that thefe proceed into all orders, and in a fimilar manner other Gods. For
there is a Jovian, Junonian, and Saturnian multitude, which is denominated through the fame
name of life. Nor is there any thing abfurd in this, fince we call man both intelligible and fen
fible, though the reftoration to their priftine condition is in thefe more abundant. And thus
much in common concerning the generation-producing Gods and daemons, that, conjoined with
the Gods, we may alfo furvey the difcourfe about daemons: for Plato comprehends each of the
genera in the fame names. And he feems to call the fame powers both daemons and Gods on
this account, that we may underfland that the daemoniacal genus is fufpended at the fame time
together with thefe Gods, and that we may alfo adapt the names as to Gods. This he alfo docs
in other places, indicating the every way extended nature of the theory, and the^ye of fcience
furveying all things together and in connection."
1
The fcope of this fpeech, fays Proclus, is, as we have faid, to infert demiurgic power and
providence in the mundane genera of Gods, to lead them forth to the generation of the remain
ing kinds of animals, and to place them over mortals, analogoufly to the father of wholes over
the one orderly diftribution of the univerfe. For it is neceftary that fome things fhould be primarily
generated by the demiurgic monad, and others through other media; the demiurgus, indeed, pro
ducing all things from himfelf, at once and eternally, but the things produced in order, and firft
proceeding
502 THE TIMJEUS.
This Goddefs pervading every where collects the divine number, and converts it to the demi
urgic monad. For the Gods are both feparate from mundane affairs, and eternally provide for all
things, being at the fame time exempt from them through the higheft tranfeendency, and extend
ing their providence every where. For their unmingled nature is not without providential energy,
nor is their providence mingled with matter. Through tranfeendency of power they are not filled
with the fubjects of their government, and, through beneficent will, they make all things fimilar
to themfelves; in permanently abiding, proceeding, and in being feparated from all things,
being
T H E T I M i E U S . 503
being fimilarly prefent to all things. Since, therefore, the Gods that govern the world, and the
daemons the attendants of thefe, receive after this manner unminglcd purity and providential
adminiftration from their father; at one time he converts them to himfelf without a medium,
and illuminates them with a feparate, unmingled, and pure form of life. Whence alfo I think
he orders them to be feparated from all things, to remain exempt in Olympus, and neither con
vert themfelves to Greeks nor Barbarians; which is juft the fame as to fay, that they muft tranf-
cend the twofold orders of mundane natures, and abide immutably in undefiled intellection. B u t
at another time he converts them to a providential attention to fecondary natures, through Themis,
and calls upon them to direct; the mundane battle, and excites different Gods to different works.
Thefe Divinities, therefore, efpecially require the aftiftance of Themis, who contains in herfelf the
divine laws according to which providence is intimately connected with wholes. Homer, there
fore, divinely delivers twofold fpeeches, accompanying the twofold energies of Jupiter; but Plato
through this one fpeech comprehends thofe twofold modes of difcourfe. For the demiurgus ren
ders the Gods unmingled with fecondary natures, and caufes them to provide for, and give exift
ence to, mortals. But he orders them to fabricate in imitation of himfelf: and in an injunction
of this kind both thefe are comprehended, viz. the unmingled through the imitation of the father,
for he is feparate, being exempt from mundane wholes; but providential energy, through the com
mand to fabricate, nourifh and increafe mortal natures. Or rather, we may furvey both in each \
for in imitating the demiurgus they provide for fecondary natures, as he does for the immortals y
and in fabricating they are feparate from the things fabricated. For every demiurgic caufe is ex
empt from the things generated by i t ; but that which is mingled with and filled from them is
imbecil and inefficacious, and is unable to adorn and fabricate them. And thus much in com
mon refpecting the whole of the fpeech.
Let us then, in the firft place, confider what we are to underftand by " Gods of Gods," and
what power it poifeffes: for that this invocation is collective and convertive of multitude to its
monad, that it calls upwards the natures which have proceeded to the one fabricator of them,
and inferts a boundary and divine meafure in them, is clear to thofe who are not entirely unac
quainted with fuch-]ike difcourfes. But how thofe that are allotted the world by their father are
called Gods of Gods, and according to what conception, cannot eafily be indicated to the m a n y ;
for there is an unfolding of one divine intelligence in thefe names. Proclus then proceeds to
relate the explanations given by others of thefe words; which having rejected as erroneous, he
very properly, in my opinion, adopts the following, which is that of his preceptor, the great
Syrianus. All the mundane Gods are not fimply Gods, but they are wholly Gods which par
ticipate: for there is in them that which is feparate, unapparent, and fupermundane, and alfo
that which is the apparent image of them, and has an orderly eftablifhment in. the world. And
that, indeed, which is unapparent in them is primarily a God, this being undiftributed and o n e ;
but this vehicle which is fufpended from their unapparent effence is fecondarily a God. For if,
with refpect to us, man is twofold, one inward, according to thefoul, the other apparent, which
we fee, much more muft both thefe be afferted of the Gods; fince Divinity alfo is twofold, one
6 unapparent
504 THE TIMiEUS.
every refpect indiflbluble : yet you, fhall never be diffolved, nor become fub*
jedt to the fatality of death; my will being a much greater and more excel
lent bond than the vital connectives with which you were bound at the
commencement of your generation. Learn, therefore, what I now fay to
you indicating my defire. Three genera of mortals yet remain to be pro
duced. Without the generation of thefe, therefore, the univerfe will be
imperfect; for it will not contain every kind of animal in its fpacious extent.
But it ought to contain them, that it may become fufficiently perfect. Yet
if thefe are generated, and participate of life through me, they will become
equal to the Gods. That mortal natures, therefore, may fubfift, and that
the* univerfe may be truly all, convert yourfelves, according to your nature,
to the fabrication of animals, imitating the power which I employed in your
generation. And whatever among thefe is of fuch a nature as to deferve the
fame appellation with immortals, which obtains fovereignty in thefe, and
willingly purfues juftice, and reverences you—of this I myfelf will deliver
1
the feed and beginning : it is your bufinefs to accomplifh the reft; to weave
together
unapparent and the other apparent. This being the cafe, we muft fay that " Gods of Gods"
is addrefled to all the mundane Divinities, in whom there is a connection of unapparent with appa
rent Gods; for they are Gods that participate. In fhort, fince twofold orders are produced by
the demiurgus, fbmc being fupermu-ndane and others mundane, and fome being without and
others with participation,—if the demiurgus now addrefled the fupermundane orders, he would
have alone faid to them, " G o d s : " for they are without participation, are feparate and unappa
rent :—but fince the fpeech is to the mundane Gods, he calls them Gods of Gods, as being parti
cipated by other apparent Divinities. In thefe alfo daemons are comprehended ; for they alfo are
Gods, as to their order with refpect to the Gods, whofe idiom they indivifibly participate. Thus
alfo Plato, in the Phaedrus, when he calls the twelve Gods the leaders of dcemons, at the fame
time denominates all the attendants of the Divinities Gods, adding, * and this is the life of the
Gods.' All thefe, therefore, are Gods of Gods, as poflefling the apparent connected with the
unapparent, and the mundane with the A.permundanc.
1
It is well obferved here by Proclus, that the animal fpirit (TO itvivpia) comprehends the fum-
mits of the irrational life, which fummits fubfift eternally with the vehicle of the foul, as being
produced by the demiurgus; but that thefe, being extended and diftributed, make this life which
the junior Gods weave together, being indeed mortal, becaufe the foul muft neceffarily lay afide
this diftribution, when, being rcftored to her priftine ftate, fhe obtains purification, but fubfifling
for a much longer .time than the life of this body; and that, on this account, the foul alfo in
Hades choofes a life of this kind. For, in confequence of verging to a corporeal nature, fhe
receives this mortal life from the junior Gods. If thefe things then be admitted, the demiurgus
gives
T H E T I M A E U S . 505
together the mortal and immortal nature; by this means fabricating and
generating animals, caufing them to increafe by fupplying them with ali
ment, and receiving them back again when diffolved by corruption."
Thus fpoke the demiurgus; and again into the fame crater in which
mingling he had tempered the foul of the univerfe, he poured mingling the.
1
remainder of the former mixture: in a certain refpect: indeed after the
fame
gives fubfiftence to t h e f u m m i t of the irrational life, but does not produce this life ; fince, giving fub
fiftence to demons, he certainly alfo produces the irrational life which they contain, but not this
life which the junior Gods weave together in u s ; fortius is alone adapted to fouls falling into
generation. The mundane Gods, therefore, illuminate their depending vehicles with rational
lives; for they poffefs intellectual fouls. But thofe daemons who are properly defined according
to reafon ufe irrational powers, which they keep in fubjection; but our fouls much more poffefs
a life in the vehicle, which is irrational with relation to them. It fuperabounds however by
receiving another irrational life, which is an apoftacy from that life in the vehicle which was
woven by the junior Gods. All that is immortal, therefore, which fouls poflefs according to an
imitation of wholes, but the addition of the fecondary life is mortal. If, therefore, in the fummit
of the irrational life, there is one impaffive fenfe, this in the pneumatic vehicle will generate one
paffve fenfe; and this latter will produce in the (belly body many and paftivc fenfes. The
orectic or appetitive power, alfo, in this fummit, will produce many oreclic powers in the fpirit,
poffeffing fomething feparate from the fhelly body, and capable of being difciplined ; and thefe
will produce in the body ultimate and material appetitive powers.
1
Viz. the vivific Goddcfs Juno.
a
It is well obferved here by Proclus, that fouls poffefs effential differences, and not differences
according to energies only. For, fays he, fome fouls look to total and others to partial intellects;
and fome employ undented intellections, but others at times depart from the contemplation of
true beings. Some perpetually fabricate and adorn wholes, but others only fometimes revolve
with the Gods. And fome always move and govern fate, but others fometimes fubfift under the
dominion of fate, and are fubject; to its laws. Some are the leaders to intelligible effence, and
others are fometimes allotted the order of thofe that follow. Some are divine only, and others are
transferred into a different order, demoniacal, heroical, human. Some employ horfes that are
good, but others fuch as are mingled from «:ood and evil. And fome poffefs that life alone which
they received from the one fabrication of things, but others the mortal form of life, which was
woven to their nature by the junior Gods. Some energize according to all their powers, but others
at different times draw forth different lives. By no means, therefore, do our fouls poffefs the fame
eifence with divinity : for the rational nature is different in the two, being in the Gods intellectual,
but in our fouls mingled with the irrational; and in the middle genera it is defined according to their
middle fubfiftence. In like manner, with refpect to every thing elfe, fuch as reafons, the form of
life, intelligence and time, thefe fubfift divinely in divine fouls, but in a human manner in ours.
Proclus alfo further obferves, that the common definition of all fouls is as follows : Soul is an
-effence fubfifting between true effence and generation, being mingled from middle genera, divided
VOL. II. 3 T into
500 T H E TIM^TUS.
fame m a n n e r ' , yet not fimilarly incorruptible according to the fame, but
deficient from the firfl in a fecond and third degree. And having thus com
pofed
into effential number, bound with all media, diatonically harmonized, living one and a twofold
life, and being gnoftic in one and a twofold manner.
1
Timaeus, fays Proclus, by thefe words indicates the fimilitude, fubjeclion and different pro
greftion of partial to total fouls. For he not only dcfcribes their difference together with their
alliance, according to firft and fecond demiurgic energy, nor alone according to their union with
and feparation from the cratcr.of life, nor yet alone according to excefs or defect of genera, but
alfo according to the mode of mixture, which is the fame, and yet not the fame. For neither is
the temperament of the genera {inular, nor the unmingling of difference; fince this is more
abundant in partial fouls. Hence, of the horfes in thefe, one is good, but the other contrary, and
confiding from contraries, as it is faid in the Phaedrus, in confequence of difference having
dominion. For the whole mixture is no longer incorruptible, according to the fame, and after
the fame manner, but in a fecond and third degree; fince in thefe there are fubjection and order*
But by incorruptible, here, we muft underfland the immutable, the undeviating, the inflexible^
the immaculate form of effence, that which is not converted to fecondary natures, and which does-
not receive mutation, or fubjeclion of life, that which is eftablifhed beyond the reach of mortality,
and that which is exempt from the laws of fate: for thefe things are common to every genus of
fouls which perpetually tranfeend generation. But the contraries of thefe are adapted to powers-
which defcend into generation, viz. a mutation of life from intelligence to action, the becoming
fometimes fubject to fate, and the being mingled with mortal affairs. Neither is the immovable
prefent with thefe according to the fame, fince they fometimes proceed into generation, nor, when-
it is prefent, is it prefent after the fame manner: for that which always underftands is better than
that which fometimes departs from its proper intellection. Since, however, in thefe fouls alfo*
there is an order, and fome are undefiled, rarely affociating with generation and deferting their
own order, but others are rolled in all-various flowers, and wander myriads of periods,—hence-
Timaeus indicates the difference of thefe, when he fays " in a fecond and third degree.'* For
fouls which defcend, and become defiled with evil, are very much feparated from thofe that per
petually abide on high, and a*e free from evil: but fouls of a middle order are fuch as defcend
indeed, but are not defiled-. For,, vice verfa, it is not lawful to be defiled, and yet abide on high
fince evil is not in the Gods, but in the mortal place, and in material things.
Again, therefore, from thefe things it appears that the firft genus of fouls is divine; for every
where that which is the recipient of deity has a leading order, in effences, in intellects, in fouls-
and in bodies. But the fecond genus is that which is perpetually conjoined with the Gods, t h a t r
through this, fouls which fometimes depart from may again be recalled to the Gods. The third;
genus is that which falls into generation, but defcends wi'h purity, and changes a fubordinate
for a more divine life, but is exempt from vice and paffions; for this genus is continuous with-
fouls that perpetually abide on high, and are perpetually undefiled. Bui the fourth and laft genus-
is that which abundantly wanders, which defcends as far as to Tartarus, and is again excited from
its dark profundities, evolving all-various forms of life, employing various manners, and at different
times different paffions. It alfo obtains various forms of animals, demoniacal, human, irrational,
T H E TIMAEUS. 507
pofed the univerfe, he diftributed fouls equal in number to the ftars, infcrting
each in each: and caufing them to afcend as into a vehicle *, he pointed out
to
but is at the fame time corrected by Juftice, returns from earth to heaven, and is circularly led
from matter to intellect, according to certain orderly periods of wholes. By the words, therefore*
" in a certain refpect indeed after the fame manner, yet not fimilarly incorruptible according to
the fame," he fignifies that partial fouls are in a certain refpect incorruptible, as for inftance,
according to their effence alone, but that in a certain refpect they are not incorruptible, viz. being
mingled in their energies with all-various deftinies, and converfant with mortal things, and not
poffcfiing thefe energies with invariable famenefs, and entire, but fometimes more, and at others lefs,
an all-various inequality fubfifting in fouls, according to their habitude to mortal natures, from
which they derive the privation of incorruptibility according to life.
1
Vulcan, who is the artificer of the whole of a corporeal effence, gives fubfiftence to the vehicles
of the foul; for he receives fouls fent into the world from the intelligible region, and gives different
habitations to different fouls. The demiurgus of all things alfo gives fubfiftence to thefe vehicles;
for he is the fabricator of animals, and the completions of the univerfe, fo that he not only pro- '
duces fouls, but alfo produces them with their proper vehicles. As Proclus likewife well obferves*
the conception of Plato here is truly wonderful: for he does not reprefent the demiurgus as
fafhioning thefe vehicles from the wholenejjes which are now produced, but he fays that he makes
thefe, the junior Gods lending parts, and from them compofing bodies. But this is an evident
argument, that each of thefe vehicles is in a certain refpect: feIf-compofed, and not fabricated by
an ablation from other things, left it fhould require to be again poured back Into fomething elfe.
For every thing which fubfifts by an abfeiffion from other things, being cut off with a diminu
tion of the whole to which it belonged, muft neceffarily be returned to the whole from which it
was cut off. For it is neceffary that every whole in the univerfe fhould perpetually remain a
whole: and hence every fuch vehicle is perpetual, and the fame vehicle is always fufpended from
the foul. Befides, how can the foul be any longer faid to be mundane, if its vehicle is corrupted ?
for that of which there is nothing in the univerfe cannot be mundane. For, if partial fouls are
fuperior to a life in conjunction with vehicles, they will alfo be fuperior to divine fouls: but if they
are inferior to fuch a life, how does the demiurgus immediately after their generation introduce
them into thefe vehicles ? And how can they ufe them in Hades, and in the Heavens, unlefs
they had them perpetually fufpended from their effence ? For, that they ufe them in Hades, is
evident from what Socrates fays in the Phaulo, viz. that fouls afcending into their vehicles proceed
to Acheron : and that they alfo ufe them in the Heavens, is evident from the Phaxlrus, in which
Socrates fays that the vehicles of the Gods proceed equally balanced, but thofe of the attendants of
the Gods, with great difficulty.
From this, alfo, we may perceive the difference between partial and divine fouls: for with
refpect to the latter the demiurgus is faid to place their bodies in their fouls, as being every way
comprehended by them, thefe fouls not being converted to the objects of their government, but
employing one immutable intellection : but, with refpect: to partial fouls, he is faid to caufe thefe
to afcend into their vehicles; for thefe are naturally adapted to be frequently in fubjection lo
bodies, and to convert themfelves to the fubjects of their government; when they alfo become
3 T % parts
508 THE TIM^US.
to them the nature of the univerfe, and announced to them the laws of fate f
mowing them that the firft generation orderly diftributed to all was one, left
any particular foul fhould be allotted a lefs portion of generation than another.
But when he had diffeminated them through the feveral inftruments of time
adapted to each, he declared to them it was neceffary that an animal the moft
religious of all others fhould make its appearance. But as the human nature
is twofold, he fhov\ed them that the more excellent kind was that which
would afterwards be called man. And as fouls are from neceflity engrafted
In bodies, and as fomething accedes to and fomething departs from fuch bodies,
1
he declared to them that, in the firft place, one connate fenfe produced by
violent
parts of the univerfe as well as their vehicles, act in fubferviency to the laws of fate, and no
longer live with purity under the divine light of Providence. It muft likewife be obferved, that
the demiurgus among other caufes contains that of Nature in himfelf, to which alfo he converts-
fouls. For, by fhowing Nature to fouls, he alfo beholds it himfelf. But he alone beholds-
things prior to and in himfelf. Now, therefore, he beholds Nature in himfelf, which he com
prehends fupernaturally, or according to caufe.
1
The demiurgus, fays Proclus, comprehends the whole of a material and mortal life in three
boundaries, and eftablifhes the caufes of it in fouls, that they may obtain dominion over it: for
dominion is not derived from any thing elfe than effential precedency. The irrational life, there
fore, fubfifts intellectually in the demiurgus, but rationally in foul's. Nor is this wonderful,
fince body alfo fubfifts incorporeally in the intelligible caufes of all things. But this connate
fenfe produced by violent paffions, of which Plato now fpeaks, is that corporeal life which is
gnoftic of things falling upon it externally, which produces this knowledge through inftruments,
does not fubfift from itfelf, but from the natures by which it is ufed, is mingled with material
maffes, and knows what it knows with paffion. For it is neceftary to fenfation, that a certain-
agitation fhould be produced about the inftruments of fenfe; fince neither do the motions in the
foul pervade every where, and as far as to the body, but there is a motion of the foul belonging to
itfelf by itfelf, fuch as is that which is intellectual; nor docs every thing about the body extend as
far as to the foul, but there is alfo a certain corporeal paftion, which through its obfeurity is not
able to move the foul. Scnfe, therefore, is produced not from all paffions, but from fuch as are
violent, and which are attended with much agitation. And this is corporeal fenfe, which is
divifible and material, and forms its judgment mingled with paffions. But there is another fenfe
prior to this, in the vehicle of the foul, which with refpect to this is immaterial, and is a pure
impaffive knowledge, itfelf fubfifling by itfelf, but which is not liberated from form, becaufe it
alfo is corporeal, as being allotted its fubfiftence in body. And this fenfe, indeed,, has the fame
nature with the phantafy; for the being of both is common; but externally proceeding it is
called fenfe, and abiding internally, and furveyingin the fpirit (IVTCO 7rvtvfxun) forms and figures, it
is called phantafy. So far alfo as it is divided about the fpirit, it is fenfe. For, again, the bafis
of the rational life is opinion•>but the phantafy is the funimit of the fecond, or the irrational life.
Opinion
T H E TIMAEUS. 509
violent paffions was neceiTary to all; and, in the fecond place, love mingled
with pleafure and grief. That after thefe, fear and anger were neceiTary,
with whatever elfe is either confequent to thefe, or naturally difcordant
from a contrary nature. That fuch fouls as iubdue thefe would live
Opinion alfo and phantafy are conjoined with each other, and the fecond is filled from the more
excellent with powers. But the middle of the irrational life does no"t receive the impreflion of the
natures fuperior to it, but is alone the recipient of things external. It is common, however, to
this al o to know that which is fenfible with paflivity: but external fenfe alone pertains to things
externally falling upon and moving it, not being able to pofTefs fpectacles in itfelf, fince it is
partible and not one ; for it is diftributed about the organs of fenfe. There is one fenfe, therefore,
which is impaffive and common, another which is common and patfivc, and a third which is
diftributed and paflive. The firft of thefe belongs to the firft vehicle of the foul, the fecond, to
the irrational life, and the third, to the animated body.
After fenfe, Plato arranges defire. And this indeed is life, and is alfo corporeal; but it is a life
which perpetually unweaves the body, and affords a folace to its wants, and about which pleafure
and pain are beheld. For thefe paffions are alfo prefent to other parts of the foul; fince you may
perceive pleafures and pains, both in reafon and anger. But corporeal pleafure and pain are pro-
duced according to defire. For, with refpecl to the bodv, a way contrary to nature, and a priva
tion of life, produce pain in it; but a regreflion according to nature, and an adaptation to life,
are the f o u r c c 3 of its pleafure. And that which is afflicted or delighted in thefe is the defidera-
tive part of the foul. But fince thefe two paffions are primary, and the fountains of the other
paffions, as Plato fay3 in the Philebus and the Laws, through the mixture of thefe giving a genera
tion to the other paffions he alfo denominates love a mixture of pleafure and pain. For, fo far as
it is converfant with the lovely, it is prefent with pleafure, but,*fo far as it is not yet prefent with
it in energy, it is mingled with pain. But he characterizes all the life of defire through love,
becaufe this paffion is moft vehement about it.
In the third place, therefore, he enumerates anger. Anger then is alfo life, but a life which
removes every thing painful, and which difturbs the body. Exccfs and defect alfo are furveyed
about it, fuch as rafhnefs and timidity, and the things confequent to thefe, ambition and conten
tion, and all fuch particulars as take place about mortal concerns. And fuch is the order of thefe
three generated po> ers. For as foon as the body is formed it participates of fenfe : fince it would
not be an animal, nor would poffefs appetite, if it were not fenfitive. For appetites fubfift i$
conjunction with fenfe, but the fenfes are not entirely in conjunction with appetites; and hence
the animal is more characterized by the fenfitive than by the appetitive nature. But after the
poffeffion of fenfe the animal appears to be pleafed and pained, afflicted by the cold, but cherifhed
by the bandages, and led to a condition according to nature. After defire, as age advances, the
animal is angered : for anger is the power of a more robuft nature, iience alfo, among irrational
animals, fuch a." are more material alone live according to defire, and partake of pleafure and pain;
but fuch as are more perfect are allotted a more irafeible life. But prior to thefe appetites, as we
alfo faid of fenfe, there is a certain fummit of them in the fpirit of the foul, which fummit is a
power impulfivc and motive of the fpirit, guarding and connecting its effence, atone lime extending
smd diilributing itfelf, and at another being led to bound and order, and meafured by reafon.
510 THE TIMAEUS.
juftly, but fuch as are vanquished by them unjuftly. And again, that he
who lived well during the proper time of his life, fhould, again returning to
T
the habitation of his kindred ftar , enjoy a bleffed life. But that he whofe
conduct was depraved, mould in his fecond generation be changed into the
nature of a woman. * That both thefe, at the expiration of a tlioufand years,
fhould return to the allotment and choice of a fecond life ; each foul receiving
a life agreeable to its choice. That in this election the human foul fhould
pafs into the life of a brute : * and that in cafe the inclination to evil
fhould not even then ceafe, but the defilement of vice remain accord
ing to a fimilitude of the mode of generation, then the foul fhould be
changed into the nature of a brute correfpondent to its difpofition. And
that it fhould not be freed from the allotment of labours % till, following
the
1
Since Plato now difconrfes concerning fouls that are reftored to their priftine (late in their
legitimate ftar, after their firft generation, and fays that on leaving the body they poffefs a happy
life, it may be afked how this accords with what is faid in the Phaedrus? For, there, he who
choofes a philofophic life is reftored to his priftine ftate through three lives. W e reply, with
Proclus, that Plato does not here affert that the foul pafles into that very ftate whence it came,
for this is accomplifhed through three chiliads of periods, but that the foul returns to the flat
under which it was effentially arranged, and leads a life in common with it. For it is poftible
for thofe that are not philofophers to be elevated by Juftice to a certain place in the heavens, and
there to live in a manner adapted to their life while in a human form : for this is afferted in the
Phsedo refpecting the fouls of fuch as are not philofophers; fince the reftoration to the fame con
dition again is one thing, and the afcent to the kindied ftar another. And the former of thefe
requires three periods, but the latter may be effected by one period. The former alio leads back
1
the foul to the intelligible, from which it defcended, but the latter to a fubordinate form of life .
For there are meafures of felicity, and the afcent is twofold ; one, of thofe that have yet to afcend
ftill higher, and the other, of thofe that have no further flight to take. So that it is poflible for
the foul having arrived at its kindred ftar, either to be conjoined with the mundane powers of its
3God, or to proceed ftill higher; but to be led back to the intelligible requires a period of three
thoufand years. For through this the higheft flight is accompliflicd.
* The tranflation of the part between the two ftars is omitted by Ficinus.
1
The one fafety of the foul herfelf, fays Proclus, which is extended by the demiurgus, and
which liberates her from the circle of generation, from abundant wandering, and an inefficacious
life, is her return to the intellectual form, and a flight from every thing which naturally adheres
to us from generation. For it is neceffary that the foul which is hurled like feed into the realms
of generation, fhould lay afide the ftubble and bark, as it were, which flic obtained from being
difleminated into thefe fluctuating realms ; and that, purifying herfelf from every thing circum
jacent, fhe fhould become an'intellectual flower and fruit, delighting in an intellectual life inftead
of doxaftic nutriment, and purfuing the uniform and fimple energy of the period of famenefs, in-
4 (lead
THE TIMJSUS. 511
the revolution of that fame and fimilar nature contained in its effence, it
vanquifhes thofe abundantly turbulent affe&ions, tumultuous and irrational,
adhering to it afterwards from fire, water, air, and earth, and returns to the
firft and beft difpofition of its nature.
When he had inftru&ed fouls in all thefe particulars, that he might be in
no refpecl the caufe of the future evil of each, he diffeminated fome of them
into the earth, others into the moon, and others into the remaining different
inftruments of time. But after this femination he delivered to the junior
Gods the province of fabricating mortal bodies, and generating whatever
elfe remained neceffary to the human foul ; and gave them dominion over
(lead of the abundantly wandering motion of the period which is characterized by difference. For
(he contains each of thefe circles and twofold powers. And of her horfes, one is good, and the
other the contrary : and one of thefe leads her to generation, but the other from generation to
true being; the one alfo leads her round the circle of fenfe, but the other round an intellectual
effence. For the period of the fame and the fimilar elevates to intellect, and an intelligible
nature, and to the firft and moft excellent habit. But this habit is that according to which the
foul being winged governs the whole world, becoming affnnilated to the Gods themfelves. And
this is the univerfal form of life in the foul, juft as that is the partial form when fhe falls into the
laft body, and becomes fomething belonging to an individual inttead of belonging to the univerfe.
The middle of thefe alfo is the partial univerfal, when (lie lives in conjunction with her middle
vehicle, as a citizen of generation. Difimffing, therefore, her firft habit, which fubfifts accord
ing to an alliance to the whole of generation, and laying afide the irrational nature which con
nects her with generation, likewife governing her irrational part by reafon, and extending intellect:
to opinion, fhe will be circularly led to a happy life, from the wandering about the regions of
fenfe; which life thofe that are in tiated by Orpheus in the myfteries of Bacchus and Proferpine
pray that they may obtain, together with the allotments of the fphere, and a eeffation of evil.
But if our foul neceffarily lives well, when living according to the circle of famenefs, much more
muft this be the cafe with divine fouls. It is, however, poffible for our foul to live according to
the circle of famenefs, when purified, as Plato fays. Cathartic virtue, therefore, alone muft be
called the falvation of fouls; fince th»s cuts off and vehemently obliterates material natures, and
the paffions which adhere to us from generation, feparates the foul, and leads it to intellect, and
caufes it to leave on earth the vehicles with which it is inverted. For fouls defcending receive
from the elements different vehicles, aerial, aquatic, and terreftrial; and thus at laft enter into
this grofs bulk. For how, without a medium, could they proceed into this body from imma
terial fpirits ? Hence, before they come into this bodv, they poffefs the irrational life, and its
vehicle, which is prepared from the fimple elements, and from thefe they enter into the tumul
tuous, which is fo called as being foreign to the connate vehicle of fouls, compofid from all-
various vcftments, and caufing fouls to become heavy. In fhort, the connate vehicle makes the
foul mundane, the fecond vehicle, a citizen of generation, and the fhelly body, (to csTftuh^y
terreftrial.
every
512 THE T I M ^ U S .
* For the whole compofite which we call man is not immortal, but only the rational foul.
VOL. u. 3 u through
514 T H E T I M A E U S .
along with impetuous abundance, which afford nutrition to the animal, yet
a ftill greater tumult and agitation is produced through the pafTions arifing
from external impulfions: and this either when the body is difturbed by the
fudden incurfion of external fire, or by the folidity of earth, 01 receives an
injury from the whirling blafts of the air. For from all thefe, through the
medium of the body, various motions are hurried along, and fall with mo-
leftation on the foul. But on this account all thefe were afterwards, and
are even now, denominated fenfes. And thefe, indeed, both at firft and at
prefent are the fources of an abundant and mighty motion, in conjunction
with
through their being unufual, become the caufes of aftonifhment. For, what a great fire is to the
former, that the flame of a lamp is to the latter; and what the magnitude of the higheft moun
tains is to men, that the fmalleft ftone in the fields is to infants. And what whirlwinds and cata
racts of rain are to others, that a weak irtotion of the air, or the falling of a little moifture, is to
thofe that are recently born. For fenfe, being agitated by all thefe particulars, aftonifties the foul
of infants, and leads them to defperation and tumult. Thefe, then, in fhort, are the caufes of
the difturbance of fouls, viz. the motions of the nutritive part, and the impulfes of fenfe. W e
muft not, however, fuppofe that the foul fuffers any thing through thefe particulars. For, as if
fome one ftanding on the margin of a river fhould behold the image and form of himfelf in the
floating ftream, he indeed will preferve his face unchanged, but the ftream being all-varioufly
moved will change the image, fo that at different times it will appear to him different, oblique
and upright, and perhaps divulfed and continuous. Let us fuppofe, too, that fuch a one, through
being unaccuftomed to the fpectacle, fhould think that it was himfelf that fuffered this diftortion,
in confequence of furveying his fhadow in the water, and, thus thinking, fhould be afflicted and
difturbed, aflonifhed and impeded. After the fame manner the foul, beholding the image of
herfelf in body, borne along in the river of generation, and varioufly difpofed at different times,
through inward paflions and external impulfes, is indeed herfelf impaftive, but thinks that fhe
fuffers, and, being ignorant of, and miftaking her image for, herfelf, is difturbed, aflonifhed,
and perplexed. This paftion particularly takes place in infants : but it is alfo feen in the dreams
of thofe that have arrived at maturity; as when fome one, in confequence of nature being wearied
in the concoction of food, thinks in a dream that he is wearied through long journeys, or carry
ing heavy burdens, or fuffers fomething elfe of this kind. But to return to the words of Plato,
the waves do not fignify, fays Proclus, the externally blowing wind, as fome fay, but the col
lected agitation, and abundant influx and efflux which take place in youth. But the inundation
firft ftrikes upon and makes the pneumatic vehicle heavier, for it is this which exprefles flains and
vapours; and in the fecond place it ftrikes upon the foul, for fhe alfo is difturbed by the collected
and the fudden.
1
Senfe, fays Proclus, is of the prefent, in the fame manner as memory is of the paft, but
hope of the future. Senfe, therefore, excites fouls in the prefent time, and this in conjunc
tion with the nutritive power, which by influxions applies a remedy to the perpetual effluxions of
the
T H E TIM MVS. 515
with that perpetually flowing river, moving and vehemently agitating the
circulations of the foul, every way fettering the revolution of the nature cha
racterized by famenefs, through flowing in a contrary direction, and retrain
ing its energies by their conquering and impetuous progreffions. But they
agitate and tear in pieces the circulation of the nature diftinguimed by dif
ference. Hence, they whirl about with every kind of revolution each of the
three intervals of the double and triple, together with the mediums and con*
joining bonds of the fefquitertian, fefquialter, and fefquiocfave ratios, which
cannot be diffolved by any one except the artificer by whom they were bound:
and befides this, they induce all the fractures and diverfities of circles which
it is poffible to effect; fo that, fcarcely being connected with each other, they
are borne along indeed, yet in an'irrational manner, at one time in a con
trary, at another time in an oblique, and then again in a refupine fituation.
Juft as if any one, in an inverted pofition, fhould fix his head on the earth
and raife his feet on high ; for in fuch a fituation both the inverted perfon
and the fpectators would mutually imagine the right hand parts to be on the
left, and the left to be on the right. So with refpect to the circulations of
the foul, the very fame affections, and others of a fimilar kind, vehemently
the body, and again compotes what was analyfed, after the manner of Penelope's web. For this
is the perpetually flowing river, which is properly fo called, as being a part of the whole river of
generation. Hence, in conjunction with this, it agitates and difturbs the periods of the immor
tal foul, and fetters, indeed, the circle of famenefs, but agitates the circle of difference. For, as
there are twofold circles in the foul in imitation of divine fouls, the dianoetic circle, which
contemplates intelligiblcs, is only reflrained in its energy, but fuflains no diflortion : but the dox-
aflic circle is diflorted ; and this very properly, fince it is poffible to opine not rightly, but it is not
poffible to know fcientifically falfely. If it fhould be faid that the dianoetic part may be ignorant
in a twofold refpect, and that a thing which fuffers this is diflorted; we reply, that twofold igno
rance does not fimply belong to the dianoetic part, but, originating indeed from thence, is im
planted in the doxaflic part. For, fo far as it is ignorance, and a privation of fcience, fo far, being
an immobility of the fcientific power, if originates from the dianoetic part. For fcience and
ignorance fubfift about the fame thing. But, fo far as it alfo adds a falfe opinion of knowledge, it
fubfifts in the doxaflic part. And ignorance is the infanity of the dianoetic part, poffeffing,
indeed, but concealing, the productive principles of knowledge; but falfe conception is the infa
nity of opinion, of which it is alfo the diflortion. For, being falfe, it alfo depraves its poffeffor;
fince what vice is in action, that falfchood is in knowledge. The period of famenefs, therefore,
is alone fettered, and is fimilar to thofe that are bound, and on this account are impeded in their
energies; but the period of difference is agitated, being filled with falfe opinions. For its prox
imity to the irrational nature caufes it to receive a certain paffion from externals.
3 u z take
T H E T I M J E U S .
take place ; and hence, when this is the cafe, if any thing external occurs,
characterized by the nature of fame or different, they denominate things
the fame with, or different from, others in a manner contrary to the truth.
Hence they become falie, and deftitute of intelligence ; nor is any revolu
tion to be found among them in fuch a fituation which energizes with the
authoritv of a ruler and chief.
But when certain fenfes, borne along externally, ftrike againft the foul
and attract the whole of its receptacle, then the circulations which are in
realitv in fubjection appear to have dominion : and hence, in confequence
of all thefe paffions, the foul becomes infane at prefent, and was fo from
the firft period of her being bound in a mortal body. However, when the
river of increafe and nutrition flows along with a more gentle and lefs abun
dant courfe, the circulations, being again reftored to tranquillity, proceed in
their proper path; in procefs of time become more regular and fteady, and
pafs into a figure accommodated to their nature. Hence, in this cafe, the
revolutions of each of the'circles becoming direct, and calling both fame and
different by their proper appellations, they render the being by whom they
are pofTefTed prudent and wife. If any one, therefore, receives a proper
education in conjunction with convenient nutriment, fuch a one will poffefs
perfect health, and will every way avoid the moft grievous difeafe. But
when this is neglected by any individual, fuch a one, proceeding along the
path of life in a lame condition, will again pafs into Hades imperfect and
deftitute of intelligence. Thefe are particulars, however, which happen
pofterior to the production of mankind. But it is our bufinefs at prefent to
difcourfe more accurately concerning the firft compofition of our nature, and
to fhow, in the firft place, from affimilative reafons, through what caufe
and providence of the Gods the feveral members of the body were accom
modated to the feveral employments of the foul.
In the firft place, then, the Gods bound the two divine circulations of the
foul in a fpherical body, in imitation of the circular figure of the univerfe :
and this part of the body is what we now denominate the head ; a moft
divine member, and the fovereign ruler of our whole corporeal compofition,
through the decree of the Gods, who confidered that it would participate of
all poffible motions. Left, therefore, the head, by rolling like a cylinder on
the eatth, which is diftinguifhed by ail-various heights and depths, fhould
be
THE TIM^US. 5)7
be unable to pafs over its inequalities and afperities, the Gods fubjedted this
upright figure of the body, as a pliable vehicle to the head. Hence, in confe
quence of the body being endued with length, they extended four naturally
flexible members ; Divinity fabricating a progreflion through which the body
might apprehend any object, might receive a ftable fupport, and might be
able to pafs through every place, bearing on high the head, our moft divine
and facred habitation. For this purpofe, therefore, they furnifhed us with
legs and hands. And as the Gods confidered that the anterior parts are more
honourable and adapted to rule than the pofterior, they gave us a motion for
the moft part confilting of a forward progreflion. Befide this, it was requi
fite that the anterior parts of our body fhould be divided from each other, and
be diflimilar: and on this account they firft placed about the cavity of
the head the face; fixed in it organs fubfervient to all the providential ener
gies of the foul, and determined that the natural government of man fhould
confift in this anterior part^of the body. But they fabricated the luciferous eyes
the firft of all the corporeal organs, binding them in the face on the follow
ing account. Of that fire which does not burn, indeed, but which compre
hends our proper diurnal light, the Gods fabricated the orbs of the eyes.
For the fire contained within our body, and which is the genuine brother of
this diurnal fire, they caufed to flow through the eyes with fmoothnefs, and
collected abundance, condenfed indeed in the whole, but efpecially in the
middle of thefe lucid orbs ; fo as that the more denfe fire might remain con
cealed within the receffes of the eyes, and the pure might find a paffage and
fly away. When, therefore, the diurnal light fubfifts about the effluxive
river of the light, then, fimilar concurring "and being mingled with fimilar,
one domeftic body is conftituted according to the direct proceffion of the
eyes; and this too in that part where the internally emitted light refifts that
which is externally adduced. But the whole becoming fimilarly paflivc
through fimilitude, when it either touches any thing elfe or is itfelf touched
by another, then the motion produced by this contact diffufing itfelf through
the whole body of the eye, as far as to the foul, caufes that fen lation which
we denominate fight. But when this kindred fire departs into night, the
conjunct on being diffolved, fight lofes its power. For in this cafe, proceed
ing into a diflimilar nature, it is changed, and becomes extinct: fince it is
by no means connate with the proximate furrounding air, which is naturally
def^itute
518 THE TIM^US.
deftitute of fire. Hence it ceafes from feeing; and, befides this, becomes
the introducer of fleep. For the Gods fabricated the nature of the eye-lids as
a falutary guardian of the fight; that, thefe being compreffed, the inward
fiery power of the eye might be reftrained from any further emiffion; that,
befides this,'they might fprinkle over and equalize the eye's internal motions ;
and that, when equalized, refl might be produced.
But when much reft takes place, fleep attended with few dreams is pro
duced. On the contrary, if certain more vehement motions remain, then fuch
as is the nature of thefe relics, and the places in which they were produced,
fuch and fo many will be the fimilar phantafms within, and of which we fhall
poffefs the remembrance when we are externally roufed. But with refpect
to the images produced in mirrors, and all fuch things as are vifible in that
which is apparent and fmooth, there is nothing in thefe difficult of folution.
For, from the communication of the external and internal fire with each
other, and from that fire which fubfifts about the fmooth body, and becomes
abundantly multiplied, all fuch appearances are neceffarily produced as take
place when the fire of the eyes mingles itfelf with the fire diffufed about the
fmooth and fplendid object of vifion. But the right hand parts appear to be
the left, becaufe a contact takes place between the contrary parts of the fight
and the contrary parts of the object, different from the accuftomed mode of
perception. On the contrary, the right hand parts appear on the right, and
the left hand on the left, when the mingled light leaps forth, together with
that with which it is mingled. When the fmoothnefs of the mirrors receives
this here and there in an elevated manner, it repels the right hand part of
the fight to the left of the mirror, and the left to the right. But if the mir
ror is turned according to the length of the countenance, it caufes the whole
face to appear refupine, by repelling the downward part of the fplendour
towards the upward part, and again the upper towards the downward part.
All fuch particulars as thefe, therefore, are but caufal afiiftants, which the
Divinity employed as fubfervient to rendering the idea of that which is beft
as far as poffible complete. But the multitude are of opinion that thefe are
not caufal affiftants, but the real caufes of all things ; I mean fuch things as
are capable of giving cold and heat, rarity and denfity, with whatever pro
duces fuch-like affections, but is incapable of pojfeffing reafon and intellect. For
foul mufl be confidered as the only thing among beings by which intellect
6 can
THE TIMAEUS. 519
can be poffeffed. And this is in vifible. But fire and water, air and earth, are
all of them vifible bodies. 7? is, however, necejfary that the lover of intellect and
fcience Jliould explore the firfl caufes of prudent nature ; and that he JJiould con
fider fuch things as are moved by others, and at the fame time neceffarily give
motion to other things, as nothing more than fecondary caufes. Hence it is
proper that we mould fpeak concerning both kinds of caufes ; feparately of
fuch as fabricate things beautiful and good in conjunction with intellect:, and
of fuch as, being left deftitute of wifdom, produce each particular in a cafual
and diforderly manner. Concerning the fecond caufes of the eyes, therefore,
which contribute to the poffeflion of the power they are now allotted, what
has been already faid is fufficient.
But the greateft employment of the eyes, with refpect to the ufe for which
they were beftowed on us by the Divinity, we fhall now endeavour to ex
plain. For, in my opinion, the fight is the caufe of the greateft emolument
to us on the prefent occafion ; fince what we are now difcourfing concerning
the univerfe could never have been difcovered without furveying the ftars,
the fun, and the heavens. But now, from beholding day and night, we are
able to determine by arithmetical calculation the periods of months and years;
to acquire a conception of time, and to fcrutinize the nature of the univerfe.
But from all this we obtain the poffeflion of philofophy; a greater good
than which never was nor ever will be beftowed by the Gods on the mortal
race. And this is what I call the greateft benefit of the eyes. But why
fhould I celebrate other particulars of lefs confequence, which he who is not
a philofopher, fince deftitute of fight, may attempt to explore, but will ex
plore in vain ? By us, indeed, it is afferted that Divinity beftowed fight on
us for this purpofe, that on furveying the circulations of intellect in the hea
vens we may properly employ the revolutions of our dianoetic part, which are
allied to their circulations; and may recall the tumultuous motions of our
difcurfive energies to the orderly proceffions of their intellectual periods.
That befides this, by learning thefe and participating right reafon according
to nature, and imitating the revolutions of Divinity which are entirely in-
erratic, we may give ftability to the wanderings of our dianoetic energy.
But concerning voice and hearing, we again affert that they were be
ftowed on us by the Gods on the fame account. For the acquifition of
fpeech pertains to thefe, and is of the greateft advantage to their poffeffion.
AnoV
520 THE TIMAEUS.
And whatever utility mufical voice brings to the fenfe of hearing, was
beftowed for the fake of harmony. But harmony, poiTefling motions allied to
the revolutions of our foul, is ufeful to the man who employs the Mufes in
conjunction with intellect ; but is of no advantage to irrational pleafure,
though it appears to be fo at prefent. Indeed, it was given us by the Mufes for
the purpofe of reducing the diffonant circulation of the foul to an order and
fymphony accommodated to its nature. Rhythm too was beftowed on us for
this purpofe; that we might properly harmonize that habit in our nature,
which for the moft part is void of meafure, and indigent of the Graces. And
thus far, a few particulars excepted, have we fhown the fabrications of in
tellect. But it is likewife requifite to give a place in our difcourfe to the
productions of neceflity. For, the generation of the world being mingled,
it was produced from the compofition of intellect and neceflity. But intel
lect ruling over neceffity perfuaded it to lead the moft part of generated
natures to that which is beft; and hence neceflity being vanquifhed by wife
perfuafton, from thefe two as principles the world arofe. If, then, any one
truly afferts that the univerfe was generated according to thefe, he fhould
alfo mingle with it the form of an erratic caufe, which it is naturally adapted
to receive. In this manner then let us return ; and, affuming a convenient
principle of thefe, again difcourfe concerning them as about the former par
ticulars, commencing our difcuffion from their origin. Let us, therefore,
fpeculate the nature and paffions of fire and water, air and earth, prior to the
generation of the heavens. N o one, indeed, as yet has unfolded the gene
ration of thefe : but we fpeak of fire, and the other elements, as if the
nature of eaclj was known ; and place them as the principles of the univerfe,
when at the fame time they ought not to be affimilated to elements, not even
as in the rank of fyllables, by men who in the fmalleft degree merit the ap
pellation of wife. But now we fhall not fpeak of the principle or princi
ples, or whatever other denomination they may receive, of all things; and
this for no other reafon than the difficulty of delivering what appears to be
the truth about thefe in the prefent mode of difputation. Neither, therefore,
is it (roper that you fhould expect me to fpeak, nor that 1 fhould perfuade
myfelf into a belief of being able to fpeak with perfed re&itude on fo difficult
a fubject. But it is proper, as I toll you in the beginning of this difcourfe,
that, preferving all the force of aflimilative reafons, we fhould endeavour to
4 deliver
THE TIM^SUS. 521
deliver that which is not lefs aflimilative of the truth than the dodrine of
others; and that in this manner we fhould difcourfe from the beginning con
cerning particulars and the whole. In the firft place, therefore, invoking the
Divinity who is the faviour of difcourfe, and befeeching him to lead us from
an abfurd and unufual expofition to an alfimilative doctrine, we fhall again
begin to fpeak.
But it is neceffary that the beginning of our prefent difputation fhould
receive a more ample divifion than the former one. For then we made a
diftribution into two fpecies: but now a third fort muft be added. In the
former difputation two fpecies were fufficient; one of which was eftablifhed
as the form of an exemplar, intelligible and always fubfifting according to
fame; but the other was nothing more than the imitation of the paradigm,
generated and vifible. But we did not then diftribute a third, becaufe we
confidered thefe two as fufficient. However, now reafon feems to urge as a
thing neceiTary, that we fhould endeavour to render apparent by our difcourfe
the fpecies which fubfifts as difficult and obfeure. W h a t apprehenfion then
can we form of its power and nature ? Shall we fay that it is in an emi
nent degree the receptacle, and as it were nurfe, of all generation ? Such
an affertion will, indeed, be t r u e ; but it is requifite to fpeak more clearly
concerning it. And this will certainly be an arduous undertaking on many
accounts, but principally becaufe it will be neceffary to doubt previous to its
difcuffion concerning fire and the reft of the elements, why any one of thefe
fhould be called water rather than fire, or air rather than earth ; or why any
one fhould be denominated fome definite particular rather than all. For it
is indeed difficult to frame any certain opinion, or to employ any ftable dif
courfe about fuch intricate forms. After what manner, then, and in what
refpect, and what of an affimilative nature fhall we affert in this dubious
inquiry ?
In the fii ft place, then, that which we now denominate water, when it
lofes its fluidity by concretion, appears to become ftones and earth; but,
when liquefied and difperfed, it forms vapour and air. Likewife, air when
burnt up becomes fire. And, on the contrary, fire becoming concrete and
extinct paffes again into the form of air. And again, air becoming col
lected and condenfed produces mifts and clouds. But from thefe ftill more
compreffed rain defcends. And from water, again, earth and ftones derive
VOL. i i . 3x " their
522 T H E T I M i E U S .
power, but perpetually receives all things ; and never contracts any form
in any refpect fimilar to any one of the intromitted forms. It lies indeed in
fubjection to the forming power of every nature, becoming agitated and
figured through the fupernally intromitted forms; and through thefe it ex
hibits a different appearance at different times. But the forms which enter
and depart from this receptacle are the imitations of perpetually true beings ;
and are figured by them in a manner wonderful and difficult to defcribe, as
we fhall afterwards relate. At prefent, however, it is neceffary to confider
three forts of things : one, that which is generated ; another, that in which
it is generated; and the third, that from which the generated nature
derives its fimilitude. But it is proper to affimilate that which receives to a
mother; that from whence it receives to a father ; and the nature fituated
between thefe to an offspring. It is likewife neceffary to underftand that
the figured nature can never become diftinguifhed with an all-poffible variety
of forms, unlefs its receptacle is well prepared for the purpofe, and is defti
tute of all thofe forms which it is about to receive. For, if it were fimilar
to any one of the fupernally intromitted forms, when it received a nature
contraiy to that to which it is fimilar, or any form whatever, it would very
imperfectly exprefs its fimilitude, while at the fame time it exhibited the
very fame appearance with the fupernally acceding form. And hence it is
neceffary, that the receptacle which is deftined to receive all poffible forms
fhould itfelf be deftitute of every form. Juft as thofe who are about to pre
pare fweet-fmelling unguents, fo difpofe a certain humid matter as the fubject
of the enfuing odour, that it may poffefs no peculiar fmell of its own ; and
as thofe who wifh to imprefs certain figures in a foft and yielding matter, are
careful that it may not appear impreffell with any previous figure, but ren
der it as much as poffible exquifitely fmootb. In the fame manner, it is
neceffary that the fubject which is fo often deftined to receive in a beautiful
manner, through the whole of itfelf, refemblances of eternal beings, fhould
be naturally deftitute of all that it receives. Hence, we fhould not deno
minate this mother and receptacle of that which is generated, vifible and
every way lenfible, either earth, or air, or fire, or water; nor, again, any one
of the compofltes from thefe, or any thing from which thefe are generated:
but we fhould call it a certain invifible fpecies, and a formlefs univerfal
recipient, which in the moft dubious and fcarcely explicable manner partici-
3x2 pates
THE TIM^US.
ing, but the other through perfuafion. And the one is indeed always at
tended with true reafon, but the other is irrational. The one is not to be
moved by perfuafion; the other, on the contrary, is fubject to this mutation-
And laftly, of true opinion every man participates; but of intellect all the
•Gods, and but a few of mankind. Such then being the cafe, we muft con-
fefs that the form which iubfifts according to fame, is unbegotten and with
out decay ; neither receiving any thing into itfelf externally, nor itfelf pro
ceeding
T H E T I M J E U S . 525
directions, fimilar to the agitations and. ventilations which take place in the
operations of textor\al inftruments, ,and fuch as are employed in the pur
gation of corn. For in this cafe the denfe and the heavy parts are borne
along one way, and the rare and the light are impelled into a different feat.
In the fame manner, thefe four natures being agitated by their receptacle
tumultuoufly moving like the inftrument of corn, fuch as were diflimilar
became far feparated from each other, and fuch as were fimilar became
again amicably united. And hence they paffed into different feats before
the univerfe was from the mixture of thefe diftributed into beautiful order;
but at the fame time they all fubfifted irrationally, and without the limita
tion of meafure.
But when the artificer began to adorn the univerfe, he firft of all figured
with forms and numbers fire and earth, water and air, which poffeffed in
deed certain traces of the true elements, but were in every refpect fo con-
flituted, as it becomes any thing to be from which Deity is abfent. But we
ihould always perfevere in afferting that Divinity rendered them as much
as poffible the moft beautiful and the beft, when they were in a ftate of
cxiftence oppofite to fuch a condition. I fhall now, therefore, endeavour
to unfold to you the diftribution and generation of thefe by a difcourfe un
ufual indeed, but, to you who have trod in all the paths of erudition, through
which demonftration is neceffarily obtained, perfpicuous and plain. In the
firft place, then, that fire and earth, water and air, are bodies, is perfpicuous
to every one. But every fpecies of body poffeffes profundity ; and it is
neceftary that every depth fhould comprehend the nature of a plane. Again,
the rectitude of the bafe of a plane is compofed from triangles. But all
triangles originate from two fpecies ; one of which poffelfes one right angle,
and the other two acute angles. And one of thefe contains one right angle
diftributed with equal fides ; but in the other unequal angles are diftributed
with unequal fides. Hence, proceeding according to affimilative reafons,
conjoined with neceflity, we fhall eftablifh a principle of this kind, as the
origin of fire and all other bodies. The fupernal principles of thefe indeed
are known to Divinity, and to the man who is in friendfhip with Divinity.
But it is neceftary to relate by what means four moft beautiful bodies
were produced ; diflimilar indeed to each other, but which are able from
certain diffolutions into each other to become the fources of each other's
generation,
THE TIMAEUS.
of a different kind. And thus much may fuffice concerning their mutual
generation.
It now remains that we mould fpeak concerning the quality of each of
their kinds, and relate from what concurring numbers they were collected
together. The firll fpecies indeed is that which was compofed from the
fewefl triangles, and is the element of that which has its longer fide twice
the length of the fhorter fide, which it fubtends. But two of thefe being
mutually placed according to the diameter, and this happening thrice, the
diameters and the fhorter fides paffing into the fame, as into a centre, hence
one equilateral triangle is produced from fix triangles. But four equilateral
triangles being compofed, according to three plane angles, form one folid
angle; and this the mofl: obtufe of all the plane angles from which it is
compofed. Hence, from four triangles of this kind receiving their com
pletion, the firfl folid fpecies was conflituted, diflributive of the whole cir
cumference into equal and fimilar parts. But the fecond was formed from
the fame triangles, but at the fame time conflituted according to eight equi
lateral triangles, which produced one folid angle from four planes: fo that
the fecond body received its completion from the compofition of fix triangles
of this kind. And the third arofe from the conjunction of twice fixty ele
ments, and twelve folid angles, each of which having twenty equilateral
bafes is contained by five plane equilateral triangles. In this manner, then,
the other elements generated thefe. But the ifofceles triangle, being confli
tuted according to four triangles, and collecting the right angles at the centre,
and forming one equilateral quadrangle, generated the nature of the fourth
element. But lix fuch as thefe being conjoined produced eight folid angles,
each of which is harmonized together, according to three plane right angles.
Hence the figure of the body thus compofed is cubical, obtaining fix plane
quadrangular equilateral bafes. There is alfo a certain fifth compofition,
which Divinity employed in the fabrication of the univerfe, and when he
delineated thofe forms the contemplation of which may juftly lead fome one to
doubt whether it is proper to affert that the number of worlds is infinite or
finite;—though indeed to affirm that there are infinite worlds, can only be
the dogma of one who is ignorant about things in which it is highly proper
to be fkilful. But it may with much lefs abfindity be doubted whether there
is in reality but one world, or whether there are five. According to our
opinion,
THE TIM^US. 520
proper place, through the motion of its recipient feat. But fuch as become
diflimilar to each other are borne along through the agitation to the place
of the natures to which they are fimilar. Such bodies, therefore, as are un
mixed, and the firft, are generated from fuch caufes as thefe. But that other
genera are naturally inherent in thefe forms, is owing to the compofition of
each element; which not only from the firft produces a triangle, together
with magnitude, but alfo fuch things as are greater and lefs: and this fb
many in number as there are different kinds in the forms themfelves. And
hence, thefe being mingled in themfelves, and with each other, produce an
infinite variety ; which it is proper he fhould contemplate who is about to
employ affimilative reafons in the inveftigation of nature. He, therefore,
who does not apprehend in what manner, and in conjunction with what par
ticulars, the motion and compofition of thefe take place, will find many im
pediments in the remaining part of this difputation. And thefe indeed we
have already partly difcuffed; but a part ftill remains for our inveftigation.
And, in the firft place, motion is by no means willing to refide in fmooth-
nefs: for it is difficult, or rather impoftible, that a thing in motion fhould
fubfift without a mover, or a mover without that which is in motion.
Hence, it is impoftible that thefe fhould be at any time equable and fmooth.
And, in confequence of this, we fhould always place an abiding nature in
fmoothnefs, and motion in that which is unequal and rough. Inequality,
indeed, is the caufe of roughnefs : and we have already treated concerning
the generation of inequality. But we have by no means explained how the
feveral forts, being undiftributed according to their kinds, ceafe to be moved
and borne along through each other. This, therefore, muft be the fubject
of our prefent difcuflion. The circulation then of the univerfe, fince it com
prehends the different forts of things in its circumference, being of a cir
cular form, and naturally defiling to pafs into union with itfelf, compreffes
all things within its fpacious receptacle, and does not fuffer a void place any
where to fubfift. On this account, fire in the moft eminent degree penetrates
through all things ; and air next to this, ranking as the fecond to fire, on ac
count of the fubtility and tenuity of its parts. And the fame reafoning muft
be extended to the other elements, which are pofterior to thefe. For fuch
as arc compofed from the greateft parts leave alfo the greateft vacuity in
their compofition ; but, on the contrary, fuch as are the fmalleft leave the
3 Y2 leaft:
533 THE TIM^JUS.
leaft vacuity. But the coalition of compreftion thrufts the fmall parts into
the void fpaces of the large ; and on this account, the fmall parts being placed
with the large, and the former feparating the latter, but the larger being min
gled with the fmaller, all of them are borne upwards and downwards to their
refpecYive places of abode. For each, upon changing its magnitude, changes
alfo its fituation. Hence, through thefe caufes the generation of a nature
contrary to fmoothnefs being always preferved, affords a perpetual motion of
thefe, both at prefent and in all future periods of time.
But, in the next place, it is neceftary to underftand that there are many
kinds of lire : as for inftance, flame, and that which is enkindled from flame;
which burns, indeed, but exhibits no light to the eyes—and which, when the
flame is extinguifhed, abides in the ignited nature. In like manner, with re
fpect to air, one kind is moft pure, which is denominated ether ; but another
moft turbulent, and at the fame time obfcure and dark ; and after this another
namelefs kind is produced, through the inequality of the triangles. But, with
refpect to water, it is in the firft place twofold; one kind of which is humid,
but the other fufile. T h e humid, therefore, through its participating fuch
oarts as are fmall and unequal, becomes movable, both from itfelf and an
other, through inequality and the idea of its figure. But that which is com
pofed from large and fmooth parts is more ftable than this kind of water,
and coalefces into a heavy body through fmoothnefs and equality of parts*
But through fire entering into and diffolving its compofition, in confequence
of lofing its equability and fmoothnefs, it participates more of a movable na
ture. Hence, becoming eafily agile, driven about by the proximate air, and
extended over the earth, it liquefies, which is denominated a purification of
bulk, and falls upon the earth, which is called a defluxion. Again, fire fly
ing upwards from hence, fince it does not depart into a vacuum, the prox
imate air being agitated, impels the moift bulk as yet movable into the feats
of fire, with which at the fame time it mingles itfelf. But when the bulk
becomes collectively thruft downwards, and again receives equability and
1
fmoothnefs of parts, then fire, the artificer of inequality, departing, the
whole mafs paffes into a famenefs with itfelf. And this departure of fire we
denominate refrigeration; but the coalition which takes place when fire is
abfent we call a concretion, and cold rigidity. But among all thofe which
we denominate fufile waters, that which, becoming moft denfe from the moft
attenuated and equable parts, is of a uniform kind, and participates a iplen-
did and yellow colour, is that moft honoured and valuable poffeflion gold,
which is ufually impelled through a rock. And a branch of gold, on account
of its denfity moft hard and black, is called a diamond. But that which con
tains parts proximate to gold, which poifeffes more than one fpecies, furpaffes
gold in denfity, and participates but a fmall and attenuated part of earth, fo
that it becomes of a harder nature, but from its internally poffefling great in
tervals is lighter;—this is one kind of fplendid and concrete waters, and is
denominated brafs. But when an earthly nature, being mingled with this,,
is through antiquity feparated from other parts of the brafs, and becomes
of itfelf confpicuous, it is then denominated ruft. In a fimilar manner other
particulars of this nature may be inveftigated without much labour by the
aftiftance of affimilative reafons. And if any one, for the fake of relaxation*
omitting for a while the fpeculation of eternal beings, fhould purfue the
aftimilative arguments concerning generation, and fhould by this means
poffefs a pleafure unattended with repentance, fuch a one will eftablifh for
himfelf in life a moderate and prudent diverfion.
This being admitted, let us run over the affimilative reafons concerning the
particulars which yet remain for difcuffioiu When fuch water then as is
attenuated and moid is mingled with fire, (being denominated moift through
its motion and rolling progreflion on the earth, and likewife foft, becaufe its
bafes being lefs ftable than thofe of earth eafily yield to impulfion,) this,
when feparated from fire and deferted by air, becomes more equable, and
through the departure of thefe is compelled into itfelf: and being thus col
lected, if it fuffers this alteration above the earth, it becomes hail; but if
upon the earth, ice ; which then takes place in confequence of extreme con
gelation. But when it is lefs congealed, if this happens above the earth, it
becomes fhow ; but when upon the earth, and this from collected dew, it
then becomes froft. But when many fpecies of water are mingled with each
other, the whole kind, which is ftrained from the earth through plants^
is called moifture or liquor. Thefe liquors, being diflimilar on account of
their mixtures, exhibit many other namelefs kinds : but four, which are of a
fiery fpecies, and which become in an eminent degree diaphanous, are allotted
appellations-
534 THE TIMAEUS.
appellations. And that which heats the foul in conjunction with the body
is called wine. But that which is fmooth, and fegregative of the fight, and on
this account fplendid, refulgent, and unctuous to the view, is an oleaginous
fpecies, and is pitch, gum, oil, and other things endued with a fimilar
power. Again, that which polfeffes a power of diffufing the things col
lected about the mouth, and this as far as nature will permit, at the fame
time bringing fweetnefs with its power, is generally denominated honey.
And laftly, that which diffolves the flefh by burning, is of a frothy nature,
and is fecreted from all liquors, is called juice. But the fpecies of earth
ftrained through water produces a ftony body in the following manner:—
W h e n collected water fails in mingling, it paffes into the form of air; but,
becoming air, it returns to its proper place. Hence, as there is no vacuum,
it impels the proximate air; and this, if the impulfion is weighty, being
poured round the bulk of earth, becomes vehemently compreffed, and be
takes itfelf to thofe feats from whence the new air afcended. But earth,
when indiftolubly affociated with water, through the miniftry of air com-
pofes ftones : the more beautiful fort indeed being fuch as are refplendent
from equal and plane parts, but the deformed being of a contrary compofi
tion. But when all the moifture is hurried away by the violence of fire, and
the body by this means becomes more dry, then a fpecies of earth which is
denominated fidrile is produced. Sometimes, likewife, when the moifture is
left behind, and the earth becomes fufile through fire, then through refrige
ration a ftone with a black colour is generated. But when this fpecies of
ftrained earth in a fimilar manner through mixture is deprived of much
moifture, but is compofed from more attenuated parts of earth, is fait and
femiconcrete, and again emerges through water ; then it is partly called
nitre, a cathartic kind of oil, and earth, and partly fait, a fubftance moft ele
gantly and legitimately adapted to the common wants of the body, and moft
grateful to divinity. But the parts common to both thefe are not foluble by
water, but through fome fuch thing are thus collected together by fire. Again,
fire and air do not liquefy the bulk of earth. For fince thefe naturally con
fift of parts fmaller than the void fpaces of earth, they permeate through its
moft capacious pores without any violence, and neither fubject it to diffolu-
tion nor liquefaction. But the parts of water, becaufe they are greater and
pafs along with violence, diffolve and liquefy the mafs of earth. Hence,
water
THE T I M ^ U S . 535
water alone diffolves earth when violently compofed, but fire alone when
it is properly compofed; for an entrance in this Cafe is afforded to nothing
but fire.
Again, fire alone permeates the moft violent affociation o f t h e parts o f
water; but b.»th fire and air diffufe themfelves through its more debile col
lection ; air through its void, and fire through its triangular fpaces. But
nothing is capable of diffolving air when collected, together by violence, e x
cept it operates according to an element: but when it coheres together with
out force, it is refolvcd by fire alone. Again, bodies which are fo compofed
from water and earth that the water compreffed by force obftructs the void
fpaces of earth, cannot in this cafe afford an ingrefs t o the water externally
approaching ; and in confequence of this, the water flowing round fuch a
body fuffers the whole mafs to remain without liquefaction. But t h e parts
of fire entering into the void fpaces of water, as water into thofe o f earth,
and influencing water in the fame manner as fire influences air, become in
this cafe the caufes of liquefaction to a common body. But thefe partly
poffefs lefs water than earth ; fuch as the whole genus of glafs, and fuch
ftones as are denominated fufile : and partly, on the contrary, they poffefs
more of water; fuch as all thofe bodies which coalcfce into waxen and v a -
porific fubftances. And thus we have nearly exhibited all thofe fpecies,
which are varied by figures, communications and mutations into each other ;
but it is now neceffary that we fhould endeavour to render apparent the
caufes through which the paffions of thefe are produced.
In the fir ft place, then, fenfe ought always to be prefent with difcourfes of
this kind. But we have not yet run through the generation of flefh, and fuch
things as pertain to flefh, together with that part of the foul which is mortal.
For all thefe are infeparable from the paffions fubfifting with fenfe, and can
not without thefe paffions be fufficiently explained; though, indeed, even in
conjunction with thefe, it is fcarcely poffible to unfold their production. W e
fhould, therefore, firft of all eftablifh other things ; and then confider fuch
things as are confequent to thefe. That in our difputation, therefore, the
paffions themfelves may follow the genera in fucceflion, let our firft invefti-
gations be concerning fuch things as pertain t o body and foul. Let us then
firft o f all inquire why fire is called hot. And the reafon o f this w e fhall b e
able to perceive by confidering t h e feparation and divifion o f fire about our
bodies :
536 T H E T I M J E T J S .
bodies: for that this [lajfton is a certain fharpnefs is nearly evident to all.
But we ought to confider the tenuity of its angles, the fharpnefs of its fides,
the fmallnefs of its parts, and the velocity of its motion, through all which
it becomes vehement and penetrating, and fwiftly divides that with which it
meets ; calling to mind for this purpofe the generation of its figure. For
frre, indeed, and no other nature, feparating our bodies and diftributing them
into fmall parts, produces in us that pajfion which is very properly denomi
nated heat. But the Jiajfion contrary to this, though fufficiently manifeft,
ought not to pafs without an explanation. For the moift parts of bodies
larger than our humid parts, entering into our bodies, expel the fmaller parts;
but, not being able to penetrate into their receptacles, coagulate our moifture,
and caufe it through equability to pafs from an unequable and agitated ftate
into one immovable and collected. But that which is collected together con
trary to nature, naturally oppofes fuch a condition, and endeavours by re-
pulfion to recall itfelf into a contrary fituation. In this conteft and agitation
a trembling and numbnefs takes place; and all this pajfion, together with
that which produces it, is denominated cold. But we call that hard to which
our flefti gives way ; and foft, which yields to the preffure of our flefh. And
we thus denominate them with reference to each other. But every thing
yields to preffure which is eftablifhed on a fmall bafe. But that which refts
on triangular bafes, on account of its being vehemently firm, is of a moft re
futing nature; and, becaufe it is denfe in the higheft degree, ftrongly repels
all oppofing preffure.
Again, the nature of heavy and light will become eminently apparent,
when inveftigated together with upwards and downwards. But indeed it is
by no means rightly afferted that there are naturally two certain places
diftant by a long interval from each other : one denominated downwards, to
which all bodies tend endued with bulk, but the other upwards, to which
every thing is involuntarily impelled. For, the whole univerfe being fphe
rical, all fuch things as by an equal departure from the middle become
extremes, ought to become naturally extremes in a fimilar manner. But the
middle, being feparated from the extremes according to the fame meafures,
ought to be confidered as in a fituation juft oppofite to all things. Such, then,
being the natural difpofition of the world, he who places any one of the
above-mentioned particulars either upwards or downwards, will juftly appear
4 by
T H E T I M i E U S . 537
by fuch appellations to wander from the truth. For the middle place in the
univerfe cannot be properly called cither naturally downwards or upwards,
but can only be denominated that which is the middle. But that which en
virons is neither the middle, nor contains any parts in itfelf differing from
each other with reference to the middle, nor does it poffefs any thing corre-
fponding to an oppofite direction. But to that which is every way naturallv
fimilar how can any one with propriety attribute contrary names ? For, if
there beany thing folid, and endued with equal powers, in the middle of the
univerfe, it will never tend to any part of the extremities, through the per
fect fimilitude which they every where poffefs. But if any one moves about
this folid in a circle, he will often fland with his feet in oppofite directions,
and will denominate the fame part of himfelf both upwards and downwards.
Since the univerfe, therefore, as we have juft obferved, is of a fpherical
figure, it is not the part of a prudent man to affert that it has any place
which is either upwards or downwards. But from whence thefe names
originate, and, in what things exifting, we transfer them from thence to the
univerfe, it is our bufinefs at prefent to inveftigate. If any one then mould
be feated in that region of the world which for the moft part belongs to the
nature of fire, and to which it on all fides tends, and if fuch a one fhould
acquire a power of taking away the parts of fire, and of caufing them to ba
lance; or, placing the parts in a fcale, fhould violently feize on the beam,
and, drawing out the fire, hurl it downwards into diffimilar air—it is evident
that in this cafe a lefs portion of fire would be more eafily compelled than
a greater. For, when two things are at the fame time fufpended from one
power, it is neceffary that the lefs quantity mould more eafily, and the
greater with lefs readinefs, yield to the oppreffive force. Hence, the one is
called heavy, and tending downwards ; but the other light, and tending up
wards. The fame thing happens to us who inhabit this terreftrial region.
For, walking on the earth, and fcparating the terrene genera from each other,
we fometimes violently hurl a fragment of earth into its diffimilar the air,
and this with a motion contrary to its nature; each region at the fame time
retaining that to which it is allied. But the lefs portion, being more
eafily impelled into a diflimilar place than the larger, firft of all yields to the
violence : and this we denominate light, and call the place into which it is
violently hurled, upwards. But the paffion contrary to this we denominate
VOL. ir. 3 z heavy,
538 T H E TIM JE US.
employ fmoothnefs and roughnefs more than the reft. For certain fmall
veins extend themfelves from the tongue to the heart, and are the meffengers
of taftes. And when any thing falls upon thefe fo as to penetrate the moift
and delicate texture of the flefh, which through its terreftrial nature is mo
derately liquefied, it then contracts and dries the veins. Hence, if thefe
penetrating fubftanccs are of a more rough nature, they produce a fharp
taffe ; but, if lefs rough, a four tafte. But fuch things as are purgative of thefe
veins, and which wafh away whatever is found adhering to the tongue, if
they accomplifh this in an immoderate degree, fo as to liquefy fomething of
the nature of the tongue, fuch as is the power of nitre ;—all fuch as thefe
are denominated bitter. But whatever is fubordinate to this property of
nitre, and purges in a more moderate degree, appears to us to be fait, with
out the roughnefs of bitternefs, and to be more friendly to our nature. Again,
fuch things as, communicating with the heat of the mouth, and being ren
dered fmooth by it, heat alfo in their turn the mouth—and which through
their lightnefs are elevated towards the fenfes of the head, at the fame time
dividing whatever they meet with in their afcent;—all thefe, through powers
of this kind, are denominated fharp. But fometimes thefe feveral particulars,
becoming attenuated through rottennefs, enter into the narrow veins, and
compel the interior parts, as well the terrene as thofe containing the fym
metry of air, to be mingled together by moving about each other ; and when
mingled caufe fome of the parts to glide round, fome to enter into, others,
and when entered to render them hollow and extended ; and this in the place
where a hollow moifture is extended about the air. This moifture too being
at one time terrene and at another pure, a moifl: orbicular receptacle of air
is produced from the hollow water. But that which is produced from pure
water is on all fides diaphanous, and is called a bubble. On the contrary,
that which owes its fubfiftence to a more earthly moifture, and which is at
the fame time agitated and elevated, is denominated fervid, and a fermenta
tion. But the caufe of all thefe paflions receives the appellation of acute.
And a paffion contrary to all that has been afferted concerning thefe pro
ceeds from a contrary caufe. But when the compofition of the things enter
ing into moift fubftances is naturally accommodated to the quality of the
tongue, it polifhes and anoints its afperities, and collects together or relaxes
fuch parts as were either affembled or diflipated contrary to nature, and
reftores
THE TIMiEUS. 541
reftores them to their proper and natural habit. Hence, all fuch fubftances
are pleafant and friendly to every one, become the remedies of violent paf
fions, and are denominated fweet. And thus much may fuffice concerning
particulars of this kind.
There are, however, no fpecies about the power of the noftrils: for all
odours are but half begotten. But it happens to no fpecies to be commenfurate
with any odour. And our veins, with refpect to particulars of this kind, are
too narrow to admit the genera of earth and water, and too broad to receive
thofe of fire and air ; and hence no one ever perceives an odour of any one
of thefe. But odours are always produced from the madefa&ion, corrup
tion, liquefaction or evaporation of the elements. For, water becoming
changed into air, and air into water, odours are generated in the middle of
thefe. And all odours are either fmoke or miffs. But, of thefe, that which
paffes from air into water is a miff; but that which is changed from water
into air, fmoke. And hence it comes to pafs that all odours are more atte
nuated than water, and more denfe than air. But the truth of this is fuffi
ciently evident when any one, in confequence of a difagreeable fmell, vio
lently draws his breath inwards; for then no odour is wafhed off, but breath
alone follows unattended by fmell. On this account, the varieties of thefe
fubfift without a name; as they are neither compofed from many nor from
fimple fpecies. But two of thefe alone receive an appellation, the pleafant
and the difagreeable : the latter of which difturbs and violently affaults all
that cavity which lies between the top of the head and the navel; but the
former allures this part of the body, and by its amicable ingrefs preferves it
in a condition accommodated to its nature. But we ought to confider the
third fenfitive part of our compofition, hearing, in fuch a manner that we
may explain through what caufes the paffions with which it is converfant
fubfift. W e ought, therefore, entirely to define voice a certain pulfation of
the air, penetrating through the ears, brain, and blood, as far as to the foul:
and we fhould call the motion arifing from hence, which commences from
the head and ends in the feat of the liver, hearing. When this motion is
fwift, a fharp found is produced ; but, when flow, a flat found. And the
former of thefe is equal and fmooth, but the latter rough. Many voices too
produce a great found, but a fmall found is the refuit of a few. But it is necefl
fary that we fhould fpeak about the fymphonies of thefe in the fubfequent part
542 T H E T I M A E U S .
of this difcourfe. The fourth fenfitive genus now remains for our difcuffion ;
which contains in itfelf. an abundant variety, all which are denominated
colours. But colour is a flame flowing from bodies, and poffeffmg parts com-
menfurate to the fight with refpecl to perception. But we have already con
fidered the caufes from which fight is produced. It appears then that we
may now fpeak of colours according to affimilative reafons as follows :
Of things which, proceeding from other parts, fall on the fight, fome are
greater, others lefs, and others equal to the parts of the fight. Such as are
equal, therefore, cannot be perceived ; and thefe we denominate diaphanous.
But, among fuch as are larger or fmaller, fome of thefe feparate, but others
mingle the fight, fimilar to the operations of heat and cold about the flefh,
or to things four, acute and hot about the tongue. But things which affect,
the fight in this manner are called black and white ; which are indeed the
paflions of thofe particulars we have juft related, being their fifters, as it
were, and the fame with them in a different genus; but which, neverthe-
lefs, through thefe caufes appear to be different. W e fhould, therefore,
fpeak of them as follows:—That the colour which is fegregative of the light
is white; but that which produces an effect contrary to this, black. But
when a more acute motion, and of a different kind of fire, falls upon and
feparates the fight, as far as to the eyes, at the fame time violently pro
pelling and liquefying the tranfitions of the eyes, then a collected fubftance
of fire and water flows from thence, which we denominate a tear; but the
motion itfelf is a fire meeting with the fight in an oppofite direction. And,
indeed, when a fire, leaping as it were from a certain corrufcation, becomes
mingled with another fire, penetrating and extinguifhed by moifture, from
this mixture colours of all-various kinds are produced. In this cafe we call
the paffion a vibrating fplendour, and that which produces it fulgid and ruti-
lating. But a kind of fire which fubfifts in the middle of thefe, arriving at the
moifture of the eyes, and becoming mingled with it, is by no means fplendid:
but in confequence of the rays of fire being mingled through moifture, and
producing a bloody colour, we denominate the mixture red. And when
fplendour is mingled with red and white, it generates a yellow colour. But
to relate in what meafure each of thefe is mingled with each, is not the
bufinefs of one endued with intellect:, even though he were well informed in
this affair; fince he would not be able to produce concerning thefe either a
r neceffary
THE TIM^US. 543
neceffary or an affimilatlve reafon. But red, when mingled with black and
white, produces a purple colour. And when to thefe, mingled and burnt
together, more of black is added, a more obfcure colour is produced. A
ruddy colour is generated from the mixture of yellow and brown ; but brown
from the mixture of black and white. A pallid colour arifes from the min
gling of white and yellow. But that which is fplendid conjoined with white,
and falling upon abundance of black, gives completion to an azure colour.
And azure mingled with white generates a gray colour. But from the tem
perament of a ruddy colour with black, green is produced. All the reft, will
be nearly evident from thefe, to any one who, imitating the former mix
tures, prcferves affimilative reafons in his difcourfe. But if any one under
takes the invefligation of thefe, for the fake of the things themfelves, fuch
a one muff be ignorant of the difference between a divine and human
nature : fince a God is indeed fufficient for the purpofe of mingling many
things into one, and of again diffoiving the one into many, as being at .the
fame time both knowing and able : but there is no man at prefent who is
able to accomplifh either of thefe undertakings, nor will there ever be one
in any future circulation of time. But all thefe which thus naturally fubfifl
from neceffity, were affumed in the things which are generated by the arti
ficer of that which is mofl beautiful and belt, when he produced a felf-
fufficient and mofl perfect God ; employing, indeed, caufes which are fubfer
vient to thefe, but operating himfelf in the befl manner in all generated na
tures. On this account it is requifite to diflinguifh two fpecies of caufes ; the
one neceffary, but the other divine. And we fhould inquire after the divine
caufe in all things, for the fake of obtaining a bleffed life in as great a degree
as our nature is capable of receiving it ; but we fhould invefligate the ne
ceffary caufe for the fake of that which is divine. For we fhould confider,
that without thefe two fpecies of caufes, the objects of our purfuit can neither
be underftood nor apprehended, nor in any other way become participated.
But fince to us at prefent, as to artificers, matter lies in fubjection, the genera,
of caufes fervingas prepared materials from which the remaining difcourfe is
to be woven, let us again return with brevity to our firft diicuffions, and fwiftly.
pafs from thence to the place at which we are now arrived ; by this means
endeavouring to eftablifh an end and fummit to our difputation, which may.
harmonize with its beginning".
Indeed*
544 THE TIMAEUS.
junction, it might together with reafon forcibly reprefs the race of defires,
whenever they mould be found unwilling to obey the mandates of reafon,
iifuing her orders from her lofty place of abode. But they eftablifhed the
heart, which is both the fountain of the veins, and of the blood, which is vehe
mently im/ielled through all the members of the body in a CIRCULAR PRO
GRESSION, in an habitation correfponding to that of a fatellite ; that when
the irafcible part becomes inflamed, reafon at the fame time announcing that
fome unjuft action has taken place externally, or has been performed by
fome one of the inward defires, then every thing fenfitive in the body may
fwiftly through all the narrow pores perceive the threatenings and exhorta
tions, may be in every refpect obedient, and may thus permit that which
is the beft in all thefe to maintain the fovereign command.
But as the Gods previoufly knew that the palpitation of the heart in the
expectation of dreadful events, and the effervefcence of anger, and every kind
of wrathful inflation, would be produced by fire, they implanted in the body
the idea of the lungs, artificially producing them as a guardian to the heart.
And, in the firft place, they rendered them foft and bloodlefs, and afterwards
internally perforated with hollow pipes like a fponge ; that through their
receiving fpirit and imbibing moifture, they might become themfelves refri
gerated, and might afford refpiration and remiflion to the heart in its exceflive
heat. Hence they deduced the arteries as fo many canals through the fub-
ftance of the lungs ; and placed the lungs like a foft thicket round the heart,
that when anger rages in it with too much vehemence it may leap into fub-
miffion, and becoming refrigerated may be fubject to lefs endurance, and
may be able together with anger to yield with greater facility to the autho
rity of reafon. But they feated that part of the foul which is defiderative of
meats and drinks, and fuch other things as it requires through the nature of
body, between the prsecordia and the boundary about the navel; fabricating all
this place as a manger fubfervient to the nutriment of the body, and binding in
it this part of the foul as a ruflic and favage animal. But it is neceflary that this
part fhould nourifh its conjoined body, if the mortal race has a neceffary exig
ence in the nature of things. That this part, therefore, might be always fed at
the manger, and might dwell remote from the deliberative part, molefting it
in the fmalleft degree with its tumults and clamours, and permitting it, as
that which is moft excellent in our compofition, to confult in quiet for the
VOL. II. 4 A common
546 THE TIM^2TJS.
the foul, he fabricated the whole of our body about the fubftance of the
marrow, and inverted it on all fides with a covering of bones.
But he thus compofed the nature of the bones. In the firrt place, bruifing
together pure and fmooth earth, he mingled and moirtened it with marrow;
after this he placed it in lire, then merged it in water, then again feated it
in fire, and after this dipped it in water. And thus, by often transferring it
into each, he rendered it incapable of being liquefied by both. Employing
therefore this nature of bone, he fafhioned like one working with a wheel a
bony fphere, and placed it round the brain ; leaving a narrow paffage in the
fphere itfelf. And befides this, forming certain vertebra? from bone about
the marrow of the neck and back, he extended them like hinges, com
mencing from the head and proceeding through the whole cavity of the
body. And thus he preferved all the feed, by fortifying it round about with
a rtony veftmcnt. He likewife added joints, for the purpofe of motion and
inflection, employing the nature of that which is dirtinguifhed by difference
in their fabrication, as this is endued with a certain middle capacity. But,
as he thought that the habit of the bony nature would become more dry and
inflexible than it ought to be, and that, when it became heated and again cooled,
it would in confequence of ulceration fwiftly corrupt the feed which it con
tained, on this account he fafhioned the genus of nerves and flefh; that the
nerves, by binding all the other members, and becoming ftretched and re
mitted about thofe hinges the vertebrae, might render the body apt to be
come inflected andcxtended as occafion required : but that the flefh might
ferve as a covering from the heat and a protection from the cold ; and,
befides this, might defend it from falls, in the fame manner as external fup-
ports, gently and eafily yielding to the motions of the body. H e likewife
placed a hot moifture in the nature of the flefh, that, becoming in fummer
externally dewy and moift, it might afford a kindred refrigeration to the
whole body ; and that again in winter, through its own proper fire, it might
moderately repel the externally introduced and furrounding cold. When,
therefore, the plaftic artificer of our bodies had perceived all this through a
dianoetic energy, having mingled and harmonized together water, fire, and
earth, and added to the mixture a fharp and fait ferment, he gradually com
pofed foft and fu ecu lent flefh.
But he mingled the nature of the nerves from bone and unfermentcd flefh,
6 compofing
550 THE TIM MVS.
compofing one middle fubftance from the'power of both, and tingcing it with
a yellow colour. And on this account it comes to pafs that the power of
the nerves is more intenfe and vifcous than that of the flefh, but more foft
and moift than that of the bones. Hence, the Divinity bound the bones and
marrow to each other with the nerves, and afterwards inverted them all
fupernally with the flefh, as with a dark concealing fhade. Such of the
bones, therefore, as were the moft animated he covered with the leart flefh;
but fuch as were the leart animated he inverted with flefh the moft abundant
and denfe. And, befides this, he added but a fmall quantity of flefh to the
joints of the bones, except where reafon evinces the neceflity of the contrary:
and this left they fhould be a hindrance to the inflections, and retard the
motions of the body; and again, left in confequence of their being many
and denfe, and vehemently compreffed in one another, they fhould caufe
1
through their folidity a privation of fenfe, a difficulty of recollection, and a
remiflion of the dianoetic energy. On this account he inverted with abun
dance of flefh the bones of the groin, legs, loins, the upper part of the arms,
and that part which extends from the elbow to the wrirt, and fuch other parts
of our bodies as are without articulation, together with fuch inward bones
as through the paucity of foul in the marrow are deftitute of a prudential
energy. But he covered with a lefs quantity of flefh fuch bones as are en
dued with prudence: unlefs, perhaps, the flefhy fubftance of the tongue,
which was produced for the fake of fenfation, is to be excepted. In other
parts, the cafe is fuch as we have defcribed. For a nature which is gene
rated and nourifhed from neceffTty can by no means at one and the fame
time receive a denfe bone and abundant flefh, united with acutenefs of fen
fation. But this would be moft eminently the cafe with the compofition of
the head, if all thefe were willing to coalefce in amicable conjunction : and
the human race, poffeffing a flefhy, nervous, and roburt head, would enjoy a
life twice as long, or rtill more abundantly extended, healthy and unmolefted,
than that which we at prefent poffefs.
Again, in confequence of thofe artificers of our generation confidering
whether they fhould fabricate our race poffeffing a life more lafting indeed
but of a worfe condition, or of a fhorter extent but of a more excellent con
dition, it appeared to them that a fhorter but more excellent life was by all
means to be preferred to one more lafting but of a fubordinate condition.
Hence
T H E T I M i E U S . 551
Hence they covered the head with a thin bone, but did not invert it with flefh
and nerves, becaufe it was deflitute of inflections. On all thefe accounts,
therefore, the head was added to the body as the moft fenfitive and prudent,
but at the fame time by far the mofl: imbecil part of all the man. But
through thefe caufes, and in this manner, the Divinity placing the nerves
about the extreme part of the head, conglutinated them in a circle about
the neck, (after a certain fimilitude), and bound with them thofe lofty cheek
bones fituated under the countenance ; but he diffeminated the reft about all
the members, connecting joint with joint. Befides, thofe adorners of our
race ornamented us with the power of the mouth, teeth, tongue, and lips,
and this for the fake of things which are at the fame time both neceffary and
the beft; producing ingreflion for the fake of necefTaries, but egreflion for
the fake of fuch as are beft. Every thing, indeed, which being introduced
affords nutriment to the body, is neceflary ; but the ftream of words flowing
forth externally, and becoming fubfervient to prudence, is the moft beautiful
and beft of all effluxion?. Befides, it was not poffible that the head could re
main without any other covering than that of a naked bone, through the
extremities of heat and cold in the different feafons; nor, again, could it
become the inftrument of knowledge when invefted with darknefs, dulled,
and without fenfation, through the perturbation of flefh. Hence, a part of
a flefhy nature, not entirely dried, and furpaffing the refidue, was feparated
from the reft ; and which is now denominated a membrane. This mem
brane paffing into union with itfelf, and bloffoming about the moifture of
the brain, circularly invefts the head. But the moifture flowing under the
futures of the head irrigates this membrane, and, caufing it to clofe together
at the crown, connects it, as it were, in a knot. But an all-various fpecies
of futures is generated through the power of the circulations and the nutri
ment ; the variety becoming greater when thefe oppofe each other with
greater violence, but lefs when they are in a ftate of lefs oppofition. All
this membrane the divine artificer of our bodies circularly pierced with fire.
And hence, becoming as it were wounded, and the moifture externally flow
ing through it, whatever is moift, hot, and pure, pafles away ; but whatever
is mingled from the fame natures as the membrane itfelf, this, in confe
quence of receiving an external production, becomes extended into length,
and poffeffes a tenuity equal to the punctuation of the membrane. But this
fubftance,
552 T H E T I M i E U S ,
fubftance, from the flownefs of its motion, being continually thruft back by
the externally furrounding fpirit, again revolves itfelf under the membrane,
and there fixes the roots of its progreffion. Hence, from thefe paffions the
race of hairs fprings up in the membrane of the head, being naturally allied
to, and becoming, as it were, the reins of this membrane, at the fame time
that they are more hard and denfe through the compreffion of cold. For
every hair, when it proceeds beyond the membrane, becomes hardened
through cold. After this manner, then, the artificer planted our head with
hairs, employing for this purpofe the caufes which we have mentioned.
But at the fame time he underftood by a dianoetic energy, that inffead of
flefh a light covering was neceffary for the fecurity of the brain ; which
might fufficiently fhade and protect it like a garment from the extremities
of heat and cold, but by no means hinder the acutenefs of fenfation. But
that comprehenfion of nerve, fkin, and bone about the fingers, being a mix
ture of three fubffances, and becoming of a drier nature, produced one com
mon hard membrane from the whole. Thefe indeed were the miniffrant
caufes of its fabrication ; but the molt principal caufe confifts in that cogi
tation which produced this membrane for the fake of future advantage. For
thofe artificers of our nature well knew that at fome time or other women
and other animals would be generated from men ; and that nails would be
of the greateft advantage in many refpects to the beftial tribes. Hence they
impreffed in men the generation of nails, at the very period of their pro
duction. But from this reafon, and through thefe caufes, they planted the
fkin, hairs, and nails in the members fituated at the extremities of the body.
However, as all the parts and members of a mortal animal were generated
in alliance with each other, and neceffarily poffeffed their life in the union
of fire and fpirit, left the animal becoming refolved and exhaufted by thefe
fhould fwiftly decay, the Gods devifed the following remedy :—For mingling
a nature allied to the human with other forms and fenfes, they.planted, as it
were, another animal; fuch" as thofe mild trees, plants, and feeds, which,
being now brought to perfection through the exercife of agriculture, are
friendly to our nature ; though prior to this they were of a ruftic kind, being
more antient than fuch as are mild. For whatever participates of life we
may juftly and with the greateft rectitude denominate an animal. But this
which we are now fpeaking of participates the third fpecies of foul, which
we
THE TIMAEUS. 553
we place between the pra?cordia and the navel: and in which there is neither
any thing of opinion, reafon, or intellect; but to which a pleafant and painful
fenfe, together with defires, belongs. For it continually fuffers all things.
But when it is converted in itfelf, about itfelf, and, rejecting external, em
ploys its own proper motion, it is not allotted by its generation a nature
capable of confidering its own concerns by any thing like a reafoning energy.
On this account it lives, and is not different from an animal ; but, becoming
ftably rooted, abides in a fixed pofition, through its being deprived of a
motion originating from itfelf.
But when thofe fuperior artificers of our compofition had implanted all
thefe genera for the purpofe of fupplying nutriment to our nature, they de
duced various channels in our body as in a garden, that it might be irrigated
as it were by the acceffion of flowing moifture. And, in the firft place, they
cut two occult channels under the concretion of the fkin and flefh, viz. two
veins in the back, according to the double figure of the body on the right
hand and the left. Thefe they placed with the fpine of the back, fo as to
receive the prolific marrow in the middle, that it might thus flourifh in the
moft eminent degree ; and, by copioufly flowing from hence to other parts,
might afford an equable irrigation. But after this, cutting the veins about
the head, and weaving them with each other in an oppofite direction, they
feparated them; inclining fome from the right hand to the left hand parts of
the body, and fome from the left to the right, that the head, together with the
fkin, might be bound to the body, as it is not circularly divided with nerves
about its fummit; and befides this, that the paflion of the fenfes might from
each of thefe parts be deduced on all fides through the whole of the body.
In this manner, then, they deduced an aqueduct from hence ; the truth of
which we fhall eafily perceive by affenting to the following pofition. That
all fuch things as arc compofed from leffer parts are able to contain fuch as
are greater; but fuch as confift from greater cannot inveft thofe compofed
from leffer parts. But fire, among all the genera of things, is conflituted
from the fmalleft parts. Hence, it penetrates through water, earth, and air,
and the compofites from thefe ; and this in fuch a manner, that nothing can
reftrain its pervading power. The fame muft be underftood of that ventricle
our belly ; that it is able to retain the intromitted meat and drink, but can
not flay fpirit and fire, becaufe thefe confift of fmaller parts than thofe from
VOL. ir. 4B which
554 T H E TTMiEUS.
which the belly is compofed. Thefe, therefore, the Divinity employed for
the purpofe of producing an irrigation from the belly into the veins; weaving*
from fire and air a certain flexible fubftance like a bow-net, and which
poffeffes a twofold gibbofity at the entrance. One of thefe he again wove
together, divided into two parts; and circularly extended thefe parts from
the curvatures like ropes through the whole body, as far as to the extremi
ties of the net. All the interior parts therefore of the net-work he com
pofed from fire ; but the gibbofities and the receptacle itfelf from air. And
laftly, receiving thefe, he difpofed them in the animal new formed as fol
lows :—In the firft place, one of the gibbous parts he affigned to the mouth ;
but, as the gibbofity of this part is twofold, he caufed one part to pafs through
the arteries into the lungs, but the other along with the arteries into the
belly. But having divided the other gibbous part according to each of its
parts, he caufed it to pafs in common to the channels of the nofe, fo that,
when the one part does not reach the mouth, all its ftreams may be filled
from this. But he placed the other cavity of this gibbous fubftance about
the hollow parts of the body; and caufed the whole of this at one time to
flow together gently into the gibbous parts, as they were of an aerial texture,
and at another time to flow back again through the convex receptacles. But
he fo difpofed the net, as being compofed from a thin body, that it might
inwardly penetrate and again emerge through this fubftance. Befides this,
he ordered that the interior rays of fire fhould follow in continued fuccefTion,.
the air at the fame time paffing into each of the parts; and that this fhould
never ceafe to take place as long as the mortal animal continued to fubfift.
But, in afligning an appellation to a motion of this kind, we denominate it
expiration and refpiration. But all this operation and the whole of this
paffion in our nature take place in the body by a certaiu irrigation and refri
geration conducive to our nutriment and life. For, when the breath paffes
inwardly and outwardly, an interior fire attends it in its courfe; and being
diffufed through the belly, when it meets with folid and liquid aliments, it
reduces them to a ftate of fluidity; and, diftributing them into the fmalleft
parts, educes them as from a fountain through the avenues of its progreffion:
pouring thefe fmall particles into the channels of the veins, and deducing
rivers through the body as through a valley of veins.
But let us again confider the paffion of refpiration, and inveftigate through
what
THE T IM M U S. 535
body is fuch as appears to the Tight, and which we denominate blood ; being
the pafture of the flefti and of the whole body ; from whence an irrigation be
coming every where diftufed, it copioufly replenifhes all the exhaufted parts.
But the manner of impletion and evacuation is produced in the fame way
as in the univerfe the lation of every thing takes place, viz. from that caufe
through which every kindred nature tends to itfelf. For the natures by
which we are externally invefted perpetually liquefy and diftribute our
bodies, difmifling every fpecies to its kindred form. But the fanguineous
parts, being diftributed and comprehended within us, as is the cafe with every
animal canftituted under the heavens, are compelled to imitate the local
motion of the univerfe. Each, therefore, of the divided parts within us,
being borne along to its kindred nature, replenifhes again that which is void.
But when the effluxions fur pafs the acceffions, a corruption of the whole
animal enfues; and when the contrary takes place, it receives an increafe.
The recent compofition, therefore, of every animal poffeffing new triangles,
like fhips formed from timbers unimpaired by age, caufes a ftrong enclofure
of them within each other: but the whole of its delicate bulk unites in ami
cable conjunction, as being generated from moft recent marrow, and nourifhed
in milk. Thofe triangles, therefore, from which the liquid and folid aliments
are compofed, approaching externally, and being received into the animal,,
as they are more antient and imbecil than its own proper triangles, are van
quifhed and cut in pieces by the new triangles : and the animal is rendered of
a large fize, through its being nourifhed from a multitude of fimilar parts.
But when it relaxes the root of its triangles, in confequence of becoming
wearied and tamed, through many contefts with many particulars in a long
courfe of time ; then it is no longer able to reduce by feclion the received
aliment into a .fimilitude of itfelf, but its own parts become eafily ditfipated
by the natures which arc externally introduced. Hence the whole animal,
becoming by this means vanquifhed, decays ; and the paflion itfelf is deno
minated old age. But the end of its exiftence then arrives, when the jointly
harmonized bonds of the triangles about the marrow no longer poflefs a
detaining power, but becoming feparated through the wearinefs of labour*
defert the bonds of the foul. T h e foul, however, in this cafe being con
cealed in a ftate according to nature, flies away with pleafure and delight*
For every thing contrary to nature is painful; but that which happens natu
rally
558 THE TIM.EUS.
rally is pleafant. Hence, the death which is produced through wounds and
difeafe is painful and violent ; but that which is caufed from old age, pro
ceeding to an end according to nature, is of all deaths the moft free from
labour, and is rather accompanied with pleafure than pain.
But it muft be obvious to every one from whence difeafcs are produced.
For, fince there are four genera from which the body is compofed, viz. earth,
fire, water, and air, the unnatural abundance and defect, of thefe, and a
tranftation from their own proper to a foreign feat, in confequence of which
each of thefe does not receive that which is accommodated to its nature,
together with all fuch circumftances as thefe, produce contentions and dif
eafe. For, each of thefe fubfifting and being transferred in a manner con
trary to nature, fuch things as were formerly heated become cold, fuch as
were once dry become moift, fuch as were light heavy, and every thing
receives all poffible mutations. 'For we affert that when the fame thing
approaches to, and departs from, the fame, in the fame manner, and accord
ing to analogy, then alone it permits that which is the fame to abide healthy
and fafe. But that which inordinately wanders, either in acceding or de
parting, produces all-various mutations, difeafes, and infinite corruptions.
JLikewife a fecond apprehenfion of difeafes may be obtained by any one who
is fo difpofed, from the fecond compofitions of things conftituted according
to nature. For, fince the concretion of marrow, bone, flefh, and nerve, is
derived from thefe, as likewife the blood, though from a different mode of
coalition, hence many events happen in the fame manner as thofe we have
mentioned above ; but the greateft and moft fevere difeafes fubfift as follows:
W h e n the generation of thefe fecond compofitions takes place inverfely,
then they become fubject to corruption. For the flefh and nerves are natu
rally generated from blood : the nerves indeed from fibres, through the alli
ance fubfifting between thefe ; but the flefh from the coalition of that which
when feparated from the fibres paffes into a ftate of concretion. But that
fubftance again which arifes from nerves and flefh, being glutinous and fat,
increafes at the fame time by nutrition the flefh, which for the moft part
fubfifts about the nature of the bones; and likewife the bone itfelf, with
which the marrow is furrounded. And again, that which trickles through
the denfity of the bones, being the moft pure kind of the triangles, and the
moft fmooth and unctuous* while it drops and diftils from the bones, irrigates
the
T H E T I M ^ U S .
559
the marrow. And hence, when each particular fubfifts in this manner, a
healthy condition of body is produced ; but a difeafed condition when the
contrary is the cafe. For, when the flefh becoming liquefied again tranfmits
the confumption into the veins, then the blood, together with fpirit, be
coming abundant and all-various in the veins, diversified with colours and
denfity, and infected with acid and fait qualities, generates all-various bile,
corruption, and phlegm. And all thefe, being again thus generated and cor
rupted, in the firft place deftroy the blood itfelf; and this, no longer affording
nutriment to the body, is every where borne along through the veins, with
out obfervins; a natural order in its circulations. But thefe indeed are un-
friendly to each other, becaufe they derive no mutual advantages from the
properties with which each is endued. They likewife war upon the natural
habit of the body, and its perfeverance in its proper ftate, by introducing
difiblutions and liquefactions.
A moft antient portion of flefh, therefore, when it is liquefied and ren
dered difficult of digeftion, grows black through antient burning; but through
its being entirely macerated it becomes bitter, and adverfe to all the other
parts of the body which are not yet infected with corruption. And then
indeed the black colour poffeffes fharpnefs inftead of bitternefs ; that which
was bitter becoming more attenuated : and the bitternefs, being again tinged
with blood, poffeffes a redder colour ; but, from the black which is mingled
with this, becomes of a bilious nature. But, befides this, a yellow colour is
mingled with bitternefs, when the new flefh liquefies through the fire fub
fifting about flame. And, indeed, either fome phyfician will affign to all
thefe the common appellation of bile, or fome one who is able to confider
things many and diffimilar, and to behold one genus in many particulars
deferving one denomination. But fuch other things as are called fpecies of
bile receive an appellation peculiar to each, according to colour. But cor
ruption which is the defluxion or whey of the blood, is gentle and
mild : but that which is the fediment of black and fharp bile is of a fero
cious and ruftic nature, when it is mingled through heat with a faline power..
And a fubftance of this kind is denominated acid phlegm. But a portion of
recent and delicate flefh is often liquefied together with the air, and is after^
wards inflated and comprehended by moifture : and from this paflion bubbles
are produced, which taken feparately are invifible on account of their fmall-
Bef^,
560 T H E TIM MVS.
nefs, but which, when collected into a large bulk, become confpicuous, and
poffefs a white colour on account of the generation of froth. And we de
nominate all this liquefaction of delicate flefh, and which is woven together
with fpirit, white phlegm. But we call the fediment of recent phlegm tears
and fweat; together with every thing of that kind into which the body is
every day refolved. And all thefe, indeed, become the inftruments of dif
eafe, when the blood does not naturally abound from liquid and folid aliment,
but increafes from contraries in fuch a manner as to violate the laws of
nature. When, therefore, any part of the flefh is cut off, but at the fame
time the foundation of it icinains, the calamity poffeffes but half its power;
for it is capable of being eafily recovered. But when that which binds the
flefh to the bones becomes difeafed, and the blood flowing from it and the
nerves no longer nourim.es the bones and binds the flefh, but, inftead of being
fat, fmooth, and glutinous, becomes rough and fait through bad diet; then, in
confequence of differing all this, and being feparated from the bones, it is
refrigerated under the flefh and nerves. For the flefh, falling from its roots,
leaves the nerves bare, and drenched in a fait humour; and hence, gliding
again into the circulation of the blood, it increafes the number of the dif
eafes we have already defcribed. And thefe paflions, indeed, which fubfift
about the body, are of a grievous nature : but thofe which precede thefe are
dill more afflictive and troublefome. But this takes place when the bone
through the denfity of the flefh does not admit fufficient refpiration, but, being
heated through filthinefs, becomes rotten, receives no nutriment, but falls
upon the flefh, which is on the contrary refrigerated ; and the flefh again
falls on the blood, fo that by this means difeafes more fevere than the for
mer are produced. But the extremity of all maladies then happens, when
the nature of the marrow becomes difeafed through fome defect or excefs:
for then it produces the mod vehement and fatal difeafes; as the whole
nature of the body is in this cafe neceffarily diflipated and diffolved.
But it is requifite after this to underdand that the third fpecies of difeafes
receives a tripartite divifion. For one of the divifions is produced by fpirit,
the other by phlegm, and the other by bile. For when the lungs, thofe
didributive guardians of the breath, being obdructed by defluxions, cannot
afford a free paffage to the breath ; then, as there is no emiflion of the breath
in one part, and more is received into another part than is requifite, the parts
without
THE TIMAEUS. 561
without refrigeration become rotten ; but that which is received in too great
abundance paffing through the veins, diftorts them and liquefies the dia
phragm fituated in the middle of the body : and thus ten thoufand grievous
difeafes arife from hence, together with an abundance of fweat. But often,
when the flefh becomes feparated within the body, breath is produced; and
this being incapable of departing externally, caufes the fame torments as the
breath when entering from without. It produces, however, the greateft
pains, when furrounding the nerves and neighbouring veins it inflates them,
and ftretches and diftorts the ligaments and nerves continued from the back.
And thefe diieales, from the ftretchiug and inflating paflion, arc denominated
tenfions and contortions from behind; and of which it is difficult to find a
cure. For, fevers taking place diflblve thefe difeafes in a moft eminent de
gree. But the white phlegm poffefling a difficulty of refpiring externally,
through the fpirit of the bubbles, variegates the body indeed in a milder
nature, yet fprinkles it with white fpots, and generates other difeafes of a
fimilar kind. But when this white phlegm is mingled with black bile, and
becomes diftipated about the circulations of the head, which are of a moft
divine nature, then it diflurbs thefe circulations; and if this happens in fleep,
the perturbation is lefs violent; but if to thofe who are awake, it cannot
without difficulty be expelled. And as this is a difeafe of a facred nature, it
is moft juftly denominated a facred difeafe.
A fharp and fait phlegm is the fountain of all fuch difeafes as are pro
duced by a defiuxion of humours: and becaufe the places into which this
phlegm flows poflefs an omniform variety, it generates all-various difeafes.
But whatever parts of the body are faid to be inflated are thus affected from
the inflammation of bile : which, when it expires, produces externally various
tumours from its fervid nature ; but, when inwardly reftrained, generates
many inflammatory difeafes. It is, however, then greateft, when, being min
gled with pure blood, it removes the fibres from their natural order, which
are fcattered into the blood for this purpofe, that it may poflefs tenuity and
denfity in a commenfurate degree ; and that it may neither through heat (as
it is of a moift nature) flow from the thin body, nor, when becoming more
denfe, and of confequence more unadapted to motion, may fcarcely be able
to flow back again through the veins. The fibres, therefore, are very fer-
viceable on this occafion, which if any one fhould collect together in the
VOL. 11. 4 c blood
5&1 T H E T I M . E U S .
blood when dead, and in a ftate of frigidity, all the remaining blood would
become diffufed ; and when poured forth they would be fwiftly coagulated,
together with the cold by which they arc furrounded. But as the fibres
poffefs this power in the blood, and the bile naturally becomes antient blood,
and is again liquefied from flefh into this, fuch things as are hot and moift
falling gradually the firft of all, hence it becomes collected together through
the power of the fibres. W h e n the bile is coagulated and violently ex-
tinguifhed, it caufes a tempeft and tremour within. But when it flows
more abundantly, vanquishing the fibres by its own proper heat, and becom
ing fervid in an inordinate degree, it then preferves the body : and if it
retains its conquering power to the end, it penetrates into the marrow; and
burning th£ bonds of the foul, as if they were the cables of a fhip, diffolves
her union, and difmiffes her from thence entirely free. But when it flows
with lefs abundance, and the bddy becoming liquefied oppofes its paflage,
then finding itfelf vanquifhed, it either falls through the whole body, or,
being compelled through the veins into the upper or lower belly, like one
flying from a feditious city, it efcapes from the body and introduces deflux-
ions, dyfenteries, or gripings of the inteftines, and all difeafes of a fimilar
kind. When the body, therefore, is eminently difeafed through excefs of
fire, it then labours under continued burnings and fever; but when through
excefs of air, under quotidian fevers • under tertian through water, becaufe
water is more fluggifh than fire and air; under quartan, through excefs of
fearth. For earth, being the moft fluggifh of all thefe, is purified in quadruple
periods of time ; and on this account introduces quartan fevers, which it is
Scarcely poffible to difperfe. And in this manner are the difeafes of the body
produced.
But the difeafes of the foul, which fubfift through the habit of the body,
are as follow :—We muft admit that the difeafe of the foul is folly, or a pri
vation of intellect. But there are two kinds of folly ; the one madnefs, the
other ignorance. Whatever paffion, therefore, introduces either of thefe
muft be called a difeafe. And we fhould eftablifh exceffive pleafures and
pains as the greateft difeafes of the foul. For, when a man is too much ele
vated with joy or depreffed with grief, while he haftens immoderately either
to retain the one or to fly from the other, he is not able either to perceive or
hear any thing properly, but is agitated with fury, and is very little capable.
of
563
THE TIMAEUS.
of exercifing the reafoning power. But he who poffeffes a great quantity o f
fluid feed about the marrow, and who, like a tree laden with a fuperabun-
dance of fruit, riots in the excefs,—fuch a one being influenced by many pains
and pleafures in defires, and their attendant offspring, will be agitated with
fury for the greateft part of his life through mighty pleafures and pains : and
though the foul of fuch a one will be difeafed and unwife, from the body
with which it is connected, yet it will be falfely confidered not as difeafed,
but as voluntarily bad. But in reality venereal intemperance for the mofl;
part becomes a difeafe of the foul, through a habit of one kind, from the-
tenuity of the bones, in a body fluid and moift. And, indeed, it may be
nearly afferted, that all intemperance of pleafures of whatever kind, and all
difgraceful conduct, is not properly blamed as the confequence of voluntary
guilt. For no one is voluntarily bad: but he who is depraved becomes fo
through a certain ill habit of body, and an unfkilful education. But thefe
two circumftanccs are inimical to all, and productive of a certain ill. And
again, the foul, when influenced by pain, fuffers much depravity from this
through the body. For, when fharp and fait phlegm, and likewife bitter ancj
bilious humours, wandering through the body, are prevented from pafling
forth externally, but, revolving inwardly, mingle their exhalations with thq
circulation of the foul; in this cafe they produce all-various difeafes of the
foul, in a greater and lefs degree, and lefs and more numerous. They are
introduced, indeed, to three feats of the foul; and according to the diverfity
of the place, each generates all-various fpecies of difficulty and forrow, o f
boldnefs and timidity, and, ftill further, of oblivion and indocility. But, befides
this, the vicious manners of cities, and difcourfes both private and public,
often contribute to increafe this malady: nor are any difciplines taught in.
the early part of life, which might ferve as remedies for fuch mighty ills.
And thus all fuch as are vicious are fo through two involuntary caufes ; the
existence of which we fhould always rather afcribe to the planters than to
the things planted, and to the educators rather than to the educated. We
ihould, therefore, endeavour to the utmoft of our abilility, by education,
ftudies, and difciplines, to fly from vice, and acquire its contrary, virtue. But
thefe particulars, indeed, belong to another mode of difcourfe.
Again, therefore, with refpect to the contrary of thefe, it is now proper
4 c % to
664 T H E T I M i E U S .
a fmall and imbecil dianoetic part, fince there are naturally twofold defires
in man, one of aliment through the body, but the other of prudence through
the moft divine part of our nature ;—in this cafe, the motions of that which
is more powerful prevail, and increafe that which is their o w n : but render
the dianoetic part of the foul dull, indocile, and oblivious, and thus produce
ignorance, which is the greateft of all difeafes. But this one thing alone is
the health and fafety of both—neither to move the foul without the body,
nor the body without the foul; that, being equally balanced in their mutual
contentions, the health of the whole compofite may be preferved. Hence,
he who vehemently applies himfelf to the mathematics, or to any other dia
noetic exercife, fhould alfo employ the motion of the body, and be familiar
with gymnaftic. And again, he who is careful in forming his body aright
fhould at the fame time unite with this the motions of the foul, employing
mufic and all philofophy ; if he is to be rendered fuch a one as can be juftly
called beautiful, and at the fame time truly good. In the fame manner, too,
we ought to take care of the parts of the body, imitating the form of the
whole. For when the body, through fuch things as are introduced from
without, is inflamed and refrigerated, and is again rendered dry and moift
by externals, and fuffers every thing confequent to thefe affections ; then, if
any one in a quiet ftate gives up his body to motions, he will be vanquifhed
by them and dilfolved. But if anyone imitates that nature which we called
the nourifher of the univerfe, fo as never to fuffer the body to be in a ftate
of reft, but perpetually moves and agitates it throughout, he will then aflift
the internal and external motions according to nature; and, in confequence of
a moderate agitation, will reduce into order and adorn the wandering paffions
and parts of the body, according to their alliance with each other. Such a one,
indeed, as we faid in our former difcourfe about the univerfe, will not, by
placing foe againft foe, fuffer war and difeafe to be produced in the body;
but, combining friend with friend, will thus render the body healthy and
found. But, of all motions, that is the beft in any nature which takes place
in itfelf from itfelf: for this is particularly allied to the dianoetic motion of
the univerfe. But that motion is of the worfe kind which is produced by
another. And that is the worft of all motions, when the body, being in a
recumbent and quiet ftate, is moved by others according to parts. And
hence,,
566 THE TIMAEUS.
hence, of all the purgations and concretions of the body, that is the beft.
which fubfifts through gymnaftic. T h e next to this is that which takes
place through eafy carriage, whether in a fhip or any other convenient vehicle.
But the third fpecies of motion is only to be ufed when vehemently neceffary,
and at no other time by any one endued with intellect: and this is that
medical motion which is performed by pharmaceutical purgations. For
difeafes, unlefs they are extremely dangerous, are not to be irritated by
medicines. For every compofition of difeafes is in a certain refpecl fimilar
to the nature of animals. And indeed the affociation of the animal nature
is allotted ftated periods of life ; both the whole genus, and every individual,
containing in itfelf a fatal term of living, feparate from the paffions which
neceftity produces. For the triangles, which from the very beginning pof
feffed the power of each animal, are fufficiently able to cohere together for
a certain time: but life beyond this period cannot be extended to any one.
T h e fame mode of compofition likewife fubfifts about difeafes ; which if any
one deftrovs by medicine before the fated time, he will only produce great
difeafes from fmall ones, and many from a few. On this account it is
neceffary to difcipline all fuch maladies by proper diet, according as every
one's leifure will permit; and to avoid irritating by medicines a moft difficult
difeafe. And thus much may fufhce concerning the common animal and
its corporeal p a r t ; and how thefe may be difciplined and governed in
fuch a manner as to produce a life according to reafon in the moft eminent
degree.
But that which is deftined to govern, ought much more and by far the
firft to be furnifhed as much as poflible with fuch materials as may render it
capable, of difciplinative fway, in a manner the moft beautiful and the beft.
T o difcufs accurately indeed particulars of this kind would require a treatife
folely confined to fuch a difcufhon: but if any one nightly confiders this
affair in a manner confequent to what has been above delivered, fuch a one
by thus proceeding will not unfealbnably arrive at the end of his purfuit.
W e have often then previoufly afferted that there are three fpecies of foul
within us, triply diftributed; and that each has its own proper motions.
And we fhall now, therefore, briefly affirm, that when any one of them is
in a torpid ftate, and refts from its own proper motions, it neceffarily be
comes
THE CRITIAS,
O R
ATLANTICUS.
INTRODUCTION.
TO*
T H E C R I T I A S ,
«4TJL*dJVTICU$.
1
Tlanivxttcn yt aMlkf.
* *0 irpvrof to9 ITx«TWVO5 c&yu'njj Kpavrcop. Prod, in Tim. p. 24. Ct mox—Maprvpovwt HO* ei
3 wilfully
574 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E C R I T I A S .
THE
T H E C R I T I A S ,
OR
ATLAJVTICUS.
CRITIAS, HERMOCRATES.
TlMiEUS.
found mind will attempt to fay t h a t the things which have been afferted bv
you have not been well faid ? But that the particulars which remain to be
difcuffed require greater indulgence, as being more difficult, this I will e n
deavour to mow. For he, O Timaeus, who difcourfes concerning the Gods
to men, may more eafily appear to fpeak all that is fufficient than he who
difcourfes concerning mortals to you. For the unfkilfulnefs and vehement
ignorance of the auditors about things of this kind afford a great copia verbo-
rum to him who enters on the difcuftion of them : but w e know how we are
circumftanced with refpect to the Gods. However, that I may more plainly
evince what I fay, thus attend to me in what follows:— It is requifite that all
we fhall fay fhould become in a certain refpecl an imitation and a refem-
blance. But w e fee the facility and fubtilty which take place in the r e p r e -
fentation exhibited by pictures of divine and human bodies, in order that
they may appear to the fpectators to be apt imitations. W e likewife fee,
'with refpect to the earth, mountains, rivers, woods, all heaven, and the re
volving bodies which it contains, that at firft we are delighted if any one is
.able to exhibit but a flender reprefentation to our view ; but that afterwards,
as not knowing any thing accurately about fuch-like particulars, we neither
examine nor blame the pictures, but ufe an immanifeft and fallacious adum
bration refpecting them. But when any one attempts t o reprefent our
bodies, we acutely perceive what is omitted, through our continual and
familiar animadverfion of them, and w e become fevere judges of him
who does not perfectly exhibit all the requifite fimilitudes. It is likewife
neceffary to confider the fame thing as taking place in difcourfe. For, with
refpect to things celeftiai and divine, we are delighted with affertions con
cerning them that are but in a fmall degree adapted to their nature; but we
accurately examine things mortal and human. And hence it is requifite t o
pardon whatever in the enfuing difcourfe may be delivered in an unbecoming
manner. For it is proper to think, that to aftimilate mortal concerns to
o p i n i o n , is not an eafy but a difficult talk. I have faid all this, Socrates,
being willing t o remind you, and to folicit not lefs but greater pardon for
the following difcourfe. But if my requeft fhall appear to you to be juft,
do you willingly i m p a F t this gift.
Soc. Why fhould we not, O Critias, impart it ? And befides this, the
fame pardon muft be granted by us to a third. For it is evident that Her
mocrates,
OR A T L A N T I C U S . 577
mocrates who is to fpeak fhortly after, will make the fame requeft. T h a t
he, therefore, may make a different exordium, and may not be obliged to
repeat what you have faid, let him know that pardon is granted him, and let
him, therefore, prepare to fpeak. But I previoufly announce to you, friend
Critias, the conceptions of the theatre *. For the poet has approved in a
wonderful manner the perfon who fpoke in it before ; fo that you will require
abundant pardon in attempting to difcharge the office of his fucceffor.
HER. YOU announce the fame thing to me, Socrates, as to him. But de-
fponding men, Critias, never erect a trophy. It is, therefore, requifite to
proceed in a virile manner to the difcourfe, and, invoking Paean and the
Mufes, to exhibit and celebrate antient citizens who were excellent men.
CRIT. O friend Hermocrates, as you are to fpeak on the following day,
having another to fpeak before you, on this account you are courageous. But
he will, perhaps, manifeft to you how this is to be accomplifhed. You,
therefore, thus exhorting and encouraging me, I fhall obey ; and befides thofe
Gods which you have mentioned, I fhall invoke others, and efpecially Mne-
mofyne. For nearly the greateft reafons and difcuffions are contained for us
in this Divinity. If, then, we can fufficiently remember and relate the narra
tion which was once given by the Egyptian priefts, and brought hither by
Solon, you know that we fhall appear to this theatre to have fufficiently
accomplifhed our part. This, therefore, muft now be done, and without any
further delay.
But firft of all we muft recollect, that the period of time from which a war
is faid to have fubfifted between all thofe that dwelt beyond and within the
pillars of Hercules, amounts to nine thoufand years : and this war it is now
requifite for us to difcufs. Of thofe, therefore, that dwelt within the pillars
of Hercules, this city was the leader, and is faid to have fought in every
battle ; but of thofe beyond the pillars, the kings of the Atlantic ifland were
the leaders. But this ifland we faid was once larger than Libya and Afia,
but is noiv a mafs of impervious mud, through concuf/ions of the earth ; fo that
thofe who are failing in the vaji fea can no longer find.a paffage from hence
thither. The courfe of our narration, indeed, will unfold the many bar
barous nations and Grecian tribes which then exifted, as they may happen
3
' This fpeech of Hermocrates is not extant. Viz. the perfons of the dialogue.
VOL. II. 4 E tO
THE CHITTAS,
to prefent themfelves to ortr view : but ft i6 neceffary to relate, in the firft
place, the wars of the Athenians and their adverfaries, together with the
power and the polities of each. And in difcourfing of thefe we (hall give
the preference to our own people.
x
> The Gods, then, once were locally allotted the whole earth, but not with
contention : for it would be abfirrd that the Gods fhould be ignorant of what
is adapted to every one, or that, knowing that which rather belongs to others,
they fhould endeavour, through ftrife, to poffefs what is not their own.
Likewife,. receiving places agreeable to them, from the allotments of juftice,
they inhabited the various regions of the earth. In confequence of this, too,
like fliepherds, they nourifhed us as their poffeffions, flocks,, and herds ; with
this exception, however, that they did not force bodies to bodies in the fame
manner as fhepherds, who, when feediug their cattle, compel them to come
together with blows : but they confidered us as a docile and obedient animal r
and, as if piloting a pliant fhip, employed perfuafion for the rudder; and
with this conception as the leader, they governed the whole mortal r a c e
Different Gods, therefore, being allotted, adorned different places. But
Vulcan and Minerva *, who poffefs a common nature,, both becaufe they
are
1
As, according to the theology of Plato, there is "hot one father of the univerfe only, one
providence, and one divine law, but many fathers fubordinate to the one firft father, many ad-
miniftrators of providence poflerior to, and comprehended \n the one univerfal providence of the
r
demiurgus of all things, and many laws proceeding from one firft law, it is neceffary that there
fhould be different allotments, and a diverfity of divine diftribution. T h e allotment, however,,
of a divine nature is a government exempt from all paflivity, and a providential energy about the
fubjefts of its government.
* Vulcan is that divine power which prefides over the fpermatic and phyfical reafons, or pro
ductive principles, which the univerfe contains: for whatever Nature accomplifhes by verging
towards bodies, Vulcan performs in a divine and exempt manner, by. moving Nature, and ufing her
as an inftrument in his own proper fabrication; fince natural heat has a Vulcanian chara&eriftic,.
and was produced by Vulcan for the purpofe of fabricating a corporeal nature. Vulcan, there
fore, is that power which perpetually prefides over the fluctuating nature of bodies; and hence,
fays Olympiodorus, he o p e i a t e 6 with bellows (ev <pu<rai() ; which occultly fignifies his operating in
natures (am rov tv raig Qvatci). But by earth we muft underftand matter, which was thus fymbo-
Hcally denominated by the antients, as we learn from Porphyry de Antr. Nymph. By Minerva
we muft underftand the fummit {nopup) of all thofe intellectual natures that refide in Jupiter, the
artificer of the world: or, in other words, (he is that deity which illuminates all mundane natures
with intelligence. T&e Athenians, therefore, who arc fouls of a Minerval charatteriflic, may be
very
OR A T L A N T I C U S . i>79
are the uflspiing of the fame father, aiid becaufe, through philofophy and
the fludy of arts, they tend to the fame things ;—thefe, I fay, in confequence
of this, received one allotment, viz. this region, as being naturally allied and
adapted to virtue and prudence. But thefe Divinities having produced
worthy, earth-born men, arranged in their intellectual part the order of a
polity. Of thefe men the names are preferved ; but their works, through
the extinction of thofe that received them, and length of time, have difap-
peared. For the furviving race of men, as has been obferved before, are
always mountaineers, and void of difcipline, who have only heard the names
of men that were powerful in the region, and who, befides this, have been
acquainted but with few of the tranfactions of the country. In confequence,
therefore, of loving thefe antient men, they gave the names of them to their
children: but they were ignorant of the virtues and laws of thofe before
them ; for of thefe they knew nothing, but what they gathered from cer
tain obfcure rumours ; and as for many generations they were in want of
neceffaries, both they and their children directed their attention to the par
ticulars of which they were deftitute, difcourfed about thefe, and neglected
paft and antient tranfactions. For mythology, and an investigation of
antient affairs, commence in cities in conjunction with leifure, when the
neceffaries of life are procured ; but not before. On this account the names
of antient tranfactions were preferved, without any account of the tranf.
actions themfelves. But I infer that this was the cafe, faid Solon, becaufe
thofe priefts, in their narration of the war at that period, inferred many
names fimilar to thofe that were adopted afterwards, fuch as Cecrops^
Erechtheus, Erichthonius, Erifichthon, and many other of thofe names which
are commemorated prior to Thefeus. This was likewife the cafe with the
names of the women. The figure too and ftatue of Minerva evinced, that
at that period the ftudies of women and men with refpect to war were
common, as an armed image was then dedicated to the Goddefs ; this ferving
as a document, that among animals of the fame fpecies both male and
female are naturally able to purfue in common every virtue, which is
very properly faid to be the progeny of Vulcan and the Earth, becaufe Vulcan, who perpetually
imitates the intellectual energy of Minerva in his fabrication of the fenfible univerfe, imparts to
them through this imitation thofe vehicles, and thofe fpermaiic reafons, through which in conjunction
•with matter they become inhabitants of this terreftrial abode
4 F. 2 adapted
580 THE CRITIAS,
adapted to their fpecies. But at that time many other tribes of citizens
dwelt in this region, who were Ikilled in the fabricative arts, and in agri
culture. T h e warlike tribe, however, lived from the firft feparate from
divine men, and poffeffed every thing requifite to aliment and education.
None of them, however, had any private property ; for all of them confidered
all things as common. They likewife did not think it worth while to
receive from other citizens beyond a fufficiency of nutriment; and they
engaged in all thofe purfuits which we related yefterday as pertaining to the
guardians of our republic. It was likewife plaufibly and truly faid of our
region, that, in the firft place, at that time its boundaries extended, on one
fide to the Ifthmus, and on the other to Epirus, as far as to Cithacron and
Parnethe. Thefe boundaries are on the defcent, having Oropia on the right
hand, and limiting Afopus toward the fea on the left. It is likewife faid
that the whole earth was vanquifhed by the valour of this region ; and that
on this account it was at that time able to fupport the numerous army
formed from the furrounding inhabitants. But this it is faid was a mighty
proof of virtue. For what is now left of this country may contend with
any other in fertility of foil, in the goodnefs of its fruits, and in paftures
accommodated to every fpecies of animals. But then it produced all thefe,
not only thus beautiful, but likewife in the greateft abundance. But how is
this credible ? And by what arguments can it be mown that thefe are the
remains of the land that then exifted ? The whole of this region is fituated
like a long promontory, extending into the fea, from the other continent.
This the profound receptacle of the fea every way furrounds. As, therefore^
many and mighty deluges happened in that Jieriod of nine thoufand years (for
fo many years have elapfed from that to the prefent time), the defluxions of
the earth at thefe times, and during thefe calamities, from elevated places,
did not, as they are elfewhere wont to do, accumulate any hillock which
deferves to be mentioned, but, always flowing in a circle, at length vanifhed
in a profundity. The parts, therefore, that are left at prefent are but as
fmall iflands, if compared with thofe that exifted at that time ; and may be
faid to refemble the bones of a difeafed body ; fuch of the earth as was foft
and fat being wafhed away, and a thin body of the country alone remaining.
But at that time the land, being unmingled, contained mountains and lofty
hills; and the plains, which are now denominated Phellei, were then full of
fat
O R A T L A N T I C U S .
fat earth; and the mountains abounded with woods, of which there are
evident tokens even at prefent. For there are mountains which now
only afford nutriment for bees, but formerly, and at no very diffant period,
the largeft trees were cut down from thofe mountains, as being adapted
for buildings ; and of thefe edifices, the coverings ftill remain. There were
likewife many other lofty domeftic trees; and moft fertile paftures for
cattle. This region, too, every year enjoyed prolific rain, which did not
then, as now, run from naked earth into the fea, but, being collected in great
abundance from lofty places, and preferved for ufe in certain cavities of the
earth, dirfufed copious ftreams of fountains and rivers to every part of the
country; the truth of which is confirmed by certain facred remains which
are ftill to be feen in the antient fountains. And fuch was the natural con
dition of this region formerly; befides which, it was cultivated, as it is
reafonable to fuppofe it would be, by real huibandmen, who were men of
elegant manners, and of a difpofition naturally good; who poffeffed a moft
excellent foil, moft abundant ftreams of water, and a moft falubrious tem
perament of air.
But the city at that time was built in the following manner: In the firft
place, the Acropolis was not then, as it is at prefent. For now one rainy
night having foftened the bare land round about, in a remarkable degree, at
the fame time produced an earthquake; and thus there happened a THIRD-
l
fatal inundation of water, PRIOR to the deluge of Deucalion . But prior to
this, the magnitude of the Acropolis extended as far as to Eridanus and
Iliffus, comprehended within itfelf Pnyx, and Lycabetus, and was bounded
in a direction opposite to Pnyx. All the land too was glebous, except a
few places in a more elevated fituation which were plain. Its exterior
parts on the left hand were inhabited by artifts and hufbandmen, who cul
tivated the neighbouring land. But the warlike tribe alone inhabited the
elevated parts, about the temple of Minerva and Vulcan, being diftributed
in one enclofure round the garden as it were of one edifice. For thofe who
raifed public buildings, and common banquets for the winter feafon, to
gether with whatever is adapted to a common polity, and who furnifhed
both thefe, and temples themfelves, without gold and filver, all of this de-
1
T h e deluge of Deucalion appears to be the fame with that which is mentioned by Mofes; but
die Jews had no knowledge of any other.
fcription
THE CRITIAS,
fcription dwelt in the northern parts of this region. For gold and fiiver
were not employed by any one at any t i m e ; but, purfuing a middle courfe
between arrogance and illiberality, they built moderate houfes, in which both
•they, and the otfspriug of their offspring growing old, they always left them
to others like themfelves. But in fummer they ufed gardens, gymnafia, and
public banquets, in places fituated towards the fouth. There was likewife
one fountain in the place where the Acropolis is now fituated, which having
been exhauffed by earthquakes, fmall circulating ftreams alone remain at
prefent. But at that time every part was abundantly fupplied with fprings
of water, which were of a falutary temperament both in fummer and winter.
In this manner, then, thefe places were formerly inhabited ; and the men of
whom we have been fpeaking were guardians of their own citizens, but
leaders of the other willing Greeks. They likewife were efpecially careful
that there might always be the Tame number of men and women who by
their age are able to fight, and that this number might not be lefs than
twenty thoufand. Thefe men, therefore, being fuch as we have defcribed,
and always juftly adminiftering in this manner both their own affairs and
thofe of all Greece, they were efteemed and renowned beyond every other
nation by all Europe and Afia, both for the beauty of their bodies and the
all-various virtue of their fouls.
In the next place, I fhall communicate to you from the beginning the
particulars refpecting the adverfaries of thefe men, if I am able.to recollect
what I heard when I was a boy. But, fomewhat prior to this narration, it is
proper to obferve, that you muft: not be furprifed at often hearing me mention
•Grecian names of barbarous men. For the caufe of this is as follows :—
Solon intending to infert this narration into his verfes, inveftigated for this
purpofe the power of names, and found that thofe firft Egyptians who com
mitted thefe particulars to writing transferred thefe names into their own
tongue. He, therefore, again receiving the meaning of every name, intro
duced that meaning into our language. And thefe writings were in the
poffeflion of my grandfather, and are now in mine : they were likewife the
fubject of my meditation while I was a boy. If, therefore, in the courfe of
this narration you hear fuch names as fubfift among us at prefent, you muft
not be furprifed ; for you know the caufe. But it will require a long dif
courfe to fpeak from the beginning, as I did before, concerning the allot
ment
OB ATLANTICUS.
mcpt of the Gods, and to fhow how they diftributed the'whole earth, here
into larger, and there into leffer allotments, and procured temples and facri~
fices for themfelves, Neptune, indeed, being allotted the Atlantic ifland,
fettled his offspring by a mortal woman in. a certain part of the ifland, of the
following defcription. Towards the fea, but in the middle of the ifland,
there was a plain, which is faid to have been the moft beautiful of all plains,
and diftinguifhed by the fertility of the foil. Near this plain, and again i n
the middle of it, at the diftance of fifty ftadia, there was a very low m o i a -
tain. This was inhabited by one of thofe men who in the beginning fpruog.
from the earth, and whole name was Evenor. This man living with at
woman called Leucippe had by her Clites, who was his only daughter. But
when the virgin arrived at maturity, and her father and mother were dead,,
1
Neptune being captivated with her beauty had connection with her, and
enclofed the hill on which fhe dwelt with fpiral ftreams of water; the fea
and the land at the fame time alternately forming about each other leffer
and larger zones. Of thefe, two were formed by the land, and three by the
fea; and thefe zones, as if made by a turner's wheel, were ;n all parts equi-
diftant from the middle of the ifland, fo that the hill was inacceflible to men.
For at that time there were no fhips, and the art of failing was then un
known. But Neptune, as being a divinity, eafily adorned the ifland in the
middle ; caufed two fountains of water to fpring up from under the earth,,
one cold and the other h o t ; and likewife beftowed all-various and fufficient
aliment from the earth. He alfo begat and educated five male-twins ; and
having diftributed all the Atlantic ifland into ten parts, he beftowed upon?
his firft-born fon his maternal habitation and the furrounding land ; this being*
the largeft and the beft divifion. He likewife eftablifhed this fon king of
the whole ifland, and made the reft of his fons governors. But he gave to.
each of them dominion over many people, and an extended tract of land^
Befides this, too, he gave all of them names. And his firft-born fon, indeed,,
who was the king of all the reft, he called Atlas, whence the whole ifland
was at that time denominated Atlantic. But the twin fon that was born-
1
A demoniacal Neptune, or a dxmon belonging to the order of Neptune, by contributing to
the procreation of the offspring of Clites, is, in mythological language, faid to have been cap
tivated with her beauty, and to have had connection with her. See the firft note to the, Life of
Plato by Olyn»ptodorus..
4 immediately
584 T H E CRITIAS,
immediately after Atlas, and who was allotted the extreme parts of the
ifland, towards the pillars of Hercules, as far as to the r e g i o n which at pre
fent from that place is called Gadiric, he denominated according t o his
B a t i v e t o n g u e Gadirus, b u t which we call i n Greek Eumelus. Of his
fecond twin offspring, he called one Ampheres, and the other Eudaemon.
T h e firft-born of his third offspring he denominated Mnefeus, and the fecond
Autochthon. The elder of his fourth iflue he called Elafippus, and the
younger Meftor. And, laftly, he denominated the firft-born of his fifth iflue
Azaes, and the fecond Diaprepes. All thefe and their progeny dwelt in this
place, for a prodigious number of generations, ruling over many other iflands,
and extending their empire, as we have faid before, as far as to Egypt and Tyr-
rhenia. But the race of Atlas was by far the moft honourable ; and of thefe,
the oldeft king always left the kingdom, for many generations, to the eldeft
of his offspring. Thefe, too, poffeffed wealth in fuch abundance as to fur-
pafs in this refpect all the kings that were prior to them ; nor will any that
may flieceed them eafily obtain the l i k e . They had likewife every thing
provided for them which both in a city and every other place is fought after
as ufeful for the purpofes of life. And they were fupplied, indeed, with many
things from foreign countries, on account of their extenfive empire ; but the
ifland afforded them the greater part of every thing of which they flood in
need. In the firft place, the ifland fupplied them with fuch things as are
dug out of mines in a folid ftate, and with fuch as are melted : and ori-
chalcum *, which is now but feldom mentioned, but then was much cele
brated, was dug out of the earth in many parts of the ifland, and was con
fidered as the moft honourable of all metals except gold. Whatever, too, the
woods afford for builders the ifland produced in abundance. There were
likewife fufficient paftures there for tame and favage animals ; together with
a prodigious number of elephants. For, there were paftures for all fuch ani-
rrials as are fed in lakes and rivers, on mountains, and in plains. And, in like
manner, there was fufficient aliment for the lar^eft and moft voracious kind
of animals. Befides this, whatever of odoriferous the earth nourifhes at
prefent, whether roots, or grafs, or wood, or juices, or gums, flowers, or
fruits,—thefe the ifland produced, and produced them well. Again, the
ifland
OR A 1 L A N T I C U S . 535
ifland bore mild and dry fruits, fuch as we ufe for food, and of which we
make bread, (aliment of this kind being denominated by us leguminous,)
together with fuch meats, drinks, and ointments, as trees afford. Here,
likewife, there were trees, whofe fruits are ufed for the fake of fport and.
pleafure, and which it is difficult to conceal ; together with fuch dainties as-
are ufed as the remedies of fatiety, and are grateful to the weary. All thefe.
an ifland which once existed, bore facred, beautiful, and wonderful, and in,
infinite abundance. The inhabitants, too, receiving all thefe from the earth,,
constructed temples, royal habitations, ports, docks, and all the reft of the.
region, difpofing them in the following manner:—In the first place, thofe
who resided about the antient metropolis united by bridges thofe zones of
the fea which we before mentioned, and made a road both to the external,
parts and to the royal abode. But the palace of the king was from the first
immediately raifed in this very habitation of the God and their anceftors<
This being adorned by one perfon after another in continued fucceffion, the
latter of each always fur palling the former in the ornaments he beftowed,
the palace became at length aftonifhingly large and beautiful. For they dug
a trench as far as to the outermost zone, which commencing from the fea
extended three acres in breadth, and fifty stadia in length. And that fhips
might fail from this fea to that zone as a port, they enlarged its mouth, fo
that it might be fufficient to receive the largest veffels. They likewife divided
by bridges thofe zones of the earth which feparated the zones of the fea, fo
that with one three-banked galley they might fail from one zone to the
other; and covered the upper part of the zones in fuch a manner that they
might fail under them. For the lips of the zones of earth were higher
than the fea. But the greateft of thefe zones, towards which the fea directed
its courfe, was in breadth three ftadia : the next in order was of the fame
dimension. But, of the other two, the watery circle was in breadth two
ftadia; and that of earth was again equal to the preceding circle of water:
but the zone which ran round the ifland in the middle was one ftadium in
breadth. The ifland which contained the palace of the king was five ftadia
in diameter. This, together with the zones, and the bridge which was
every way an acre in breadth, they inclofed with a wall of stone, and raifed
towers and gates on the bridges according to the courfe of the fea. Stones,
too, were dug out from under the ifland, on all fides of it, and from within
VOL. i i . 4F and
586 THE CRITIAS,
and without the zones : forhe of which were white, others black, and others
red : and thefe ftone quarries, on account of the cavity of the rock, afforded
two convenient docks. W i t h refpecl to the edifices, fome were of a fimple
ftructure, and others were raifed from ftones of different colours; thus by
variety purfuing pleafure, which was allied to their nature. They likewife
covered the fuperficies of the wall which inclofed the moft outward zone
with brafs, ufing it for this purpofe as. an ointment; but they covered the
fuperficies of that wall which inclofed the interior zone with tin : and laftly*
they covered that which inclofed the acropolis with.orichalcum, which fhines
with a fiery fplendour-
The royal palace within the acropolis was conftru&ed as follows:—In the
middle of it there was a temple, difficult of accefs, facred to Clites and Nep
tune, and which was furrounded with an inclofure of gold. In this place
alfembKng in the beginning, they produced the race of ten kings; and from the
ten divifions of the whole region here collected every year, they performed
feafbnable facrifices to each. BuU the temple of Neptune was one ftadium
in length, and tbpee acres in breadth; and its altitude was commenfurate
to its length and breadth. There was fomething, however, barbaric in its
fbrm. All the external parte of the temple, except the fummit, were co»
vered wvth filver; for that was covered with gold. W i t h refped to the
internal parts, the roof was entirety formed fronm ivory, variegated with
gold, filver, and orichaTcum; bu* a* ft-alt th« other parts,, fuch, as the walls,
pillars, and pavement, tkefe were- adorned with oricbaleuiiau. Golden ftatues,
too, were placed in the tempfo ; and'the God himfelf was reprefented ftand-
ing on a chariot, and governing fix^wijiged horfes ; while, at the fame time,
through his magnitude* he touched rile roof with his head. An hundred
Nereids upon dolphins were circularly difpofed abouC himi; for at that time
this was fuppofed to be the number of rile Nereids. There were likewife
many other ftatues of private perfons dedicated within the temple. Round the
temple, on the outfidc, ftood golden images of all the women and men that
had decended from the ten kings : together with many other ftatues of kings
and private perfons, whichhad been dedicated from the city, and from foreign
parts that were in fubjeclion to the Atlantic ifland. There was an altar, too,
which accorded in magnitude and conftru&fion with the other ornaments of
the temple; and. in like maimer, the palacq was adapted to the magnitude
of
OR A T L A N T I C US. 587
of the empire, and the decorations of the facred concerns. The inhabitants,
likewife, ufed fountains both of hot and cold water, whole ftreams were
copious, and naturally falubrious and pleafant in a wonderful degree. About
the fountains, too, edifices were constructed, and trees planted, adapted to
thefe fontal waters. Receptacles of water, likewife, were placed round the
fountains, fome of which were expofed to the open air, but others were
covered, as containing hot baths for the winter feafon. Of thefe receptacles,
fome were appropriated to the royal family, and others, apart from thefe, to
private individuals ; and again, fome were fet apart for women, and others
for horfes and other animals of the yoke ; a proper ornament at the fame
time being diftributed to each. They likewife brought defluent ftreams to
the grove of Neptune, together with all-various trees of an admirable beauty
and height, through the fecundity of the foil: and thence they derived thefe
ft reams to the exterior circles, by conducting them through channels over
the bridges. But in each ifland of thefe exterior circles there were many
temples of many Gods, together with many gardens, and gymnafia apart
from each other, fome for men, and others for horfes. But about the middle
of the largeft of the iflands there was a principal hippodrome, which was a
ftadium in breadth, and the length of which extended round the whole cir
cle, for the purpofe of exerciflng the horfes. On all fides of the hippodrome
flood the dwellings of the officers of the guards. But the defence of the
place was committed to the more faithful foldiers, who dwelt in the fmaller
circle, and before the acropolis ; and the mofl faithful of all the foldiers were
affigned habitations within the acropolis, and round the royal abodes. The
docks, likewife, were full of three-banked galleys, and of fuch apparatus as
is adapted to veffels of this kind. And in this manner the parts about the
royal palaces were difpofed. But having paffed beyond the external ports,
which were three in number, a circular wall prefented itfelf to the view,
beginning from the fea, and every way diftant from the greateft of the
circles and the port by an interval of fifty ftadia. This wall terminated in
the mouth of the trench which was towards the fea. The whole fpace, too,
inclofcd by the wall was crowded with houfes ; and the bay and the
greateft harbour were full of fhips and merchants that came from all parts.
Hence, through the great multitude that were here affembled, there was an
all-various clamour and tumult both by day and night. And thus we have
4 F 2 neaily
588 THE CRITIAS,
nearly related the particulars refpecting the city and the antient habitation,
as they were then unfolded by the Egyptian priefts. In the next place, we
fhall endeavour to relate what was the nature, and what the arrangement, of
the reft of the region.
Firft, then, every place is faid to have been very elevated and abrupt which
was fituated near the fea ; but all the land round the city was a plain, which
circularly inverted the city, but was itfelf circularly inclofed by mountains
which extended as far as to the fea. This plain too was fmooth and equa
ble ; and its whole length, from one fide to the other, was three thoufand
ftadia; but, according to its middle from the fea upwards, it was two thou
fand ftadia. T h e whole ifland, likewife, was fituated towards the fouth, but
from its extremities was expofed to the north. Its mountains were then
celebrated as furpafling all that exift at prefent in multitude, magnitude, and
beauty; and contained many villages, whofe inhabitants were wealthy.
Here, too, there were rivers, lakes, and meadows, which afforded fufficient
nutriment for all tame and favage animals ; together with woods, various
both in multitude and kind, and in abundance adequate to the feveral pur-
pofes to which they are fubfervient. This plain, therefore, both by nature
and the labours of many kings in a long period of time, was replete with
fertility. Its figure, too, was that of a fquare, for the moft part ftraight and
long; but on account of the trench which was dug round it, it was deficient
in ftraightnefs. T h e depth, breadth, and length of this trench are incredible,
when compared with other labours accomplifhed by the hands of men: but,
at the fame time, we muft relate what we have heard. Its depth was one
acre ; and its breadth every where a ftadium. And as it was dug round the
whole plain, its length was confequently ten thoufand ftadia This trench
received the ftreams falling from the mountains, and which, circularly flow
ing round the plain towards the city, and being collected from different
parts, at length poured themfelves from the trench into the fea. Ditches
one hundred feet in breadth, being cut in a right line from this part, were
again fent through the plain into the trench near the fea: but thefe were
feparated from each other by an interval of one hundred ftadia. The inha
bitants brought wood to the city from the mountains, and other feafonable
1
That is, 1250 miles. This trench, however, was not a more furprifing effort of human
induftry than is the prefent wall of China.
articles,
OR A T L A N T I C U S . 589
articles, in twofold veffels, through the trenches; for the trenches interfered
each other obliquely, and towards the city. Every year, too, they twice
collected the fruits of the earth ; in winter ufing the waters from Jupiter,
and in fummer bringing the productions of the earth through the ftreams
deduced from the trenches. W i t h refpecl: to the multitude of men in the
plain ufeful for the purpofes of war, it was ordered that a commander in
chief ihould be taken out of each allotment. But the magnitude of each
allotted portion of land was ten times ten ftadia ; and the number of all the
allotments was fixty thoufand. There is faid to have been an infinite num
ber of men from the mountains and the reft of the region ; and all of them
were diftributed according to places and villages into thefe allotments, under
their reflective leaders. T h e commander in chief, therefore, of each divi
fion was ordered to bring into the field of battle a fixth part of the war-
chariots, the whole amount of which was ten thoufand, together with two
horfes and two charioteers: and again, it was decreed that he fhould
bring two horfes yoked by the fide of each other, but without a feat, toge
ther with a man who might defcend armed with a fmall fhield, and who
after the charioteer might govern the two horfes: likewife, that he fhould
bring two heavy-armed foldiers, two flingers, three light-armed foldiers, three
hurlers of ftones, and three jaculators, together with four failors, in order
to fill up the number of men fufficient for one thoufand two hundred fhips.
And in this manner were the warlike affairs of the royal city difpofed. But
thofe of the other nine cities were difpofed in a different manner, which it
would require a long time to relate. T h e particulars refpecting the governors
were inftituted from the beginning as follows :—Each of the ten kings pof
feffed abfolute authority both over the men and the greater part of the laws
in his own divifion, and in his own city, punifhing and putting to death whom-
foever he pleafed. But the government and communion of thefe kings with
each other were conformable to the mandates given by Neptune ; and this
was likewife the cafe with their laws. Thefe mandates were delivered to them
by their anceftors inferibed on a pillar of orichalcum, which was erected about
the middle of the ifland, in the temple of Neptune. Thefe kings, there
fore, affembled together every fifth, and alternately every fixth year, for
the purpofe of distributing an equal part both to the even and the odd; and,
6 when
500 T H E CRITIAS,
when afTembled, they deliberated on the public affairs, inquired if any one
had acted improperly, and, if he had, called him to account for his conduct.
But when they were about to fit in judgment on any one, they bound each
other by the following compacf. As, prior to this judicial procefs, there
were bulls in the temple of Neptune, free from all restraint, they felccted ten
of thefe, and vowed to the God, they would offer a facrifice which fhould be
acceptable to him, viz. a victim taken without iron, and hunted with clubs
and fnares. Hence, whatever bull was caught by them they led to the
pillar, and cut its throat on the fummit of the column, agreeably to the
written mandates. But on the pillar, befides the laws, there was an oath,
fupplicating mighty imprecations againft thofe that were difobedient. When,
therefore, facrificing according to their laws, they began to burn all the
members of the bull, they poured out of a full bowl a quantity of clotted blood
for each of them, and gave the reft to the fire ; at the fame time luftrating
the pillar. After this, drawing out of }be bowl in golden cups, and making a
libation in the fire, they took an oath that they would judge according to
the laws infcribed on the pillar, and would punifh any one who prior to
this fhould be found guilty; and likewife that they would never willingly
tranfgrefs any one of the written mandates. They added, that they would
neither govern, nor be obedient to any one who governed, contrary to the
prefcribed laws of their country. When every one had thus fupplicated
both for himfelf and thofe of his race, after he had drunk, and had dedi
cated the golden cup to the temple of the God, he withdrew to the fupper,
and his neceffary concerns. But when it was dark, and the fire about the
facrifice was abated, all of them, inverted with a moft beautiful azure gar
ment, and fitting on the ground near the burnt victims,' fpent the whole
night in extinguifhing the fire of the facrifice, and in judging and being
judged, if any perfon had accufed fome one of them of having tranfgreffed
the laws.
When the judicial procefs was fnifhed, and day appeared, they wrote
the decisions in a golden table, which together with their garments they
dedicated as monuments, in the temple of the God. There were alfo
many other laws refpecting facred concerns, and fuch as were peculiar to
the feveral kings; but the greateft were the following :—That they fhould
never
OR ATL ANTICtTS.
never wage war againfl each other, and that all of them fhousld give aftift
ance if any perfon in fome one of their cities fhould endeavour to extirpate
the royal race. Aud as they consulted in common fefpe&ing war and other
actions, in the fame manner as their ancestors,, they affigned the empire to
the Atlantic family. But they did not permit the king to put to deatfo affty
of his kindred, unlefs it feemed fit to more than five out of the ten kingsv
Such then being the power, and of fuch magnitude, at that time,, in thofe
places, Divinity trairsferred it from thence to tbefe parts, as it is reported, on
the following occafion. For many generations, the Atlantics, as long as the
nature of the God was fufficient for them, were obedient to the laws, and
benignantly affected toward a divine nature, to which they were allied..
For they poffeffed true, and in every refpect magnificent conceptions^ and
employed mildnefs in conjunction with prudence, both in thofe cafual cir
cumftances which are always taking place, and towards each other. Hence,
defpiiing every thing except virtue, they confidered the concerns of the pre
fent life as trifling, and therefore eafily endured them; and were of opinion
that abundance of riches and other poffeffions was nothing more than a
burthen. Nor were they intoxicated by luxury, nor did they fall into error,
in confequence of being blinded by incontinence ; but, being fober and vigi
lant, they acutely perceived that all thefe things were increafed through com
mon friendfhip, in conjunction with virtue ; but that, by eagerly purfuing
and honouring them, thefe external goods themfelves were corrupted, and,
tog< thcr with them, virtue and common friendfhip w e n * deftroyed. From
rcafonin^ of this kind, and from the continuance of a divine nature, all the
particulars which we have prcvioufly diicuftcd, w e r e increafed among them*
But when that portion of divinity, or divine deftiny, which they enjoyed,
vanifhed from among them, in confequence of being frequently mingled with
much of a mortal nature, and human manners prevailed,—then, being no
longer able to bear the events of the prefent life, they acted in a difgracefui
manner. Hence, to thofe who were capable of feeing* they appeared to be
bafe characters, men who feparated things moft beautiful from fuch as are
moft honourable: but by thofe who were unable to perceive the true life,
which conducts to felicity, they were confidered as then in the higheft
Jegrce worthy and bleftcd, in ccniec.uence of being filled with an unjuft;
defire
*gr? THIS CRITIAS, OR A T L A ^ T I C U S .
ADDITIONAL
ADDITIONAL NOTES
ON
THE TIMiEUS,
4 o
VOL. II.
A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
ON
THE TIMAEUS.
Page 4-73. The former of thefe is, indeed, apprehended by intelligence in eery unftten with
reafon.
LET US, in the firft place, confider how manifold intelligence is, and collect by
reafoning its various progreflions. The firft intelligence, therefore, is intelligible,
which paffes into the fame with the intelligible, and is in no refpect different from it-
This is effential intelligence and effence itfelf, becaufe every thing in the intelligible
fubfifts after this manner, viz."effentially and intelligibly. The fecond is that which
conjoins intellect with the intelligible, poffeffing an idiom connective and collective
of the extremes, and being life and power filling, indeed, intellect from the intelli
gible, in which alfo it eftablifhes intellect. The third is the conjoined intelligence
in a Divine intellect itfelf, being the energy of intellect, through which it embraces
the intelligible which it contains, and according to which it underftands and is what it
is: for, it is energy and intelligence itfelf, not indeed intelligible, but intellectual
intelligence. The intelligence of partial intellects poffeffes the fourth order; for each
of thefe contains all things partially, viz. intellect, intelligence, the intelligible, through
which it is conjoined with wholes, and underftands the whole intelligible world. The
fifth intelligence is that of the rational foul j for as the rational foul is called intellect,
fo its knowledge is intelligence, viz. a tranfitive intelligence, with which time is con
flate. In the fixth place, you may rank, if you pleafe, phantaftic knowledge, which
is by fome denominated intelligence, and the phantafy itfelf is called a paffive intel
lect, becaufe it knows whatever it knows inwardly, and accompanied with types and
figures. For it is common to all intelligence to poffefs the objects of its knowledge
4 G2 inwardly,
500 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
inwardly, and in this it differs from fenfe. But the higheft kind of intelligence is the
thing known itfelf. T h e fecond is that which fees the firfl totally, and is the thing
kn • vn fecondarily. T h e third is the thing known partially, but perceives wholes-
through thvt v. ch is partial. Th-'? fourth fees wholes indeed, but partially, and not
collectively. A a d the fifth is a v-..v,n accompanied with paffivity. Such, therefore,
are the diversities of intelligence.
A t prefent, however, neither phantaftic intelligence mufl be affumed; for this is
not naturally adapted to know true being, becaufe it is indefinite, and knows the
imaginable accompanied with figures. Eternal being, however, is unfiguredj and,
in fhort, no irrational knowledge is capable of beholding being itfelf, fince neither is
it naturally adapted to perceive univerfal. N o r docs Plato here fignify the intelli
gence in the rational foul j for this does not poffefs collective vifion, and that which is
coordinated with eternal natures, but proceeds according to time. N o r yet are total
intelligences to be here underftood; for thefe are exempt from our knowledge; but
Timaeus coordinates intelligence with reafon. T h e intelligence, therefore, of a partial
intellect muft now be affumed; for it is this in conjunction with which we once faw
true being. For as fenfe is below the rational foul, fo intelligence is above it. For a
partial intellect is proximately eftablifhed above ©ur effence, which it alfo elevates and
perfects; and to which we convert ourfelves when we are purified through philofophy
and conjoin our intellectual power with its intelligence. This partial intellect is par
ticipated by all other proximate daemoniacal fouls, and illuminates ours, when we con
vert ourfelves to it, and render our reafon intellectual. It is this intellect which Plato
in the Phasdrus calls the governor of the foul, and fays that it alone underftands true
being, which is alfo perceived in conjunction with this intellect, by fhe foul which is
nourifhed with intellect and fcience. In fhort, as every partial foul is effentially fuf
pended from a certain daemon, and every daemon has a dxmoniacal intellect above
itfelf, hence, every partial foul will have thi6 intellect ranked prior to itfelf as an im
partible effence. O f this intellect, therefore, the firft participant will be a daemoniacal
foul, but the fecond, the partial fouls under this, which likewife makes them to be partial.
It alfo appears that the intellect immediately above every daemon, fo far as it is a whole
and one, is the intellect of the daemon which proximately participates it, but that it
a'.o comprehends the number of the fouls which are under it, and the intellectual
paradigms
ON THE TIMAEUS. 507
paradigms of them. Every partial foul, therefor?, will have as an indivifible effence
its proper paradigm, which this intellect contains, and not fimply the whole intellect,
in the fame manner as the daemon which is effentially its leader. Hence, the impartible
belonging to every partial foul, may be accurately defined t o be the idea of that foul,
comprehended in the one intellect which is deftined to be the leader of the d e m o
niacal feries, under which every fuch foul is arranged. A n d thus it will be true that
the intellect of every partial foul is alone fupernally eftablifhed among eternal entities,
and that every fuch foul is a medium between the impartible above it and the partible
nature below it. This, then, is the intelligence prior to the foul, and which the foul
"participates when its intellectual part energizes intellectually. Hence, in the latter
part of this dialogue, Plato fays, that this intelligence is in the G o d s , but that it is
participated by a few only of the human race.
It likewife appears that Plato, unfolding the knowledge o f eternal being, calls it at
firft intelligence, but he alfo conjoins with intelligence reafon. For, when reafon un
derfill ds perpetual being, as reafon it energizes tranfitively, but as perceiving intel
lectually it energizes with fimplicity, underftands each particular fo far as fimple at
once, but not all things at once, but paffing from one to another, at the fame time
intellectually perceiving every thing which it tranfitively fees, as one and fimple.
In the next place, let us confider what reafon is, and how it is connate with intel
ligence. Reafon, therefore, is threefold, doxaflic, fcientific, and intellectual. For
fince there are in us opinion, the dianoetic part, and intellect, which laft is the fum
mit of the dianoetic part, and fince the whole of our effence is reafon, in each of thefe
parts reafon muft be differently confidered. But neither is opinion naturally adapted
to be conjoined with the intelligence of intellect in energy ; for, on the contrary, it is
conjoined with irrational knowledge, fince it only knows that a thing is, but is igno
rant of t h e w h y . N o r is the dianoetic part, fo far as it proceeds into multitude and
divifion, capable o f recurring to an intellect above the human foul, but on the con
trary, it is feparated through the variety of its reafons from intellectual impartibility.
It remains, therefore, that the fummit of the foul, and that which is moft character
ized by unity in the dianoetic part, muft be eftablifhed in the intelligence of a partial
intellect, being conjoined with it through alliance. This, then, is the reafon which
underftands in us intelligibles, and an energy which Socrates in the Republic caks
intelligence,
5()8 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
intelligence, in the fame manner as he calls the dianoetic power a knowledge fubfifl
ing between intelligibles and objects of opinion. In a fubfequent part of this dialogue,
Plato fays, that this reafon, together with fcience, is ingcnerated in the foul when re
volving about the intelligible. Science, however, has a more various energy, explor
ing fome things by others; but the energy of intellect is more fimple, surveying beings
by an immediate projection of its vifive power. This higheft, therefore, and mofl
indivifible part of our nature, Plato now denominates reafon, as unfolding to us intel
lect and an intelligible effence. For, when the foul abandons phantafy and opinion,
together with various and indefinite knowledge, and recurs to its own impartiality,
according to which it is rooted in a partial intellect, and when recurring it conjoins
its own energy with the intelligence of this intellect, then, together with it, it under
stands eternal being, its energy being both one and twofold, and famenefs and fepa-
k
ration fubfifting in its intellections. For then the intelligence of the foul becomes
more collected, and nearer to eternal natures, that it may apprehend the intelligible
together with intellect, and that our reafon, like a leffer, may energize in conjunction
with a greater, light.
But how is true being comprehended by a partial intellect, or by reafon ? For true
being is fuperior to all comprehenfior, and contains in itfelf all things with an exempt
tranfeendency. In anfwer to this it may be replied, that intellect poffeffing its own
intelligible, is on this account faid to comprehend the whole of an intelligible effence j
but reafon, through an intellect coordinate to itfelf receiving conceptions of real beings,
is thus through thefe faid to comprehend being. Perhaps, alfo, it may be faid that
reafon running round the intelligible, and energizing, and being moved as about a
centre, thus beholds it; intelligence, indeed, knowing it without transition and im-
partibly, but reafon circularly energizing about its effence, and evolving the united fub
fiftence of all things which it contains.
Let us, in the next place, confider what opinion is. According to Plato, then, the
doxaftic power comprehends the reafons of fenfibles, knows the effence of thefe, and
that they are, but is ignorant of the caufe of sheir existence: the dianoetic power, at
the fame time, knowing both the effences and the caufes of fenfibles, but fenfe having
no knowledge of either. For it is clearly fhown in the Theaetetus that fenfe is ignorant
o f effence, being perfectly unacquainted with the caufe of what it knows. Hence it
2 is
ON T H E TIM^US. 599
is neceffary that opinion fhould be ranked in the middle, and that it fhould know the
effences of fenfibles through the reafons or productive principles which it contains, but
be ignorant of their caufes. For in this right opinion differs from fcience, that it alone
knows that a thing is, fcience being able to fpeculate the caufe of its fubfiftence.
Senfe follows opinion, and is a medium between the organ of fenfe and opinion. For
the organ of fenfe apprehends fenfibles with paffivity; and on this account it is deftroyed
when they are exceflive. But opinion poffeffes a knowledge unattended with paffion..
Senfe participates in a certain refpect of paffion, but has alfo fomething gnoflic, fo far as
it is eftablifhed in the doxaflic nature, is illuminated by it, and becomes invefled with
reafon, being of itfelf irrational. I n this the feries of gnoflic powers is terminated,,
of which intelligence is the leader, being above reafon and without tranfition. But
reafon has the fecond order, which is the intelligence of our foul, and tranfitively paffes
into contact with intelligibles. Opinion is in the third rank, being a knowledge of
fenfibles. And the fourth in gradation is fenfe, which is an irrational knowledge of
fenfibles. For the dianoetic power fubfifting between intelligence and opinion, is gnoflic
of middle forms, which require an apprehenfion more obfeure than that of intelligence,
and more clear than that of opinion. Hence opinion muft be placed next to reafon,,
becaufe it poffeffes gnoflic reafons of effences, but is otherwife irrational, as being igno
rant of caufes. But fenfe muft be confidered as entirely irrational. For, in fliort, each
of the fenfes knows the paflion fubfifting about the animal from a fenfible nature. Thus,
for inflance, with refpect to an apple, the fight knows that it is red from the paffion about
the eye j the fmell, that it is fragrant from the pafTion about the noflrils; the tafle, that
it is fweet; and the touch, that it is fmooth. What then is it which fays that this thing
which thus affects the different fenfes, is an apple ? It is not any one of the partial
fenfes; for each of thefe knows one particular thing pertaining to the apple, but does not
know the whole. Nor yet is this effected by the common fenfe; for this alone diflin-
guifhes the differences of the paffions; but does not know that the thing which poffeffes
fuch an effence is the whole. It is evident, therefore, that there is a certain power
better than the fenfes, which knowing the whole prior to thofe things which are as it
were parts, and beholding the form of this whole, is impartibly connective of thefe
many powers. Plato calls this power opinion 5 and on this account he denominates
that which is fenfible, the object of opinion.
Further
£00 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
Further ftill, as the fenfes frequently announce to us things different from what they
are in reality, what is it which judges in us, and fays, that the fight, when it afferts that
the diameter of the fun is no more than a foot in length, is deceived, and that this alfo
is the cafe with the tafte of the difeafed, when honey appears to it to be bitter ? For it
is perfectly evident that in thefe, and all fuch like cafes, the fenfes announce their paf-
fion, and are not entirely deceived. For they affert the paflion which is produced about
the inftruments of fenfe, and which is fuch as they announce it to be j but that which
•declares the caufe, and forms a judgment of the paflion, is different. There is there
fore a certain power of the foul which is better than funfe, and which no longer knows
fenfibles through an organ, but through itfelf, and corrects the grofs and inaccurate in
formation of fenfe. This power which fubfifts as reafon with refpect to fenfe, is irrational
with refpect to the knowledge of true beings ; but fenfe is fimply and not relatively irra
tional. Hence Socrates in the Republic Ihows, that opinion is a medium between
•knowledge and ignorance. For it is a rational knowledge, but is mingled with irra
tionality, in confequence of knowing fenfibles in conjunction with fenfe. Senfe, how
ever, is irrational alone.; in the firft place, becaufe it fubfifts in irrational animals, and
is characteriftic of every irrational life ; and in the fecond place, becaufe contrary to all
the parts of the irrational foul, it is incapable of being perfuaded by reafon. For the
irafcible and defidei ative parts, fubmit to reafon, are obedient to its commands, and re
ceive from it instruction. But fenfe, though it fhould ten thoufand times hear reafon
afferting, that the fun is gtater than the earth, would at the fame time fee it of the di
mension of a foot, and would not announce it to us in any other way. In the third place,
fenfe is irrational alone, becaufe it does not know that which it perceives: for it is not
naturally adapted to perceive the effence of it. Thus, for inftance, it does not know
what a white thing is, but it knows that it is white through paflion. It is alfo diftributed
about the inftrument of fenfe, and on this account therefore is irrational. In the fourth
place, this is true of fenfe, becaufe it is the boundary of all the feries of knowledge, pof
feffes an effence moft remote from reafon and intellect, belongs to things external, and
makes its apprehenfion through body: for all thefe particulars indicate its irrational
nature. Every thing generated, therefore, is apprehended by opinion, in conjunction
with fenfe ; the latter announcing the paffions, and the former producing from itfelf the
/eafons of generated natures, and knowing their effences. And as reafon, when in con.
taa
ON T H E T I M ^ U S . for
tact with intelligence, fees the intelligible, fo opinion, coordinated with fenfe, knows
that which is generated. For the foul being of a middle effence, fills up the medium
between intellect and an irrational nature: for by her fummit, or the vertex of the dia
noetic part, fhe is prefent with intellect, and by her extremity fhe verges to fenfe.
Hence Timseus, in the former conjunction, ranked intelligence before reafon, as being
more excellent; but in the fecond conjunction he places opinion before fenfe. For there
reafon is pofterior to intelligence, as being a leffer intellect; but here opinion is prior
to fenfe, as being rational fenfe. Opinion, however, and reafon bound the whole ex
tent of the rational effence; but as the great Plotinus fays, intellect is our king, and
fenfe our mefTenger. A n d reafon indeed, together with intellect, fees the intelligible;
but by itfelf it fpeculates the middle reafons of things. Opinion, together with fenfe,
fees that which is generated; but by itfelf it confiders all the forms which its own.
effence contains.
P. 474. // was generated. For this univerfe is vifible and has a body, &c.
y
A s the demiurgus of wholes looking to himfelf, and always abiding after his accuf-
tomed manner, produces the whole world totally, collectively, or at once, and with an
eternal famenefs of energy, fo Timaeus being converted to himfelf, lays down the whole
theory, recurring to intellect from the dianoetic power, and proceeding into reafoning from
intellect. Doubting therefore, and interrogating himfelf, he energizes according to the
felf-moved nature of the foul; but anfwering, he imitates the projection of intellect. In
the firft place, therefore, he comprehends the dogma in one word yeyovsv, it was gene
rated, and enunciates the conclufion prior to the demonflration, directly after the man
ner of thofe that energize enthufiaftically, who perceive the whole collectively, and con
tract in intellect the end previous to the digreflion, in confequence of feeing all things at
once. But in the fecond place fyllogizing, he defcends from intellect to logical evolu
tions, and an inveftigation through demonflration of the nature of the world. In a per
fectly divine manner, therefore, he indicates from hypothefes the whole form of the uni
verfe. For if the world is vifible and tangible, and has a body, but that which is vifible,
tangible, and has a body, is fenfible, and that which is fenfible, and the object of opi
nion in conjunction with fenfe, is generated: the world therefore is generated. A n d
tra
VOL. II« 4 n *
602 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
this he mows demonftratively from the definition: fince geometricians alfo ufe demon*
ftrations of this kind. A n d thus much concerning the form of thefe words.
It is however evident that Timaeus, in giving a certain generation to the world, efla-
blifhes it at the fame time remote from temporal generation. For if the world has a
certain, and not every principle of generation, but that which is generated from time has
the principle of all generation the world is not generated from time. Further (till, let
us attend to the wonderful hypothefes of Atticus, who fays, that what according to Plato
was moved in a confufed and difordered manner is unbegotten j but that the world was
generated from time. Since then Plato admits that there is a caufe of generation, let us
fee what he afferts it to be. For the world is fenfible and tangible. Whether therefore
was every thing fenfible generated from time, or not every thing ? For if every thing,
that which was moved in a confufed and difordered manner was alfo generated from
time: for he fays, that this likewife Was vifible. But if not every thing, the reafoning
is unfyllogiftic, according to Atticus, and concludes nothing. Unlefs indeed Atticus
ihouldfay that the world is vifible and tangible, but that what was moved in a confufed
and difordered manner is not now vifible, but was fo prior to the fabrication of the
world, fince Plato thus fpeaks, " Every thing which was vifible, being moved in a con
fufed and difordered manner but here he fays, " The world is vifible and tangible,
and has a body." Plato therefore fhows that every thing which is vifible and tangible
is generated, but not every thing which was fo. Should Atticus then thus fpeak, (for
the man is fkilful in taking up one word in the place of another,) we muft fay, that
in the definition of what is generated, there is nothing of this kind, but it is fimply faid,
that every thing generated is the object of opinion, in conjunction with irrational fenfe ;
fo that if any thing is perfectly fenfible, it will alfo be generated. But every thing vifi
ble is fenfible, fo that what was moved with confufion and diforder was generated. Nor
is it proper to fay that it was unbegotten according to time, but that the univerfe was ge
nerated in time; fince either both were generated, or both are unbegotten. For both
are fimilarly called vifible and generaed by Plato. But if both were generated, prior
to this the world was changed into diforder: for generation to a contrary is entirely from
a contrary. A n d if the maker of the world is good, how is it poffible that he fhould not
harmonize it beautifully; or that having beautifully harmonized it, he fhould deflroy it ?
But
ON THE TIM.*: US. 6o3
But if he was not good, how not being good, did he make it to be orderly and elegantly
arranged ? For to effect this is the work of a beneficent artificer. But if being vifible
and generated, it is not generated according to time, it is not neceffary immediately to
affign to the univerfe a temporal generation, becaufe it is faid to be vifible and generated.
And thus much in reply to Atticus.
Let us however return to our principles, and inqfuire whether the world always was, as
being eternal, or is not eternal, but confubfiflent with time, and whether it is felf-fub-
fiftent, or produced by another. Such then is the inquiry. The anfwer to which is, that
it was produced by another, and is confubfiflent with time. But a thing of this kind is
generated. For if it has a compofite form, it has generation in confequence of its compo
fition. And if it alone fubfifts from another caufe, it is generated, as not producing
itfelf. And if it is eternal, it has its whole fubfiftence coextended with time. For it
was fabricated with reference to fomething elfe, and it was generated as aflowingimage
of real being. As therefore that which is compofite is to that which is fimple, and as
time is to eternity, fo is generation to effence. If then a fimple and uniform effence is
•eternal, an effence compofite, multiform, and conjoined with time, is generation.
Hence Plato divinely inquires, whether the world originated from a certain principle.
For that which was once generated, originated from a temporal, fabricative, final, mate
rial, and formal principle. For principle being predicated multifarioujly, that which is
produced in time originates according to all thefe modes. But the world originated
from a certain, and not from every principle. What then was this principle ? It was not
temporal: for that which originates from this, is alfo allotted the principle of its genera
tion from all the others. It originated indeed from that moft leading and proper prin
ciple, the final, as Plato himfelf teaches us in the courfe of this Dialogue. For it was
generated through the good, and this is the principle of generation from which it origi
nated. In the firfl place, therefore, he fhows that the world is generated, from its com
pofition : for it is tangible and vifible. Thefe then are the extremities of the univerfe:
for heaven is vifible, but earth is tangible; and the vifible is in earth, fo far as it parti
cipates of light, and the tangible in heaven, fo far as a terrene nature is comprehended in
it according to caufe. In fhort he fays that the world has a body, that we may alfo
take into account the middle perfections of the univerfe. And in this Plato fpeaks agree
ably to the oracle, which fays, " The world is an imitation of intellect, but that which is
4 II 2 fabricated
A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
fabricated poffetTes fomething of body." So far therefore as the univerfe has fomething
corporeal, it is generated, for according to this it is both vifible and tangible. But every
thing vifible and tangible is fenfible : for fenfe is touching andfeeing. But that which is
fenfible is the object of opinion, as being mingled with diffimilars, and as incapable of
preferving the purity of intelligible forms. And every thing of this kind is generated, as
• * *•
having a compofite effence. Plato therefore does not fubvert the perpetuity of the uni
verfe, as fome have thought he does, following Ariflotelic hypothefes : and that this is
true, we may eafily learn as follows.
Time, fays Plato, was generated together with heaven, or the univerfe. If there
fore time is perpetual, the univerfe alfo is perpetual. But if time has a temporal begin
ning, the univerfe alfo has a temporal beginning; though it is of all things mofl abfurd
that time fhould have a beginning. But the advocates for the temporal origin of the
world fay, that time is twofold, one kind being difordered, and the other proceeding,
according to number j fince motion is twofold, one difordered and confufed, and the
other orderly and elegant; and time is coordinate with each of thefe motions. But it
is poffible indeed for body to be moved equably or unequably, but impoffible to conceive
time equable and unequable: for thus the effence of time would be a compofite*
Though, indeed, why do I thus fpeak ? for when motion is unequable, time is equa-
ble. Now, therefore, there are alfo many motions, fome more fwift, and others more
flow, and one of which is more equable than another, but of all of them there is one
continued time, proceeding according to number. Hence it is not right to make this
twofold time. But if time is one and continued, if it is unbegotten, the univerfe alfo
is unbegotten, which is confubfiflent with time. But if time is generated, an abfurdity
will enfue; for time will require time in order to its being generated, and this when it has
not yet a being; fince when time was generated, time was not yet.
Further frill, Plato conjoins the foul of the univerfe, immediately on its generation
with the body of the univerfe, and does not gite to it a life prior to that of the cor
poreal nature. Soul however ranks, according to him, among perpetual beings. If there
fore foul is confubfiflent with body, but foul has a perpetual fubfiftence, body alfo is per
petual according to Plato : for that which is confubfiflent with a perpetual nature is un
begotten.
Again, Tiiaseus here fays, that the foul is generated, but Socrates in the Phae-
3 drus
ON THE TIM^US. Co*
drus fays, that it is unbegotten. Hence he calls that which is clearly unbegotten ac
cording to time, after another manner begotten. Again, Plato calls the world incor
ruptible, in the fame manner as thofe who contend that it was generated in time. But
in the Republic he clearly afferts, or rather the Mufes and not Plato, that every thing
which is generated according to time is corruptible. But from thefe things you may un
derfland what I fay : for the world is fhown by them to be unbegotten. For if the
world is incorruptible, but nothing generated according to time is incorruptible, the
world is not generated according to time. But why is a fyllogifm of this kind neceffary,.
fince Plato clearly fays in the Laws, that time is infinite according to the pail, and that in
this infinity myriads on myriads of fertile and barren periods.of mankind have taken;
place ? Or rather, that we may reafon from what we have at hand, Plato a little before^
in this very dialogue, fays, " that in thofe places where neither intenfe cold nor immo
derate heat prevails, the race of mankind is always preferved, though fometimes the
number of individuals is increafed, and fometimes fuffers a considerable diminution*.
But if the race of mankind always is, the univerfe alfo mufl neceffarily be perpetual.
Again, therefore, if the demiurgus of the univerfe ranks among eternal beings, h e
does not at one time fabricate, and at another not; for he would not poffefs a famenefsr
of fubfiflence, nor an immutable nature. But if he always fabricates, that which he-
produces always is. For what coujd be his intention, after having been indolent for an,
N
infinite time, in converting himfelf to fabrication? Shall we fay that he apprehended
it was better fo to do ? Was he then ignorant before that this was better or not ? For
if he was ignorant, he will, though a pure and divine intellect, be deprived of knowledge,,
which is abfurd to fuppofe. But if he knew that it was better, why did he not before
begin to generate and make the world ? In another refpect alfo, thofe appear to me to>
fin againfl the demiurgus of the univerfe, who fay that the world once was not. For if the
world once had no exiftence, the demiurgus once did not make it; fince that which is*-
made and the maker fubfifl together. But if he once did not make, he was then a maker
in capacity ; and if in capacity, he was then imperfect, and afterwards perfect, when he-
made the world. If, however, prior and pofterior fubfift about him, it is evident that he
does not rank among beings who eternally energize, but among thofe that energize ac
cording to time, paffing from not making to making. However, he produces time*
How therefore, poffefling an energy indigent of time, did he through this energy produce
time i
€06 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
time ? For he once made time, of which notwithltanding he is in want, in order that
he may make time.
How therefore may the world be faid to be generated ? We reply, as that which al
ways is to be generated, and always will be generated. For a partial body not only is to
be generated, but there was a time when it was generated. But all heaven, or the uni-
yerfe, alone fubfifts in the being to be generated, or in becoming to be, and is not at
the fame time that which was generated. For as the folar light proceeds from its proper
fountain, fo the world is always generated, and always produced, and is as it were always
advancing into being.
P . 474. To difcover therefore the Artificer and Father of this Univerfe, fcrV.
Father and artificer differ with refpeft to each other, fo far as the former is the caufe of
being, and the fupplier of union, but the latter of powers, and a multiform eflence j and
fo far as the former ftably comprehends all things in himfelf, but the latter is the caufe of
progreffion and generation ; and fo far as the former fignifies ineffable and divine Provi
dence, but the latter a copious communication of reafons or productive principles. But
this univerfe fignifies corporeal maffes, the whole fpheres, and thofe things which give
completion to each. It alfo fignifies the vital and intellectual powers which are carried in
the corporeal maffes. It likewife comprehends all mundane caufes, and the whole divi
nity of the world, about which the number of mundane gods proceeds. The one in
tellect, divine foul, and whole bulk of the univerfe, and its conjoined, divine, intellectual,
pfychical, and corporeal number, fince every monad has a multitude coordinate with
itfelf, are alfo to be affumed in the place of the world. For the univerfe fignifies all
thefe. Perhaps too the addition of this isfignificantof the world being in a certain re
fpect fenfible and partial. For the whole of an intelligible nature cannot be denomi
nated this, becaufe it comprehends all intellectual forms. But to the vifible univerfe
the particle xc&, or this, is adapted, in confequence of its being allotted a fenfible and ma
terial nature. It is difficult therefore, as he fays, to find the artificer of this univerfe.
For fince, with refpect to invention, one kind proceeds from things firft according to
fcience, but another from tilings fecondary according to reminifcence, invention from
things firft may be faid to be difficult, becaufe the difcovery of the powers which are
fituated
ON T H E TIMAEUS. 607
fituated'between, is the province of the higheft theory, but that from things fecondary
is ftill more difficult. For, in order to behold from thefe the effence of the demiurgus,
and the powers which he contains, it is neceffary to furvey the whole nature of his pro*
dudions. W e muft therefore behold all the apparent parts of the world, and its unap
parent powers, according to which the fympathy and antipathy of the parts in the uni
verfe fubfift; and prior to thefe ftable phyfical reafons and natures themfelves, both the
more partial and the more total, material and immaterial, divine and demonical, and
thofe of mortal animals. A n d further ftill, we muft furvey the genera of life, the eter
nal and the mortal, the undefiled and the material, the total and the partial, the rational
and the irrational, and all the completions pertaining to effences mere excellent than,
ours, through which every thi&g between fhe gods and a mortal nature is bound toge*
ther. W e muft alfo be able to perceive all various fouls, and different numbers of gods^
according to different parts of the univerfe, together with the ineffable and effable i m -
preffions ©f the world, through which it is conjoined with the father. For he w h o *
without surveying thefe, attempts the vifion of the demiurgus, will, through imperfecv
tion, be deprived of the intellectual perception of the father of the univerfe. But it is*
not lawful for any thing imperfect to be united with that which is all perfect. It is n e
ceffary, indeed, that the foul becoming an intellectual world, and aftimilated in her power
to the whole and intelligible world, fhould approach near to the maker of the univerfe,,
and through this approximation become familiar with him, through continuity of i n t e l
lectual projection. For an uninterrupted energy about any thing calls forth and r e -
fufcitates our effential reafons. But through this familiarity the foul, being stationed at-
the gate of the father, will become united with him. For the difcovery of him is this„-
to meet with him, to be united with him, to affociate alone with the alone, and to fee^
him with immediate vifion, the foul for this purpofe withdrawing herfelf from every o t h e r
energy. T h e difcovery therefore of the father of the univerfe is fuch as this, and n o t
that which is effected by opinion ; for fuch a difcovery is dubious, and not very remote,
from the irrational life. N o r yet is it fcientific ; for this is fyllogiftk and compofite, a n d
does not come into contact with the intellectual effence of the intellectual demiurgus-
But the difcovery of which Plato now fpeaks fubfifts according to immediate vifive
projection (xaia. ryjv STT&OXYIV TYJV civroirriKYiv), a contact with the intelligible, and an union,-
with the demiurgic intellect. For this may be properly denominated difficult, whether
2A
608 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
as laborious, and appearing to fouls after all the journey of life*, or as the true labour of
fouls. For after the wandering of generation and purification from its ftains, and after
the light of fcience, intelle&ual energy, and the intellect which is in us, will fhine forth,
eftablifhing as in a port the foul in the father of the univerfe, purely feating her in demi
urgic intellections, and conjoining light with light, not fuch as that of fcience, but more
beautiful, intellectual, and uniform than this. For this is the paternal port, and the
difcovery of the father, viz. an undented union with him.
But when Plato fays, " it is impoffible to reveal him through the miniftry of difcourfe
to all men," it perhaps indicates the cuftom of the Pythagoreans, who preferved in fe-
crecy affertions refpecting divine natures, and did not fpeak concerning them to the
multitude. For, as the Elean gueft in the .Sophifta fays* " The eyes of the multitude
•are not fufficiently ftrong to look to truth." This alfo, which is a much more venerable
4
affertion, may perhaps be faid, that it is impoffible for him who has difcovered the
father of the univerfe, to fpeak of him, fuch as he has feen him. For this difcovery
was not effected by the foul fpeaking, but by her being initiated in divine myfleries, and
^converting herfelf to the divine light; nor was it in confequence of her being moved
according to her proper motion, but from her becoming filent, according to that filence
which leads the way. For fince the effence of other things is not naturally adapted to
be enunciated through names, or through definition, -or even through fcience, but by
intelligence alone, as Plato fays in his feventh Epiftle, after what other manner is it pof
fible to difcover the effence of the demiurgus than intellectually ? Or fiow, having thus
difcovered him, can that which is feen be told through nouns and verbs, and commu
nicated to others ? For a difcurfive energy, -fince it is attended with compofition, is in
capable of reprefenting a uniform andfimplenature. But here fome one may fay, Do
we not affert many things concerning the demiurgus, and other gods, and concerning
the one itfelf, the principle of all things? We reply that we fpeak concerning them,
but we do not fpeak the or the very thing itfelf, which each of them is. And
we are able indeed to fpeak of them Jcientifically, but not intellectually: for this, as
we have faid before, is to difcover them. But if the difcovery is a filent energy of the
foul, how can fpeech flowing through the mouth be fufficient to lead into light thai
Sfhich is difcovered, fuch as it truly is ?
After this, Proclus, following, as he fays, the light of fcience, inveftigates w h o the-
demiurgus of the univerfe is, and in what order of things he ranks. For Nuraenius the
Pythagorean (fays h e ) , celebrating three gods, calls the firft father, the fecond maker\
and the third work or effect (TTO^/X*), for the world, according to him, is the third god - T
fo that with Numenius there is a two-fold demiurgus, viz. the firft and fecond god, b u t
that which is fabricated is the third divinity. Numenius, however, in thus fpeaking, in
the firft place, does not act rightly in connumera'ing the good with thefe caufes. For
the good, or the fupreme principle of things, is not naturally adapted to be conjoined with-
certain things, nor to poflefs an order fecondary t ) any thing. But with Plato father ist
here ranked after artificer. Further ftill, he coar anges that which is exempt from alt
habitude, viz. the ineffable caufe of all, with the natures under, and pofterior to, h i m -
But thefe things ought to be referred to subordinate natures, and all habitude fhould
be taken away from that which is firft. That whi:h is paternal therefore in the univerfer
cannot be adapted t o the firft principle of things. A n d , in the third place, it is n o t
right to divide father and artificer, fmce Plato celebrates one and the fame divinity b v
both thefe names. For one divine fabrication, and one fabricator and father, are every
where delivered by Plato-
bricating the world ? For it is either prior to the demiurgus, and fo according to Atticus
there will be fomething more antient than the good; or it will be in the demiurgus, and
fo that which isfirftwill be many, and not the one ; or it will be after the demiurgus, and
fo the good, which it is not lawful to affert, will be converted to things pofterior to itfelf,
and will intellectually apprehend them.
After thefe men, Plotinus the philofopher places a two-fold demiurgus, one in the
intelligible world, and the other the governor of the univerfe. And he fays rightly:
for in a certain refpect the mundane intellect is the demiurgus of the univerfe. But the
father and artificer, whom he places in the intelligible, is tranfcendently the demiurgus ;
Plotinus calling every thing between the one and the world intelligible: for there, ac
cording to him, the true heaven, the kingdom of Saturn, and the intellect of Jupiter,
fubfift. Juft as if any one fhould fay that the fphere of Saturn, that of Jupiter, and that
of Mars, are contained in the heavens: for the whole of an intelligible elfence is one
many, and is one intellect comprehending many intelligibles. And fuch is the doctrine
of Plotinus.
In the next place, Amelius (the difciple of Plotinus) makes a triple demiurgus, three
intellects, and three kings, one that is, the fecond that hath, and the third that fees.
But thefe differ, becaufe the firft intellect is truly that which is; but the fecond is indeed
the intelligible which it contains, yet has that which is prior to itfelf, participates entirely
of it, and on this account is the fecond. And the third is indeed likewife the intelligible
which it contains; for every intellect is the fame with its conjoned intelligible but it
contains that which is in the fecond, and fees the firft: for that which it poffeffes is ob-
fcure in proportion to its diftance from the firft. According to Amelius, therefore, thefe
three intellects and artificers are the fame as the three kings with Plato, and as Phanes,
Heaven, and Saturn, with Orpheus; and that which is efpecially the demiurgus according
to him is Phanes. To Amelius, however, it is proper t o ^ y , that Plato is every where
accuftomed to recur from multitude to the unities from which the order in the many
proceeds ; or rather prior to Plato, from the very order of things themfelves, the one is
always prior to multitude, and every divine order begins from a monad. For it is
indeed requifite that a diyine number fhould proceed from a triad *, but prior to the
triad
* As all things abide in their causes, proceed from them and return to them, as is demonftrnted by
JVoclus
ON T H E T T M ^ U S .
T o Porphyry fucceeds the divine Jamblichus, who having written largely againft the
opinion of Porphyry, and fubverting it as being Plotinean, delivers to us his own theology,
and calls all the intelligible world the demiurgus. If therefore he means that all things
fubfift demiurgically in the demiurgus, both being itfelf, and the intelligible world, h e
accords with himfelf, and alfo with Orpheus, who fays,
Proclus in his Elements of Theology, this must also be true of the immediate and first procession from the
highest god. The first offspring, therefore, from the ineffable principle of things will be an all-perfect
triad, the leader of a divine number j and in like manner every divine number will proceed from a triad,
and this from a monad: for there is no n u n ber prior to three, unity being the principle of number, and
the duad partaking of the nature both of unity and number. This will be evident from considering that
it is the property of number to receive a greater increase from multiplication than addition, viz. when
multiplied into itself j but unity is increased by being added to, but not by being multiplied by itself, and
two in consequence of its middle nature produces the same when added to, as when multiplied by itself.
Sec the Introduction to The Parmenides.
4 i 2 Nor
6\1 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
N o r is it in any refpect wonderful that each of the gods fhould be the univerfe, but at
t h e fame time each differently from the reft; one demiurgically, another according to
connecting comprehenfion (c-vvcxiKug), another immutably, and another in a flill different
manner according to a divine idiom. But if Jamblichus means that the whole extent
between the world and the one is the demiurgus, this indeed is worthy of doubt, and we
may reply to the affertion from what he himfelf has taught us. For where are the kings
prior to Jupiter, who arc the fathers of Jupiter ? Where are the kings mentioned by
Plato, whom Jamblichus arranges above the world, and about the one? And how can
w e fay that eternal being itfelf is the firft being, but that the demiurgus is the whole
intelligible order, who is himfelf alfo eternal being as well as animal itfelf? For fhall
w e not thus be compelled to fay that the demiurgus is not eternal being j unlefs fo far
r
as he alfo is comprehended together w ith other eternal beings ? But that Jamblichus
himfelf, though moft prolific in thefe things, has in fome of his other writings more
accurately celebrated the demiurgic order, may be inferred from this, that in fpeaking
concerning the fabrication o f Jupiter in the Timaeus, after the intelligible triads, and
the three triads of gods in the intellectual hebdomad, he afligns the third order in thefe
procefiions to the demiurgus. For he fays that thefe three gods are alfo celebrated by
the Pythagoreans, who denominate the firft of thefe intellects, and which comprehends
in itfelf total monads, fimple, indivifible, boniform, abiding in and united with itfelf, and
confider it as poffeffing fuch like figns of tranfeendency. But they fay that the moft
beautiful figns of the middle intellect:, and which collects together the completion of fuch
like natures, are that which is prolific in the gods, that which -congregates the three
intellects, replenifhes energy, is generative of divine life, and is the fource of progreffion
and beneficence to every thing. A n d they inform us that the moft illuftrious tokens of
the third intellect, which fabricates wholes, are prolific progreffions, fabrications and
connected comprehenfions of total caufes, whole caufes bounded in forms, and which
emit from themfelves all fabrications, and other prerogatives fimilar to thefe. It is pro
per, therefore, to judge from thefe affertions, what the Jamblichean theology is concern
ing the demiurgus of w h i l e s .
After him 'f heodorus*, following Amelius, fays, that there are three artificers; but he
does not arrange them immediately after the one, but at the extremity cf the intelligible
and intellectual gods. H e likewife calls one of thefe effential intellect, another intellcc-
tual effence, and another the fountain of fouls; and fays that the firfl: is indivifible, the
fecond is diftributed into wholes, and that the third has made a diftribution into par
ticulars. Again, therefore, we may fay the fame things to him as we faid to the noble
Amelius, that we acknowledge thefe to be three gods, or analogous to thefe, but not
alfo three artificers; but we fay that one of thefe is the intelligible of the demiurgus,
the fecond his generative power, and the third that which is truly demiurgic intellect.
But it is requifite to confider whether the fountain of fouls is to be arranged as th-2
third : for power belongs to the middle, as he alfo fays, and hence the fountain of fouls
fhould be partially, and not univerfally, denominated the fountain of life. For the
fountain of fouls is only one of the fountains in this middle; fmce life is not in fouls
only, nor in animated natures alone, but there is -alfo divine and intellectual life prior
to that of the foul, which they fay, proceeding from this middle, emits a diverfity of life
from diftributed channels. Such then, in fhort, are the dogmas of antient interpreters
refpecting the demiurgus.
Let us now, therefore, briefly relate the conceptions of our preceptor on this fubject,
and which we think accord in a very eminent degree with thofe of Plato. The demi
urgus, therefore, according to him, poffeffes the extremity * of the intellectual divine
monads, and the fountains of life, emitting from himfelf total fabrication, and imparting
dominion to the more partial fathers of wholes. He is likewife immovable, being
eternally eftablifhed on the fummit of Olympus, and ruling over two-fold worlds, the
fuperceleftial and celeftial, and comprehending the beginning, middle, and end of all
things. For of every demiurgic diftribution, one kind is of wholes with a total fub
fiftence, another of wholes with a partial fubfiftence, another of parts with a totalf,
and another of parts with a partial fubfiftence. But fabrication being fourfold, the
demiurgic mor.ad binds in itfelf the total providence of wholes, but a demiurgic triad
is fufpended f: ora it which governs parts totally, and diftributes the power of the
* There are three divine orders, which according to antient theologists are said to comprehend the total
orders of the gods, viz. the intelligible, (the immediate progeny of the ineffable principle of things,) the
intelligib'e and at the same time intellectual; and the intellectual order. The demiurgus of the universe
*ubiirt5 at the extremity of this last.
+ There is wanting here in the original ro U rw psftov oAixwf.
monad;
A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
monad*; juft as in the other, or partial fabrication, a monad is the leader of a triad
which orderly diftributes wholes partially, and parts partially. But all the multitude of
the triad revolves round the monad, is diftributed about it, divides its fabrications, and
is filled from it. If thefe things then are righ iy afferted, the demiurgus of wholes
is the boundary of the intellectual gods, being eft iblifhed indeed in the intelligible, but
full of power, according to which he produc .*s wholes, and converts all things to him
felf. Hence Timaeus call him intellect, and the bdft of caufes, and fays that he looks to
an intelligible paradigm, that by this he may feparate him from the firft intelligible
gods; but by calling him intellect, he places him in an order different from that of the
gods, wVo are both intelligible and intellectual: and by the appellation of the beft of
caufes, he eftablifhes him above all other fupermundane fabricators. He is, therefore,
an intellectual god exempt from all other fabricators. But if he was the firft f deity
in the intellectual order, he would poffefs a permanent charadteriftic, abiding after his
accuftomed mode: for this is the illuftrious prerogative of the firft intellectual god.
If he was the fecond J deity of this order he would be particularly the caufe of life ; but
now in generating foul, he energizes indeed together with the crater, but is effentially
intellect. He is therefore no other than the third || of the intellectual fathers: for his
peculiar work is the production of intellect, and not the fabrication of body. For he
makes body,yet not alone, but in conjunction with neceffity; but he makes intellect through
himfelf. Nor is it his peculiar work to produce foul: for he generates foul together
with the crater; but he alone both gives fubfiftence to and caufes intellect to prefide over
the univerfe. As he is therefore the maker of intellect, he very properly has alfo an in
tellectual order. Hence he is called by Plato, fabricator and father ; and is neither
father alone, nor fabricator alone, nor again, father and fabricator. For the extremes are
father § and fabricator ; the former poffeffing the fummit of intelligibles, and fubfifting
prior to the royal feries, and the latter fubfifting at the extremity of the order; and the
called artificer andfather; and Vulcan, who is the fabricator of a corporeal nature, is called artificer alone,
one
ON THE TIM.E US. frl 5
one being the monad of paternal deity, and the other being allotted a fabricative power in
the univerfe. But between both thefe are, father and at the fame time artificer, and
artificer and at the fame time father. For each of thefe is not the fame ; but in the one
the paternal, and in the other the fabricative has dominion; and the paternal is better
than the fabricative. Hence the firft of the two media is more characterized by father;
for, according to the Oracle, " he is the boundary of the paternal profundity, and the
0
fountain of intellectual natures. But the fecond of the media is more characterized by
cator: for he is the monad of total fabrication. Whence alfo I think that the former
is called Metis (/^r/c) but the latter Metietes (jAn™~*ii)and the former is feen, but the
latter fees. The former alfo is fwallowed up, but the latter is fatiated with the power
of the former; and what the former is in intelligibles, that the latter is in intellectuals;
for the one is the boundary of the intelligible, and the other of the intellectual gods.
Likewife concerning the former Orpheus fays, "The father made thefe things in a dark
c a v e r n b u t concerning the latter, Plato fays, " O f whom I am the demiurgus and
father." And in his Politicus he reminds us of the doctrine of the demiurgus and father;
becaufe the former of thefe divinities is more characterized by the paternal, and the latter
by the demiurgic peculiarity. But every god is denominated from his idiom, though at
the fame time he comprehends all things. And the divinity indeed, who is ajene the
maker or artificer, is the caufe of mundane natures ; but he who is both artificer and
father is the caufe of fupermundane and mundane natures. He who is father and
artificer is the caufe of intellectual, fupermundane, and mundane natures; and he who
is father alone is the caufe of things intelligible, intellectual, fupermundane and mun
dane. Plato, therefore, thus reprefenting the demiurgus, leaves him ineffable and with
out a name, as fubfifting prior to wholes, in the allotment of the good. For in every
order of gods there is that which is analogous to the 07ie; and of this kind is the monad
in every world. But Orpheus alfo gives him a name as being thence moved; and in
this he is followed by Plato in other parts of his writings: for the Jupiter with him, who
is prior to the three fons of Saturn, is the demiurgus of univerfe.
After the abforption, therefore, of Phanes, the ideas of all things appeared in Jupiter,
as the theologift (Orpheus) fays :
Hence with the universe great Jove contains
Hcav'n's splendid height, and aether's ample plains;
TU
6i6 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
But being full of ideas, through thefe he comprehends wholes in himfelf, which alfo
the theologifl indicating, adds,
Jove is the first and last, high thund'ring king;
Middle and head, and all things spring from Jove.
King Jove the root of earth and heav'n contains:
One power, one daemon is the source of all.
For in Jove's royal body all things lie,
Fire, earth, and water, aether, night, and day.
Jupiter, therefore, comprehending wholes, at the fame time gives fubfiftence to all thinga
in conjunction with Night. Hence to Jupiter thus inquiring, .
Tell me how all things will as one subsist,
Yet each its nature separate preserve ?
Night replies,
All tilings receive enclos'd on ev'ry side,
In aether's wide inerfable embrace:
Then in the midst of aether place the heav'n,
In whteh let earth of infinite extent,
The sea, and stars, the crown of heav'n, be fixt.
And Jupiter is inftructed by Njght in all the fubfequent mundane fabrication : but after
fhe has laid down rules refpecting all other productions, fhe adds,
But wben around the whole your pow'r has spread
A strong coercive bond, a golden chain
Suspend from aether.
viz. a chain perfectly ftrong and indiffoluble, proceeding from nature, foul and intellect.
for being bound, fays Plato, with animated bonds, they became animals,
O N T H E T I M i E U S . 617
. the golden chain suspend from aether.
The divine orders above the world * being denominated Homerically a golden chain.
And Plato, emulating Homer, fays in this dialogue, " that the demiurgus binding intellect
in foul, and foul in body, fabricated the univerfe, and that he gave fubfiftence to the
junior gods, through whom alfo he adorns the parts of the world." If therefore it is
Jupiter who poifeffes one power, who fwallows Phanes in whom the intelligible caufes of
wholes primarily fubfift, who produces all things according to the admonitions of Night,
and who confers dominion both on other gods and the three fons of Saturn, he it
is who is the one and whole demiurgus of the univerfe, poffeffing the fifth order among
thofe gods that rank as kings, as is divinely fhown by our preceptor in his Orphic con
ferences, and who is coordinate with Heaven and Phanes; and on this account he is
artificer and father, and each of thefe totally.
But that Plato alfo has thefe conceptions concerning the mighty Jupiter is evident
from the appellations which he gives him in the Cratylus, evincing that he is the caufe
and the fupplier of life to all things : for, fays he, that through which life is"~imparted
to all things is denominated by us hoc and tyvot. But in the Gorgias, he coordinates
him with the fons of Saturn, and at the fame time gives him a fubfiftence exempt from
them, that he may be prior to the three, and may be participated by them, and efta-
blifhes Law together with him, in the fame manner as Orpheus. For, from the admo
nitions of Night, according to Orpheus, Law is made the affeffor of Jupiter, and is efta
blifhed together with him. Further ftill, Plato in his Laws, conformably to the theolo-
gift, reprefents total Juftice as the affociate of Jupiter: and in the Philebus he evinces
that a royal foul and a royal intellect prefubfift in Jupiter according to the reafon of
caufe; agreeably to which he now alfo defcribes him as giving fubfiftence to intellect
and foul, as unfolding the laws of fate, and producing all the orders of mundane gods
and animals, as far as to the laft of things; generating fome of thefe by himfelf alone,
and others through the celeftiai gods as media. In the Politicus alfo he calls Jupiter the
demiurgus and father of the univerfe, in the fame manner as in this dialogue, and fays
that the prefent order of the world is under Jupiter, and that the world is governed
* Instead of ?wv Seiwv it^afywv VTTO ruv eyKoa-^nuy^ as in the original, it is necessary to read as in our
translation tuv %ciwv rafewv wrftp ruv tyxovpuv.
according to fate. T h e world, therefore, living a life under the domionion of Jupiter,
has Jupiter for the demiurgus and father of its life. T h e divine poet Homer likewife
reprefents him fabricating on the fummit of Olympus, (" Hear m e , ail ye gods and
goddeffes !") and converting the two-fold coordinations of divinities to himfelf. Through
the whole of his poetry, too, he calls him the fupreme of rulers, and the father of men
and gods, and celebrates him with all demurgic conceptions. Since, therefore, accord
ing to all the Grecian theology, the fabrication of the univerfe is afcribed to Jupiter,
what ought we to think refpecting thefe words of Plato ? Is it not that the deity which
is celebrated by him as artificer and father is the fovereign Jupiter, and that he is
neither father alone, nor father and artificer ? For the father was the monad, as the
Pythagoreans fay : but he is this very order of gods, the decad, at which number pro
ceeding from the retreats of the monad arrives, this being a univerfal recipient, venerable,
circularly inverting all things with bound, immutable, unwearied, and which they call
the facred decad. After the paternal monad, therefore, and the paternal and at the
fame time fabricative tetrad, the demiurgic decad proceeds; being immutable indeed,
becaufe immutable deity is confubfiflent with it, but invefting all things with bound, as
being the fupplier of order to things difordered, and of ornament to things unadorned,
and illuminating fouls with intellect, as being itfelf intellect totally ; body with foul, as
poffefTing and comprehending the caufe of f o u l ; and producing things which are truly
generated as middle and laft, in confequence of containing in itfelf demiurgic being.
P. 4 8 5 . In the firft place, he received one part from the whole, &c.
After Proclus has difcuffed every thing pertaining to the mathematical fpeculation of
the pfychogonic * diagram, an epitome of which w e have given in the Introduction to this
dialogue, he proceeds to a more principal and profound explanation of this part of the
Timaeus, as follows: In the firft place, fays he, we think it proper to fpeak about the
divifion o f the foul, according to which it is divided in thefe ratios, and likewife to remove
whatever may be an impediment to us in apprehending the truth concerning it. Let n o
one therefore think that this divifion is corporeal, for we have before mown that the
m e d i u m of the foul is exempt from body, and from the whole of that effence which is
divided about it. Nor let any one who admits that it is better than body fuppofe that it
ought to be divided after the fame manner as the extremes and intervals by which body is
meafured. For things which poffefs interval, are not totally through the whole of
themfelves prefent to themfelves, and when divided are not able to preferve an unconfufed
union. But foul, participating of an impartible defliny, is united to itfelf, and exhibits all
the fame elements fubfifting in all the fame. N o r again, let any one fuppofe that this
is a feetion of number. For foul is indeed number, but not that which fubfifts according
to quantity, but that which is effential, felf-begotten, uniform, and converted to itfelf.
N o r let any one compare the prcfence of thefe ratios in all things to fpermatic reafons:
for thofe arc imperfect, corporeal and material, and are in every refpect furpaifed by the
immaterial and pure effence of the reafons of the foul. N o r yet let any one aflirnilate
the above-mentioned parts to the theorems of fcience, in confequence of each poffefling
the whole : for we do not now confider the knowledge, but the effence of the foul.
N o r is it proper to think that diverfities of offences are fimilar to the diftinctions of
habits: for the latter are all-varioufly diverfified in thofe that poffefs them, but the
former are eftablifhed with a famenefs of fubfiftence in demiurgic boundaries. It is
requifite, therefore, to fufpend the primary principle of the pfychogonic divifion from
a demiurgic caufe, and from thofe perfect meafures which eternally prefubfift in beings,
and to which the demiurgus alfo looking divides the foul. For as he divides this
univerfe by intelligible paradigms, fo alfo he feparates the effence of the foul by the
moft beautiful boundaries, affnnilating it to more antient and principal caufes. The
mode, therefore, of divifion is immaterial, intellectual, undefiled, perfective of the effence
of the foul, generative of the multitude it contains, collective through harmony inio
one order, and connective of things divided ; at the fame time being the caufe of the
unmingled purity in the foul, and producing a confluent communion of reafons. And
the demiui- ^ indeed to con fume the whole by dividing it into parts : and thus,
after a man: i r , Timeeus alio afferts; for he fays, that the demiurgus con fumed the
whole from which he feparated thefe parts. But as he had prcvioufly faid that foul is
not only partible, but alio impartible, it is requifite to preferve both, and to confider that
while the whokivt's remains impartible, a divifion into multitude is produced: for if
we take one of thefe only, I mean the R el inn, we fhall make it only indivifible. The
whole, therefore, is divided together with the whole remaining impartible j fo that it
4 K 2 equally
620 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
But let the mode of its explanation accord with the effence of the foul, being remote
from apparent harmony, but recurring to effential and immaterial harmony, and fending
us from images to paradigms. For the fymphony which flows into the ears, and confifts
in founds and pulfations, is entirely different from that which is vital and intellectual.
Let no one therefore flop at the mathematical fpeculation of the prefent paffage, but
let him excite in himfelf a theory adapted to the effence of the foul. N o t let him think
that w e fhould look to intervals, or differences of motions; for thefe things are very
remote, and are by no means adapted to the propofed object of inquiry; but let him
* That which ultimately connects bodies must necessarily be impartible; for if it also consisted of parts,,
those parts would require something else as the cause of their connection, and this something else, if also
partible, another connecting principle, and so on ad infinitum. Body, therefore, derives its connection from
the presence of something incorporeal.
+ Whole, as Proclus soon after this informs us, has a triple subsistence, prior to parts, in a part, and
posterior to parts. We have a beautiful image of the first of these of which Proclus is now speaking, in the
centre of a circle considered as subsisting with the extremities of the radii terminating in it. For these ex
tremities, considered as giving completion to the centre, so far as centre, may be said to be as it were parts
of it j but when they are considered as they may be, as proceeding from the centre, they are posterior
O N T H E T I M i E U S . 621
confider the affertions effentially, and examine how they indicate the medium pertaining
to the foul, and how they exhibit demiurgic providence. In the firft place, therefore,
fince wholenefs is triple, one being prior to parts, another fubfifting from parts, and
another in each of the parts, that wholenefs of the foul which is now delivered is that
which fubfifts prior to parts; for the demiurgus made it one whole prior to all divifion,
which, as we have faid, remains fuch as it is, without being confumed in the production of
the parts : for to be willing to diffolve that which is well harmonized is the province
of an evil artificer. He would however diffolve it, if he confumed the whole in the
parts. But Plato inftnuates that wholenefs which confifts from parts, when he reprefents
the demiurgus confuming the whole mixture in the fection of the effence of the foul,
and renovating the whole of it through the harmony of its parts; this whole receiving
its completion from all according parts. And a little further on he will teach us that
wholenefs which fubfifts in each of its parts, when he divides the whole foul into certain
circles, and attributes all the above-mentioned ratios to them, which he has already ren
dered apparent j for he fays that the three are in each of the parts, in the fame manner as
in the whole. Every part, therefore, is in a certain refpect a triadic whole, after the fame
manner as the whole. Hence it is neceffary that the foul fhould have three wholeneffes,
becaufe it animates the univerfe, which is a whole of wholes, each of which is a whole
as in a part. A s it therefore animates in a two-fold refpect, viz. both that which is a
whole, and thofe wholes which are as parts, it requires two wholeneffes; and it tran-
fcends the natures which are animated, poffeffing fomething external to them, fo as, in
the language of Timceus, to furround the univerfe as with a veil. Hence by the whole*
nefs prior to parts it entirely runs above the univerfe, and by the other two connects it,
and the natures which it contains; thefe alfo fubfifting as wholes.
In the next place, we muft cbferve that Plato, proceeding from the beginning to the
end, prefervcs that which is monadic and alfo that which is dyadic in the foul: for he
reduces its hyparxis into effence, famenefs, and difference, and bifects number, beginning
from one part, into the double and triple; and contemplating the media, he compre
hends two in one, and according to each of thefe unfolds two-fold ratios, the fefquialter
and fefquitertian, and again cuts thefe into fefquioctaves and remainders (tetffljuxTu),
In what follows alfo, he divides one length into two, and one figure of the foul into two
periods j and, in fhort, he very properly never feparates the dyadic from the monadic ;,
for
622 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
for to intellect the monadic alone is adapted, on which account it is alfo impartible, but
to body the dyadic; and hence, in the generation of a corporeal nature, he begins from
the duad of fire and earth, and arranges two other genera of elements between thefe.
But foul fubfifting between body and intellect is at the fame time a monad and a duad ;
and this becaufe in a certain refpect it equally participates of bound and infinity; juft as
intellect is allied to bound, but body more accords with infinity, through its fubject
matter, and its divifion ad infinitum. And if after this manner fome have referred the
impartible and partible to the monad and indefinite duad, they have fpoken agree
ably to things themfelves ; but if they have confidered the foul to be number in no refpect
differing from monadic numbers, their affertions have been utterly difcordant with the
effence of the foul. It is therefore at the fame time both a monad and duad, refembling
by the monadic, intellectual bound, and by the dyadic, infinity ; or by the former being
the image of the impartible, and by 'the latter the paradigm of partible natures. This
alfo fhould be confidered, that Timasus here fpeaks of a two-fold work of the demiurgus:
for he divides the foul into parts, and harmonizes the divided portions, and renders
them accordant with each other. But in fo doing he at the fame time energizes both
Dionyfiacally and Apolloniacally. For to divide and produce wholes into parts, and
to prefide over the diftribution of fpecies, is Dionyfiacal; but to perfect all things har-
monioufly is Apolloniacal. A s the demiurgus, therefore, comprehends in himfelf the
caufe of both thefe gods, he divides and harmonizes the foul: for the hebdomad is a
number common to both thefe divinities; fince theologifts fay that Bacchus was divided
into feven parts, and they afcribe the heptad to Apollo, as the power that connects all fym-
phonies ; for in the monad, duad, and tetrad, from which the hebdomad is compofed,
the difdiapafon firft confifts. Hence they call the god, the leader of the hebdomad,
and affert that the feventh day is facred to him : for they fay that on that day Apollo was
born from Latona, in the fame manner as Diana on the fixth day. This number, there
fore, in the fame manner as the triad, accedes to the foul from fuperior caufes ; the triad
indeed from intelligible, but the hebdomad from intellectual* caufes. But the heb-
* The number 7, according to the Pythagoreans, is the image of intellectual l i g h t } and hence the intel
lectual orde'- is hebdomadic, consisting of two triads, viz. S a t u r n , Klua, J u p i t e r , a n d t h e t h r e e C u r e t e s ,
and a separating monad which is called by antient t h e o l e g i s l s Ocean. S e c t h e huh b o o k o f Proclus on
Plato's Theology, and the Introduction and Notes to the Parmenides.
domad
O N T H E T I M A E U S . 023
domad is derived from thefe gods, that the divifion into feven parts may be a fign of the
Dicnyiiacal fcries, and of that dilaceration which is celebrated in fables. For it is re
q u i r e that the foul participating a Dionyfiacal intellect, and, as Orpheus fays, carrying
the god on her head, mould be divided after the fame manner as he is divided; and
that the harmony which fhe poifeffjain thefe parts mould be a fymbol of the Apolloniacal
order. For in the fables* ,vfpecting this god, it is Apollo who collects and unites the
lacerated members of Bacchus, according to the will of his father.
In the next place, three middles are affumed, which not only in the foul, but alfo every
where fhadow forth the daughters of Themis, who are three, as well as thefe middles :
for the geometrical middle is the image of Eunomia; and hence in the Laws Plato
fays, that fhe governs polities, and is the judgment of Jupiter, adorning the univerfe,
and comprehending in herfelf the truly political fcience. But the harmonic middle is
the image of Juftice, which diftributes a greater ratio t to greater, and a leffer to leffer
terms, this being the employment of Juftice. A n d the arithmetical middle is the
image of Peace : for it is fhe, as he alfo fays in the Laws, who attributes to all things the
equal according to quantity, and makes people preferve peace with people, for the
folid proportion prior to thefe is facred to their mother Themis, w h o comprehends all
the powers of thefe. A n d thus much generally refpecting thefe three middles.
That we may, however, fpeak of them more particularly, it is requifite to obferve that
they are unific and connective of the effence of the foul, viz. they are unions, analogies,
and bonds. Hence Timaeus alfo calls them bonds. For above, he fays, that the geo
metric middle IS the moft beaufiful of bonds, and that the others are contained in t h i s ;
but every bond is a certain union. If, therefore, thefe middles arc bends, and bonds
are unions of the things b o u n d , the confequence is evident. Thefe therefore pervade
through the whole offence of the foul, and caufe it to be one from many wholes, as they
are allotted a power which can bind various forms. But thefe being three, the geome
tric binds every thing which is effential in fouls: for effence is one reafon J which per
vades through all thing?, and connects things IIIFT, middle, and laft, in the fame manner
as in the geometric middle there is one and the fame ratio which perfectly pervades
through three terms. T h e harmonic middle connects all the divided famenefs of fouls,
imparting a communion of reafons to the extremes, and a kindred conjunction; this
famenefs which it connects being more apparent in more total, but lefs apparent in more
partial fouls. A n d the arithmetic middle binds the all-various difference of the progref
fion of the foul, and is lefs inherent in things greater according to order, but more in
fuch as are leffer. For difference has dominion in more partial natures, juft as famenefs
has in fuch as are more total and more excellent. Thofe middles alfo may be compared
with each other, in the fame manner as famenefs and difference: and as effence is the
monad of thefe, fo the geometric middle of thofe. T h e geometric middle therefore is
the union of all the effences which are comprehended in the thirty-four terms. The har
monic is the union of equally numerous identities, and the arithmetic of differences ;
all thefe middles at the fame time being extended through all the terms. For how could
a certain whole be produced from them, unlefs they were as much aspoftible united with
each other, effentially indeed by one of thefe, but varioufly by the other two? Hence
thefe two become the fupplement of the geometric middle, juft as famenefs and differ
ence contribute to the confummation of effence *, for in confequence of their poffeffing
contrariety to each other, the geometric middle conciliates their diffenfion, and unites
their interval. For the harmonic middle, as we have faid, diftributes greater ratios to
greater, and leffer to leffer terms : fince it evinces that things greater and more total ac
cording to effence are more comprehenfive, and tranfeend in power fubject natures. But
the arithmetic middle, on the contrary, diftributes leffer ratios to greater terms, and
greater ratios to leffer terms*. For difference prevails more in fubordinate natures, as, on
the contrary, the dominion of famenefs is more apparent in fuperior than in inferior na
tures. A n d the geometric middle extends the fame ratio to all the terms, illuminating
union to things firft, middle, and laft, through the prefence of effence to all things. The
demiurgus, therefore, imparts to the foul three connective unions, which Plato calls
middles, becaufe they appear to bind the middle order of the univerfe. For the geo
metric collects the multitude of effences, and unites effential progreffions ; fince one
* Thus, in the numbers 6", 4 , 2 , which are in arithmetic proportion, the ratio of 6 to 4 , i. e. the ratio of
the greater terms is less than the ratio of 4 to 2, the ratio of the lesser terms; for the ratio of 6 to 4 is l | ,
but that of 4 to 2 is 2.
ratio
ON THE T'lMJEVSi 625
ratio is an image of union. But the harmonic binds total identities and their hyparxes
into one communion j and the arithmetic conjoins firft, middle, and laft differences.
For, in fhort, difference is the mother of numbers, as we learn in the Parmenides.
But in every part there were thefe three, viz. effence, famenefs, and difference ; and it is
requifite that all thefe fhould be conjoined with each other through a medium, and bind*
ing reafons.
In the next place, we fay that the foul is a plenitude of reafons, being more fimple
indeed than fenfibles, but more compofite than intelligibles. Hence Timaeus affumes
feven ratios in it, viz. the ratio of equality, mutiple, fubmultiple, fuperparticular, and
fuperpartient, and the oppofites of thefe, the fubfuperparticular and fubfuperpartient
ratios *: but he does not affume the ratios which are compofed from thefe; fince they
are adapted to corporeal natures, which are compofite and divifible ; while on the con
trary the ratios in the foul proceed indeed into multitude and divifion, but at the fame
time, together with multitude, exhibit fimplicity, and the uniform together with divi
fion. Neither therefore like intellect is it allotted an effence in the monad and the im
partible (for intellect is alone monadic and impartible) j nor is it multitude and divifion
alone.
Again, it is requifite to underftand that numbers which are more fimple and nearer to
the monad have a more principal fubfiftence than fuch as are more compofite; fince
Plato alfo eftablifhes one part prior to all thofe that follow, refers all of them to this, and
ends in thofe which are efpecially compofite and folid. This then being admitted, I fay
that equality, and the ratio of equality, have the ratio of a monad to all ratios; and what the
monad is in effential quantity, that the equal is t in relative quantity. Hence, according to
this reafoning, the foul introduces a common meafure to all things which fubfift according
to the fame ratios, and one idea bearing an image of famenefs ; but according to the multi
ple
• For an account of these ratios, see the Note to the 8th Book of the Republic on the-Geometric Num
ber, vol. i.
t That all the species of inequality of ratio proceed from equality of ratio may be shown as follows :—
•Let there be any three eqnal terms, as, for inslance, three unities, 1 , 1 , 1. Let the first therefore be
placed equal.to the first, viz. 1 j the second to the first and second added together, viz. to 2 ; and let the
third be equal to the first, twice the second, and the third added together, viz. to I, 2, 1, or 4 . This
V O L . ii. 4 L will
626 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
pie and fubmultiple ratio, it governs all feries, connects wholes themfelves, and exhibits
every whole form of mundane natures often produced by it in all things. Thus, for inftance,
it exhibits the folar and lunar form in divine, docmonical, and human fouls, in irrational
animals, in plants, and in (tones themfelves. It poffeffes therefore the feries as one accord
ing to multiple ratio, the whole of which repeatedly appears in the fame feries, and adorns
the mofl; univerfal genera by more partial feries. But by fuperparticular and fubfuperpar-
ticular ratios it governs things which fubfifl as wholes in their participants, and are par
ticipated according to one of the things which they contain. A n d , according to fuper-
partient and fubfuperpartient ratios, it governs fuch things as are participated wholly in
deed by fecondary natures, but in conjunction with a divifion, into multitude. Thus,
for inftance, man participates of animal, and the whole form is in him, yet, not alone,
but at the fame time, the whole is according to one thing, viz. the human form j fo
that, together with the whole, and one certain thing* which is a part of it, it is prefent
to its participant. But things which are called common genera, participate indeed of
one genus, yet do not participate of this alone, but together with this of many other
general which are parts, and not a part of that one genus. Thus, for inftance, a mule
participates of the fpecies, from which it has a mixt generation. Each fpecies therefore
cither participates of one genus according to one thing, and imitates the fuperparticular
will produce duple proportion, viz. 1 , 2 , 4. By the same process with 1 , 2 , 4, triple proportion will
arise, viz. 1, 3 , Q. ; and by a like process with this again, quadruple proportion, and so on. Multiple
proportion being thus produced from equal terms, by inverting the order of these terms, and adopting the
same process, sesquialter will be produced from duple proportion, sesquitertian from triple, &c. Tims, for
instance, let the three terms 4 , 2 , 1, be given, which form a duple proportion: let the first be placed
equal to the first, viz. to 4 ; the second to the first and second, viz. to 6 j and the third to the hrJ, twice
the second, and the third, viz. to 4 , 4 , 1, or 9 , and we shall have 4 , 0 \ <j, which forma sesquialter pro
portion j for *- = 1-J = | . By a like process with 9, 3 , 1 , which form a triple proportion, a sesquitertian
proportion will arise, viz. 9, 1 2 , 10*; and so of otfier species of superparticular proportion. In like manner,
by inverting the terms which compose superparticular proportion, all the species of superparticnt proportions
will arise. And hence it appears that equality is the principle of all inequalities, in the same manner r»s
the monad of all numbers.
* T h u s in the superparticular ratio of 3 to 2 , 2 is ccntaine.t in 3 , and together with it one part of 2 , viz.
the \ of it.
$ Tims in the superpartient ratio of 10 to 6, 6 is contained in 10, and together with it two parti 016, viz.
A:, which is two-thirds of 6.
ratio,
ON THE TIMJEUS. fef
ratio, which contains the whole, and one part of the whole ; or it participates of one
common genus, and which is extended to many fpecies, and thus imitates the fuperpar-
tient ratio, which, together with the whole, contains more parts of it than one : and
there is not any participation of formsbefides thefe. Looking therefore to thefe things,
we can eafily affign the caafe of thofe things which fubfift according to one fpecies, as
for inftance of the fun, the moon, and man ; and alfo of thofe which fubfift according
to many fpecies in conjunction with that which is common. For there are many fuch
like natures both in the earth and fea, as, for inftance, fatyrs and marine nymphs, the upper
parts of which rcfomblc the human form, and t h e lower t h e extremities of goats and
fifnes. There is alfo faid to be a fpecies of dragons with the faces of lions, fuch as thefe
poffeffing an effence mingled from many things* All thefe ratios therefore are very pro
perly preaffumed in the foul, becaufe they bound all the participations of forms in the
univerfe ; nor can there be any other ratios of communion befides thefe, fince all things
are deduced into fpecies according to thefe.
Again, therefore, a h.bdomad of ratios correfponds to a hebdomad of parts ; and the
whole foul through the whole of it is hebdomadic in its parts, in its ratios, and in its
circles, being characterized by the number feven. For if the demiurgic intellect is a
monad, but foul primarily proceeds from intellect, it will fubfift as the hebdomad with
refpect to it: for the hebdomad is paternal and motherlefs *. And perhaps equality im
parts a communion equally to all the ratios of the foul, that all may communicate with
ail. But multiple ratio indicates the manner in which natures that have more of the na
ture of unity meafure fuch as arc multiplied, wholly pervading through the whole of
them ; and alfo the manner in which impartible natures meafure fuch as are more dif
tributed. Supeiparticular and fubfuperparticular ratio appears to fignify the differences
according to which total reafons do not wholly communicate with each other, but pof
fefs indeed a partial habitude, yet are conjoined according to one particular thing be
longing to them which is moft principal.. And the fuperpartient and fubfuperpartient
ratio indicates the laft nature, according to which the communion of the reafons of the
foul is divifible, and multiplied through fubjection. For the more fublime reafons are
wholly united to the whole of themfelves ; but thofe of a middle fubfiftence are not
* T h e hebdomad is said to be motherless, because in monadic numbers 7 is not produced by the multi
plication of any two numbers between 1 and 10.
4 L 2 united.
6'28 ADDITIONAL NOTES
united to the whole of themfelves, but are conjoined according to their higheft: p a n ;
and thofe that rank in the third degree are divifibly connafcent according to multi
tude. T h u s , for inftance, effence communicates with all reafons, meafuring all their pro
greflions ; for there is nothing in them uneflential: but famenefs being itfelf a genus,
efpecially collects into one communion the fummits of thefe; and difference in a particu
lar manner meafures their progreflions and divifions. T h e communion therefore of the
ratios of the foul is every where exhibited : for it is either all-perfect, or it alone fubfifts
according to fummits, or according to extenfions into multitude.
Again, therefore, let us in the next place attend to the manner in which the feven
parts fubfift*. T h e firft part, indeed, is moft intellectual and the fummit of the foul,
being conjoined with the one, and the hyparxis of its whole effence. Hence it is called
o n e , as being uniform-, its number is comprehended in union, and it is analogous to the
caufe and the center of the foul. For the foul abides according to this, and fubfifts in
unproceeding union with wholes. A n d the tetrad indeed is in the firft monads, on ac
count of its {lability, and its rejoicing in equality and famenefs. But the number 8 is in
the monads o f the fecond order, through its fubjection, and that providence of the foul
which extends itfelf from its fupreme part, as far as to the laft of things. T h e triad is
in the monads of the third order, through the circular progreflion of the multitude in it,
to the all-perfect. A n d at the fame time it is manifeft from thefe things as images, that
the fummit of the foul, though it is uniform, is not purely one, but that this alfo is united
multitude, juft as the m o n a d f is not without multitude, but is at the fame time m o n a d ;
but the one of the gods is alone one. And the one of intellect is indeed more one than
.multitude, though this alfo is multiplied ; but the one of the foul is fimilarly one and mul
titude, juft as the one of the natures pofterior to foul, and which are divided about bodies*
is more multitude than one. A n d the one of bodies is not fimply one, but a phantafm
and image of the one. Hence the Elean gueft in the Sophifta fays, that every thing
corporeal is broken in pieces, as having an adventitious one, and never ceafing to be di
vided. T h e fecond part multiplies the part prior to it by generative progreflions, which
• Let it be remembered that the first numbers of the soul are, as we have observed in the Introduction to
t h i s Dialogue, 1 , 2, 3, 4, 9, 8 , 27.
t In the dissertation on nullities, at the end of mj translation of Aristotle's Metaphysics, I have demon
stratively shown that infinite multitude is contained causally in the monad.
the
ON THE TIM.EUS. 629
the duad indicates, and unfolds all the progreffions of effence. Hence alfo it is faid to
be double of the firft, as imitating the indefinite duad and intelligible infinity. But
the third part converts the whole foul again to its principle : and it is the third part of
it which is convolved to the principles, and which indeed is meafured by the firft part,
as being filled with union from it, but is more partially conjoined to the fecond part.
Hence it is faid to be triple of that, but fefquialter of this : for it is indeed contained from
the half by the fecond part, as not poffeffing an equal power, but is perfectly contained
by the firft. Again the fourth, and alfo the fifth part, peculiarly evince that the foul pre
fides over fecondary natures : for thefe parts are intellectual caufes of thofe incorporeals
which are divided about bodies, fince they are fuperficies and tetragonic ; this being de
rived from the fecond, but that from the third part j for the fourth part is the fource of
progreflion and generation, and the fifth of converfion and perfection. For both are fuper
ficies; but the one fubfifts twice from the fecond, and the other proceeds thrice from the
#
third. And if appears that the one , imitating the procefTion about body, is productive
of generative powers, but that the other f is productive of intellectual regreflions: for
all knowledge converts that which knows to the thing known; juft as every nature
wifhes to generate, and to make a progreffion downwards. The fixth and feventh parts
infert in the foul the primary caufes of bodies, and of folid bulks: for thefe numbers are
folid; and the one J is derived from the fecond part, and the other § from the third.
But Timaeus, in what he here fays, converting things laft to fuch as are firft, and the
terminations of the foul to its fummit, eftablifhes this to be octuple, and that twenty-
feven times, the firft. And thus the effence of the foul confifts of feven parts, as abiding,
proceeding, and returning, and as the caufe of the progreffion and converfion, both of
effences divifible about bodies, and of bodies themfelves.
If you pleafe you may alfo fay, becaufe the foul is allotted an hypoftafis between
impartible and partible effences, that it imitates the former through the triad, and pre-
affumcs the latter from the tetrad. But every foul is from all thefe terms, becaufe
every rational foul is the centre of wholes. The harmonic and arithmetic middles,
therefore, fill thefe intervals, which have an effential fubfiftence, and are confidered
according to effence, thefe as we have faid colle&ing their fameneffe*, and thofe their
differences.
W e may likewife, approaching nearer to things themfelves, fay, that the foul, according
to one part, viz. its fummit, is united to natures prior to itfelf; but that, according t3
the-double and triple parts, it proceeds from intellect and returns to it; and that, accord
ing to the double of the double, and the triple of the triple, it proceeds from itfelf, and
is again converted to itfelf; and through its own middle to the principles of its effence;
for abiding according to them, it is filled from them with every thing of a fecondary
(
nature. And as the progreffion from itfelf is fufpended from the progreffion prior to
itfelf, fo the converfion to itfelf depends on that which is prior to itfelf. But the laft
parts, according to wjiich the foul gives fubfiftence to things pofterior to itfelf, are
referred to the firft part, that a circle may be exhibited without a beginning, the end
i
being conjoined with the beginning, and that the univerfe may be generated animated
and intellectual, folid numbers being coordinated with the firft part. From thefe middles,
alfo, Timaeus fays that fefquialter, fefquitertian, and fefquioctave ratios refult. What
elfe then does he wifh to indicate by thefe things, than the more partial differences of
the ratios of the foul ? For the fefquialter ratios prefent us with an image of divifible
communion indeed, but according to the firft of the parts; but the fefquitertian of
communion according to the parts in the middle; and the fefquioctave of that which
fubfifts according to the extremes. Hence the middles are conjoined with each other
according to the 'fefquioctave ratio. For when they are beheld according to oppofite
genera, they poffefs the leaft communion: but each is appropriately conjoined with
the extremes. Timaeus alfo adds, that all the fefquitertian ratios are filled with the
interval of fhe fefquioctave together with the leimma, or remainder; indicating by thi3
that the terminations of all thefe ratios end in more partial hypoftafes, until the foul
has comprehended the caufes of things laft in the world, and which are every way divi
fible. For foul has previoufiy eftablifhed in herfelf, according to the demiurgic will,
the principles of the order and harmony of thefe. Soul, therefore, contains the prin
ciples of harmonious progreffion and converfion, and of divifion into thingsfirft,middle-,
and laft 5 and (he is one intelle&ual reafon, which is at the fame timefilledwith all
reafons.
With
ON THE T I M ^ U S . 631
With thefe things alfo accord what we have before afferted, that all its harmony
confifts from a quadruple diapafon, with the diapente and tone. For harmony fubfifts
in the world, in intellect, and in foul; on which account alfo Timaeus fays that foul
participates of and is harmony. But the world participates of harmony decadically, foul
tetradically, and intellect monadically. And as the monad is the caufe of the tetrad, and
the tetrad of the decad, fo alfo intellectual harmony is the fupplier of that which pertains
to the foul, and that of the foul is the fource of fenfible harmony : for foul is the proxi
r
mate paradigm of the harmony in the fenfible w orld. Since, however, there arc five
figures* and centersf in the univerfe which give completion to the whole; hence the
harmony diapente is the fource of fymphony according to parts to the world. Again,
becaufe the univerfe is divided into nine J parts, the fefquioctave ratio makes its
communion cemmenfurate with foul. And here you may fee that foul comprehends
the world according to caufe, and renders it a whole, harmonizing it confidered as one,
as confifting of four, and of five parts, and as divided into nine parts. For the nionad,
tetrad, pentad, and ennead, comprehend the whole number according to which all the
parts of the world are divided. Hence the antients confidered the Mufes, and Apollo
the leader of the Mufes, as prefiding over the univerfe, the latter fupplying the one
union of the whole harmony, and the former connecting its divided progreflion : and
the eight Syrens mentioned in the Republic appear to give completion to the fane
numbers. Thus then, in the middle of the monad and ennead, the world is adorned
tetradically and pentadically; tetradically indeed, according to the four ideas of aniufals
which its paradigm comprehends, but pentadically according to the five figures through
which the demiurgus adorned all things, introducing as Timasus fays a fifth idea, and
arranging this harmonically in the univerfe.
c o n t a i n s 1 2 s i d e s , t h e p y r a m i d 4 , t h e o c t a h e d r o n S , t h e i c o s a h c c V o n 2 0 , a n d t h e c u b e 0'; :.nd 1 2 + 4 + 8 4 -
Again,
632 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
Again, therefore, let us fay from the beginning, that the demiurgus poffefling two.
fold powers, the one being productive of famenefs, and the other of difference, as we
learn in the Parmenides, he both divides and binds the foul. And he is indeed the final
caufe of thefe, that the foul may become the middle of wholes, being fimilarly united
and divided ; fince two things are prior to it, the gods as unities, and beings as united
natures and two things are pofterior to it, viz. thofe natures which are divided in con*
junction with others* and thofe which are perfectly divifiblef. You may alfo fay that
the one is prior to the former, viz. to the gods and beings, and that matter is pofterior.
to the latter j that famenefs and difference which are the idioms of the demiurgic order
are effective; and that the fections and bonds of the father are paradigmatic. For he
firft among the gods cuts and binds with infrangible bonds; theologifts obfeurely
fignifying thefe things when they fpeak of Saturnian exfections, and thofe bonds which,
the fabricator of the univerfe is faid to'hurl round himfelf, and of which Socrates reminds
us in the Cratylus. W e may alfo confider numbers as having a formal power with
refpect to divifions ; for the parts of the foul are feparated according to thefe. But the
middles and the ratios which give completion to thefe are analogous to bonds: for it
is impoffible to confider concaufes, which have the relation of matter, in fouls which
have an incorporeal effence. Thefe things being premifed, it is evident how the demi
urgus of all divifion, energizing with two-fold powers, the dividing and the binding,
divides from primary caufes the triform nature and triple mixture of thefou], the whole
foul at the fame time remaining undiminifhed. For fince he conflituted the foul as a
medium between an impartible effence, and that nature which is divided about bodies,
and fince an impartible effence is triple, abiding, proceeding and returning, hence he
eftablifhed a fimilitude of this in three parts; adumbrating its permanency by the firft
part, its progreftion by the fecond, and its converfion by the third. A n d perhaps on this
account the fecond is faid to be double of the firft : for every thing which proceeds has
alfo that which abides fubfifting prior to its progreffion. But the third part is faid to
be triple of the firft: for every thing which is converted proceeds alfo and abides.
Since alfo foul produces the effence pofterior to itfelf, it likewife contains in itfelf the
whole of this effence. Hence it contains every incorporeal effence, but which is at
the fame time inseparable from bodies, according to the fourth and fifth parts; but
every corporeal effence according to folid numbers, viz. the fixth and feventh parts.
Or, it produces and converts itfelf to itfelf, according to fquare numbers, fince it is felf-
fubfiflent * and felf-energetic, but every divifible effence pofterior to itfelf according to
cube numbers. The one ratio of geometric analogy effentially binds thefe parts,
divided as we have faid into three and feven. But the harmonic middle binds them
according to famenefs, and the arithmetic according to difference. Thefe two likewife
lie between the geometric middle, and are faid to fill the double and triple intervals,
becaufe all famenefs and all difference are uniformly comprehended under effence and
the harmony pertaining to it. But from thefe middles the multitude of fefquialter,
fefquitertian, and fefquioctave ratios becomes apparent; which multitude is indeed
binding and connective, as well as the middles, but is of a more partial nature, becaufe
each of thefe is a certain ratio; but each of the middles confifts from many ratios,
either the fame or different. And as analogy or proportion is more comprehenfive
than ratio, fo the above-mentioned middles afford a greater caufe to the foul of con
necting the multitude which it contains, this caufe pervading intellectually through the
whole of it. The fefquialter, fefquitertian, and fefquioctave ratios are, therefore, certain
bonds of a more partial nature, and are comprehended in the middles, not according to
different habitudes of them with refpect to the extremes, for this is mathematical, but
according to caufal comprehenfion and a more total hypoftafis.
Again, thefe bonds contain the fecond and third progreflions of the ratios; the
fefquialter comprefling through five centers the harmony of the ratios; the fefquitertian,
through the four elements which fubfift every where, evincing their power, and render
ing all things known and allied to each other; and the fefquioctave harmonizing the
divifion into nine and eight. Hence the antients at one time, confidering the parts of
the world as eight, and at another as nine, placed over the univerfe ei^ht Syrens, and
* Even square numbers are beautiful images of self-subsistence. For that which prod,ITS it>elf eiVect.s
this by its hyparxis or summit, since the being of every thing depends on it* prinoipid part, a n d thi* is its
summit. But the root of a number is evidently analogous to hyp-'irxis; and consequently an even square
number will be an image of a nature which produces itself. And hence self-production is nothing more
than an involution of hyparxis.
nine Mufes, from whom harmony is derived to wholes. The fefquitertian and fefqui-
alter ratios, therefore, are more total than the fefquioctaves; and hence they are the
fuppliers of a more perfect fymphony, and comprehend the harmonious feet ion of the
world in lefs numbers. Here therefore the divifions in the participants are diftant from
each other, but in the incorporeal ratios of the foul the more total comprehend the
more partial. But fmce the fefquioctaves are the caufes of a more partial fymphony,
hence that which is pofterior to thefe is juftly faid to be thruft down into the extremity
of the univerfe. Nor is it difcordant to the whole of things, that divifible defluxions
from each of the elements fhould be driven into the fubterranean region. For fince
the elements fubfift in many places, in the heavens, and in the regions under the moon,
the ratio pofterior to the fefquioctave collecting the laft fediment of them in the fub
terranean region, conjoins them with wholes, that from the union of both the whole
harmony of the univerfe may be complete. Hence we have faid that the harmony of
the foul is perfectly intellectual and effential, preceding according to caufe fenfible har
mony, and that Timaeus, wifhing to exhibit this through images, employed harmonic
ratios, prefuppofing that there are certain caufes in the foul more comprehenfive than
others, and which fubfift prior to every form and to all the knowledge of the foul.
On this account I think it is not fit to difcufs things of this kind, by explaining the
parts, or the ratios, or the analogies, but we mould contemplate all things effentially,
according to the firft divifion and harmony of the foul, and refer all things to a
demiurgic and intellectual caufe. Hence we fhould comprehend the fefquioctaves and
remainders (A«/A/XA5T«) in the fefquitertian and fefquialter ratios, thefe in the middles,
and the middles in that one middle which is the moft principal of all of them; and
fhould refer more partial to more total caufes, and confider the former as derived from
the latter. And thus much concerning harmonic ratios.
is entirely evident. For if the eternal is faid to be and is eternal, as that which parti
cipates, but eternity is neither faid to participate of animal itfelf, nor to receive its
appellation from it, it is evident that the one is fecondary, but the other more fimple
and primary. For neither does eternity participate of animal itfelf, becaufe it is not an
animal, nor is time a vifible animal, nor any other animal. For it has been ihown that
animal itfelf is only-begotten and eternal; and hence eternity is more excellent than
animal itfelf; fince the eternal is neither that which eternity is, nor is better than
eternity. But as we all acknowledge that what is endued with intellect, and that what
is animated, are pofterior to intellect and foul, in like manner the eternal is fecondary to
eternity. But here fome one may fay, "what can be more venerable than animal itfelf,
fince it is faid by Plato to be the moft beautiful of intelligibles, and according to all
things perfect ? W e reply, that it is moft beautiful from receiving the fummit of beauty,
through vehement participation of it, but not from its tranfeendent participation of the
good. For it is not faid to be the beft of intelligibles. T o which w e may add, that
it is not fimply the moft beautiful of all intelligibles, but of all intelligible animals.
Eternity, therefore, is not any animal, but infinite life. In the next place, it is not
neceffary, that what is every way perfect fhould be the firft. For the perfect poffeffes
all things; fo that it will contain things firft, middle, and laft. But that which is above
this divifion will be fuper-perfect. Nothing therefore hinders, but that eternity may be
fuperior to the moft beautiful and in every refpeft perfect animal, fince intelligible
animals are many, if it is the beft, and fuper-perfect.
If thefe things then are rightly afferted, eternity will neither be one certain genus of
being, as fome have thought it to be, fuch as effence, or permanency, or famenefs: for
all thefe are parts of animal itfelf, and each of thefe pofTefles as it were an oppofition,
viz. effence, non-being; permanency, motion; famenefs, difference; but nothing is
oppofed to eternity. All thefe therefore are fimilarly eternal, viz. the fame, the
different, permanency, motion; but this would not be the cafe if eternity were one of
thefe. Eternity, therefore, is not oppofed to any thing either of thefe, or to any of the
things pofterior to itfelf: for time, which may feem to fubfift diffimilarly to eternity,
in the firft place, does not revolve about the fame things with it, but about things which
do not receive their continuous coherence from eternity; and in the next place
it is an image of, and is not oppofed to eternity, as Plato now fays, and as w e
4 M 2 fhall
635 ADDITIONAL NOTES
fl all frortly demonftrate. Eternity, therefore, will not be any one genus, nor the-
whole collection of the genera of being : for again, there would be multitude in it, and
it would require the union of that which abides in one. But it is itfelf that which
abides in o n e ; fo that it would abide, and yet not abide in one. It would abide indeed
as eternity, and as the caufe of union to beings, but it would not abide as being com
pofed from multitude. T o all which we may add, that it is intellect which compre
hends the genera of being, and that the conception of intellect is different from that of
eternity, in the fame manner as the conception of foul from that of time: for the
energy of intellect is intranfitive intelligence, but of eternity, impartible perpetuity.
W h a t then will eternity be, if it is neither any one of the genera of being, nor that
which is compofed from the five, fince all thefe are eternal, and eternity has a prior
fubfiftence ? W h a t elfe than the monad * of the intelligible unities ? But I mean by
unities, the ideas of intelligible animals, and the genera of all thefe intelligible ideas.
Eternity is the one comprehenfion, therefore, of the fummit of the multitude of thefe,
and the caufe of the invariable permanency of all things, not fubfifting in the multitude
o f intelligibles themfelves, nor being a collection of them, but in an exempt manner
being prefent to them, by itfelf difpofmg and as it were forming them, and making them
to be wholes. For perfect multitude is not unfolded into light, nor is the all-various
idea of intelligibles produced immediately after the goad ; but there are certain natures
between, which are more united than all-perfect multitude, but indicate a parturiency
and reprefentation of the generation of wholes, and of connected comprehenfion in
themfelves. H o w many, and of what kind thefe are, the gods know divinely, but the
myftic doctrine of Parmenides will inform us in a human and philofophic manner, to
which dialogue we fhall refer the reader for accurate inftruction in thefe particulars.
For we fhall now fhow that eternity is above all-perfect animal, and that it is proximately
above it, from the very words of the philofopher.
• Mcva$ is omitted in the original; but the sense requires that either this word, or the word ama, cause,
should be inse.tech.
itfelf
ON T H E TJM^US. ^
itfelf to the world, then, as geometricians would fay, it will be alternately as eternity is
to animal itfelf, fo is time to the world. But time is firfl participated by the world;
for it was not prior to the orderly diflribution of the univerfe: and hence eternity is
firft participated by animal itfelf. And if time is not the whole fenfible animal (i. e
the world), for it was generated together with it, and that which is generated with a
thing is not that thing with which it is generated, if this be the cafe, neither will
eternity be intelligible animal, fo that neither will it be an animal, left there
fhould be two intelligible animals: for Plato has before fhown that animal itfelf
is only begotten (fjwvoysvsg). Hence we muft not fay that eternity is an animal, but
different from animal itfelf. Neither, therefore, in fhort, is it an animal: for it is
either an animal the fame with or different from animal itfelf, neither of which, as we
have fhown, can be afferted. It is not the latter, becaufe animal itfelf is only begotten,
nor the former, becaufe neither is time the fame with that which is temporal. But if it is
participated by and does not participate of intelligible animal, if will be.a god prior to it,
intelligible indeed, but not yet an animal. The order of eternity, therefore, with refpect
to animal itfelf, is apparent: for it is evident that it is higher, and proximately higher, and
that it is the caufe to intelligibles of a fubfiftence according to the fame things, and after
the fame manner. It has indeed been faid to be permanency, but this is a coordinate caufe,
and rather affords famenefs of fubfiftence about energy; but eternity is an exempt
caufe. It is alfo evident that it is the comprehenfion and union of many intelligible
unities; and hence it is called by the oracles father-begot ten light*, becaufe it illuminates
all things with unific light. " For," fays the Oracle, " this alone, by plucking abundantly
from the flrength of the father, the flower of intellect, is enabled by intellection to impart
a paternal intellect to all the fountains and principles; together with intellectual energy
and a perpetual permanency according to an uniluggifh revolution." For,, being full.
• This is one of the Chaldaean Oracles, which, as I have shown in my collection of them in the Sup
plement to vol. iii. of the Monthly Magazine, were delivered by Chaldaean Theurgists under the .reign o f
Marcus Antoninus. The original is as follows :
of
638 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
of paternal deity, which the Oracle calls th'eflowerof intellect, it illuminates all things
with intellect, together with an eternal famenefs of intellection, and an amatory con-
verfion and energy about the principle of all things. Thefe things, however, I revolve
in the inacceifible adyta of the dianoetic part.
Again, invefligating on all fides the intellectual conception of the philofopher about
eternity, let us confider what is the meaning of its abiding in one. For we inquire, in
what one ? Shall we fay, in the good, as it has appeared to the moft theological of the
interpreters ? But neither does the good abide in itfelf, through its fimplicity, as we
learn in the firft hypothefis of the Parmenides, and therefore much lefs does any thing
elfe abide in it. For, in fhort, nothing is in it, nor with it, in confequence of its being
exempt from coordination with any thing. Hence it is not ufually called good, or one,
but the good and the one, that we niay underftand its monadic tranfeendency, and which is
beyond every nature that is known. ,But now eternity is not faid to abide in the one,
but in one •, fo that neither does it abide in the good. Shall we fay then, that by eter
nity abiding in one, its united nature as it were, its permanency in its own one, and its
fubfifting as one multitude, are implied ? Or, in fhort, the number of that which does
not proceed, that it may be the caufe of Union to the multitude of intelligibles ? Shall
we fay that this alfo is true, that it may impart to itfelf the ftable and the whole prior
to things eternal ? For to abide in one, is to have the whole and the fame hyparxis
'invariably prefent at once. Every divine nature, therefore, begins its energy from itfelf,
fo that eternity alfo eftablifhes itfelf in one prior to things eternal \ and in a fimilar
#
manner connects itfelf. Hence being is not the caufe of permanency, as Strato the
natural philofopher fays it is, but eternity \\ and it is the caufe of a permanency, not
fuch as is always in generation, or becoming to be, but which, as Timaeus fays, invari
ably fubfifts in one. But if eternity unfolds a duad, though we are often ftudious to
conceal it; for the ever is conjoined with being, according to the fame, and eternity is
that which always is (arr/y #.wy, o ccitm); if this be the cafe, it appears to have the monad
of being prior to it, and the one being, viz. the higheft being, and to abide in this one,
* Strato was a philosopher of Lampsacus. He was the disciple and successor of Theophrastus 5 and
flourished 289 years before Christ.
t For eternity is stability of being 3 and in like manner immortality is stability of life, and memory of
knowledge.
agreeably
ON THE T I MJE U S. fo g
agreeably to the doctrine of our preceptor, that the firft being may be one prior to the
duad, as not departing from the one. And the duad indeed in eternity, which caufally
unfolds multitude, is united to the firft being in which eternity * abides ; but the multi
tude of intelligibles is united to eternity itfelf, which in a tranfcendent and united manner
comprehends and connects all their fummits. For that the conception of the firft being
is different from that of eternity is evident; fince to be for ever is perfectly different from
fimply to be. If therefore any thing is eternal, this alfo is; but the contrary does not
follow, that if any thing is, this alfo is eternal. Hence, to be is more total and generative
than to be for ever, and on this account is nearer to the caufe of all beings, of the unities
in beings, of generation itfelf, of matter, and, in fhort, of all things. Thefe three, there
fore, orderly fucceed each other; the one being f, as the monad of beings; eternity as
the duad, together with being poffefling the ever; and the eternal, which participates
both of being and the ever, and is not primarily eternal being, like eternity. And the
one being is alone the caufe of being to all things, whether they are truly or not truly
beings; but eternity is the caufe of permanency in being. And this is what Strato
ought rather to have faid, and not to have defined being to be the permanency of things,
as he writes in his book Concerning Being, transferring the idiom of eternity to being.
Let us now attend to the following admirable account of time, by Proclus.
How then is rime faid by Plato to be an image of eternity ? Is it becaufe eternity
abides in one, but time proceeds according to number ? Thefe things however rather
indicate their diffimilitude than fimilitude to each other. For Plato nearly oppofes all
things to all, proceeding, to abiding, according to number, to one, the image to the thing
itfelf. It is better, therefore, to fay, that divinity produced thefe two as the meafures
of things, I mean eternity and time, the one of intelligible and the other of mundane
beings. As the world, therefore, is faid to be the image of the intelligible, fo alfo the
mundane meafure is denominated the image of the intelligible meafure. Eternity, how
ever, is a meafure as the one, but time as number : for each meafures the former things
* As the intelligible triad, or the first procession from the ineffable caufe of all, consists, as will be shown
m the Introduction to the Parmenides, of Icing, life, and intellect, eternity forms the middle of this triad,
being, as Plotinus divinely says, infinite life, at once total and full, and abides in the summit of this triad,
i. e. in being itself or die first and intelligible being. " *
f To sv cy, viz. being characterized by and wholly absorbed in the one; for such is thefirstbeing.
1 united,
540 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
united, and the latter things - numbered: and the former meafures the permanency of
beings, but the latter the extenfion of generated natures. But the apparent oppofitions
of thefe two, do not evince the diflimilitude of the meafures, but that fecondary are pro
duced from more antient natures. For progreffion is from abiding, and number from
the one. May we not therefore fay, that time is on this account an image of eternity,
becrfufe it is productive of the perfection of mundane natures, juft as eternity connectedly
contains, and is the guardian of beings. For as thofe natures which are unable to live
according to intellect, are led under the order of Fate, left by flying from a divine
nature they fhould become perfectly difordered ; in like manner things which have
proceeded from eternity, and are unable to participate of a perfeftion, the whole of
which is eftablifhed at once, and is always the fame, end indeed in the government of
time, but are excited by it to appropriate energies, through which they are enabled to
receive the end adapted to their nature, from certain periods which reftore them to
their antient condition.
But how is time faid to be a moveable image of eternity ? Shall we fay becaufe the
whole of it is in motion ? Or is this indeed impoflible ? For nothing is moved accords
ing to the whole of itfelf, not even fuch things as are effentially changed : for the fubject
of thefe remains. Much more therefore muft that which is moved, according to other
motions, abide according to effence, and this if it be increafed, and changed, and locally
moved. For if it did not abide according to fomething, it would at the fame time caufe
the motion to t>e evanefcent; fince all motion is in fomething. Nothing, therefore, is
as we have faid moved according to the whole of itfelf, and efpecially fuch perpetual
natures as it is fit fhould be eftablifhed in their proper principles, and abide in them
felves, if they are to be continually preferved. But in a particular manner the image of
eternity ought in a certain refpect to poffefs perpetuity according to famenefs, and
{lability; fo that it is impoflible that time fhould be moved according to the whole of
itfelf, fince neither is this poflible to any thing elfe. Something of it, therefore, muft
; neceffarily remain, fmce every thing which is moved is moved in confequence of poffefl-
ing fomething belonging to it which abides. T h e monad of time, therefore, abides
fufpended from the demiurgus j but being full of meafuring power, and wifhing to
meafure the effential motions of the foul, together with phyfical and corporeal motion,
#nd alfo being, energies and paffions, it proceeds according to number. Hence time,
abiding
ON T H E TIMAEUS. g 4 l
abiding by its impartible and inward energy, and being participated by its external
energy, and by the natures which are meafured proceeds according to number; i. e.
it proceeds according to a certain intellectual number, or rather according to the firft
number, which as Parmenides would fay being analogous to the one being, or the firft
of beings, prefides over intellectuals, in the fame manner as the firft being prefides
over intelligibles. Time, therefore, proceeds according to that number; and htnce
it diftributes an accommodated meafure to every mundane form.
You may alfo fayftillmore appropriately, that time which is truly fo called proceeds
according to number, numbering the participants of itfelf, and being itfelf that intel
lectual number, which Socrates obfcurely indicates when he fays that fwiitnefs itfelf and
flownefs itfelf are in true number, by which the things numbered by time differ, being,
moved fwifter or flower. Hence Timaeus does not fpeak with prolixity about this true,
number, becaufe Socrates had previoufly in the Republic perfectly unfolded it, but he
fpeaks about that which,proceeds from it. For that being true number, time, fays he,
proceeds according to number. Let then true time proceed according to intelligible
number, but it proceeds fo far as it meafures its participants, juft as the time of which
Timaeus now fpeaks proceeds as that which is numerable, poffeffing yet an image of
effential time, through which it numbers all things with greater or .leffer numbers of
their life, fo that an ox lives for this and man for that period of. time, and the fun
and moon and the other ftars accomplifh their revolutions according to different mea
fures. Time, therefore, is the meafure of motion, not as that by which we meafure,
but as that which produces and bounds the being of life, and of every other motion of
things in time, and as mcafuring them according to and affimilating them to paradigms.
For as it refers itfelf to the fimilitude of eternity which comprehends paradigmatic caufes,
in like manner it fends back to a more venerable imitation of eternal principles things
perfected by it, which are circularly convolved. Hence theurgifts fay that time is a
god, and deliver to us a method by which we may excite this deity to render himfelf
apparent. They alfo celebrate him as older and younger, and as a circulating and
eternal G o d ; not only as the image of eternity, biy: as eternally comprehending it
prior to fenfibles. They add further, that he intellectually perceives the whole number
of all the natures that are moved in the world, according to. which he leads round and
VOL. II. 4N • reftores
642 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
reflores to their antient condition in fwifter and flower periods every thing that is moved.
Befides all this, they celebrate him as interminable through power, in confequence of
r
infinite circulation. A n d laftly, they add that h 2 is of a fpiral form, as mea uring
according to one power things which are moved in a right line, and thofe which are
moved in a circle, juft as the fpiral uniformly comprehends the right line and thp circle.
W e muft not, therefore, follow thofe who confider time as confiding in mere naked
conceptions, or who make it to be a certain accident; nor yet muft we aflent to thofe
who are more venerable than thefe, and who approach nearer lo reality, and ailert with
them that the idiom of time is derived from the foul of the world energizing tranfitively.
For Viato, with w h o m w e all defire to accord refpecting divine concerns, fays that the
demiurgus gave fubfiftence to time, the world being now arranged both according to foul
and according to body, and that it was inferted in the foul by him, in the fame manner
as harmonic reafons. N o r again, does he reprefent the god fafliioning and generating
time in the foul, in the fame manner as he fays the Divinity fabricated the whole of a
corporeal nature within the foul, that the foul might be the defpot and governor of i t ;
but having difcourfed concerning the eflence, harmony, power, motions, and all various
knowledges o f the foul, he produces the eflence of time, as the guardian and meafurer
of all thefe, and as that which aflimilates them to paradigmatic principles. For what be
nefit would arife from all mundane natures being well-conditioned, without a perpetual
permanency of fubfiftence ; and in imitating after a manner the idea of their paradigm,
but not evolving to the utmoft of their power the whole of it, and in receiving partibly
impartible intelligence ? H e n c e the philofopher places a demiurgic caufe and not foul
r
ox er the progreffion of time.
In the next place, looking to things themfelves, you may fay that if foul generated
time, it would not thus participate as being perfected by i t ; for that foul is perfected by
time, and alfo meafured by it according to its energies, is not immanifeft, fince every
thing which has not the whole of its energy collectively and at once, requires time to its
perfection and reftoration, through which it collects its proper good, which it was inca
pable of acquiring impardbly, .and without the circulations of time. Hence, as we have
before obferved, eternity and time are the meafures of the permanency and perfection
of .things; the former being the one fimple comprehenfion of the intelligible unities,
and
ON THE TIM iEUSr 643
and tho oth^r th^ boundary and demiurgic meafure of the more or lefs extended penna-
n.ncy of tli2 natures which proceed from thence. If, therefore, foul, after the fame
manner with intellect and the gods, apprehended every object of its knowledge by one
projecting energy, and always the fame, underflanding immutably, ft might perhaps
have generated time, but would not require time to its perfection. But fince it under
ftands tranfitively, and according to periods by which it becomes reffored to its prifline
(Lite, it is evidently dependant on lime for the perfection of its energy.
After this, it is requifite to underftand that inanimate natures alfo participate of time,
ard that they do not then only participate of it when they are born, in the fame manner
as they participate of form and habit, but alfo when it appears that they are deprived of
all life ; and this not in the fame manner, as they are even then faid to live, becaufe they
are coordinated with wholes, and fympathize with the univerfe, but they alfo peculiarly
and ciLntially participate of a certain time, fo far as they are inanimate, continually
diffolving as far as to perfect corruption. To which we may add, that fince the muta
tions, motions and refts pertaining to fouls and bodies, and, in fhort, all fuch things as
rank among oppofites in mundane affairs, are meafured by time, it is requifite that time
fhould be exempt from all thefe; for that which is participated by many things, and
thefe diflimilar, being one and the fame, and always prefubfifting by itfelf, is participated
by them conformably to this mode of fubfiftence ; and ftill further, being in all things,
it is every where impartible, fo that it is every where one thing, impartible according t*
number, and the peculiarity of no one of the things which are faid to fubfift according
to it. And this Ariftotle alfo perceiving, demonftrates that there is fomething incor
poreal and impartible in divifible natures, and which is every where the fame, meaning
by this the nczv in time. Further ftill, time not being effence, but an accident, it would
not thus indicate a demiurgic power, fo as to produce fome things perpetually in genera*
tion, or becoming to be, but others with a more temporal generated fabfifbence; and.
feme things more flowly proceeding to being than thefe, but fwifter than more imbceii
natures ; at the fame time diftributing to all things an accommodated and proper meafure
of permanency in beings. Eut if time is a demiurgic effence, it will not be the whole
foul, nor a part of foul; for the conception of foul is different from that of time, and
each is the caufe of different and not of the fame things. For foul imparts life, and
moves all things, and hence the worh\ fo far as it approaches to foul, is filled with life.
4N 2 and
644 ADDITIONAL NOTES
and participates of motion ; but time excites fabrications to their perfection, and is tht
fupplier of meafure and a certain perpetuity to wholes. It will not, therefore, be fubor-
dinate to foul, fince foul participates of it, if not effentially, yet according to its tranfi
tive energies. For the foul of the univerfe is faid to energize inceffantly, and to live u>
<ellectually through the whole of time. It remains, therefore, that time is an etTence,
and not fecondary to that of foul. In fhort, if eternity were the progeny of intellect!
or were a certain intellectual power, it would be neceffary to fay that time alfo is fomething
pf this kind pertaining to foul: but if eternity is the exempt meafure of the multitude
of intelligibles, and the comprehenfion of the perpetuity and perfection of all things,
mufl not time alfo have the fame relation to foul and the animaltic order ? So that time
will differ from eternity, in the fame manner as all proceeding natures from their abiding
caufes. For eternity exhibits more tranfeendency with refpect to the things meafured
by it than time, fince the former comprehends in an exempt manner the effences and the
unities of intelligibles; but the latter does not meafure the efTences of the firfl fouls, as
being rather coordinated and generated together with them. Intelligibles alfo are more
united with eternity than mundane natures with time. The union indeed of the former is
fo vehement, that fome of the more contemplative philofophers have confidered eternity
to be nothing elfe than one total intellect; but no wife man would be willing to confider
time as the fame with the things exifling in time, through the abundant feparation and
sdifference between the two.
If then time is neither anything belonging to motion, nor an attendant on the energy
of foul nor, in fhort, the offspring of foul, what will it be ? For perhaps it is not fuffi
?
cient to fay that it isthemeafurevof mundane natures, nor to enumerate the goods of
which it is the caufe, but to the utmoft of our power we fhould endeavour to apprehend
its idiom. May we not therefore fay, fince its effence is mofl excellent, perfective of
foul, and prefent to,all things, that it is an intellect, not only abiding but alfo fubfifling
in motion ? Abiding indeed according to its inward energy, and by which it is truly
eternal, but being moved according to its externally proceeding energy, by which it
becomes the boundary of all tranfition. For eternity poffeffing the abiding, both ac
cording to its inward energy, and that which it exerts to things eternal, time being af-
fimilated to it according to the former of thefe energies, becomes feparated from it ac
cording to the latter, abiding and being moved. And as with refpect to the eflence of
1 the
Tttl TIM.EtJS. 645
the foul, we fay that £ is intelligible, and at the-fame time generated, partible, and at
the fame time impartible, and are no otherwife able perfectly to apprehend its middle
nature than byemploying after a manner oppofrtes^ .what;wonder is there if, perceiving
the nature of time to be partly immovable and partly fubfifling in motion, we, or
rather not we, but prior to us, the philofopher, through the eternal, mould indicate its
intellectual monad abiding in famenefs, and through the moveable its externally pro
ceeding energy, which is participated by foul and the whole world ? For we mull not
think that the expreflion the eternal fimply indicates that time is the image of eternity,
for if this were the cafe, what would have hindered Plato from directly faying that it is
the image, and not the eternal image of eternity ? But he was willing to indicate this very
thing, that time has an eternal nature, but not in fuch a manner as animal itfelf is faid to
be eternal: for that is eternal both in eflence and energy ; but time is partly eternal, and
partly, by its external gift, moveable. Hence theurgifts call it eternal, and Plato very
properly denominates it not only fo; for one thing is alone moveable, both effentially and
according to the participants of it, being alone the caufe of motion, as foul, and hence it
alone moves itfelf and other things : but another thing is alone immovable, preferring
itfelf without tranfition, and being the caufe to other things of a perpetual fubfiftence
after the fame manner, and to moveable natures through foul. It is neceflary, therefore,
that the medium between thefe two extremes fhould be that winch, both according to
its own nature, and the gifts which it imparts to others, is immovable and at the fame
time moveable, effentially immovable indeed, but moved in its participants. But a
thing of this kind is time ; hence time is truly, fo far as it is confidered in itfelf, im
movable, but fo far as it is in its participants, it is moveable, and fubfifts together with
them, unfolding itfelf into them. It is therefore eternal, and a monad, and centei effen
tially, and according to its own abiding energy ; but it is, at the fame time, continuous
and number, and a circle, according to its proceeding and being participated. Hence
it is a certain proceeding intellect, eftablifhed indeed in eternity, and on this account
is faid to be eternal. For it would not otherwife contribute to the aflimilation of
mundane natures to more perfect paradigms, unlefs it were itfelf previoufly fufpended
from them. But it proceeds and abundantly flows into the things which are guarded
by it. Whence I think the chief oftheurgifts celebrate time as a god, as Julian in the
feventh of the Zones, and venerate.it by thefe names, through which it is unfolded in
ITS
6-lfj A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
its participants; caufing fome things to be otder, and -other* t& be younger, and
leading all things in a iirclal Time, therefore, poffeffing a certain intellectual nature,
circularly leads according ttfgumb**, both its other participants and fou%. For time,is
eternal, not in effence only, but alfo in its inward energy; but fo far as it is participated
by externals, it is alone moveable, coextending and harmonizing with them the gift
which k imparts. But every foul is tranfitively moved, both according to its inward
and external energies, by the latter of which it moves bodies. And it appears to me
that thofe who thus denominated time y#ows, had this conception of its nature, and
were therefore willing to call it as it were yjtevovjoc vovg, an intellect moving in meafure;
but dividing the words perhaps for the fake of concealment, they called it xpovog.
Perhaps too, they gave it this appellation becaufe it abides, and is at the fame time
moved in meafure; by one part of itfelf abiding, and by the other proceeding with
meafured motion. By the conjunction, therefore, of both thefe, they fignify the
wonderful and demiurgic nature of this god. And it appears, that as the demiurgus
being intellectual began from intellect to adorn the univerfe, fo time being itfelf fuper
mundane, began from foul to impart perfection. For that time is not only mundane,
but by a much greater priority fupermundane, is evident; fince as eternity is to animal
itfelf, fo is time to this world, which is animated and illuminated by intellect, and
wholly an image of animal itfelf, in the fame manner as time of eternity.
Time, therefore, while it abides, moves in meafure; and through its abiding, its
meafured motions are infinite, and are reffored to their prifline ftate. For moving in
meafure, the firft of intellects about the whole fabrication of things, fo far as it per
petually fubfifts after the fame manner, and is intellect according to effence, it is faid
to be eternal; but fo far as it moves in meafure, it circularly leads fouls, and natures,
and bodies, and, in fhort, periodically reftores them to their prifline condition. For
the world is moved indeed, as participating of foul; but it is moved in an orderly
manner, becaufe it participates of intellect; and it is moved periodically with a motion
from the fame to the fame, imitating the permanency of the intellect which it contains,
through the refembhnce of time to eternity. And this it is to make the world more
fimilar to its paradigm; viz. by reftoring it to one and the fame condition, to affimilate
it to that which abides in one, through the circulation according to time. From thefe
things alio, you have all the caufes of time according to Plato; the demiurgus indeed,
*8
ON TII& T I M 1 U S . * faf
as the fabricative caufe; eternity as the paradigm; and the end the circulation of the
things moved to that which is one, according to periods. For in confequence of not
abiding in one, it afpires after that which is one, that it may partake of the one, which
is the (lime with the good. For it is evident that the progreffion of things is not one, and
in a right line, infinitely extended a"s it were both ways, but is bounded and circuin-
fcribed, moving in meafure about the father of wholes, and the monad of time infinitely
evolving all the flrength of fabrication, and again returning to its prifline flate. For
whence are the participants of time enabled to return to their prifline condition, unlefs
that which is participated poffeffed this power and peculiarity of motion ? Time, there
fore, the firfl of things which are moved, circulating according to an energy proceed
ing to externals, and returning to its prifline flate, after all the evolution of its power,
thus alfo rcflores the periods of other things to their former condition. By the whole
progreffion of itfelf indeed, it circularly leads the foul which firfl participates of it;
but by certain parts of itfelf, it leads round other fouls and natures, the celeflial revolu
tions, and among things laft, the whole of generation: for in confequence of time
circulating all things circulate; but the circles of different natures are fhorter and longer.
For again, if the demiurgus himfelf made time to be a moveable image of eternity, and
gave it fubfiftence according to his intellection about eternity, it is neceftary that what
is moveable in time, fhould be circular and moved in meafure, that it may not apoftatize
from, and may evolve the intelligence of the father about eternity. For, in, fhort, fince
that which is moveable in time is comprehenfive of all motions, it is requifite that it
fhould be bounded much prior to the things which are meafured by it: for not that
which is deprived of meafure, but the firft meafure, meafures things j as neither does
infinity bound, but the firft boun-ft But time is moved, neither according to foul, nor
according to nature, nor according to that which is corporeal-and apparent; fince its
motions would thus be divifible, and not comprehenfive'of wholes. It would likewife
thus participate of irregularity, either more or lefs, and its motions would 1 e indigent
of time. For all of them are beheld in time, and not in progreffion, as thofe which
axe the meafures of wholes, but in a certain quality of life, or lation, or paffion. But
the motion of time is a pure and invariable progreffion, equal andfimilar,and the fame.
For it is exempt both from regular and irregular motions, and isfimilarlyprefent to both,
not receiving any alteration through the motions themfelves being changed* but remain
ing
6 4 g A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
b g the fame feparate from all inequality, being energetic and reftorative of whole
motions according to nature, of which alfo it is the meafure. It alfo fubfifts unmingled
W4tk the natures which it meafures, according to the idiom of its intelleaual energy,
but; proceeds tran&ively, a n d according t o the peculiarity of felf-motion. And in this
Tefpect, i n d e e d , it accords with the order of foul, but is inherent in the things which arc
bounded and perfected-by it according to* a primary caufe of nature. It is not however
fimifer in all refpecte to any one thing. For in a certain refped it is neceffary that the
meafure of wholes, mould be fimilar to all things, and be allied to all things, but yet
2S9t be the fame. with any one of the things meafured.
The .motion* therefore, of time proceeds evolving and dividing impartible and abid
i n g power, aad caufing it to appear partible ; being as it were a certain number, divi-
BAy receiving ail th€ forms of the monad) and reverting and circulating to itfelf. For
thus,the motion of time proceeding according to the meafures in the temporal monad
conjoins the end w*h the beginning, and this infinitely; poffeffing indeed itfelf a
divine order, not arranged as the philofopher Jamblichus alfo fays, but that which
arranges nor art order which is attendant on things precedent, but which is the primary
ieadercof effects.This motion is alfo at the fame time meafured, not indeed from any
thing endued-with interval, for it would be ridiculous to fay that things which have a-
more antient nature and dignity, are meafured by things fubordinate, but h is meafured
from the temporal monad alone, which its progreffion is faid to evolve, and by a much
greater priority from the demiurgue>and from eternity itfelf. With relation to eternity,.
therefore, which is perfectly immovables-time is faid to be moveable ; juft as if fome one
Jhould fay that foul is divifible about bodies, when confidered with relation to intellect,
n o t that i t is this alone, but that when compared with intellect, it may appear to be fuch,
though, when, compared with a divifible eueuce,., it is indivifible. Time, therefore, is-
v
moveab!e not uvitfelf, but according to the participation from it which appearsin motions,
aad-by.vhich they are-meafured and bounded;.-juft as if it mould be faidthat foul is
divifible about bodies, fo far as there is a certain divifible participation of it about thefe
of which it comprehends the caufe. For thus alfo time is moveable, as poffeffing the
caufe of the energy externally proceeding from it, and which is divifibly apparent in
motions, and4s feparated together with them. As motions, therefore, become temporal
through participation, fo time is moveable, through being participated by motions.
P. 4 9 9 .
ON THE TIMiEUS.
The demiurgic wholenefs, fays Proclus * (p. 266), weaves parts in conjunction with
wholes, numbers with monads, and makes every part of the univerfe to be a wo i d ,
and caufes a whole and a univerfe to fubfifl in a part. For the world is allotted this
from its fimilitude to animal itfelf, becaufe animal itfelf is an entire monad and number,
an all-perfect intelligible intellect, and a plenitude of intelligible caufes, which it
generated fo as to abide eternally in itfelf. For there is one multitude which abides
in caufes, and another which proceeds and is diftributed ; fince the demiurgus himfelf
alfo gives fubfiflence to fome genera of gods in himfelf, and produces others from
himfelf, into fecondary and third orders. His father Saturn likewife generates fome
divinities as paradigmatic caufes of fabrication abiding in himfelf, and others as demiur
gic caufes coordinated with wholes. And the grandfather of Jupiter, Heaven, contains
fome divinities in, and feparates others from himfelf. Theologifls alfo manifeft thefe
things by my flic names, fuch as" concealment, abforption, and the being educated by Fate.
But by a great priority to thefe, intelligible intellect, the father of wholes, gene
rates fome caufes, and unfolds them into light, in himfelf, but produces others from
himfelf; containing within his own comprchenfions, fuch as are uniform, whole, and
all-perfect, but producing through difference into other orders fuch as are multiplied
and divided. Since therefore every paternal order gives fubfiflence to things after this
manner, this world, which is an imitation of the intelligible orders, and is elevated to
them, very properly contains one allnefs prior to partial animals, and another, that
which receives its completion from them, and together with the former receives the
latter, that it may be mofl fimilar both to the demiurgic and paradigmatic caufe.
With refpect to animal itfelf, we have before faid what it is according to our opinion,
and we mall alfo now fay, that of the intelligible extent, one thing is the higheft, united
* The beginning of the Commentary on this part c f the Timaeus is unf irrunatrly w a n t i n g in the original j*
and by a strange confusion, the words r.zi r rpirr ,
t t which there form the b; ginning, are connected with
the comment on tlx- preceding text, which comment is also imperfect; and what is still more strange, the
part which is wanting to the completion of this preceding comment is to be found in p. 270, beginning at
the words TO h oituc, line 11.
and occult; another is the power of this, proceeding, and at the fame time abiding; and
another, that which unfolds itfelf through energy, and exhibits the intelligible multi
tude which it contains. Of thefe alfo, the firft is intelligible being, the fecond intelli
gible life, and the third intelligible intelleft. Animal itfelf, however, cannot be the firft
being: for multitude is not there, nor the tetrad of ideas, but through itsfinglenefsand
ineffable union it is called one by Plato. And, in fhort, animal itfelf is faid to participate
of eternity, but the firft being participates of nothing, unlefs fome one fhould fay it par
ticipates of the one, which is itfelf a thing in every refpect deferving confideration. For
may we not fay that what is above behig itfelf, is even more excellent than this appella
tion the one ? But that is primarily one, which is not fuch according to participation.
Animal itfelf, therefore, cannot be being itfelf, through the above-mentioned caufes.
Neither can it be intelligible life: for animal is fecondary to fife, and is faid to be animal
by a participation of life. In fhort, if animal itfelf were the fecond, eternity would be
being; but this is impoffible: for being itfelf is one thing, and eternal being another; the
former being the monad of being, and the latter the duad, having the ever connected
with being. Befides the former is the caufe of being to all things, but the latter, of their
permanency according to being. If therefore animal itfelf is neither the one being, nor
being rtfelf, nor that which is immediately pofteritfr to this, for eternity is this, being
intelligible power, infinite life, and wholenefs itfelf, according to which every divine
nature is at once a whole; fince this is the cafe, animal itfelf muft be the remaining third.
For animal itfelf muft neceffarily in a certain refpect be intellect, fince the image of it
entirely fubfifts with fenfe, but fenfe is the image of intellect; fo that in that which is
primarily animal, intellect wftl be primarily inherent. If therefore it is fecondary to
life, it muft neceffarily fubfift according to intelligible intellect: for being intelligible,
and an animal, as Plato fays, the moft beautiful of intelligibles, and only begotten, it
will poffefs this order. Hence animal itfelf is intelligible intellect, comprehending the
intellectual orders of the gods in itfelf, of which alfo it is collective, unific, and per
fective, being the moft beautiful boundary of intelligibles, unfolding their united and
unknown <.aufe to intelle&ual natures, exciting itfelf to all-various ideas and powers, and
producing all the fecondary orders of the gods. Hence alfo Orpheus calls it the god
Phanes, as unfolding into light the intelligible unities, and afcribes to Mm the forms of
animals, becaufe the firft caufe of intelligible animals fhines forth in him and multiform
y
ideas,
O N T H E T J M J E U S . g 5 l
ideas, becaufe he primarily comprehends intelligible ideas. He alfo calls him the key of
intellect, becaufe he bounds the whole of an intelligible effence, and connectedly contains
intellectual life. To this mighty divinity the demiurgus of the univerfe is elevated, be
ing himfelf, indeed, as we have before faid, intellect, but an intellectual intellect, and
particularly the caufe of intellect. Hence he is faid to behold animal itfelf: for to behold
is the peculiarity of the intellectual gods j fince the theologift * alfo denominates intelli
gible intellect eyelefs. Concerning this intellect therefore he fays,
Love, eyeless, rapid, feeding in his breast.
For the object of his energy is intelligible. But the demiurgus being intellect, is not
a participated intellect t, that he may be the demiurgus of wholes, and that he may be
able to look to animal itfelf. But being imparticipable, he is truly intellectual intellect.
And, indeed, through fimple intelligence, he is conjoined with the intelligiblej but
through various intelligence, he haflens to the generation of fecondary natures. Plato,
therefore, calls his intelligence vifion, as being without multitude, and as mining with in
telligible light; but he denominates his fecond energy dianoetic, as proceeding through
fimple intelligence to the generation of demiurgic works. And Plato indeed fays, that
he looks to animal itfelf; but Orpheus, that he leaps to and abforbs it, Night J pointing it
out to him : for through this goddefs, who is both intelligible and intellectual, intellec
tual intellect is conjoined with the intelligible. You mufl: not however on this account
fay, that the demiurgus looks to that which is external to himfelf: for this is not lawful
to him ; but that being converted to himfelf, and to the fountain of ideas which he
contains, he is alfo conjoined with the monad of the all-various orders of forms. For
fmce we fay that our foul by looking to itfelf knows all things, and that things
prior are not external to it, how is it poffible that the demiurgic intellect, by underfland-
ing itfelf, fhould not in a far greater degree furvey the intelligible world ? For animal
itfelf is alfo contained in him, though not monadically, but according to a certain divine
number. Hence he is faid by theologifls, as we have obferved, to abforb the intelligible
* Viz. Orpheus.
f Viz. he is not an intellect consubsistent with soul.
N i l l t
• g subsist* at the summit of that divine order which it denominated intelligible, and at the same
time intellectual.
4o 2 god >
652 A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S
thefe at once. Agreeably to this, the difcourfj of Plato firft divinely unfolds the whole
number of intelligible ideas, and afterwards diftributes into parts the progrefhons which
this number contains : for there intelligible multitude is apparent, where the firfl monads
of ideas fubfifl. And that this is ufual with Plato we have before abundantly fhown.
Djfcending therefore from words to things, let us in the firfl place fee what this tetrad
itfelf of ideas is, and whence this number originates, and in the next place what the
four ideas are, and how they fubfifl in animal itfelf, whether fo as that its all perfect na
ture receives its completion from thefe, or after fome other manner, for by thus pro
ceeding we fhall difcover the divinely intellectual conception of Plato. It is neceffary,
however, again to recur to the above-mentioned demonftrations, in which we faid that the
firft, united, and moft fimple intelligible effence of the gods, proceeding fupernally from
the unity of unities, but according to a certain mode which is ineffable and incomprehen-
fible by all things, one part of this effence ranks as the firft, is occult and paternal j but
another part ranks as the fecond, and is the one power,, and incomprehenfible meafure
of wholes ; and the third part is that which has proceeded into energy and all various,
powers, and is at the fame time both paternal and fabricative. Thefirftof thefe alfo is
a monad, becaufe it is the fummit of the whole intelligible extent, and the fountain and
caufe of divine numbers; but the fecond is a duad, for it both abides and proceeds as in
intelligible genera, and has the ever connected with being f and the third is the tetrad
which is now inveftigated, which receives all the occult caufe of the monad, and unfolds
in itfelf its unproceeding power. For fuch things as fubfift in the monad primarily, and
with unproceeding union, the tetrad exhibits in a divided manner, now feparated accord
ing to number, and a production into fecondary natures. But fince the third poffeffes
an order adapted to it, yet alfo entirely participates of the caufes prior to itfelf, it is not
only the tetrad, but befides this which is ftill greater, as a monad it is allotted a pater
nal, and as a duad a fabricative and prolific tranfeendency. So far therefore as it is
called animal itfelf, it is the monad of the nature of all animals, intellectual, vital, and
corporeal; but fo far as it comprehends at the fame time the male and femarle nature, it is
a duad ; for thefe fubfift in an appropriate manner in all the orders of animals, in one
way in the gods, in another in daemons, and in another in mortals; but fo far as from
this duad, it gives fubfiftence to the four ideas of animals in itfelf, it is a tetrad; for the
fourfold fabrication of things proceeds according to thefo ideas, and the firft productive
caufe
654 A D D I T I O N A L NOTES
caufe of wholes is the tetrad. Plato therefore teaching this tetradic power of the para
digm, and the moft unical ideas of mundane natures, fays, that they are four, compre
hended in one animal itfelf. For there is one idea there, animal itfelf j and there is alfo
a duad, viz. the female and the male, of, according to Plato, poffeffing genera and fpecies:
for he calls two of the ideas genera, viz. the intellectual and the air-wandering, but the
other two fpecies, as being fubordinate to thefe. There is alfo a tetrad ; and as far as to
this, intelligible forms proceed into other productive principles according to a different
number. For according to every order there is an appropriate number, the leffer com
prehending more total ideas, but the more multiplied number fuch as are more partial;
fince more divine natures being contracted in quantity, poffefs a tranfcendency of power;
and the forms of fecond natures are more multiplied than thofe prior to them; fuch as
are intellectual more than intelligibles, fupermundane than intellectual, and mundane
than fupermundane forms. Thefe then are the forms which proceed to an ultimate diftri-
bution, juft as intelligibles receive the higheft union: for all progreflion diminifhes power
and increafes multitude. If therefore Timaeus difcourfed about a certain intellectual or
der, he would have mentioned another number, as for inftance the hebdomadic or deca«
die ; but fince he fpeaks about the intelligible caufe of ideas, and which comprehends
all fuch animals as are intelligible, he fays that the firft ideas are four. For there the
tetrad fubfifts proceeding from the intelligible monad, and filling the demiurgic decad.
For " divine number, according to the Pythagorean hymn upon it, proceeds from the
retreats of the undecaying monad, till it arrives at the divine tetrad, which produces the
mother of all things, the univerfal recipient, venerable, placing a boundary about all things,
undeviating and unwearied, which both immortal gods and earth-born men call the
#
facred decad . " Here the uniform and occult caufe of beingf is called the undecaying
monad, and the retreats of the monad : but the manifeftation of intelligible multitude,
which the duad fubfifting between the monad and tetrad unfolds, is denominated the
divine tetrad ; and the world itfelf receiving images of all the divine numbers, fupernally
imparted to it, is the decad: for thus we may' underftand thefe verfes looking to the
fabrication of the world. And thus much concerning this tetrad.
• The last line i)f these verses, viz. aBavocroi TS Otot, xai ynymstC avdpuiroi, is not in Proclus, but is added
from the Commentaries of Syrianus on Aristotle's Metaphysics, where alone it is to be found.
J Viz. The summit of the intelligible triad, or superessential being.
O'N THE TIMJSUS. 655
In the next place, let us confider what the four ideas are, and what are the things to
which they give fubfiftence: for there are different opinions concerning this, fome efpe
cially regarding the words of Plato, afferting that the progreftion is into gods, and the
mortal genera, but others looking to things, that it is into gods, and the
genera fuperior to man, becaufe thefe fubfift prior to mortals, and it is neceftary that the
demiurgus fhould not immediately produce mortals from divine natures. Others again,
conjoin both thefe, and follow what is written in the Epinomis, that gods fubfift in the
heavens, dcemons in the air, demigods in water, and men and other mortal animals in
the earth. Such then being the diverfity of opinion among the interpreters, we admire
indeed the lovers of things, but we fhall endeavour to follow our leader *. Hence we
fay that the celeftial genus of gods comprehends all the celeftial genera, whether they are
divine, angelic, or daemoniacal; but the ^/V-wandering, all fuch as are arranged in the air,,
whether gods, or their attendant daemons, or mortal animals that live in the air. Again,
that the aquatic comprehends all the genera that are allotted water, and thofe natures
that are nourifhed in water; and the pedeftrial, the animals that are diftributed about
the earth, and that fubfift and grow in the earth. For the demiurgus is at once the
caufe of all mundane natures, and the common father of all things, generating the ckV
vine and daemoniacal genera by and through himfelf alone, but delivering mortals, to the
junior gods, as they are able proximately to generate them. The paradigm alfo is not
the caufe of fome, but by no means of other animals, but it poffeffes the moft total caufes
of all things.
It is alfo requifite to confider the propofed words in an appropriate manner, according-
to every order ; as, for inftance, the genus of gods arranged in the heavens, in one way,
in thofe that are properly called gods, and in another, in the genera more excellent than
man. For we fay that there are celeftial angels, daemons, and heroes, and that all thefe
are called gods, becaufe the divine idiom has dominion over their effential peculiarity.
Again, we muft confider the winged and air-wandering m one way in the aerial
gods, in another m daemons, and in another in mortals- For that which is intellectual
in the gods, is denominated winged; that which is providential, air-wandering, as per
vading through all the fphere of the air, and connectedly containing the whole of it. But
in daemons, the winged fignffies rapidity of energy ; and the air-wandering indicates their
being every where prefent, and proceeding through all things without impediment*
And in mortals, the winged rrranifefts the motion through one organ of thofe nature!
that "alone employ the circular motion ; but the air-wandering, the all-various motion
through bodies: for nothing hinders partial fouls that live in the air from pervading
through it. Again, the aquatic in divine natures, indicates a goverrhnent infeparable
from water : and hence the oracle calls thefe gods water-walkers * ; but in the genera
attendant on the gods, it fignifies that which is connective of a moift nature. And in
deed the pedefirial, in one place, fignifies that which connectedly contains the laft feat of
things, and proceeds through it, in the fame manner as the terreftrid, that which ftably
rules over this feat, and is perfective of it through all-various powers and lives ; but in
another place it fignifies the government at different times of different parts of the earth,
through an appropriate motion. And thus much concerning the names.
But from thefe things it may be inferred that intelligible animal itfelf is entirely dif
ferent from animal itfelf in the demiurgus; fince the former has not definite ideas of
mortal animals. For the demiurgus wifhing to affimilate what the world contains to
every thing in himfelf, produced mortal animals, that he might make the world all-per-
feet; but he comprehends the definite ideas of thefe, producing them from the immor
tal genera. He knows therefore mortal animals, and it is evident that he knows them
formally, and he thinks fit that the junior gods, looking to him, and not to animal itfelf,
mould fabricate them, in confequence of containing in himfelf feparately the ideas of mor
tals and immortals. In animal itfelf, therefore, with refpect to the aerial, or aquatic,
or terreftrial, there was one idea of each of thefe, the caufe of all aerial, aquatic, or pe-
deftrial animals, but they are divided in the demiurgus ; and fome are formal compre-
henfions of immortal aerial, and others of mortal aerial animals; and after the fame
manner with refpect to the aquatic and terreftrial genera. The formal multitude there
fore in animal itfelf, is not the fame with that in the demiurgus, as may be inferred from
thefe arguments.
W e may alfo fee that Plato makes a divifion of thefe genera into monad and triad,
(oppofing the fummit of the celeftiai genus to the total genera,) and into two duads. For
he denominates the celeftiai and winged, genus, but the aquatic and pedeftrial, fpecies; the
* Here, also by an unaccountable mistake, all that follows after the word vtyoSarypas, water-walkers,
which is in p. 2/0, and which ought immediately to follow this word, begins near the bottom of p. 2/2, at
the words f JRI h rwv VBO^WMV, &C.
latter
ON T H E TIMJEUS. 657
latter poffeffmg an order fubordinate to the former, in the fame manner as fpecies to
genus. It is likewife requifite to obferve that he omits the region offirein thefe, becaufe
the divine genus comprehends the fummit of fire. For of fublunary bodies,, fire has not
any proper region, but fubfifts according to mutation alone, always requiring the nou-
rifhment of air and water. For its proper place, as fire, is on high : but neither is it
there, fince it would be feen, being naturally vifibte; nor can it arrive thither, being ex
tinguifhed by the furrounding air, which is diffimilar to it. If, therefore, it is requifite
that there fhould be a wholenefs of fire, and that poffefTing a form it fhould be fomewhere,
and not alone confift in being generated, and if there is no fuch fire under the moon, fire
will alone fubfift in the heavens, abiding fuch as it is, and always poffefling its proper
place. For a motion upwards * is not the property of fire when fubfifting according to
nature, but is alone peculiar to fire when fubfifting contrary to nature. Thus alfo the
SACRED DISCOURSE of the Chaldaeans conjoins things aerial with the lunar ratlings,
attributing to fire the celeftial region, according to a divifion of the elements in the
world. For the fire in generation is a certain defluxion of the celeftial fire, and is in the
cavities of the other elements. There is not however a fphere of fire by itfelf, but the
fummit of air imitates the purity of fupernal fire. And we denominate this fublunary
fire, and call the region under the heavens the place of fire: for this is moft fimilar to
the celeftial profundity, as the termination of air is to water, which is grofs and dark.
But you fhould not wonder if the moft attenuated and pure fire will be in the fummits
of air, as the moft grofs and turbid is in the bofom of the earth; not making this pure
fire to be a wholenefs different from the whole air, but confidering it, being moft attenu
ated, as carried in the pores of the air, which are moft narrow. Hence it is not feen
through two caufes; from not being diftind from the air, and from confifting of the
fmalleft parts: fo that it does not refill our fight in the fame manner as the light of vifi
ble objects. True fire, therefore, fubfifts in the heavens ; but of fublunary fire, that
which is moft pure, is in the air proximate to the celeftial regions, which Plato in the
courfe of this Dialogue calls aether; and that which is moft grofs, is contained in the re-
ceffes of the earth.
* Agreeably to this, Plotinus observes, that every body, when in its proper place, is either at rest, or
moves circularly.
4r
INDEX
TO
THE LAWS.
B O O K PAQft
5
II.
nr.
- - 36*
- 6*
IV. - - 90
v. - 12a
vr. - - M3.
vir. - - ISO
vnr. - - 221
IX. - 245
X. - 293
XI. - - 326-
XII. * - 35T
TMK
WORKS OF PLATO,
VIZ.
IN F I V E VOLUMES
VOL. III.
AMS PRESS
NEW YORK
THE
WORKS OF PLATO,
V I z*
BY THOMAS TAYLOR:
WITH
COPIOUS NOTES,
BY THE LATTER TRANSLATOR;
I » W H I C H IS G I V E N
IN F I V E V O L U M E S .
VOL. III.
TilN THAI *YXHW, ANTI T U N A r A A M A T H N , ANTI T12N J E P f l N , ANTI T H I OAH2 AflZTEIAZ A Y T H Z , KAI ZATHPIAX
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THOMAS TAYLOR,
BY R. W I L K S , C H A N C B R Y - L A N E ;
A N D SOLD BY £ • JEFFERY, A N D R. H . E V A N S , PALL-MALLW<
1804*.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Plato.
The works of Plato, viz. his fifty-five dialogues,
and twelve epistles.
*»
DLALOGUE
ON T H E GODS.
E R R A T A .
Vol. III. p. 3 5 , in the lad line, for infinite, multitude, read infinite multitude.
< p, 581, lines, 26, 27, 28, 29, for the word mere, in each of thefe lines, read more.
INTRODUCTION
To
THE PARMENIDES.
I T was the cuftom of Pythagoras and his followers, nmongft whom Plato
holds the moft diftinguifhed rank, to conceal divine myfteries under the veil
of fymbols and figures ; to difTemble their wifdom againft the arrogant boaft-
ings of the Sophifts ; to jeft ferioufly, and fport in earneft. . Hence, in the
following moft important dialogue, under the appearance of a certain dia
lectic fport, and, as it were, logical difcuffion, Plato has delivered a complete
fyftem of the profound and beautiful theology of the Greeks. For it is not
to be fuppofed that he, who in all his other dialogues introduces difcuftions
adapted to the character of the principal fpeaker, mould in this dialogue
deviate from his general plan, and exhibit Parmenides, a venerable and aged
philofopher, engaged in the puerile exercife of a merely logical difputation.
Befides, it was ufual with the Pythagoreans and Plato to form an harmonious
conjunction of many materials in one fubjedt, partly in imitation of nature,
and partly for the fake of elegance and grace. Thus, in the Phaxlrus, Plato
mingles oratory with theology; in the Timseus, mathematics with phyfics;
and in the prefent dialogue, dialectic with divine fpeculations.
But the reader muft not fuppofe that the dialectic of Plato is the lame
with vulgar dialectic, which is converfant with opinion, and is accurately
invcftigated in Ariftotle's Topics: for the builnefs of this firft of fciences,
which at prefent is utterly unknown, is to employ definitions, divifions, ana-
lyfations, and demonftrations, as primary fciences in the investigation of
caufes ; imitating the progreflions of beings from the firft principle of things,
and their continual converfion to it, as the ultimate object of defire. " But
there are three energies," fays Proclus "of this moft fcientific method :
1
In MSS. Comment, in Parmenidem, lib. i.
B 2 the
4 INTRODUCTION TO
thefirftof which is adapted to youth, and is ufeful for the purpofe of routing
their intellect, which is, as it were, in a dormant ftate; for it is a true exer-
cife of the eye of the foul in the fpeculation of things, leading forth through
oppofite pofitions the eflential impreffion of reafons which it contains, and
confidering not only the divine path, as it were, which conducts to truth,
but exploring whether the deviations from it contain any thing worthy of
belief; and, laftly,ftimulatingthe all-various conceptions of the foul. But
the fecond energy takes place when intellect refts from its former inveftiga-
tions, as becoming moft familiar with the fpeculation of beings, and beholds
truth itfelf firmly eftablifhed upon a pure and holy foundation. And this-
energy, according to Socrates, by a progreflion through ideas, evolves the
whole of an intelligible nature, till it arrives at that which is firft; and this
by arialyfing, defining, demonftrating, and dividing, proceeding upwards
and downwards, till, having entirely inveftigated the nature of intelligibles„
it raifes itfelf to a nature fuperior to beings. But the foul being perfectly
eftablifhed in this nature, as in her paternal port, no longer tends to a more
excellent object of defire* as fhe has now arrived at the end of her fearch :
and you may fay that what is delivered in the Phredrus and Sophifta is the
employment of this energy, giving a twofold divifion to fome, and a four
fold to other operations of the dialectic art; and on this account it is afligned
to fuch as philofophize purely, and no longer require preparatory exercife,,
but nourifh the intellect of their foul in pure intellection. But the third
energy, which is exbibitive according to truth, purifies from twofold igno
rance when its reafons are employed upon men full of opinion ; and this is
fpoken of in the Sophifta." So that the dialectic energy is triple, either
fubufting through oppofite arguments* or alone unfolding truth, or alone
confuting falfehockL
Parmenides by means of this dialectic perfects the conceptions of Socrates
about ideas. For, as Proclus well obferves, the mode of difcourfe is every
where obftetric, but does not confute ; and is explorative, but not defenfivc
But it differs, confidered as fometimes proceeding from on high to fuch
things as are laft, and fometimes afcending from fenfible particulars to fuch
reafons as are accommodated to divine caufes; but, according to each of
thefe, it elevates Socrates, calls forth his native conceptions concerning
ideas, and caufes them to poftefs an expanded diftinction. And in this re-
fpcc\
THE PARMENIDES, 5
fpect, fays Proclus, Parmenides truly imitates the paternal caufe of the uni-
verfality of things, who from the fupreme hypoftafis of all beings, preferves
and perfects all things, and draws them upwards by his unknown and in
effable powers.
With refpecl to the dramatic apparatus of this dialogue, it is necefTary to
obferve, that the Athenians had two feftivals. in honour of Minerva; the
former of which, on account of the greater preparation required in its cele
bration, was called the greater Panathenaia; and the latter, on account of
its requiring a lefs apparatus, was denominated the lejfer Panathenaia. The
celebration of them, likewife, was diftinguifhed by longer and fhorter periods
of time. In confequence, therefore, of the greater fefKval taking place,
facred to Minerva, Parmenides and Zeno came to Athens, Parmenides being
the mailer, and Zeno his difciple ; but both of them Eleateans—and not
only this, fays Proclus, but partakers of the Pythagoric doctrine, according
to the relation of Callimachus the hiftorian. Parmenides and Zeno, there
fore, in a place called the Ceramicus, beyond the walls of the city, and
which was facred to the flatues of the Gods, met with one Pythodorus, toge
ther with Socrates and many other Athenians, who came thither for the
purpofe of hearing the writings of Zeno. The enfuing dialogue, which was
the confequence of Zeno's difcourfe, was afterwards related by Pythodorus
to one Antiphon, the brother on the mother's fide of Adimantus and Glaucus,
who were the brothers of Plato, both from the fame father and mother; and
the dialogue is fuppofed to be again related by Antiphon to Cephalus and
his companions, in confequence of their lbliciting Adimantus and Glaucus
to requefl Antiphon for the narration,
Zeno, therefore, having read to the audience a book, in which he en^
deavoured to exhibit the difficulties attending the doctrine which aflerts the
exiflence of the many, and this in order to defend the favourite dogma of
Parmenides, who called being, the one; Socrates by no means oppofes his
arguments, but readily admits the errors which rauft enfue from fuppo-
fing multitude to exift, without participating the one. However, Socrates
does not red: here, but urges Zeno to a fpeculation of the one and the unities
which fubfift in intelligible natures, not enduring to dwell on the contem
plation of the one which feniibles contain : and this leads him to the invefti-
gation of ideas in which the unities of things refide. After this Parmenides,
9 not
6 INTRODUCTION TO
the
THE PAKMEN1DES. 7
the prefent time is no more, fo with refpect to all corporeal natures (from
their fubfiftence in time), before we can fay that they exift, they lofe all
identity of being. And hence no one of them is truly that which it is faid to
be. On the contrary, truth is eternal and immutable : for, if any one fhould
aflert that truth is not, he aflerts this either truly or falfely ; but if falfely,
there is fuch a thing as truth; and if truly, then it is true that there is no
1
fuch thing as truth. But if it is truly affertea, it can only be true through
truth ; and, confequently, there is fuch a thing as truth, which muft alfo*
be eternal and immutable. Hence, truth cannot fubfift in any thing mu
table ; for that which is fituated in a mutable nature is alfo changed in con
junction with it. But all corporeal natures are continually changed, and
hence they are neither true, nor have a true exiftence. If, therefore, the
forms of bodies are imperfect, they are not the firft forms; for whatever
ranks as firft is perfect and entire, fince the whole reafon of every nature is
eftablifhed in that which is firft. There are, therefore, certain forms above
thefe, perfect, primary, and entire, and which are nt>t indigent of a
fubject.
But if the forms of bodies are not true, where do the true forms fubfift ?
Shall we fay nowhere ? But in this cafe falfehood would be more powerful
than truth, if the former pofTefTed, and the latter had no, fubfiftence. But
this is impoftible. For that which is more powerful derives its power from
truth ; fince, unlets it was truly more powerful, it would not be that which
it is faid to be. But, indeed, without the prefence of truth, the forms which
are faid to be falfe could not fubfift; for they would no longer be what thev
are, unlefs it was true that they are falfe. True fpecies, therefore, have a
fubfiftence fomewhere. But does not our foul poffefs truer fpecies than
thofe which are the objects of fenfible infpection, by which it judges, con
demns, and corrects them, and underftands how far they depart from, and
in what refpect they agree with, fuch forms as are true f But he who does
not behold true forms, can by no means make a comparifon between them
and others, and rectify the inaccuracy of the one by the accurate truth of
the other. For the foul, indeed, corrects the vifibfe circle, when it does not
touch a plane in one point only ; approves or condemns every artificial
ftructure and mufical modulation ; and judges concerning the goodnefs or
depravity, utility or detriment, beauty or deformity^ of every object in na
ture.
INTRODUCTION TO
turc. • The foul, therefore, pofleffes truer forms, by which (he judges of
corporeal natures. But neither are thefe forms in the foul firft forms, for
they are movable ; and though not fubfifting in place, yet. they have a dif.
curfive proceffion through the intervals of time. Nor do they always exift
in energy ; for the foul does not always energize through them. Nor do
they fubfift in a total but in a partial intellect. For as the foul is not total
intellect, on account of its felf-motive nature, fo the intellect which is in
•foul is not a total and firft intellect, but fuffers a remiflion of intellectual union,
from its connection with the difcurfive energies of foul. There is, there-,
fore, above foul, and that intellect which is a part of foul, a certain firft in
tellect, in itfelf entire and perfectly complete, in which the firft and moft
true fpecies of all things are contained, and which have a fubfiftence inde
pendent of time, place, and motion. And this firft intellect is no other than
that vital nature UVTO£UOV9 or animal itfelf, in which Plato in the Tima^us
reprefents the artificer of the univerfe contemplating the ideas of things,
and fabricating the machine of the world according to this all-beautiful
exemplar.
Again, the artificer of the univerfe muft be a God. Every God operates
efTentially, or produces from his eflence that which he produces, becaufc
this is the moft perfect mode of production. Every thing which operates
efTentially produces an image of itfelf. He, therefore, who fabricated the
univerfe, fabricated it an image of itfelf. But if this be the cafe, he contains
in himfelf paradigmatically the caufes of the univerfe : and thefe caufes are
ideas. To which we may add, that the perfect muft necefTarily antecede
the imperfect; unity, multitude; the indivifible, the divifible; and that
which abides perpetually the fame, that which fubfifts in unceafing muta
tion. From all which it follows, that things do not originate from bafer
natures, but that they end in thefe; and that they commence from natures
the molt perfect, the moft beautiful, and the beft. For it is riot poftible that
our intellect fhould be able to apprehend things properly equal, fimilar,
and the like, and that the intellect of the artificer of the univerfe fhould not
contain in Itfelf the efTentially equal, juft, beautiful, and good, and, in fhort,
every thing which has a univerfal and perfect fubiifteiice, and which, from
its refidence in deity, forms a link of that luminous chain of fubftances to
which we verv properly give the appellation of ideas.
The
THE PARMENIDES. 9
be true in every thing which operates efTentially. The caufe of the uni
verfe, therefore, fabricating from his very effence, is that primarily which
the world is fecondarily. But, if the world is full of all-Various forms,
thefe will fubfift primarily in the caufe of the world : for it is the fame
caufe which gave fubfiftence to the fun and moon, to man and horfe. Thefe,
therefore, are primarily in the caufe of the world ; another fun befides.the
a p p a r e n t , another m a n , a n d , in a fimilar m a n n e r , every other form. There
are, therefore, forms prior to fenfibles, and demiurgic caufes of the pheno
mena pre-fubfifting in the one caufe of the univerfe.
But if any one fhould fay that the world has indeed a caufe, yet not pro
ducing, but final, and that thus all things are orderly difpofed with relation to
this caufe, it is fo far well indeed, that they admit the good to prefide over
the univerfe. But, it may be afked, whether does the world receive any
thing from this caufe, or nothing according to defire ? for, if nothing, the
defire by which it extends itfelf towards this caufe is vain. But if it receives
fomething from this caufe, and this caufe not only imparts good to the
world, but imparts it elTenlially, by a much greater priority, it will be the
caufe of exiftence to the univerfe, that it may impart good to it efTentially ;
and thus he will not only be thefinal,but the producing caufe of the univerfe.
In the next place, let us direct: our attention to the phenomena, to things
equal and unequal, fimilar and difTimilar, and all fuch fenfible particulars as
are by no means truly denominated : for where is there equality in fenfibles
which are mingled with inequality ? where fimilitude in things filled with
diflimilitude? where the beautiful among things of which the fubject is bafe ?
where the good in things in which there is capacity and the imperfect? Each
of thefe fenfible particulars, therefore, is not that truly which it is faid to be :
for, how can things, the nature of which confifts in the impartible and in pri
vation of interval, fubfift perfectly in things partible, and endued with in
terval? But our foul is able, both to conceive and generate things far more
accurate and pure than the phasnomena. Hence, it corrects the apparent
circle, and points out how far it falls fhort of the perfectly accurate. And
it is c\ident that in fo doing it beholds another form more beautiful and
more perfect than this: for, unlefs it beheld fomething more pure, it could
not fay that this is not truly beautiful, and that is not in every refpect equal.
If, therefore, a partial foul fuch as ours is able to generate and contemplate
C4 in
INTRODUCTION TO
in itfelf things more perfect than the phenomena, fuch as the accurate*
fphere and circle, the accurately beautiful and equal, and, in a fimilar man
ner, every other form, but the caufe of the univerfe is neitfier able to gene
rate, nor contemplate, things more beautiful than the phenomena, how is
the one the fabricator of the univerfe, but the other of a part of the univerfe?
For a greater power is effective of things more perfect, and a more imma
terial intellect contemplates more excellent fpectacles. The maker of the
world, therefore, is able both to generate and underftand forms much more
accurate and perfect than the phenomena. Where, then, does he generate,,
and where does he behold them ? Evidently, in himfelf: for he contemplates
himfelf. So that, by beholding and generating himfelf, he at the fame time
generates in himfelf, and gives fubfiftence to forms more immaterial and
more accurate than the phenomena*
In the third place, if there is ho caufe of the univerfe, but all things are
from chance, how are all things coordinated to each other, and how do
things perpetually fubfift ? And whence is it that all things are thus gene
rated according to nature with a frequency of fubfiftence ? for whatever
originates from chance does not fubfift frequently, but feldom* But if there
is one caufe, the fource of coordination to all things, and this caufe is igno
rant of itfelf, muft there not be fbme nature prior to this, which, by know
ing itfelf, imparts being to this caufe ? for it is impoflible that a nature
which is ignorant fhould be more excellent than that which has a knowledge
of itfelf. If, therefore, this caufe knows itfelf, it is evident that, knowing
itfelf to be a caufe, it muft alfo know the things of which it is the caufe;
fo that it will alfo comprehend the things which it knows. If, therefore,
intellect is the caufe of the univerfe, it alfo coordinated all things to each
other : for there is one artificer of all things. But the univerfe is various,
and all its parts do not participate either of the fame dignity or order. Who
is it then that meafures the dignity of thefe, except the power that gave
them fubfiftence? Who diftributed every thing in a convenient order, and
fixed it in its proper feat—the fun here, and there the moon, the earth
here, and there the mighty heaven—except the being by whom thefe were,
produced ? Who gave coordination to all things,, and produced one har
mony from all, except the power who imparted to every thing its effence and
oature ? If, therefore, he orderly dilpofed all thbgs, he cannot be ignorant
of
THE PARMENIDES. 13
of the order and rank which every thing maintains in the univerfe ; for to
operate in this manner would be the province of irrational nature, and not
of a divine caufe, and would be the characteriftic of neceffity, and not of
intellectual providence. Since, if, intellectually perceiving himfelf, he knows
himfelf, but knowing himfelf and the effence which he is allotted, he knows
that he is an immovable caufe, and the object of defire to all things, he will
alfo know the natures to which he is defirable: for he is not defirable from
accident, but efTentially. He will therefore either be ignorant of what he is
efTentially, or, knowing this, he will alfo know that he is the object of
defire ; and, together with this, he will know that all things defire him, and
what the natures are by which he is defired : for, of two relatives, to know-
one definitely, and the other indefinitely, is not the characteristic of fcience,
and much lefs of intellectual perception. But, knowing definitely the things
by which he is defired, he knows the caufes of them, in confequence of be
holding himfelf, and not things of a pofterior nature. If, therefore, he
does not in vain pofTefs the caufes of all things, he muft neceflarily, accord
ing to them, bound the order of all things, and thus be of all things the im
movable caufe, as bounding their order by his very effence.
But whether fhall we fay that, becaufe he defigned to make all things, he
knew them, or, becaufe he underftands all things, on this account he gave
fubfiftence to all things ? But if, in confequence of defigning to make all
things, he knows all things, he will pofTefs inward energy, and a converfion
to himfelf fubordinate to that which proceeds outwardly, and his knowledge
of beings will fubfiit for the fake of things different from himfelf. But if
this is abfurd, by knowing himfelf he will be the maker of all things. And,
if this be the cafe, he will make things external fimilar to thofe which he
contains in himfelf; for fuch is the natural order of things, that externally
proceeding fhould be fufpended from inward energy, the whole world from
the all perfect monad of ideas, and the parts of the vifible univerfe from
monads which are feparated from each other.
In the fourth place, we fay that man is generated from man, and from
every thing its like. After what manner, therefore, are they generated ?
for you will not fay that the generation of thefe is from chance i for neither
nature nor divinity makes any thing in vain. But, if the generation of men
is not from chance, whence is it ? You will fay, It is evidently from feed.
Let
14 INTRODUCTION TO
Let it then be admitted, that man is from feed ; but feed pofTefles productive
powers in capacity, and not in energy. For, fince it is a body, it is not
naturally adapted to pofTefs productive powers impartibly and in energy :
for every where a fubfiftence in energy precedes a fubfiftence in capacity :
fince, being imperfect, it requires the afliftance of fomething elfe endued with
a perfective power. This fomething elfe you will fay is the nature of the
mother ; for this perfects and fafhions the offspring by its productive powers.
For the apparent form of the mother does not make the infant, but nature,
which is an incorporeal power and the principle of motion. If, therefore,
nature changes the productive powers of feed from capacity to a fubfiftence
in energy, nature muft herfelf pofTefs thefe productive powers in energy.
Hence, being irrational and without imagination, fhe is at the fame time
the caufe of phyfical reafons. As the nature of man, therefore, contains,
human productive powers, does hot alfo nature in a lion contain thofe of the
lion; as, for inftance, the reafons or productive powers of the head, the
hair, the feet, and the other parts of the lion ? Or, whence, on fhedding a
tooth, does another grow in its place, unlefs from an inherent power which
is able to make the teeth ? How, likewife, does it at the fame time make
bone and flefh, and each of the other parts ? for the fame thing energizing
according to the fame would not be able to fafhion fuch a variety of orga
nization. But does not nature in plants alfo pofTefs productive powers as well
as in animals ? or (ball we not fay that, in thefe likewife, the order of gene
ration and the lives of the plants evince that they are perfected from orderly
caufes ? It is evident, therefore, from the fame reafoning, that the natures
of thefe alfo comprehend the apparent productive powers. Let us then
afcend from thefe to the one nature of the earth, which generates whatever
breathes and creeps on its furface, and which by a much greater priority
contains the productive powers of plants and animals. Or whence the ge
neration of things from putrefaction ? (for the hypothefis of the experiment-
alifts is weak and futile.) Whence is it that different kinds of plants grow
in the fame place, without human care and attention ? Is it not evident that
it is from the whole nature of the earth, containing the productive powers
of all thefe in herfelf? And thus proceeding, we fhall find that the nature
in each of the elements and celeftial fpheres comprehends the productive
powers of the animals which it contains. And if from the celeftial fpheres
we
THE PARMENIDES. 16
we afcend to the nature of the univerfe itfelf, we may alfo inquire refpecting
this, whether it contains forms or not, and we (hall be compelled to confefs,
that in this alfo the productive and motive powers of all things are contained :
for whatever is perfected from inferior fubfifts in a more excellent and per
fect manner from more univerfal natures. The nature of the univerfe, there
fore, being the mother of all things, comprehends the productive powers of
all things ; for, otherwife, it would be abfurd that art, imitating natural
reafons, mould operate according to productive principles, but that nature
herfelf mould energize without reafons, and without inward meafures. But,
if nature contains productive principles, it is necelfary that there fhould be
another caufe prior to nature, which is comprehenfive of forms; for nature
verging to bodies energizes in them, juft as if we fhould conceive an artift
verging to pieces of timber, and inwardly, by various operations, reducing
them to a certain form : for thus nature, merged together with and dwell
ing in corporeal malfes, infpires them with her productive powers and with
motion ; fince things which are moved by others require a caufe of this kind,
a caufe which is properly irrational indeed, that it may not depart from
bodies, which cannot fubfift without a caufe continually rending with them,
but containing the productive powers of bodies, that it may be able to pre-
ferve all things in their proper boundaries, and move every thing in a conve
nient manner. Nature, therefore, belongs to other things, being merged
in, or coordinated with, bodies. But it is requifne that the moft principal
and proper caufe fhould be exempt from its productions : for, by how much
more the maker is exempt from the thing made, by fo much the more per
fectly and purely will he make. And, in fhort, if nature is irrational, it
requires a leader. There is, therefore, fomething prior to nature, whicft con
tains productive powers, and from which it is requilite that every thing in
the world fhould be fufpended. Hence, a knowledge of generated natures
will fubfift in the caufe of the world more excellent than the knowledge
o
which we pofTefs; fo far as this caufe not only knows, but gives fubfiftence
to, all things ; but we pofTefs knowledge alone. But if the demiurgic caufe
of the univerfe knows all things, if he beholds them externally, he will
again be ignorant of himfeh, and will be fubordinate to a partial foul; but,
if he beholds them in himfelf, he will contain in himielf all forms, intel*.
lectual and gnoftic.
In
16 INTRODUCTION TO
In the fifth place, things produced from an immovable caufe are im
movable and without mutation ; but things produced from a movable caufe
are again movable and mutable, and fubfift differently at different times. If
this be the cafe, all fuch things as are efTentially eternal and immutable muft
be tKe progeny of an immovable caufe ; for, if from a movable caufe, they
will be mutable ; which is impoffible. Are riot, therefore, the form of man
and the form of horfe from a caufe, if the whole world fubfifts from a caufe ?
From what caufe, therefore ? Is it from an immovable or from a movable
caufe ? But if from a movable caufe, the human fpecies will fome time
or other fail; fince every thing which fubfifts from a movable caufe ranks
among things which are naturally adapted to perifh. We may alfo make
the fame inquiry refpecTmg the fun and moon, and each of theftars: for,
if thefe are produced from a movable caufe, in thefe alfo there will be a
mutation of effence. But if thefe, and all fuch forms as eternally fubfift in
the univerfe, are from an immovable caufe, where does the immovable
caufe of thefe fubfift ? For it is evidently not in bodies,finceevery natural
body is naturally adapted to be moved. It therefore fubfifts proximately in
nature. But nature is irrational; and it is requifite that caufes properly fo
called fhould be intellectual and divine. Hence, the immovable caufes of
thefe forms fubfift primarily in intellect, fecondarily in foul, in the third gra
dation in nature, and laftly in bodies. For all things either fubfift appa
rently or unapparently, either feparate or infeparable from bodies; and if
feparate, either immovably according to effence and energy, or immovably
according to effence, but movably according to energy. Thofe things, there
fore, are properly immovable, which are immutable both according to effence
and efiergy, fuch as are intelligibles ; but thofe pofTefs the lecond rank which
are immovable indeed according to eflence, but movable according to
energy, and fuch are fouls : in the third place, things unapparent indeed,
but infeparable from the phenomena, are fuch as belong to the empire of
nature; and thofe rank in the laft place which are apparent, fubfift in fen
fibles, and are divifible: for the gradual fubjection of forms proceeding as far
as to fenfibles ends in thefe.
In thefixthplace, let us fpeculate after another manner concerning the
fubfiftence of forms or ideas, beginning from demonftrations themfelves.
For Ariftotle has proved in his Laft Analytics, and all fcientific men muft
9 confefs,
THE PARMENIDES. 17
confefs, that demonftrations are entirely from things which have a priority
of fubfiftence, and which are naturally more honourable. But if the things
from which demonftrations confift are univerfals, (for every demonftration is
from thefe),—hence, thefe muft be caufes to the things which are unfolded
from them. When, therefore, the aftronomer fays, that the circles in the
heavens bifect each other, fince every greateft circle bifects its like, whether
does he demonftrate or not ? For he makes his conclufion from that which
is univerfal. But where (hall we find the caufes of this fection of circles in
the heavens which are more univerfal than the circles? For they will not
be in bodies, fince every thing which is in body is divifible. They muft,
therefore, refide in an incorporeal effence ; and hence there muft be forms
which have a fubfiftence prior to apparent forms, and which are the caufes
of fubfiftence to thefe, in confequence of being more univerfal and more
powerful. Science, therefore, compels us to admit that there are univerfal
forms, which have a fubfiftence prior to particulars, are more efTential and
more caufal, and from which the very being of particulars is derived.
By afcending from motion we may alfo after the fame manner prove the
exiftence of ideas. Every body from its own proper nature is alter-motive,
or moved by another, and is indigent of motion externally derived. But the
firft, moft proper and principal motion is in the power which moves the
mundane wholes: for he pofleftes the motion of a mover, and body the
motion of that which is moved, and corporeal motion is the image of that
which pre-fubfifts in this power. For that is perfect motion becaufe it is
energy ; but the motion in body is imperfect energy : and the imperfect de
rives its fubfiftence from the perfect.
From knowledge alfo. we may perceive the neceffity of the fame conclu
fion. For laft knowledge is that of bodies, whether it be denominated
fenfible or imaginable : for all fuch knowledge is deftitute of truth, and does
not contemplate any thing univerfal and common, but beholds all things
inverted withfigure,and all things partiaL But more perfect knowledge is
that which is without figure, which is immaterial, and which fubfifts by
itfelf, and from itfelf; the image of which is fenfe, fince this is imperfect
knowledge, fubfifting in another, and not originating from itfelf. If, there
fore, as in motion, fo alfo in knowledge and in life, that which participates,
that which is participated, and that which is imparticipable, are different
yoL. in. D from
ifrtfcOl&UCTION TO
from each other, thefe is alfo the fame reafoning with refpect to other forms.
For matter is one thing, the form which it contains another, and frill different
from either is the feparate form. For God and Nature do not make things
imperfect which fubfift iu fomething different from themfelves, and which
have an obfcure and dcbile exiftence.; but have not produced things perfect,
and which fubfift from themfelves ; but by a much greater priority they have
given fubfiftence to thefe, and from thefe have produced things which are
participated by, and merged in, the darknels of matter.
But if it be requifite fummarily to relate the caufe that induced the Pytha
goreans and Plato to adopt the hypothefis of ideas, we muft fay, that all
thefe vifible natures, celeftial and fublunary, are either from chance, or fub
fift from a caufe. But that they fhould be from chance is impoffible : for
things more excellent will fubfift in things fubordinate, viz. intellect, reafon,
and caufe, and that which proceeds from caufe. To which we may add, as
Ariftotle obferves, that prior to caufes according to accident, it is requifite
that there fhould be things which have an effential fubfiftence; for the acci
dental is that in which the progreffions of thefe are terminated. So that a
fubfiftence from caufe will be more antient- than a fubfiftence from chance,
if the moft divine of things apparent are the progeny of chance. But if
there is a caufe of all things, there will either be many unconjoined caufes,
or one caufe; but if many, wc fhall not be able to aftign to what it is owing
that the world is one, fince there will not be one caufe according to which
all things are coordinated. It will alfo be abfurd to fuppofe that this caufe
is irrational For, again, there will be fomething among things pofteriof
better than the caufe of all things, viz. that which, being within the uni
verfe, and a part of the whole, operates according to reafon and knowledge,
and yet derives this prerogative from an irrational caufe. But if this caufe
is rational and knows itfelf, it will certainly know itfelf to be the caufe of
all; or, being ignorant of this, it will be ignorant of its own nature. But
if it knows that it is efTentially the caufe of the univerfe, it will alfo defi
nitely know that of which it is the caufe ; for, that which definitely knows
the one will alfo definitely know the other. Hence, he will know every
thing which the univerfe contains, and of which he is the caufe : and if this
be the cafe, beholding himfelf, and knowing himfelf, he knows things pof-
terior to himfelf. By immaterial reafons, therefore, and forms, he knows
the
T II £ PARMENIDES. 19
the mundane reafons and forms from which the univerfe confifts, and the
univerfe is contained in him as in a caufe feparate from matter. This,
Proclus adds, was the doctrine of the Eleatic Zeno, and the advocates for
ideas : nor did thefe men alone, fays he, form conceptions of this kind re-
fpecting ideas, but their doctrine was alfo conformable to that of the theo
logies. For Orpheus fays, that after the abforption of Phanes in Jupiter all
things were generated: fince prior to this the caufes of all mundane natures
fubfifled unitedly in Phanes, but fecondarily and with feparation in the
demiurgus of the univerfe. For there the fun and the moon, heaven it
felf, and the elements, Love the fource of union, and in fhort all things,
were produced : for there was a natural conflux, fays Orpheus, of all things
in the belly of Jupiter. Nor did Orpheus flop here ; but he alfo delivered
the order of demiurgic forms through which fenfible natures were allotted
their prefent distribution. Proclus further adds : The Gods alfo have
throught fit to unfold to mankind the truth refpecting ideas; and have de
clared what the one fountain is whence they proceed; where ideasfirftfub
fift in full perfection; and how in their progreffion they aflimilate all things,
both wholes and parts, to the Father of the univerfe. What Proclus here
alludes to is the following Chaldaic Oracle:
Novg iraipog sppoifycs vcv}crag att^oc^i @OV\YJ
d 2 i. e. « The
20 INTRODUCTION TO
the oracles fay, that the fountain of ideas pre-fubfifts in the demiurgus; nor are
thefe affertions difcordant with each other, as they may appear to be to fome.
For it is not the fame thing to invefligate the one and total caufe of mundane
forms, and fimply to contemplate the firft unfolding into light of every
feries of ideas; but the comprehenfion of the former muft be referred to the
demiurgus, and of the latter to the intelligible order itfelf, of divine natures,
from which the demiurgus is filled, and all the orders of an ideal effence.
And, on this account, I think the oracles affert, that ideas proceed with a
crafhing noife from their intellectual fountain, and, being diftributed in
different places, burft about the bodies of the world in confequence of the
r
To the queftion what kind of beings ideas are, we may anfwer with Zeiio-
crates, according to the relation of Proclus, that they are the exemplary caufes
of things, which fier/ietually fubfift according to nature. They are exemplars,
indeed, becaufe the final caufe, or the good, is fuperior to thefe, and that
which is properly the efficient caufe, or the demiurgic intellect, is of an in
ferior ordination. But they are the exemplars of things according to nature,
becaufe there are no ideas of things unnatural or artificial: and of fuch
natural things as are perpetual, becaufe there are no ideas of mutable par
ticulars.
Laftly, ideas are participated by material natures, fimilar to the impreffions
in wax of a feal, to images appearing in water or a mirror, and to pictures*
For material fpecies, on account of their union with matter, are analogous
to the impreffions of a feal; but on account of their apparently real, but at
the fame time delufive fubfiftence in its dark receptacle, they are fimilar to
images in water, or in a mirror, or a dream; and they refemble pictures on
account of their fimilitude, though very remote and obfeure, to firft ideas
themfelves. We may add too, as Proclus beautifully obferves, that they
derive their fubfiftence as impreffions from the mundane Gods ; their apparent
exiftence from the liberated Gods; and their fimilitude to fupernal forms
from the fupermundane or affimilative Gods. And thus much for the firft
x
part of the dialogue, or the doctrine of ideas .
But in order to a fummary view, of the inimitably profound and fublime
difcuflion which the fecond part contains concerning the one, it is necefTary to
obferve, that by the one itfelf the Pythagoreans and Plato Signified the firft
caufe, which they very properly confidered as perfectly fupereffentia), inef
fable and unknown. For it is necefTary that multitude fhould be pofterior
to unity : but it is impoftible to conceive being * without multitude, and con-
fequently the caufe of all beings muft be void of multitude and fupei effential.
And that this Was really the opinion of the moft antient Pythagoreans, from
r
See more concerning ideas in the firft dictation prefixed to my tranflation of Proclus oft
Euclid, in the notes to my tranflation of Ariftotle's Metaphyfics, and in the notes to this dialogue.
* If being were the fame whh the one, multitude would be the fame with non-being ; for the
oppofite to the o:e is multitude^ and the oppofite ro being is non-being. As being, therefore, is not
the fame with, it muft be pofterior to, the one; for there is not any thing in things more excellent
than unity.
whom
24 INTRODUCTION TO
whom Plato derived his philofophy, the following citations will abundantly
evince.
And, in the firft place, this is evident from a fragment of Archytas, a moft
antient Pythagorean, on the principles of things, preferved by Stobaeus,
Eclog. Phyf. p. 82, and in which the following extraordinary pafTage occurs :
n<rr ocvocyxoc rpsig tip.sv Tag ap%ag, totv TS S<TTUI TOJV irpay^aTUJv xai TOLV jxoptpui, xai TO
Kpscnrov' vou> $s xpso-<rov SCTTI oTrsp ovopotfy^.v Bscv (pavspov.—i. e. " So that it is ne
cefTary to affert that there are three principles ; that which is the fubjecl of
things {or matter), form, and that which is of itfelf motive, and invifble in
jiow.er„ With refpect to the laft of which, it is not only necefTary that it
fhould have a fubfiftence, but that it fhould be fomething better than intellect P
But that which is better than intellect is evidently the fame with that which
we denominate God." It muft here however be obferved, that by the word
God we are not only to underftand the firft caufe, but every God: for, ac
cording to the Pythagoric theology, every Deity, confidered according to the
characteristic of his nature, is fuperior to intellectual efTence. Agreeably to
the above pafTage is that alfo of Brotinus, as cited by Syrianus in Arift. Meta.
p. 102, b. who exprefsly aflcrts that the firft caufe « xai xaiag tiwapsiKou y nuvTog
vrps<r€stce wrspeyj-i—" furpaffes every intellect and effence both in power and
antiquity." Again, according to the fame Syrianus, p. 103, b. we are
informed, " that the Pythagoreans called God the one, as the caufe of
union to the univerfe, and on account of his fuperiority to every being, to
all life, and to all-perfect intellect. But they denominated him the meafure
of all things, on account of his conferring on all tilings, through illumina
tion, effence and bound ; and containing and bounding all things by the in
effable fupereminence of his nature, which is extended beyond every bound."
Taw Ssiwy ecvtyuv lv JJ.SV Xsyevrwv rov Beov ug hwo~tWs TOtg oKoig antOY xai iravjog
9 THoviog, xou
Troco-yjg C^uiYig^xui va TU iruvTiKHg £7rexsivo6. M*Tfoi> h TUV iravTW wg woto-j TVJV .ov<ruav xoci
9 TO
TtXog 57r/Aa^c7rovTa, xoci cvg TTUVTOC TrtpizyjovTu, xai opt^ovTcx TUIS atypuQ-TOig UVTH, xai navTog
vfiripYiirXia^ocig TttpuTog v7ripo%aig. And again, .this is confirmed by Clinius the
Pythagorean, as cited by Syrianus, 104, in which place jirteclari is erro- jp.
neoufly fubftituted for Clinii. " That which is ike one, and the meafure of
J
Inftcadof JVWIAQVW, which is evidently the true reading, ovofuvfuom is enroneoufly printed in
Stobqeus.
all
THE PARMENIDES. 25
nil things (fays he), is not only entirely exempt from bodies, and mundane
concerns, but likewife from intelligibles themfelves ; fince he is the venerable
principle of beings, the meafure of intelligibles, ingenerable, eternal, and
alone (povov), poffeffing abfolute dominion (xvpiuhg), and himfelf manifefting
himfelf (OCVTO TO This fine pafTage I have tranflated agreeably
SOCVTO ^ A f c v ) . "
may add, that the epithets darknefs and obfcurity wonderfully agree with the
appellation of a thrice unknown darknefs, employed by the Egyptians, accord
x
ing to Damafcius , in their moft myftical invocations of the firft God ; and at
the fame time afford a fufficient reafon for the remarkable filence of the
moft antient philofophers and poets concerning this higheft and ineffable
caufe.
This filence is, indeed, remarkably obvious in Hefiod, when in his The-
ogony he fays :
HTCJ ptf icpuTivt* Xaos year?, •
That is, " Chaos was the firjl thing which was generated"—and confe-
quently there muft be fome caufe prior to Chaos, through which it was pro
duced ; for there can be no effect without a caufe. Such, however, is the
ignorance of the moderns, that in* all the editions of Hefiod ysvsro is tranflated
fuit, as if the poet had faid that Chaos was the firfl of all things ; and he is
even accufed by Cudworth on this account as leaning to the atheiftical fyf-
tem. But the following teftimonies clearly prove, that in the opinion of all
antiquity, ysvsro was confidered as meaning was generated, and not was
fimply. And, in the firft place, this is clearly afferted by Ariftotle in lib. 3,
de Ccelo. " There are certain perfons (fays he) who affert that there is
nothing unbegotten, but that all things are generated. And this is efpecially
the cafe with Hefiod."—E/<r/ yocp nvsg <pct<riv ov9-v uysnvpov eweti, aXXoc 7T<xvroc
01
yiyvso-Qai—MuXto-ja 01 'Hcnclov.
Ttspi IOV And again, by Sextus Empiricus
in his Treatife Adverfus Mathemat, p. 383, edit. Steph. who relates, that
this very pafTage was the occafion of Epicurus applying himfelf to philofophy.
" For (fays he) when Epicurus was as yet but a young man, he aiked
a grammarian, who was reading to him this line of Hefiod,
Chaos of all things was thefirftproduced,
from what Chaos was generated, if it was the firft thing generated. And
upon the grammarian replying that it was not his bufinefs to teach things of
this kind, but was the province of thofe who are called philofophers—To
thofe then, fays Epicurus, muft I betake myfelf, fince they know the truth
Tlipiapxaf.
of
THE PARMENIDES. •27
of things." Kofu^j/ yap ^ipaKicKog coy, yp-ro TOV $7ravayiv:ocncov7a avrfc Ypotu.y.?.Tio~TY vl
(vj Toi ply Trp'jOTKTTot Xaog y v r i i ) SJC ring TO yjxog sysviTO, snrip %-ftMTOV sysvzro. Toviov $s
enroTog jj.Y] avTOv c-pyov £ivat r x roiavra Si^a'TKiiv, aKKu. TLOV KXXGVIA-VC'JV (piXotroycov' Tttnrj
s^pr r-v t b Evrnmpog, kit sxsnovs pot ftalio-j-oy so-Ttv, UTrsf* ana Try TWV CVTMV aXrfinuv
io~xo~iv»
Simplicius, too, in commenting on the paftage above cited from Ariftotle,
beautifully obferves as follows—" Ariftotle (fays he) ranks Hefiod among
the fir ft phyfiologifts, becaufe he fings Chaos wasfirftgenerated. He fays,
therefore, that Hefiod in a particular manner makes all things to be gene
rated, becaufe that which isfirftis by him laid to be generated. But it is
probable that Ariftotle calls Orpheus and Mufacus thefirftphyfiologifts, who
affert that all things are generated, exce/it the firft. . It is, however, evident
that thofe theologifts, finging in fabulous ftrains, meant nothing more by
generation than the proceffion of things from their caufes ; on which account
all of them confider the frfl caufe as unbegotten. For Hefiod alfo, when he
fays thatC^tfflJ was firft generated, infinuates that there was fomething prior
to Chaos, from which Chaos was produced. For it is always necefTary that
every thing which is generated fhould be generated from fomething. But
this likewife is infinuated by Hefiod, that thefirftcaufe is above all know
ledge and every appellation." (De Ccelo, p. 147.)
But thefe divine men not only called thefirftcaufe the one, on account of
his tranfeendentfimplicity,but likewife the good, on account of the fuper-
lative excellency of his nature ; by the former of thefe appellations confider-
ing him as that principle from which all things flow, and by the latter as
that fupremc object of defire to which all things ultimately tend. And hence
Plato, in his Republic, afferts that the good is fuperefTential; and Ariftotle,
in lib. 14, Metaphyf. cap. 4, alluding to Plato and the Pythagoreans, fays,
f
" that according to fome, the one is the fame with the good." O/ pivtpuo-iv
avro TO . - v , TO ayaQov avro Eivat.
x
With great beauty, therefore, does Proclus , with his ufual magnificence
of expreuion, aflert of this incomprehenfible caufe, " that he is the God of
2
all Gods, the unity of unities, and above thefirftadyta ; that he is more
1
In Plat. Theol. p. 1 to.
3
AXUVXTM is erroneoufly printed for afruruv.
E 2 ineffable
28 INTRODUCTION TO
ineffable than all filence, and more unknown than all effence ; that he is holy
among the holies, and is concealed among the intelligible Gods."
Plato, too, in the Republic, that we may be enabled to gain a glimpfe from
analogy of this tranfcendent nature, compares him to the fun. For as the
fun by his light not only confers the power of being feen on vifible objects,
but is likewife the caufe of their generation, nutriment, and increafe ; fo the
good, through fupereffential light, imparts being and the power of being
known to every thing which is the object of knowledge. Hence, fays
Damafcius % " this higheft God is feen afar off as it were obfcurely; and if
you approach nearer, he is beheld ftill more obfcurely ; and laitly, he takes
away the ability of perceiving other objects. He is, therefore, truly an in-
comprehenfible and inacceflible light, and is profoundly compared to the fun:
upon which the more attentively you look, the more you will be darkened
and blinded; and will only bring back with you eyesftupefiedwith excefs
of light."
And fuch is the doctrine of Plato and the Pythagoreans concerning the
higheft principle of things. But, according to the fame divine men, the im
mediate progeny of this ineffable caufe muft be Gods ; and as fuch muft have
a fupereffential fubfiftence. For what elfe prior to unities is it lawful to
conjoin with the one, or what is more conjoined with a God fubfifting accord
ing to unity, than the multitude of Gods ? Befides, progreffions are every
where perfected through fimilitude to their principles. For both nature her
felf, intellect, and every generative caufe, leads and conjoins to itfelf fimilar
natures, prior to fuch as are diflimilar. For as there can be no vacuum either
in incorporeal or corporeal natures, it is necefTary that every thing which
has a natural progreffion fhould proceed through fimilitude. Hence, every
caufe muft deliver its own form and characteriftic to its progeny, and, before
it generates that which is hypoftatic of progreffions far diftant and feparate
from its nature, muft conftitute things proximate to itfelf according to
effence, and conjoined with it through fimilitude. As nature, therefore, ge
nerates a natural number, foul one that is animal, and intellect an intellec
tual number, it is neceffary that the firft unity fhould produce from itfelf,
prior
THE PARMENIDES.
hypothefes being laid down, viz. if a thing is, and if it is not, each of thefe
may be tripled by confidering in each what happens, what does not happen, what
happens and at the fame time does not happen : lo that fix cafes will be the refult.
But lince, if a tiling is, we may confider itfelf either with refpecl to itielf,
or itfelf with refpect to others; or we may confider others themfelves with
refpecl to themfelves, or others with refpect to that thing itfelf, and lb like-
wife if a thing is not: hence, the whole of this procefs will confift of eight
triads, which are as follows:—i. If a thing is, what happens to itfelf with
refpecl: to itfelf, what does not happen, what happens and at the fame time
does not happen. 2. If a thing is, what happens to itfelf with refpecl: to
others, what does not happen, what happens and at the fitme time does not
happen. 3. If a thing is, what happens to others with refpecl to themfelves,
what does not happen, what happens and at the fame time does not happen.
4. If a thing is, what happens* to others with refpecl to that thing, what
does not happen, what happens and at the fame time does not happen. And
the other four, which are founded on the hypothefis that a thing is not,
are to be diflributed in exactly the fame manner as thofe we have juft enu
merated. Such (fays Proclus) is the whole form of the dialectic method,
which is both intellectual and fcientific; and under which thofe four powers,
the definitive and divifive, the demonfirative and analytic, receive their con-
fummate perfection.
In the firfil hypothefis, therefore, Plato confiders what does not follow to the
one, confidered with refpect to itfelf and to others. In the fecond^ what does
follow. In the third, what follows and at the fame time does notfollow. And
this forms the firft hexad. But in the fourth hypothefis he confiJers what
follows to others with refpecl to themfelves, and what does not follow, what
follows and at the fame time does not follow. In the fifth, vjhat follows to
others with refpecl to the fubjed of the hypothefis, what does not jollow, what
follows and at the fame time does not follow. And fo two hexads, or four
triads, are by this means produced from the five hypothefes, if the one is.
And the reader will eafily perceive how each of tiie other four, which fup-
pofe the one is not, may form a triad : fo that thefe four triads, in conjunction
with the preceding four, will give the whole Eleatic or dialectic method
complete.
It
THE PARMENIDES. 31
fubfift, not indeed participating of one being fo far as being, but confidered
a« one; the ninth hypothefis at length fhows that, if this one being is taken
away, not even the fhadow of any thing could poftibly fubfift.
Thus far Plutarch; who likewife obferves that this dialogue was confi
dered as divine by the antients; and declares that the preceding expofition
is partly taken from the writings of the antients, and partly from his own
private opinion.
Now from all this we may fafely conclude, with Proclus, that all the
axioms of theological fcience are perfectly exhibited in this part of the dia
logue ; that all the diftributions of the divine natures are unfolded in con
nected continuity; and that this i« nothing elfe than the celebrated genera-
tion of the Gods, and every kind of exiflence, from the ineffable and unknown
caufi of the univerfe. For the antients by generation meant nothing more
than the proceffion of things from their caufe ; and hence thefirftcaufe was
fymbolically called by Orpheus time,—becaufe, fays Proclus, where there is
generation, there time has a fubfiftence.
Thatfirft and imparticipable one, then, who is declared to be the caufe of all
things after an ineffable manner, but who is without circumfcription, and does
not pofTefs any power or charadteriftic of a kindred kind with the other Gods,
is celebrated by thefirfthypothefis. And from this fupereminent caufe, as
from an exalted place of furvey, we may contemplate the divine unities, that
is, the Gods, flowing in admirable and ineffable order, and at the fame time
abiding in profound union with each other, and with their caufe. And here,
fays Proclus, an apt refemblance of their progreffion prefents itfelf to our
view. Becaufe a line is the firft continuous and divifible nature amongft
magnitudes, hence it participates of an indivifible, that is, of a point. And
this point, though it is allotted a fuperlinear condition and is indivifible, yet
it fubfifts in the line, is fomething belonging to it, and is the fummit of the
line. To which we may add, that many lines in a circle touch by their
feveral points the centre of the circle. In like manner an intelligible and
intellectual effence, becaufe it is the firft multiplied nature, on this account
partakes of an excellent unity. And this unity, though it is neither effence
nor obnoxious to effential multitude, yet abides in effence, or rather fubfifts
as its vertex, through which every intellectual effence is a God, enjoying
A divine
THE PA^MfNIDES.
divine iniity as the veryflowerof its nature, and as that which conjoins it
with the ineffable one. And as every thing is eftablifhed in its own fpecies
through form, and as we derive the characteriftic of our nature from foul,
fo every God becomes that which he is, or a Deity, through the unity of
his nature.
Laftly, fays he, the intention of thefirfthypothefis is to abfolve that which
isfimplyone from all the properties and conditions of the unities of the
Gods; and by this abfolving to fignify the proceflion of all things from
thence. But our intention in purfuing thefe myfteries is no other than by
the logical energies of our reafon to arrive at thefimpleintellection of beings,
and by thefe to excite the divine one refident in the depths of our effence, or
rather which prefides over our effence, that we may perceive thefimpleand
incomprehenfible one. For after, through difcurfive energies and intellections,
we have properly denied of thefirftprinciple all conditions peculiar to beings,
there will be fome danger, left, deceived by imagination after numerous ne
gations, we fhould think that we have arrived either at nothing, or at fome
thing flender and vain, indeterminate, formlefs, and confufed ; unlefs we are
careful in proportion as we advance in negations to excite by a certain ama-
torial affection the divine vigour of our unity; trufting that by this means
we may enjoy divine unity, when we have difmiffed the motion of reafon
and the multiplicity of intelligence, and tend through unity alone to the one
itfelf, and through love to the fujireme and inejfable good.
It may likewife be clearly fhown, and will be immediately obvious to
thofe who underftand the following dialogue, that the moft antient poets,
priefts, and philofophers, have delivered one and the fame theology, though
in different modes. Thefirftof thefe, through fabulous names and a more
vehement diction ; the fecond, through names adapted to facred concerns,
and a mode of interpretation grand and elevated ; and the third, either
through mathematical names, as the Pythagoreans, or through dialectic
epithets, as Plato. Hence we fhallfindthat the Mther, Chaos, Phanes, and
Jupiter, of Orpheus ; the father, power, intellecl, and twice beyond of the
Chaldaeans ; the monad, duad, tetrad, and decad, of Pythagoras ; and the one
being, the whole, infinite^ multitude, and famenefs and difference of Plato, re-
F2 fpectively,
$6 INTRODUCTION TO Tttfc PARMENIDES.
THE
THE PARMENIDES:
CEPHALUS, | PYTHODORUS,
ADIMANTUS, SOCRATES,
ANTIPHON, ZENO,
GLAUCO, PARMENIDES.
1
SCENE, the CERAMICUS .
(fays he). Thefe difcourfes, therefore (fays I), we are defirous to hear. But
this (fays he) is no difficult matter to accomplish: for the young man has
made them the fubjeft of vehement meditation ; and now with his grand
father, who bears the fame name as himfelf, very much applies himfelf to
equeftrian affairs. But if it is necefTary, we will go to him : for he juft
now went from hence home ; and dwells very near, in Melita. After
we had thus fpoke, we proceeded to the houfe of Antiphon ; and found him
at home, giving a certain bridle to a copperfmith, to be furnifhed in a pro
per manner. But as foon as the fmith was gone, and the brothers had told
him the caufe of our arrival, Antiphon knew me, in confequence of my
former journey to this place, and very kindly faluted me: and upon our
begging him to relate the difcourfes, atfirfthe feemed unwilling to comply
(for he faid it was a very operofe undertaking); but afterwards, however,
he gratified our rcqueft. Antiphon, therefore, faid that Pythodorus related
that Zeno and Parmenides once came to celebrate the great Panathenaja:
that Parmenides was very much advanced in years, extremely hoary, but of
a beautiful and venerable afpecl, and aboutfixty-fiveyears of age ; but that
Zeno was nearly forty years old, was very tall and graceful to the view, and
was reported to be the bofom friend of Parmenides. He likewife faid that
he met with them, together with Pythodorus, in the Ceramicus, beyond the
walls ; where alfo Socrates came, and many others with him, defiling to
hear the writings of Zeno, for then for thefirfttime they became acquainted
with his writings : but that Socrates at that time was very young. That,
in confequence of this, Zeno himfelf read to them. And Pythodorus further
related that it happened Parmenides was gone out; and that but a fmall
part of the difcourfe remained unfinifhed, when he himfelf entered, together
with Parmenides and Ariftotle, who was one of the thirty Athenians. That,
in confequence of this, he heard but a little at, that time ; but that he had
often before heard the whole difcourfe from Zeno.
He further added, that Socrates, upon hearing the latter part of Zeno's
difcourfe, entreated him to repeat thefirfthypothefis of his firft difcourfe ;
and that, when he had repeated it, Socrates laid—How is it you aflert, O
Zeno, that if beings are many, it is requifite that the fame things fhould be
bothfimilarand diffimilar ? But that this is impoffible. For neither can
things diffimilar be fimilar, nor things fimilar be diffimilar. Is not this
what
THE PARMENIDES. 30
what you alTert ? Zeno anfwered, It is. If, therefore, it is impoffible that
diffimilars mould be fimilar, and fimilars diffimilar, is it not impoflible that
many things fhould have a fubfiftence ? For, if there were many, they would
fufFer impoffibilities. Is it not then the fole intention of your difcourfes to
evince, by contefting through all things, that the many has no fubfiftence ?
And do you not confider each of your difcourfes as an argument in fupport
of this opinion ; and fo think that you have produced as many arguments as
you have compofed difcourfes, to fhow that the many is not ? Is not this
what you fay, or do I not rightly underftand you ? Upon which Zeno replied,
You perceive excellently well the meaning of the whole book. That So
crates then faid, I perceive, O Parmenides, that this Zeno does not only wifh
to connect himfelf in the bands of friendfliip with you, but to agree with
you likewife in fentiments concerning "he doctrines of the prefent difcourfe.
For Zeno, in a certain refpect, has written the fame as yourfelf; though, by
changing certain particulars, he endeavours to deceive us into an opinion
that his affertions are different from yours. For you in your poems affert
that the univerfe is one; and you produce beautiful and excellent arguments
in fupport of this opinion : but Zeno f: 3 that the many is not, and delivers
many and mighty arguments in defence, of this affertion. As, therefore, you
affert that the one is, and he, that the many has no fubfiftence ; and each
fpeaks in fuch a manner as to difagree totally according to appearance from
one another, though you both nearly affert the fame; on this account it
is that your difcourfes feem to be above our comprehenfion. That Zeno
faid—Indeed, Socrates, fo it is : but you do not perfectly apprehend the
truth of my writings ; though, like Laconic dogs, you excellently purfue
and trace the meaning of the affertions. But this in the firft place is con
cealed from you, that this difcourfe is not in every refpect fo venerable,
that it was compofed, as you fay, for the purpofe of concealing its real
doctrines from men, as if effecting a thing of great importance : yet you
have fpoken fomething of that which happens to be the cafe. But indeed
the truth of the matter is this : Thefe writings were compofed for the
purpofe of affording a certain affiftance to the doftrine of Parmenides,
againft thofe who endeavour to defame it by attempting to fhow that if the
one is many, ridiculous confequences muft attend fuch an opinion ; and that
things contrary to the afTertion mnft enfue. This writing, therefore, con
tradicts
40 THE PARMENIDES.
tradicts thofe who fay that the many is, and oppofes this and many other
opinions ; as it is defirous to evince that the hypothefis which defends the
fubfiftence of the many is attended with more ridiculous confequences than
that which vindicates the fubfiftence of the one, if both are fufficiently ex
amined. You are ignorant, therefore, Socrates, that this difcourfe, which
was compofed by me when a youth, through the love of contention, and
which was privately taken from me, fo that I was not able to confult whe
ther or not it fhould be iffued into the light—you are ignorant, I fay, that
it was not written through that defire of renown which belongs to a more
advanced period of life, but through a juvenile defire of contention : though,
as I have faid, you do not conjecture amifs. I admit it (fays Socrates) ; and
I think the cafe is juft as you have flared it. But fatisfy me in the following
particulars. Do you think that there is a certain form of fimilitude, itfelf
fubfifting from itfelf? And another which is contrary to this, and is that
which is diffimilar? But that you and me, and other things which we call
many, participate of thefe two ? And that fuch things as participate of
fimilitude become fimilar, fo far as they participate ? But thofe which
participate of diffimilitude become diffimilar ? And that thofe which par-,
ticipate of both become both ? But if all things participate of both,
which are contrary to each other, and become fimilar and diffimilar to
each other through participating of both, is there any thing wonderful in
the cafe ? For, if any one fhould fhow that fimilars themfelves become diffi
milar, or diffimilars fimilar, I fhould think it would be a prodigy: but if he
evinces that fuch things as participate both thefe fuffer likewife both thefe,
it does not appear to me, O Zeno, that there would be any thing abfurd in
the cafe; nor again, if any one fhould evince that all things are one, through
their participating of the one, and at the fame time many, through their par
ticipating multitude. But I fhould very much wonder if any one fhould
fhow that that which is one is many, and that the many is one ; and in a fimilar
manner concerning all the reft: for, doubtlefs, he would produce a proper
fubject of admiration, who fhould evince that both genera and fpecies fuffer
thefe contrary affections. But what occafion of wonder would there be,
fhould any one fhow that I myfelf am both one and many ? and fhould prove
his affertion by faying, when he wifhes to affert that I am many, that the
parts on the right hand of me are different from thofe on the left, the ante-*
rior
THE PARMENIDES. 41
1
It is necefTary, fays Proclus, that immovable caufes of all things which have a perpetual fub
fiftence in the univerfe fhould prefubfift in the intellect of the fabricator of the world : for the
immutable is prefent with thefe, through the eternal power of caufes. Hence, of man fo far as
man, and of every individual form in animals and in plants, there are intellectual caufes; and
the progreflion of all things from thence is not immediately into thefe material genera. For it
was not lawful for intellectual, eternal, and immaterial caufes to generate material particulars,
which have a various fubfiftence ; fince every progreflion is effected through fimilitude; and prior
to things which are feparated from their caufe as much as polTible, fuch things NS arc conjoined
with, and are more clearly aflimilated to, it, muft have a fubfiftence. From man itfelf therefore,
or the ideal man in the demiurgic intellect, there will be, in the firft place, a certain cclcftial
man; afterwards an empyrean, an aerial, and an aquatic man; and, in the laft place, this ter-
reftrial man. All this feries of form is perpetual, (the fubjection proceeding into that which is
more partial,) being fufpended from an intellectual unity, which is called man itfelf. There is
alfo another feries from horfe itfelf from lion itfelf and in a fimilar manner of all animals and
plants. Thus, too, there is a fountain and unity of all fire, and a fountain of all mun
dane water. And that thefe monads are more partial than thofe before mentioned, viz. than
beauty, fimilitude, juftice, &c. is evident; and it is alfo clear that the fountain, or idea, of all
the feries of man is the moft partial of all the forms that are participated by mundane natures.
3
"We have already obferved in the Introduction to this dialogue, and fhall largely prove in the
Additional Notes, that there are ideas alone of univerfal eflences, and of fuch things ;is contribute
to the perfection of thefe : for the good, the effential, and the perpetual, eminently pertain to forms ;
the firfl of thefe being derived from the firft caufe, the fecond from the higheft being, and the
third from eternity. From tiiefe three elements, therefore, we may define what things are gene
rated according to a piradigmatic intellectual caufe, and what tilings fubfift indeed from other
principle?, but not according to an intellectual paradigm. Of hair, therefore, becaufe it is a
part, there can be no idea ; nor of clay, becaufe it is an indefinite mixture of two elements,
earth and water, and is not generated according to aphyfical reafon, or productive principle; fince
there are ten thoufand other thing' which we combine for the various purpofes of life, and which
are the works of art, and not of nature. Nor is there any idea of mud, becaufe there are no
ideas of degenerations, detriments, and evils, which either arile from a confluence of divulfcd
caufes, or from cur actions and paihons.
6 different
THE PARMENIDES. 43
different from thofe which are the objects of our infpection : but is it not
vehemently abfurd to think that there is a certain form of thefe ? For this
has formerly difturbed m e , w h e t h e r or not fomething o f this kind does not
take place about every t h i n g : but, after having been fixed for fome t i m e in
this opinion, I have haftily w itlulrawn m y f e l f and fled away ; fearing left,
falling into a certain abyfs of trifles, I mould u U e r l y pcrifh and be loft ; b u t ,
returning from t h e n c e , I have ferioufly applied myfelf to confider thofe par
ticulars, to which, as we have juft now affertcd, forms belong. T h a t Par
r
menides then faid, You are as vet but a young m a n , O Socrates, a n d
Philofophy has not yet received you into her embraces : for, in m y opinion,
when you are received by her, you will not defpife any of thefe particulars :
but n o w , on account of your juvenile age, you regard the opinions of
men.
Tell m e , then, does it appear to you, as you fay, that there are certain
1
forms, of which other things participating retain the appellations ; as, for
inftance,
1
Parmenides, as Proclus juftly obferves, in correcting this conception of Socrates, reproves in
what he now fays thofe who confider thefe little and vile particulars as without a caufe. For
everything which is generated, as Tirnxus fays, is neceflarily generated from fome caufe, fince
it is perfectly impoflible that it fhould be generated without a caufe. There is nothing, therefore,
fo difhonourable and vile which does not participate of the good, and thence derive its generation.
Since, even though you fhould fpeak of matter, you will find that this is good ; though of evil
itfelf, you will find that this alfo participates of a certain good, and is no otherwife able to fubfift
than as coloured with, and receiving a portion of, a certain good. But the opinions of men arc
afhamed to fufpend from a divine caufe things fmall and vile, looking to the nature of the latter,
and not to the power of the former ; and not confidering that, being generative of greater things,
it is much more fo of fuch as are lefs, as the Athenian gueft fays in the Laws. True philofo
phers, however, fufpending every thing in the world both great and fmall from providence, fee
nothing difhonourable, nothing defpicable in the dwelling of Jupiter; but they perceive all things
good, fo far as they fubfift from providence, and beautiful, fo far as generated according to a di
vine caufe.
3
The difcourfe of Parmenides, fays Proclus is perfective of, evolves and elevates, the concep
tions of Socrates; praifing, indeed, his unperverted conceptions, but perfecting fuch as are im
perfect, and diftinelly unfolding fuch as are confufed. But as there arc four problems concern
ing ideas, as wc have obferved in the Introduction, with refpect to their fubfiftence Parmenides
excites Socrates, in order to learn whether he fufpends all things from a formal principle, or
whether he knew another caufe more antient than this; and his reproof of Socrates was in con
fequence of looking to this firft caufe. He proceeds, therefore, fupemally from the moft totaj
G 2 forms,
4i T H E V A R M K X I D K S.
r
»/V»d? , great; and that t h e participants of and juflice arc beautiful
and
forms, through the more partial, ami fuch as are moft individual, to fuch things as do not fubfift
according to an intellectual form, but originate from the monad of all BEINGS, or, in other words,
being itfelf. Hence truly proceeding as far us to the laft of things, and fufpcnding all things
from a paternal caufe, and perfecting the conceptions of Socrates concerning thefe, he proceeds
to the third problem, or the manner in which ideas are participated, again extending obftetric aid.
For the mode of the difcourfe is every where maieutic or obftetric, and does not confute, and
is piraftic, or explorative, but not vindicative. It differs, however, fo far as at one time it pro
ceeds from on high as far as to the laft of things, and at another recurs downwards to affertions
adapted to divine caufes •, according to each of thefe forms perfecting and elevating Socrates,
and diftinctly unfolding his conceptions refpecting thefe particulars. Such, then, is the mode of
the difcourfe, calling forth fpontaneous conceptions, accurately expanding fuch as arc imperfect,
and elevating thofe that are able to follow them ; truly imitating the paternal caufe, which from
the fummit of all beings preferves, perfects, and draws upwards all things by the unknown powers
which he contains. Let us now proceed to confider the mode in which forms or ideas are parti
cipated, following the divine Proclus as our leader in this arduous inveftigation.
The participations of intellectual forms are aflimilated to the reprefentations in a mirror ;
for as, in thefe, habitude and pofition caufe the image of the perfon to be feen in the mirror; fo,
the aptitude of matter extending itfelf as it were to the Artificer of the univerfe, and to the in-
exhauftible abundance which he contains, is filled from him with forms. The participations
are alfo aflimilated to the impreffions in wax. For ideas impart a certain veftige and impreflion
of themfelves; and neither is this impreflion the fame with the feal by which it was produced,
as neither is the form merged in matter the fame with the immaterial and divine form from
which it originated. But this latter mode differs from the former fo far as it indicates a certain
paflive property in the recipient ; for the mirror does not exhibit paflivity fenfibly, as the wax
does in the latter inftance. Hence fome of the Platonic philofophers, confidering matter as im-
paflive in the participation of forms, aflimilate it to a minor, but call forms images and repre
fentations. Others again, confidering matter as paflive, fay, that it is impreffed like the wax
by the feal, and call forms the pajftons of matter.
Forms alfo are faid to be like thefimilitudesof icons, whether effected by the painter's, or the
plaitic, or any other art. For thefe forms, being fafhioncd by a divine artificer, are faid to be
fimilar to divine forms; and hence the whole fenfible order is called the icon of the intelli nble.
But this aflertion differs from the former, fo far as this feparate.; the maker from the exemplar;
but
1
Magnitude here, as Proclus well obferves, is not fuch as that of which geometricians fpeak ;
for they denominate whatever poffefles interval magnitude, whether it be line, fuperficics, or folid.
But Plato does not denominate the form which is the caufe of every interval, magnitude, but that
which according to every genus imparts tranfandenc\ to things.
THE PARMENIDES. 45
and jujlf That Socrates replied, Entirely fo. Does not every thing which
participates either participate the whole form, or only a part of it ? Or can
there
but thofe produce the analogy from confidering both as one. And fuch are the modes according
to which material forms have been faid to fubfift with relation to fuch as are divine.
It muft, however, be obferved, that each of thefe is imperfect confidered by itfelf, and inca
pable of reprefenting to our intellectual conceptions the whole truth reflecting this participation.
For, in the firft place, confider, as to the mirror, that the countenance beheld m it turns itfelf
towards the mirror, while, on the contrary, an intellectual caufe beholds itfelf, and does not
direct its vifion to outward objects. Tf, too, the mirror appears to pofTefs a communication of
fomething, but in reality does not, (for the rays are reflected back to the countenance,) it is
evident that this alfo is foreign from the participation of divine forms ; for, as they are perfectly
incorporeal, nothing can be feparated from them and diftributed into matter.
In the fecond place, if we confider the impreflions in wax, we {hall find, that both that which
impreffes externally impreffes, and that which is paflive to the impreflion is externally paflive ;
but form pervades through the whole of the fubject matter, and operates internally. For na
ture fafhions body inwardly, and not externally like art. And above all, in this inftance, that
which is participated approximates to that which participates. But it is requifite that divine
forms fhould be exempt from all things, and not be mingled with any thing of a different
nature.
In the third place, let us confider the analogy from icons, and we fhall find this alfo deficient.
For, in thefirftplace, forms fafhion the whole of the fubject matter by which they are received,
and this by an internal energy : and, in the next place, the exemplar and the maker are here fepa
rated from each other. Thus, thefigurewhich is painted does not produce its likenefs on the
canvafs, even though the painter fhould paint a refemblance of himfelf; for it is the foul which
operates-, and not the external figure, which is the exemplar; nor does that which makes, ajji-
milate that which is produced to itfelf; for it is foul which makes, and that which is produced
is the refemblance of external form. But divine forms are at the fame time paradigmatic and
demiurgic of their refemblances: for they have nofimilitudeto the impreflions in wax, but poflefs
an efficacious effence, and a power aflimilative of things fecondary to themfelves.
No one of thefe modes, therefore, is of itfelf fufficient to reprefent the true manner in which
divine forms are participated. But, perhaps, if we can difcover the moft proper mode of par
ticipation, we fhall fee how each of thefe touches on the truth, at the fame time that it falls fhoit
of the whole characteriftic.
It is requifite, therefore, in order to this participation, to confider AS the caufes by which it
is effected, the efficacious power of primary and divine forms, and the defire and aptitude of
the natures which thence derive their formation. For neither is the fabricative and efficacious
power of forms alone fufficient to produce participation; for they are every where fimilarly
prefent, but are notfimilarlyparticipated by all things. Nor is the defire and aptitude of the
participants fufficient without the productive energy of forms; for defire and aptitude ATE of
themfelves imperfect. The prolific efllnce, therefore, of the demiurgic intellect exerts AN
efficacious
46 THE PARMENIDES.
there be any other mode of participation befides thefe ? That Socrates faid,
1
How can there be ? Does it then appear to you that the whole form is
one
efficacious energy, which the fubject nature of fenfibles receives. But, in effecting this participa
tion, it neither makes ufe of impulfions, for it is incorporeal; nor of any indefinite impetus, as
we do, for it is impaflive; nor of any projectile force, for it is perfect; but it operates by its
very effence. Hence, that which is generated is an image of its maker, intellection there con
curring with effence: fo that, according as he intellectually perceives, he fabricates •, and, accord
ing as he fabricates, intellectually perceives. Hence, too, that which is generated is always
generated by him ; for, in effential productions, that which is generated is every where confub-
fiftent with its maker. In confequence of this, in things fubfiiling according to time, form, in
the fudden, fupervenes its fubject matter, whatever has been effected previous to its prefence alone
removing the impediments to its reception. For, thefuddtn imitates according to the now, the
at-once-collected and eternal generation of all things through the aptitude of the recipient.
If, again, we defire to fee what it is which connects demiurgic power with the aptitude of re
cipients, weftiallfindit is goodnefs itfelf, this being the caufe of all poflible union. For, parti
cipations proceed to mundane caufes through a defire of good ; and demiurgic forms, through
goodnefs, make their progreflions into fecondary natures, imitating the inexhauftible and exube
rant fountain of all good, which, through its own tranfeendent goodnefs, gives fubfiftence to
all the divine orders, if it be lawful fo to fpeak. We have therefore thefe three caufes of the
participation of forms, the one goodnefs of the Father of all things; the demiurgic power of
forms, and the aptitude of the natures which receive the illuminations of forms. But, partici
pation fubfifting according to thefe caufes, we may perceive how it is poflible to aflimilate it to
reprefentations in a mirror, and to refietlion. For aptitude and defire, which are imparted to fen
fible natures from on high, become the caufes of their being again convened to the fources whence
they were deriyed. This participation too may, after another manner, be aflimilated to a feal.
For the efficacious power of divine caufes imparts a veflige of ideas to fenfibles, and apparent
impreffions from unapparent forms. For we have faid that the demiurgic caufe unites both
thefe together. But he who produces an icon effects fomething of this kind. For in a certain
refpect he congregates the fubject and the paradigm ; fince, when this is accomplished, he pro
duces an impreflion fimilar to the exemplar. So that thefe modes, in a certain refpect, touch
upon the truth. But it is by no means wonderful if each is found to be deficient. For the re
cipients of ideas are partible and fenfible ; and the characteriftic peculiarity of thefe unapparent
and divine caufes cannot be circurnferibed by the nothingnefs of corporeal natures.
1
He who inveftigates whole and part, not corporeally, but in fuch a manner as is adapted to
intelligible and immaterial forms, will perceive that every fenfible nature participates both of the
whole and the part of its paradigm. For, as that has the relation of a caufe, but fenfibles are
from a caufe, and effects can by no means receive the whole power of their caufes, hence, fen
fibles do not participate of the whole form. For, where can that which is fenfible receive the
intellectual lives and powers of form ? Where can the uniform and impartible nature of idea
fubfift in matter ? Becaufe however, fenfible3 preferve the idiom according to which the juji
in
THE PARMENIDES. 47
one in each individual of many things f Or what other opinion have you
on this fubject ? That then Socrates faid, What hinders, O Parmenides,
but
in the intelligible world is called the jufl, or the beautiful the beautiful; through this again they
may be faid to participate of wholes, and not of parts. Thus, for infhnce, the idiom of the beau~
tiful is every where and in all things ; but in one place it is intellectually, and in another mate
rially prefent. And it is evident that the participations of more perfect natures are more abun
dant than of thofe more remote from perfection; and that fome things participate according to
many, and others according to a few, powers. For, let the beautiful itfelf be an inUlleclual vital
form the caufe of fymmetry. Form, therefore, and that which is effective of fymmetry
y are prefent to
every thing beautiful: for this was the idiom of the beautiful itfelf; fo that every thing partici
pates of its whole idiom. But the intellectual nature of the beautiful is not prefent to all beauty,
but to that which belongs to foul: for the beauty in this is uniform. Nor, again, is its vital
nature prefent to all beauty, but to that which is celeftial; but the fplendour of beauty is feen in
gold, and in certain ftones. Some things, therefore, participate of the intellectual and vital
nature of the beautiful', otliers of its vital feparate from its intellectual nature; and others parti
cipate of its idiom alone. More immaterial natures, likewife, receive more of its powers than
material natures. Things fecondary, therefore, participate both the wholes and parts of their
proper paradigms. And in this manner it is proper to fpeak to thofe who are able to lock to the
incorporeal cfTence of forms. But to thofe who are of opinion that the participation is corpo
real, we mull fay, that fenfibles are incapable of participating either the wholes or parts of
ideas; which Parmenides evinces, leading Socrates to the difcovery of the moft proper mode of
the participation of forms, and, in the firft place, that they are not participated according to the
whole; for this was the firft thing to be fhown. And Socrates fays, that nothing hinders the
participation of the whole form. But Parmenides reprobates the pofition inferring that one and
the fame thing will be in many things feparate from each other, and fo the thing itfelf will be
feparate from itfelf, which is of all things the moft abfurd. For if a finger, or any thing elfe
which fubfifts in other things, whether it be a corporeal part or power, fhould be in many things
feparate from each other, it would alfo be feparate from itfelf. For a corporeal power being in a
fubject will thus belong to fubjects, and be feparate from itfelf, fince it will be both in one and
many. And, with refpect to a body, it is impoflible that the whole of it fhould be in this place,
and at the fame time in another. For it cannot be denied, that many bodies may be in one place
when the bodies confift of pure immaterial light, fuch as thofe of the fpheres in which the planets
are carried, but it is impoffible for the fame body to be at the fame time in many places. And
hence it is impoftible for a whole to be in many fubjects corporeally.
But, fays Proclus, if you wifh to perceive the accuracy of Plato's didticn in a manner adapted
to theological peculation, divide the words, and fay as follows: — Since forms firft fubfift in the
paradigm of intelligibles, as we learn in theTimaeus, each of thefirftforms will be one, and being,
and a whole. And being fuch, it is impoffible for the fame thing to be in many things feparate
from each other, and at once, except in an exempt manner; fo as to be both every where and
no where, and, being prefent with all things without time, to be unmingled with them. For
every
48 THE PARMENIDES.
but that it mould be one ? As it is, therefore, one and the fame in things
many and feparate from each other, the whole will be at the fame time one,
and fo itfelf will be feparate from itfelf. That Socrates faid, It would not
be fo : but juft as if this form was day , this being one and the fame, is col
1
lectively prefent in many places, and yet is not any thing the more feparate
from itfelf; in the fame manner, every form may be at once one and the fame
in all. That Parmenides then faid, You have made, O Socrates, one and
the fame thing to be collectively prefent in many places, in a very pleafant
manner ; juft as if, covering many men with a veil, you mould fay that there
is one whole, together with the many. Do you not think that you would
make an affertion of this kind ? That Socrates faid, Perhaps fo. Will,
therefore, the whole veil fubfift together with each man, or a different part
of it with each individual ? A different part only. That Parmenides faid,
Thefe forms then, O Socrates, are divifible *, and their participants par
ticipate only parts of them : and hence there will no longer be one whole
form in each individual, but only one part of each form. So indeed it
every divine form, being in itfelf, is alfo prefent with others. And thofe natures which are inca
pable of being at the fame time in many things, derive this inability from not being in themfelves:
for that which is fomething belonging to one thing is not capable of belonging to another.
1
That Socrates, fays Proclus, derived his example of day from the difcourfe of Zeno, is evi
dent. For Zeno, wifhing to evince how the many participate of a certain one, and are not de-
ftitute of the one, though they mould be moft remotely feparated from each other, fays in this
very difcourfe, that whitenefs, being one, is prefent both to us and the antipodes, in the fame
manner as day and night. 'On (XEV ex rov Cuvavoc \oyov TO vapahiyfjuz s»x>ipE, JUAOV EXEIVOJ yap ^uaat
quantity
1
Parvitude itfelf may be confidered as that which is the fburcc of fubjccYion in all forms, or
it may be faid to be that which fupplies impartiality, connected continuity, and a power which
converges to the fame in every form. For through this fouls are able to proceed from a life
extended with body and fenfe to a more impartible form of life. Through this alfo bodies are
compreffed and connectedly contained in their indivifible caufes ; the whole world is one, and
pofiefTes the whole of its life converging in one thing, the middle; and from this the poles and
centres, and all impartible fections, and contacts of circles, are derived. But the prefent difcourfe
evinces that it is impoflible for fenfibles to participate a part of parvitude corporeally. For, if
parvitude itfelf had a certain part, it would be greater than its part; fince a part of the fmall, fo
far as it is a part, muft: be fmaller than the whole: fo that the fmall will evidently be greater than
its proper part, which is fmaller than it. But it is impoflible that the fmall fimply confidered
mould be greater. For we now confider parvitude itfelf by itfelf, without any connection with
magnitude. And fuch is the abfurdity attending thofe that divide parvitude when fuch divifion
is confidered in the form itfelf. But we may alfo inveftigate another abfurdity which takes
place in the participants of parvitude, and which is as follows: If we divide the fmall itfelf,
fince the part of it is, as has been fhown, fmaller than the whole, it is evident that the thing,
to which the part taken away from the whole of the fmall is added, will become greater by this
addition, and not fmaller. Hence parvitude muft not be divided.
We may alfo, fays Proclus, interpret the prefent paflage in the fame manner as our aflbciate
Pericles. For, to whatever the part taken away from the fmall is added, this muft necciTarily
become greater ; but, by adding to that fame thing the remaining part of the fmall thus divided,
the whole thing will become fmall, and not greater than it was before : for the form was fmall
from the beginning. It is abfurd, therefore, to think that the fmall can be divided. Proclus
adds, that the prefent paflage to fome appeared fo difficult, that they confidered it as fpurious.
The words of Parmenides however, by introducing certain ablations and additions, evince that
the participation which he reprobates is corporeal.
But we may aflert in common, fays Proclus, reflecting thefe three forms, magnitude, parvi
tude, and equality, or rather concerning all forms at once, that they are impartible, and are
allotted an incorporeal eflence. For every thing corporeal, being bounded according to interval,
cannot after the fame manner be prefent to things greater and lefTer; but the equal,, the greater,
the lefTer, and, in afimilarmanner, every other form are prefent to their participants, whatever
interval they may pofTefs. All forms, therefore, are without interval. For the fame reafon they
are alfo cftablifhed above all place; fince without impediment they are every where prefent to
their participants. But tilings which fubfift in place are naturally deftitute of this unimpeded
prefenee : for ir is impoflible that they can be participated by all things which are arrauged in
different phces. In like manner, forms are entirely expanded above all time : for they arc
prefent untemporally and collectively to all things; fince generations themfelves are certain pre
parations which precede the participations of forms. And generations indeed fubfift in time, but
H 2 forms
THE PARMENIDES.
quantity being a part offmall itfelf; and thus fmall itfelf will be that which
is greater: but that to which this part which was taken away is added, will
become fmaller, and not greater than it was before. That Socrates faid—
This cannot take place. But after what manner * then, O Socrates, can
individuals
forms give the participations of themfelves to generated natures, in an inftant, impartibly, with
out being in any refpect indigent of temporal extenfion. Let not, therefore, any one transfer
from participants to the things participated, either time, or local comprehenfion, or corporeal
divifion ; nor let him, in fhort, underftand in forms either corporeal compofitions or feparations.
For thefe things are very remote from the immaterialfimplicityof forms, and from the purity of
an impartible efTence which is contained in eternity.
1
The whole form of thefe words, fays Proclus, is excitative and maieutic of the conceptions
of Socrates. Hence Parmenides does not add, like one who contends for victory in difputation,
"fenfibles, therefore, do not participate ^ of forms," but he excites Socrates, and calls forth his
intellect to the difcovery of the mod proper mode of participation. But we have already obferved'
that whole and part are not to be confidered corporeally, but in a manner accommodated to«
immaterial and intellectual ciTences. Senfibles, therefore, participate both the whole and ths
parts of form. For, fo far as the idiom of every form proceeds in its participants as far as to the
laft of them, the participation is that of a whole; but, fo far as things fecondary do not receive
all the power of their caufes, the participation is of parts. Hence the more elevated of parti
cipants receive more powers of the paradigm ; but the more fubordinate, fewer- So that, if there
are men in other parts of the univerfe better than us, thefe, being nearer the idea of man, wilL
have a greater communion with it, and according to a greater number of powers. Hence the
ccleflial lion is intellectual, but the fublunary irrational: for the former is nearer to the idea of
lion than the latter. The idiom indeed of idea pervades as far as to mortal natures; and hence
things fublunary fympathize with things celcftial. For one form, and communion according to
this, produce the fympathy. The moon alfo, fays Proclus, as beheld in the heavens is a divinity;
but the lunar form, which is beheld here in ftones, preferves alfo a power appropriate to the
lunar order, fince it increafes and decreafes in conformity to the changes of the moon. Thus, one
idiom proceeds from on high as far as to the laft of things; and it is evident that it proceeds
through mediums. For, if there is this one form both in Gods and ftones, much prior to its
being prefent with the latter muft it fubfift in the middle genera, fuch aj daemons,, or other
animals. For certain feries pervade from the intellectual Gods to the heavens,, and again from
the heavens into generation or the fublunary realms, being changed according to each of the
elements, and fubfiding as far as to earth. But of thefe feries the higher parts participate in a
greater, but the lower in a lefler degree ; one idiom being extended to all the parts, which makes
the whole feries one-
Again, after another manner, we may fay that fenfibles participate both of the whole and oi
the parts of form. They participate of the whole, fo far as the fabrication of form is impartible :
whence alfo the fame whole is every where prefent to all things, fubfifting from itfelf in the firfl
place, and afterwards filling the effence of its participants with its proper power. But they par
4 ticipaU
THE PARMENIDES. 53
magnitude itfelf; according to a meafuring power, the equal itfelf; and according to the gift of
fubjedtion, parvitude itfelf. All, therefore, co-operate with each other in the gifts which they
impart to fecondary natures. For, if magnitude itfelf imparts a power which extends to all
things, but parvitude impartiality, they are connafcent with each other ; Gnee then pervading^
more impartibly to a great number of particulars, they are impartible in a greater degree r and
both are in a greater degree equal, by being efpecially the meafures both of themfelves and
others. There is nothing, therefore, abfurd, nothing impoffible, if whole and part are confidered.
in a manner adapted to the nature of forms ; but alt things follow appropriately to the hypothefis.
Whence alfo Parmenides appears continually to afk Socrates, how fenfibles participate of, and
how whole and part are to be furveyed in, fcrms, elevating him tQ the moft true conceptions
concerning ideas.
1
From what has been already delivered (fays Proclus) it is fufEcicntly evident that forms are
not participated in a corporeal manner; whence we may infer that neither do they fabricate
corporeally, nor operate by impulfion, like the motions of bodies. But if this be the cafe, it is
evident that the order of forms is incorporeal. In the Sophifta, therefore, it is fhown that the
one is incorporeal ; for, if it were body, it would require fomething'elfe to unite its parts. But it
is here fhown that true being and intcllecluctlforms have an impartible fubfiftence : and in the Laws,.
that
54 THE PARMENIDES.
think them to be one great thing. That then Socrates faid, You fpeak the
truth. But what if you confider the great itfelf and other things which
1
are
that fouls are incorporeal through their felf-motive hypoftafis. Thefe, however, are the thice
orders prior to fenfibles, viz. the order of fouls, the order of intelletlual effences, and the order of
unities, the" immediate progeny of the one.
But here Parmenides afcends to a more perfect: hypothefis concerning ideas, viz. whether fen
fibles participate of ideas as of phyfical reafons or productive principles, which are coordinate and
connafcent with their participants, but are at the fame time incorporeal: for the doubt prior to
this confidered the participation of ideas as corporeal. Parmenides, therefore, afcends to a cer
tain incorporeal reafon, which, looking to things, we muft define to be phyfical, and muft aflert,
that the mode of participation is indeed incorporeal, but poflefles fomething common with its
participants. For if, together with incorporeal participation, we alfo confider the things partici
pated as perfectly exempt from their participants, there will no longer any doubt remain con
cerning the participation \ fince thefe two, things produce the doubt, the corporeal mode of being
prefent, and the pofleflion of fomething common between ideas and their participants, to which
Socrates looking in the Phaedo fays, that it is dubious whether participation is the prefeuce of
forms, as in the preceding inquiry, whether fenfibles participate of the whole of form, or only of
a part; or whether it is not a being prefent. This fecond inquiry, therefore, confiders form as
in its participants, and as coordinate with them. For phyfical reafons and natures are arranged
above bodies and the apparent order of forms; but at the fame time they verge to bodies, and do
not'
1
Ideas muft be confidered as exempt and feparate from, and as generative of, the many ; and
the tranfitions from things which are feparated muft be made, not through privations, but through
forjns, and in forms, till we arrive at felf-fubfiftent and firft natures. For how, through things
indefinite and formlefs, can we arrive at form and bound ? Afcending, indeed, from things ma
terial to fpermatic reafons, we (hall find fomething common in them, but which is imperfect;
and proceeding from thefe to caufes fubfifting in foul, we (hall perceive that the effective power
of thefe is temporal. But if we run back to forms which are truly fo called, we fhall find that
there is nothing common between thefe and fenfibles. For thefe true forms are perfect, and
their energy is incorporeal and eternal, and is above all generation. For the characterises of all
generation are the imperfect from itfelf, the partible, the temporal, from which forms being
purified, they are liberated from all fenfibles, and pofTefs nothing in common with them ; fo that
it is no longer poflible to make a tranfition to any other fomething common. As, therefore, fays
Proclus, we obferved in commenting on the former doubt, that forms are prefent with their par
ticipants through that which they impart, and are not prefent through their feparate hypoftafis;
fo, with refpect to this fecond doubt, we fay, that forms communicate with their participants, and
do not communicate. They communicate by illuminating them from themfelves, but do not
communicate, in confequence of being unmingled with the illuminated natures. So that a cer
tain fimilitude to them is divulfed, not from forms themfelves, but from the illuminations pro
ceeding from them. Hence, through thefe they are faid to communicate after a certain manner
with fenfibles ; not as in things fynonymous, but as in things fecond and firft.
THE PARMENIDES.
are great, in the fame manner, with the eye of the foul, will not again a
certain fomething which is great appear to you, through which all thefe
neceffarily
not connect them exemptly. Hence, alfo, phyfical reafons are entirely coordinated with fenfible
forms. But Parmenides himfelf clearly teaches how we afcend to phyfical reafons; fince we
recur from things common in particulars to the proximate caufe of them, which is entirely phy
fical form. For, perceiving many things that are great, and one idea extending to all thefe, we
conceive that there is a certain fomething great which is common to the magnitude in particulars.
But that the difcourfe is about phyfical form, and a tranfition from fenfibles to this form, is evi
dent, as Proclus juftly obferves, from Parmenides employing fuch expreflions as TO oitaQai, TO oofa,
TO 0W1, TO nyn, and the like, which could not be employed about things which are objects of
fcience, but are only adapted to phyfical concerns. In like manner we muft fay, with refpect to
men, that we fee many men, and one idea extending to all of them, the man in particulars.
Whence we think that one man pre-fubfifts in the reafons or productive principles of nature,
generative of the apparent man, and that thus the many participate of the one, as of phyfical
reafon proceeding into matter; fuch reafon or form not being feparate from matter, but refem-
bling a feal verging to the wax, imprefling in it the form which it contains, and caufing it to be
adapted to the whole of the inferted form.' As the proximate tranfition, therefore, is from bodies
to natures, Parmenides evinces that phyfical reafons fall fhort of the perfection of ideas, which is
primary and unmingled with its participants.
From hence it may be inferred, that, as form is that primarily which the multitude under it is
fecondarily, it neither communicates with this multitude according to name alone, nor is fynony-
mous with it; and that it is not necefTary again to inveftigate that which is common to form and
its depending multitude. When, therefore, we confider the one in every form, we ought not to
inveftigate it either doxaftically or dianoelically : for thefe knowledges are not connate with in
tellectual monads, which neither belong to the objects of opinion, nor to thofe of the dianoetic
part, as we learn from the fixth book of the Republic. But it is fit that we fhould furvey the
fimple and uniform cfTence of forms through intellectual intuition. Nor muft we conceive that
the one in thefe fubfifts according to compofition from the many, or by an abftraction from par
ticulars : for the intellectual number of forms proceeds from the good and the one, and does not
depart from a union and alliance adapted to the caufe which gave it fubfiftence. Hence, Socrates
in the Phiiebus, at one time calls ideas unities, and at another time monads. For, confidered
with relation to the one, they are monads, becaufe each is a multitude,finceit is a certain being,
life, and intellectual form ; but confidered with relation to their productions, and the feries to
which they give fubfiftence, they are unities; for things pofterior to them are multiplied, and from
their impartible efTence become partible. If, therefore, that which is characterized by unity in
forms is exempt from the many, it is evident that the knowledge of intellect, which is profoundly
one, is fufficient to the apprehenfion of the one of forms. Whether, therefore, there is a multi
tude of participants, it does not multiply the unity of that which is participated; or, whether
there are differences of parts in the participants, the impartible nature of forms is preferved im
mutable ; or, whether there is compofition in that which participates, the fimplicity of intel-
kaual
56 THE PARMENIDES.
befides all thefe another magnitude, through which all thefe become great;
fo that each of your forms will no longer be one thing, but an infinite mul
titude.
away exempt tranfcendency. For it is requifite, indeed, that there fhould be communion, yet
not as of things coordinate, but only fo far as participants are fufpended from ideas; but ideas
are perfectly exempt from their participants. Corporeal prefence, however, obfeures a prefence
every way impartible. Bodies therefore, are things incapable of being wholly in many things;
but efTentially incorporeal natures are wholly prefent to things which are able to participate
them ; or, rather, they are not prefent to their participants, but their participants are prefent to
them. And this is what Socrates obfcurely fignifics in the Phaedo, when he fays, " whether pre
fence, or communion, or any thing elfe may be the caufe of the participation of forms." Forms,
therefore, muft not be admitted to be the progeny and blofibms of matter, as they were faid to
be by the Stoics ; nor muft it be granted that they confift from a comixture offimpleelements;
nor that they have the fame elTence with fpermatic reafons. For all thefe things evince their
fubfiftence to be corporeal, imperfect:, and divifible. Whence, then, on fuch an hypothefis, is
perfection derived to things imperfect ? Whence union to things every way diffipated? Whence
is a never-failing cfTcnce prefent with things perpetually generated, unlefs the incorporeal and
all-perfect order of forms has a fubfiftence prior to thefe ? Others again, of the antients, fays
Proclus, al ^ed that which is common in particulars as the caufe of the permanency in forms:
for man gen les man, and the fimilar is produced from the fimilar. They ought, however, at
the fame time o have directed their attention to that which gives fubfiftence to what is common
in particular . for, as we have before obferved, true caufes are exempt from their effects. That
which is c .imon, therefore, in particulars, may be aflimilated to one and the fame feal which
is imprellcd in many pieces of wax, and which remains the fame, without failing, while the pieces
of wax are changed. What, then, is it which proximately imprefTes this feal in the wax ? For
matter is analogous to the wax, the fenfible man to the type, and that which is Common in par
ticulars, and verges to things, to the ring itfelf. What elfe, then, can we aflign as the caufe of
this, than nature proceeding through matter, and thus giving form to that which is fenfible, by
her own inherent reafons ? Soul, therefore, will thus be analogous to the hand which ufes the
ring, fince foul is the leader of nature ; that which ranks as a whole of the whole of nature, and
that which is partial of a partial nature. But intellect will be analogous to the foul which im
prefTes the wax through the hand and the ring 5 which intellect fills that which is fenfible through
foul and the nature of forms, and is itfelf the true Porus *, generative of the reafons which
flow, as far as to matter. It is not necefTary, therefore, to ftop at the things common in parti
culars, but we fhould inveftigate the caufes of them. For why do men participate of this peculiar
fomething which is common, but another animal of a different fomething common, except
through unapparent reafons ? For nature is the one mother of all things *, but what are the caufes
of definitefimilitudes? And why do we fay the generation is according to nature when man is
from man, unlefs there is a reafon of men in nature, according to which all fenfible men fubfift?
For it is not becaufe that which is produced is an animal, fince if it were a lion that was pro-
TITUDE. BUI THAT UPON THIS SOCRATES REPLIED, PERHAPS, O PARMENIDES, EACH
OF THEFE FORMS IS NOTHING MORE THAN AN INTELLE&UAL conception WHICH
OUGHT
disced from a man, it would be a natural animal indeed, but would no longer be according to
nature, becaufe it would not be generated according to a proper reafon. It is necefTary, therefore,
that there fhould be another caufe of fimilars prior to fimilars; and hence it is necefTary to recur
from the things common in particulars to the one caufe which proximately gives fubfiftence to fen
fibles, and to which Parmenides himfelf leads us. That he does not, however, think it proper
that we fhould flop at this caufe, he manifefts from what follows. For if, looking to thefe things
which are common, we with, beginning from thefe, to fafhion ideas, in confequence of recur
ring in a fimilar manner to them from all things, we fhall be in want not only of things of which
there are ideas, but alfo of thofe of which there are not, fuch as of things contrary to nature, of
things artificial, of things unefTential, and of fuch as have no fubfiftence, fuch as an animal min
gled from a goat and flag, (rooty•EXaQos), or an animal mingled from a horfe and centaur, (IWOKEV-
Twpos) > for there are alfo things common jn thefe, and thus we fhall eftablifh ideas of non-entities.
T o which we may add, that we muft likewife admit that there are ideas of infinities, as of irra
tional lines, and the ratios in numbers: for both thefe are infinite, and of both there are things
common. If, therefore, we fafhion certain ideas from thefe, we fhall often make infinities,
though it is requifite that ideas fhould be lefs numerous than their participants, the participants
of each, at the fame time, being many. Very properly, therefore, does Parmenides direct the
mode of tranfition to ideas, as not being fcientific, if it proceeds from the things common in fen
fibles i for it will always be poflible to conceive different things common, and thus to proceed ad
infinitum. But this is evident from the words that immediately follow.
1
The fourth problem concerning ideas is here confidered, viz. what kind of beings they are,
or in other words, where they fubfift, whether in fouls, or prior to fouls. Socrates, therefore,
being feparated by Parmenides from phyfical forms, calls idea a conception belonging to the foul,
(vwfAct ^vx«*cv), and defines the place of it to be foul. For the form in foul is one and incorporeal;
and this dogma is not attended with the former difficulties. For this form is exempt from the
many, and is not co-ordinate with them like the forms in matter, in confequence of being allotted
a fubfiftence in foul. There is likewife nothing common between this form and the many; no*
s it either according to the whole, or a part of itfelf, in its participants, fo that it may be fhown
to be feparate from itfelf, or to have a partible fubfiftence. Socrates, therefore, by adopting this
dogma, avoids the above-mentioned doubts. But, fays Proclus, when Socrates calls idea a coth-
ception (von/tot), we muft not think that he afTerts it to be that which is the object of intellectual
vifion, t o vooufitvcv)
v in the fame manner as we call that which is apprehended by fenfe Jenftble
(if cujQvfMa fans* t o rr> aurQrmi Xnnrou); but that intelligence itfelf underftanding form, is here called
a conception; being fo denominated as a certain theorem and dogma ingenerated in fouls, about
dogmatized and deiform concerns. ('Ovtw voy-ta XeyopEvov «$ Sewpjua t i xai hypa EV rat; -\>v%a^ eyyivo-
fitvov mioi ruv o^oy/jLccri^ofAtvuv xai SEOEISCOV TTfayparuv). This conception, therefore, he fays is ingenerated
in fouls, through the word ingenerated, (tyymo-Qat), manifefling that it does not fubfift in them ejfen-
tially* And this is that form of pofterior origin ( t o vo-ttpoymi tifos), which fome of the followers
4 «*
THE PARMENIDES. 59
ought not to fubfift any where but in the foul; and if this be the cafe, each
will be one: and the confequences juft now mentioned will not enfue. That
Parmenides
of Ariftotle, and moft of the moderns, fo much celebrate, but which is entirely different from that
reafon or form which abides efTentially in fouls, and does not derive its fubfiftence from an
abftraction from fenfibles. Looking to this efTential reafon we fay, that the foul is all forms, and
is the place of forms, not in capacity only, but in that kind of energy, through which we call one
(killed in geometry a geometrician in energy, even when he does not geometrize, and which
Ariftotle accurately calls the prior form of being in energy. This, therefore, which is denomi
nated a conception, as of pofterior origin, is very properly faid to be different from the efTential
reafon of the foul: for it is more obfcure than the many in fenfibles, as being pofterior and not
prior to them. But the efTential reafon or form of the foul is more perfect, becaufe the concep
tion of pofterior origin, or in modern language, abftracT idea, has a lefs effence than the many,
but the efTential form more.
That it is not, however, proper to flop at conceptions of pofterior origin, i. e. notions gained
by an abftraction from fenfible particulars, but that we fhould proceed to thofe effential reafons
which are allotted a perpetual fubfiftence within the foul, is evident to thofe who are able to fur-
vey the nature of things. For, whence is man able to collect into one by reafoning the percep
tions of many fenfes, and to confider one and the fame unapparent form prior to things apparent,
and feparated from each other ; but no other animal that we are acquainted with, furveys this
fomething common, for neither does it pofTefs a rational effence, but alone employs fenfe, and
appetite, and imagination ? Whence, then, do rational fouls generate thefe univerfals, and
recur from the fenfes to that which is the object of opinion ? It is becaufe they efTentially pofTefs
the gnoftically productive principles of things: for, as nature pofTeffes a power productive of
fenfibles, by containing reafons, or productive principles, and fafhions, and connects fenfibles, fo
as by the inward eye to form the external, and in a fimilar manner the finger, and every other
particular; fo he who has a common conception of thefe, by previoufly poffefTing the reafons of
things, beholds that which each pofTeffes in common. For he does not receive this common
fomething from fenfibles; fince that which is received from fenfibles is a phantafm, and not the
object of opinion. It likewife remains within fuch as it was received from the beginning, that it
may not be falfe, and a non-entity, but does not become more perfect and venerable, nor does
it originate from any thing elfe than the foul. Indeed, it muft not be admitted that nature in
generating generates by natural reafons and meafures, but that foul in generating does not
generate by animaftic reafons and caufes. But if matter pofTeffes that which is common in the
many, and this fomething common is effential, and more effence than individuals; for this is
perpetual, but each of thofe is corruptible, and they derive their very being from this, fince it is
through form that every thing partakes of effence,—if this be the cafe, and foul alone pofTeffes
things common which are of pofterior origin (yertpoym xoiva), do we not make the foul more
ignoble than matter ? For the form which is merged in matter will be more perfect and more
effence than that which refides in the foul j fince the latter is of pofterior origin, but the former is
perpetual; and the one is after, but the other generative and connective of the many. To which we
may add, that a common phantafm in the foul derives its fubfiftence from a furvey of that which is
1 2 common
6o THE PARMENIDES.
1
faid, What then ? is each of thefe conceptions one, but at the fame time a
conception of nothing ? That Socrates faid, This is impoffible. It is a
conception, therefore, of fomething ? Certainly. Of being or of non-being f
Of being. Will it not be of one particular thing, which that conception
underffands as one certain idea in all things ? Undoubtedly. But now
will not that which is underftood to be one, be a form always the fame in
all
common in particulars. Hence it tends to this; for every tiling adheres to its principle, and is faid
to be nothing elfe than a predicate ; fo that its very effence is to be predicated of the many.
Further ftill: the univerfal in the many is lefs than each of the many ; for by certain additions
and accidents it is furpaffed by every individual. But that which is of pofterior origin (i. e.
univerfal abftracted from particulars) comprehends each of the many. Hence it is predicated of
each of thefe; and that which is particular is contained in the whole of this univerfal. For this
fomething common, or abftract idea, is not only predicated of that fomething common in an
individual, but likewife of the whole fubject. How then can it thence derive its fubfiftence, and
be completed from that which is common in the many ? For, if from the many themfelves,
where do we fee infinite men, of all which we predicate the fame thing ? And if from that which
is common in the many, whence is it that this abftract idea is more comprehenfive than its
caufe ? Hence it has a different origin, and receives from another form this power which is
comprehenfive of every individual; and of this form the abftract idea which fubfifts in opinion is
an image, the inward caufe being excited from things apparent. To which we may add, that all
demonftration, as Ariftotle has fhown in his Laft Analytics, is from things prior, more honourable,
and more univerfal. How, therefore, is univerfal more honourable, if it is of pofterior origin ?
For, in things of pofterior origin, that which is more univerfal is more uneffential; whence fpecies
is more effence than genius. The rules, therefore, concerning the moft true demonftration muft
be fubverted, if we alone place in the foul univerfals of pofterior origin: for thefe are not more
excellent than, nor are the caufes of, nor are naturally prior to, particulars. If, therefore, thefe
things are abfurd, it is necefTary that effential reafons fhould fubfift in the foul prior to univerfals,
which are produced by an abftraction from fenfibles. And thefe reafons or productive powers are
indeed always exerted, and are always efficacious in divine fouls, and in the more excellent orders
of beings j but in us they are fometimes dormant, and fometimes in energy.
1
From the things common in particulars, it is necefTary to recur to phyfical form, which is
proximate to thefe; and after this to the reafon or form in the foul which is of pofterior origin,
or which derives it fubfiftence from an abftraction from fenfibles, and is a conception ingenerated
in the foul. But when we have arrived thus far, it is requifite to pafs on to the conception of
the effential reafon of the foul, and from this to make a tranfition to being itfelf, to which alfo
Socrates is now led through the obftetric arguments of Parmenides. As in intellect, therefore,
that which underftands, intelligence, and the intelligible, are united to each other, and in
tellectual conception every where pertains to the intelligible, it is evident that the intelligible is
prior to intellectual conception, in which intelligible, the reafon in the foul beingfirmlyfixed,
is a noema, or intellectual conception. Hence, we muft not flop in afcending from one form to
another,
THE PARMENIDES. <5l
all things ? This fcems to be necefTary. That Parmenides then faid, But
what, is it not necefTary, fince other things participate of forms, that each
1
fhould be compofed from intellectual conceptions ; and thus all of them
be
another, till we arrive at true beings, or, in other words, intelligibles. For though we (hall find
that intellect and intelligibles are connately united to each other, yet intellect: is a plenitude of
forms according to the intelligible which it contains. And as we unite intellect and the in
telligible to each other, fo we fhould confider intelligibles to be the fame with beings. For
intellect being in itfelf, and intellectually perceiving itfelf, is at the fame time full of intelligibles.
And, as among fenfibles, whatever is apparently one, is in reality a multitude ; fo in intelligibles,
intellectual conception and being, which are two things, are profoundly abforbed in unity.
1
If all things participate of forms, but all things do not participate of intellectual conceptions,
forms or ideas will not primarily be intellectual conceptions. For one of thefe three things muft
happen, either that things which participate of intellectual conceptions do not participate of
intellection, or that forms are not intellectual conceptions,, or that things which are deffitute of
intelligence do not participate of forms, of which three thefirft:and laft are perfectly abfurd. For
every thing which participates of intellectual conception, underftands intellectually, fince the word
noema manifefts intelligence; and things deprived of intelligence participate of forms; for in
animate natures participate of the equal, the leffer, and the greater, which are forms. Ideas,
therefore, are not intellectual conceptions, nor are they efientiallized in intellections, but in
intelligibles. We muft afcend, therefore, from things partible to the impartible reafons of
nature, which do not intellectually perceive the things prior to themfelves: for nature is not
only deprived of intelligence, but is alfo irrational and deftitute of phantafy. In the next place,
we muft rife from thefe to the intelligibles which are proximately placed above phyfical forms,
and are the energies of the intellective foul, according to the pofition of Socrates concerning
them : for he fays, that they are ingenerated in the foul, and are noemata, as being intellections
of the foul. But from thefe we muft afcend to true intelligibles : for thefe are able to be the
caufes of all things which have a formal fubfiftence, but this cannot be afferted of fuch things as
are intellectual conceptions only.
Here, however, as Proclus well obferves, it is worth while to enquire, why, fince all things fub
fift intellectually in intellect, all fenfible natures in confequence of participating forms do not
intellectually energize ? and why, fince all things there pofTefs life, all things that are aflimilated
to them do not live ? The anfwer is, that the progreflion of beings gradually fubfiding from the
firft to the laft of things, obfeures the participations of wholes and all-perfect effences. Demiur
gic energy alfo pervading through all things, gives fubfiftence to all things, according to different
meafures of effence ; and befides this, all things do notfimilarlyparticipate of the fame form. For
fome things participate of it in a greater, and others in a lefler degree; and fome things are
aflimilated to form according to one power, others according to two, and others according to
many powers. Whence alfo there are certain feries which beginning fupernally extend as far as
to things beneath. Thus, for inftance, fays Proclus, the form of the moon is beheld firft of all in
the Gods according to that which is characterized by the one and the good in form: for all things-
are
6> THE PARMENIDES.
be endued with intellection ? Or will you alTert that though they are intel
lectual conceptions, yet they underftand nothing? But that Socrates faid,
This is by no means rational. But, O Parmenides, the affair appears to me
to take place, in the moft eminent degree, as follows: that thefe forms are
1
ejlabl'fhedparadigms , as it were, in nature; but that other things are ajjimi-
lated
are deified from the good, as Socrates fays in thefixthbook of the Republic, through the light of
truth. This form is alfo beheld in angels, according to that which is intellectual in form •, and
in daemons, according to the dianoetic energy. It is likewife beheld in animals which are no
longer able to imitate it intellectually, but vitally. Hence, the Egyptian Apis, and the lunar
fifh, and many other animals, differently imitate the celeftial form of the moon. And this form
is beheld in the laft place in ftones; fo that there is a certain ftone fufpended from this form, and
which fuftains augmentations and diminutions, together with the moon in the heavens, though
it is deprived of life. It muft not, therefore, be fuppofed that all things receive all the powers
of forms, but, together with proper fubjedtion. fome things receive a greater, and others a lefTer,
number of thefe ; while that alone which is the idiom of the participated form, and according to
which it differs from other forms, is necefTarily feen in all its participants. To which we may
add, that the participation being different, the fubordinate idioms of forms firft defert the parti
cipants, and afterwards thofe that are more total than thefe; but thofe idioms which are primary,
and are particularly allied to the one, arefimilarlyapparent in all the productions of form. For
every form is one and a multitude, the multitude not giving fubfiftence to the one according to
compofition, but the one producing the many idioms of the form. Form, therefore, uniformly i s ,
and lives, and intelleclually energizes; but with refpect to its progeny, fome participate of ail
thefe, others of more or lefs of them, and others of one idiom alone. Since alfo in forms them
felves, their intellectual nature is derived from the firft intellect, their life from imparticipable,
or the firft life, their being from the firft being, and the one which they contain from the unity
which is beyond beings.
1
Socrates, fays Proclus, being led by the obftetrication of Parmenides to the intelligible effence
of forms, thinks that here efpecially, the order and the mode of the participation of forms fhould
be inveftigated; afTerting, indeed, that forms themfelves are eftablifhed in nature, but that other
things are generated as their refemblances. Having, therefore, thus explored the order of forms, he
at the fame time introduces the mode of participation, and difTolves the former doubts, that he
may not be compelled to fay that fenfibles participate either of the whole or a part of form, or
that forms are coordinate with fenfibles. For a paradigm is not prefent with its image, nor co
ordinate with it. The participation, therefore, is through fimilitude; which Socrates intro
duces, calling forms paradigms, but their participants refemblances. And fo confident is he in
thefe affertions, that he who before fwore that it was not eafy to define what the participation of
forms is, now fays that the mode of participation is eminently apparent to him. But he is thus
affected through his acutenefs, and the power of Parmenides perfecting his fpontaneous concep
tions concerning divine natures; by which it is alfo evident that the manner of what is faid is
maieutic, or obftetric, and not contending for victory ( x a T a y « w 0 T « x o $ ) . For it would not other-'
wife
THE PARMENIDES. 63
late J to thefe, and are their refemblances: and that the participation of forms
by other things, is nothing more than an ajfimilation to thefe forms. If any
thing,
wife advance Socrates, and perpetually perfect his conceptions. For the end of obftetrication
is the evocation of inward knowledge, but of contention, victory. If, therefore, Socrates by
every doubt advances, and is perfected, and diftinctly evolves his conceptions concerning primary
forms, we muft fay that he is rather obftetricated than vanquifhed by Parmenides.
This being premifed, let us fee how the hypothefis of Socrates approximates to the truth, but
does not yet pofTefs the perfect. For he is right in apprehending that forms are intellectual and
truly paradigms, and in defining their idiom, by afTerting that they are ejliiblijhed; and further
ltill, in admitting that other things are aftimilated to them. For the ftabie and a perpetual fame-
nefs of fubfiftence are the idioms of eternally energizing forms. For, in the Politicus, it is faid
that a fubfiftence according to the fame, and after the fame manner, belongs only to the moft
divine of all things ; and the Eleatean gueft, in the Sophifta, defines the being ejlablijbed (TO icravai)
to be nothing elfe than a fubfiftence according to the fame, and after the fame manner. If, there
fore, Socrates alfo fays, that forms are eftabli/fjed, but things eftablifhed fubfift according to the
fame and after the fame manner, and things which thus fubfift are the moft divine of all things,
it is evident that forms will be moft divine. Hence, they will no longer be the conceptions of
fouls, but will be exempt from every thing of this kind. Thefe things, therefore, are rightly
afferted; and Socrates alfo very properly admits union in forms prior to multitude. For the
words in nature ( t v nry pwci) manifeft the one enad or unity of forms. It is ufual indeed with
Plato to give the appellation of nature to intelligibles^ For Socrates, in the Philebus, fays, that
a royal intellect, and a royal foul, fubfift in the nature of Jupiter; and Timaeus fays, " the nature
of animal itfelf being eternal," fignifying by nature the monad of intelligible ideas. Such, there
fore, is that which is now called nature, viz. the one unity and comprehenfion of intelligible
forms. And thus far, as we have faid, Socrates is right.
However, as he only attributes a paradigmatic idiom to ideas, and does not afTert that they
alfo perfect, guard, and unite, in this refpect he will appear to have yet imperfectly apprehended
the theory concerning them. For every form is not only the paradigm of fenfibles, but alfo gives
fubfiftence to them ; fince if it were alone paradigmatic, another nature would be requifite, in
order to produce and afTimilate fenfibles to forms, which would thus remain fluggifh and un
moved, without any efficacious power, and refembling imprefljons in wax. Forms, therefore,
produce and generate their images: for it would be abfurd that the reafons in nature fhould
pofTefs a certain effective power, but that intelligible forms fhould be deprived of it. Hence,
every divine form is not only paradigmatic, but alfo paternal, and is by its very effence a caufe
generative of the many. It is a l f o p c t f e c l i v e : for it leads fenfibles from the imperfect to the per
fect, fills up their indigence, and brings matter, which is all things incapacity, to become that
in energy which it was in capacity, prior to its becoming fpecific. Forms, therefore, contain
in themfelves this perfective power. But do they not alfo pofTefs a guardian power? For whence
is the order of the univerfe indiflbluble, except from forms ? Whence thofe ftable reafon?, and
which preferve the one fympathy of wholes infrangible, through which the world abides for ever
perfect..
64 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
1
thing, therefore, becomes fimilar to a form, can it be poflible that the form
mould not be fimilar to the aflimilated, fo far as the aflimilated nature is
rendered
perfect, without the defertion of any form, except from liable caufes ? Again, the divifible and
diflipated nature of bodies is no otherwife comprefled and connetled than by impartible power.
For body is of itfelf divifible, and requires the connective power of forms. But, if union precedes
this connection, for every thing connective muft previoufly be one and undivided, form will not
only be generative, and pofTefs a guarding and perfettive power, but it will alfo be connetlive and
unific of all fecondary natures. Socrates, therefore, fhould not only have faid that form is a para
digm, but fhould alfo have added, that it cqnnetls, guards, a n d p e r f e c l s the things aflimilated ; which
Timaeus alfo teaching us, fays, that the world was generated perfecl and indijfoluble through the
ajjimilation to all-perfect animal itfelf.
1
Socrates, as we have before obferved, was not accurate in aflerting that ideas are paradigms
alone, fince they alfo generate, perfect, and guard fenfibles; and that fenfibles are refemblances
alone of ideas, fince they are generated and guarded by them, and thence derive all their per
fection and duration. This being the cafe, Parmenides, in a truly divine manner, grants that
forms are eftablifhed as paradigms in nature; but Socrates having introduced fimilitude, and a
participation according to fimilitude, in order to folve the firft doubts concerning the participa
tion of forms, Parmenides being defirous to indicate the primary and total caufe of paradigm
and its exemption from all habitude to its refemblances, fhows, that if fenfible is fimilar to intel
ligible form, it is not requifite that the habitude fhould reciprocate, and that the intelligible
fhould be fimilar to the fenfible form, left, prior to two things fimilar to each other, we fhould
again inveftigate fome other form, the caufe of fimilitude to both: for things fimilar to each other
entirely participate a certain fomething which is the fame, and through this fomething fame
which is in them they are faid to be fimilar. Hence, if it be granted that the participant and
that which is participated are fimilar, or, in other words, the paradigm and its refemblance, there
will be prior to thefe fomething elfe which aflimilates them, and this will be the cafe ad infinitum.
T o avoid this inconvenience, Socrates fhould have faid that the fimilar is twofold, the one being
fimilar conjoined with the fimilar, the other being as a fubject fimilar to its archetype ; and the
one being beheld in the famenefs of a certain one ratio, but the other not only pofTefling famenefs,
but at the fame time difference, when it is fimilar in fuch a manner as to pofTefs the fame form
from, but not together with, it. And thus much may be faid logically and doubtingly.
But if we direct our attention to the many orders of forms, we fhall find the profundity which
they contain. For there are phyfical forms prior to fenfibles, the forms in foul prior to thefe, and
intellectual forms preceding thofe in foul; but there are no longer others prior to thefe. Intel
lectual forms, therefore, are paradigms alone, and are by no means fimilar to the things pofterior
to thefe; but the forms in foul are both paradigms and images. And fo far as they are images,
both thefe forms themfelves, and the things pofterior to them, are fimilar to each other, as de
riving their fubfiftence from the fame intelleftual forms. This is alfo the cafe with phyfical
forms, which are fimilar to fenfibles, fo far as both are images of the forms which are above
them. But thofe forms which are alone paradigms, are no longer fimilar to their images: for
things
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
That Parmenides then faid, Do you fee, O Socrates, how great a doubt
arifes, if any one defines forms as having an effential fubfiftence by themfelves?
1
I do very much fo. Know, then, that you do not apprehend what dubious
confequeuces are produced, by placing every individual form of beings fepa
rate from its participants. But that Socrates faid, How do you mean ? That
2
Parmenides anfwered, There are many other doubts , indeed, but this is
the
exempt tranfcendency, intelligible forms with fenfibles. It may alfo be truly aflerred that the third
caufe of fimilitude is the aptitude of the recipient. For, in confequence of this being in capacity
what form is in energy, that which is generated becomes fimilar to form. So that the three
caufes of aflimilation are the fubject matter, that which collects together the things perfecting
and perfected, and that which fubfifls between thefe, and binds the extremes in union. What
is afferted, therefore, is in a certain refpect true. For if we inveftigate the one moft principal
caufe of participation, we muft not fay tha,t it is fimilitude, but a caufe fuperior to both intellectual
and intelligible forms.
1
Parmenides here indicates the eflence of divine forms, which is uncircumfcribed, and inca
pable of being narrated by our conceptions. For the difcourfe is, indeed, dubious to thofe who
undertake to define accurately their effence, order, and power, to behold where they firft fubfift,
and how they proceed ; what the divine idioms are which they receive ; how they are participated
by the laft of things, and what the feries are to which they give fubfiftence ; with fuch other
particulars of a more theological nature as the fpeculation of them may afford. And thefe things,
indeed, Parmenides indicates, but Socrates has not yet touched upon the doubts concerning them.
For Parmenides was willing, not only beginning downwards to define the order of divine forms,
but alfo beginning from on high to behold their idiom. For he has already fpoken concerning
phyfical forms, and fuch as are fimply intellectual, and concerning thofe that are properly intel
lectual. Something alfo will be faid concerning thofe that are called intelligible and at the fame
time intellectual ; and, in the laft place, concerning thofe that are alone intelligible. But how
he fpeaks concerning thefe, fays Proclus, and that his difcourfe is under the pretext of doubting,
is already evident to the more fagacious, and follows from what has been faid.
a
That the difcourfe concerning ideas, fays Proclus, is full of very numerous and moft difficult
doubts, is evident from the infinite affertions of thofe pofterior to Plato, fome of which regard
the fubverfion, and others the admiflion, of ideas. And thofe that admit their fubfiftence think
differently refpecting their effence; concerning the particulars of which there are ideas, the
mode of participation, and other all-various problems with which the fpeculation of them is at
tended. Parmenides, however, does not attend to the multitude of doubts, nor does he defcend
to their infinite length, but, in two of the greateft, comprehends all the fubfequent inveftigation
concerning them ; through which doubts it appears that forms are neither apprehended and
known by us, nor have any knowledge of, nor providentially energize about, fenfibles ; though,
through this we efpecially embrace a formal eflence, that, as being ourfelves intellectual, we may
energize about it, and may contemplate in it the providential caufes of wholes. But, if ideas are
not
THE PARMENIDES.
the greateft: if any one mould aiTert that it is not proper forms mould be
known, if they are fuch as we have laid they ought to be, it is impoflible to
demonftrate
not known by us, it is alfo vain to fay that they have any fubfiftence ; for we do not even know-
that they are, if we are ignorant of their nature, and are, in fhort, incapable of apprehending
them, and do not pofTefs from our own effence that which is preparatory to the fpeculation of
them. Such, then, are the doubts, both of which happen through the exempt effence of forms,
which exemption we confider fo tranfcendent as to have no communication with fecondary
natures. For that which thus fubfifts is foreign from us, and is neither known by, nor is gnoftic
of, us. But, if the exempt nature of forms, together with tranfcendency, is alfo prefent to all
things, our knowledge of them will be preferved, and they will pofTefs a formal knowledge of
fecondary natures. For if they are every where prefent to all things, we may then be able to
meet with them, by only making ourfelves adapted to the reception of them. And if they adorn
all things, they comprehend intellectually the caufe of the things adorned. It is necefTary, there
fore, that thofe who wifh to guard thefe dogmas, fhould confider forms as unfhaken and exempt,
and pervading through all things. And here alfo we may fee how this accords with the unre-
ftrained nature of forms: for neither does that which is demiurgic in them pofTefs any habitude
to things fecondary, nor is their unreftrained and exempt nature fuch as to be incommunicable
with, and foreign from, fenfibles.
But here the divine conception of Plato is truly admirable, which previoufly fubverts through
thefe doubts all the confufed and atheiftical fufpicion concerning divine forms; imitating in this
refpect intellect itfelf, which, prior to the fhadowy fubfiftence of evils, gave fubfiftence to fub-
vertive powers. That it is not proper, therefore, to make that which is generative in forms pof-
fefting any habitude to that which is generated, or that which is paradigmatic to confift in verging
to that which is governed, Parmenides has fufficiently fhown in what has been already delivered.
For all habitude requires another collective and connecting caufe, fo that, prior to forms, there
will be another form conjoining both through fimilitude ; fince habitude is of the fimilar, with re
lation to the fimilar. But that the exempt nature of forms is not fluggifh and without providen
tial energy, and is not foreign from things fecondary, Parmenides indicates through thefe doubts.
For, perhaps, fome one, alone looking to the unreftrained nature of forms, may fay that they
neither know their participants, nor are known by us. Hence, he leads Socrates to an animad-
verfion of the mode of the exempt power of divine forms. And how, indeed, he collects that
fenfibles are not known by them, will be afterwards manifeft to u s ; but he wifhes, firft of all, to
evince that we are not able to know them, afluming, for this purpofe, in a manner perfectly
divine, that the fcience which we pofTefs pertains to human objects of fcientific knowledge, but
that divine fcience belongs to fuch as are divine. And this, indeed, appears to deprive us of the
knowledge of divine natures. It is, however, true in a certain refpect, and not according to one
mode, but after one manner when philofophically, and after another when theologically, confi
dered. For let the fcience which is with us pertain to our objecls of fcientific knowledge; but
what prevents fuch objects from being images of divine natures ? And why may we not know
divine natures through them, in the fame manner as the Pythagoreans, perceiving the images of
K 2 the
68 THE PARMENIDES.
the divine orders in numbers and figures, and being converfant with thefe, endeavoured to obtain
from them as from certain types, a knowledge of things divine* Why, alfo, is it wonderful that
the fcience which is with us fhould be fo called with relation to that which is with us the object
of fcientific knowledge, and fhould be conjoined with this ? For it is coordinate to that with
refpect to which it is denominated. It may alfo, not as coordinate knowledge, but as that
which is of an inferior order, be admitted to intelligibles themfelves. For coordinate knowledges
of all things are of one kind, and thofe which are arranged according to a different order of
things known, of another, and which either apprehend the nature of things fubordinate in a<
more excellent manner, as opinion the nature of fenfibles, or which apprehend things more
excellent fecondarily and fubordinately, as opinion that which is the object of fcience. He,
therefore, who pofTefles fcientific knowledge, and he who opines rightly, know the fame thing,"
but the one in a more excellent,, and the other in a fubordinate manner. Hence there is no
abfurdity that fcience fhould be denominated not with relation to the object of fcience among
intelligibles, but with relation to that with which it is conjoined, and that it fhould apprehend
the former not as coordinate, but in a fecondary degree. Agreeably to this, Plato in his feventh
Epiflle fays that the intelligible form is not known through fcience but through intelligence, or
the direct and immediate vifion of intellect. For fcientific knowledge is of a more compofite
nature with refpect ta intellectual intuition ; but intellect is properly the fpectator of ideas: for
thefe are naturally intellectual, and we every where know the fimilar by the fimilar ; intelligibles
indeed by intellect;, the objects of opinion by opinion, and things fcientific by fcience. It is by
no means wonderful, therefore, that there fhould be no fcience of forms, and yet that another
knowledge of them fhould remain, fuch as that which we denominate intelligence.
But if you are willing, fays Proclus, to fpeak after another more theological mode, you may
fay that afcending as far as to intellectual forms, Parmenides fhows that the forms which are
beyond thefe, and which pofTefs an exempt tranfcendency, fuch as are the intelligible, and the
intelligible and at the fame time intellectual forms, are better than our knowledge. Hence by
afferting that fouls when perfectly purified, and conjoined with the attendants on the twelve
fuperceleflial Gods, then,merge themfelves in the contemplation of thefe forms, you will perhaps
not wander from the divinely-infpired conception of Plato. For as there are three orders of
forms prior to the aflimilative order as is evident from the fecond hypothefis of the Parmenides,
viz. the intellectual, the intelligible and at the fame time intellectual, and the intelligible ; in
tellectual forms indeed are proximate to fecondary natures, and through the feparation which
they contain are more known to us, but intelligible and at the fame time intellectual forms are
not to be apprehended by that partial knowledge by which we perceive things coordinate with
pur nature; and hence thefe forms are characterized by the unknown, through their exempt
tranfcendency.
Let us now confider, fays Proclus, the words of Plato, becaufe through thefe he indicates who
is a fit hearer of thefe things, and. who is adapted to be a teacher of. them. For it is requifite
tliat
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 69
I think that both you and any other, who eftablifhes the effence of each form
as fubfifting by itfelf, muft allow, in the. firft place, that no one of thefe
fubfifts
tions of the line's which proceed from it, and as fcience, the many theorems of which it is the
fource; not being compofed from the many, but fubfifting prior to the many, and all being con
tained in each. For thus intellect is many, containing multitude impartibly in the unity of its
nature; becaufe it is not the one which fubfifts prior to all multitude, but is collectively one
multitude, its multitude being profoundly united through the dominion of unity in its nature. In
this manner, therefore, is intellect the place of ideas. Hence, if foul is not the fame with in
tellect, thofe ideas will not be in us of which intellect is the place. Hence, alfo, it is evident
that the difcourfe in this dialogue about ideas becomes perpetually more perfect, afcending to
certain more-united hypoftafes of thefe luminous beings. For the difcourfe no longer fuppofes
them to be corporeal or phyfical, or conceptions of the foul, but prior to all thefe. For they are
not in us, fays Parmenides; nor are they coordinate with our conceptions.
You may fay, then, philofophically with Proclus, that they are exempt from, and are not in
us; and that they are prefent every where, and are participated by us, without being ingene
rated in their participants. For they being in themfelves, are proximate to all things for partici
pation that arc capable of receiving them. Hence, we participate them through the things
which we poflefs, and this is not only the cafe with us, but alfo with more excellent natures, who
poflefs in themfelves effential images of ideas, and introducing thefe as veftiges of paradigms to
ideas, they know the latter through the former. For he who underftands the effence of thefe,
knows alfo that they are images of other things, but knowing this, it is alfo neceffary that by in
tellections he fhould come into contact with the paradigms. But you may fay, theologically, that
the forms which are exempt from thofe that are intellectual, are perfectly eftablifhed above our
order. Hence, of intellectual forms, we perceive both in ourfelves, and in fenfibles, images; but
the eflence of intelligibles, through its profound union, is perfectly exempt both from us and all
other things, being of itfelf unknown. For it fills Gods and intellects with itfelf; but wc muft
be fatisfied with participating intellectual forms in a manner adapted to the foul. Plato alfo
manifefts thefe things when he makes our life to be twofold, political and theoretical, and afligns
us a twofold felicity ; elevating the former life to the patronymic government of Jupiter, and the
latter to the Saturnian order and a pure intellect.^For from hence it is evident that he re-elevates
the whole of our life, as far as to the intellectual kings: for Saturn fubfifts at the fummit, and
Jupiter at the extremity, of the intellectual order. But fuch things as are beyond thefe, he fays
in the Phaedrus, are the fpectacles of fouls divinely infpired and initiated in them as in the moft
blefied of all myfterics. So that thus the propofed axiom will be true, when confidered as pertain
ing to a certain formal order. And thus much for the things.
With refpect to the diftion, fays Proclus, the words *nj fo Z llapfxsvih; " In what refpecl, O Par*
metrides ?" are the interrogation of Socrates, vehemently wondering if intellectual form is un
known, and not yet perceiving the tranfition, and that Parmenides proceeds through the whole
extent of forms till he ends in the firft ideas. But the words <nu<; yap an a\itn naff avrm tn tin;
" For how cotdd it any longer fubftfl itfelf by itfelf?" are aflerted according to common conceptions.
9 For
75 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
fubfifts in us. For (that Socrates faid) how if it did, could it any longer
fubfift itfelf by itfelf? That Parmenides replied, You fpeak well. But will
you not admit that fuch ideas as are, with relation * to each other, fuch ai
they
For every thing exempt is of itfelf, and is itfelf by itfelf, neither fubfifting in any other, nor in
us. Hence, through thefe three terms, itfelf, by itfelf, and effence, Parmenides unfolds the whole
truth concerning thefe forms. For the firft of thefe indicates their funplicity, the fecond, their
feparate tranfcendency, and the third theirperfcblion eflablifbed in effence alone. In the next place, the
1
words x a X t v f teytif, " You fpeak well, ' are not delivered ironically, and as if Parmenides was from
them beginning a confutation, but as receiving the fpontaneous intuition of Socrates, and his
conception about divine natures. For the aflumed axiom is true, Timacus alfo afferting that true
being neither receives any thing into itfelf, as matter does form, nor proceeds into any other
place, as form does into matter. It remains, therefore, feparately in itfelf, and being partici
pated, does not become any thing belonging to its participants, but, fubfifting prior to them, im
parts to thefe as much as they are able to receive •, neither being in us, for we participate, not
receiving idea itfelf, but fomething elfe proceeding from it •, nor being generated in us, for it is
entirely void of generation.
1
This is the fecond axiom, fays Proclus, contributing to the fpeculation of the propofed object
of inquiry. For the former axiom was, that forms are by no means in us, but in themfelves;
but this fecond axiom is, that fenfibles when denominated as relatives, are fo denominated with
relation to each other; and that intelligibles are denominated with relation to each other, and not
with relation to fenfibles; and that fenfibles are not denominated with relation to intelligibles.
For, by thofe who are accuftomed to confider thefe things more logically, it is well faid, that uni
verfals ought to be referred as relatives to univerfals, but particulars to particulars; fcience (imply
confidered to that which is (imply the object of fcience, but a particular fcience to a particular
object of fcience ; things indefinite to the indefinite; fuch as are definite to the definite ; fuch
as are in capacity to things in capacity ; and fuch as are in energy to things in energy. And of
thefe things the logical and phyfical treatifes of the antients are full. If, therefore, in things
univerfal, and things particular, alternations cannot be admitted in comparing the one with the
other, by a much greater reafon it cannot take place in ideas and the images of ideas; but we
muft refer fenfibles to fenfibles, and intelligibles to intelligibles. Thefe things, then, are perfectly
true, if we confider each fo far as it is that which it is, and not fo far as it makes fomething, or
is generated fomething. For in this cafe, fenfibles have the relation of things generated to in
telligibles, but intelligibles, that of producing caufes to fenfibles ; and as images, fenfibles are
related to intelligibles, but ideas, as paradigms, are related to fenfibles.
If, therefore, we affume dominion itfelf, it muft be referred to fervitude itfelf; but if we con
fider it as a paradigm, it muft be referred to that which is fimilar to dominion itfelf; though we
are accuftomed, indeed, to call the Gods our lords, fo that dominion there w ill be denominated
with reference to fervitude with us. This, however, is true, becaufe we participate of fervitude
-itfelf, to which dominion itfelf has a precedaneous reference. And here you may fee how domi
nion among ideas, or in the intelligible world, evinces that more excellent natures are our lords,
becaufe
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . ft
they are, pofTefs alfo their eflence with refpecl to themfelves, and not with
reference to things fubfifting among us, whether they are refemblances, of
in whatever manner you may eftablifh fuch things ; each of which, while
we participate, we diftinguifh by fome peculiar appellation ? But that the
things fubfifting among us, and which are fynonymous to thefe, fubfift alfo
with reference to each other, and not with relation to forms ; and belong to
themfelves, but not to thofe which receive with them a common appellation.
That then Socrates faid, How do you mean ? As if, Parmenides anfwered,
becaufe we participate of fervitude itfelf. But that which is called dominion with us, with refe
rence to fervitude among us, is no longer alfo denominated with reference to fervitude among
ideas, becaufe the being of fervitude which is there does not fubfift from that which is with us,
but the very contrary takes place. For things which govern more excellent natures muft alfo
neceffarily govern fuch as are fubordinate, but not vice verfa.
But from all thefe doubts we learn what idea truly fo called is. From the firft doubt we affume
that it is incorporeal; for if it were a body, neither the whole, nor a part of it could be partici
pated. But from the fecond doubt we aftume that it is not coordinate with its participants; for
if it were coordinate, it would poffefs fomething common, and on this account we muft conceive
another idea prior to it. From the third doubt we learn, that it is not a conception of effence, but
effence and being; for otherwifc all its participants would participate of knowledge. From the
fourth, we collect that it is a paradigm alone, and not an image alfo, as the reafon or productive
principle in foul, left being fimilar to that which proceeds from it, it fhould introduce another
idea prior to itfelf. From the fifth, we learn that intelligible idea is not directly known to us, but
from the images of it. For fcience in us is not coordinate with it. And from the fixth we infer
that it underftands things which are fecondary to it, and that it knows them by being itfelf their
caufe. Idea, therefore, truly fo called, is an incorporeal caufe, exempt from its participants, is an
immovable effence, is a paradigm only and truly, and is intelligible to fouls from images, but has
a caufal knowledge of things which fubfift according to it. So that from all the doubts we derive
one definition of idea truly fo called. Hence, thofe that oppofe the doctrine of ideas, fhould oppofe
this definition, and not affuming corporeal imaginations of them, or confidering them as co-
arranged with fenfibles, or as unefTential, or as coordinate with our knowledge, fophiftically dif
courfe concerning them. Let it alfo be obfervedthat Parmenides fays that ideas are Gods, and that
they have their fubfiftence in deity; in the fame manner as the Chaldaean oracle alfo calls them
the conceptions of the father: for whatever fubfifts in deify is a God. Laftly, we muft be care
ful to remember that when we fpeak of relation as fubfifting among ideas, we muft remove from
them mere, uneffential habitudes : for nothing of this kind is adapted to the Gods. But we muft
affume famenefs for habitude; and even prior to this famenefs, the hyparxis of each in itfelf: for
each is of itfelf firft, and is both united to itfelf and to other things. Communion, therefore,
according to participations characterizes the power of things which are faid to be relatives in the
intelligible world.
VOL. in. L fome
74 THE PARMENIDES.
1
fome one of us fhould be the mailer or fervant of any one; he who is
mafter is not the mafier of fervant, nor is he who is fervant, fervant of
mailer ;
* How relatives are to be underftood, fays Proclus, among forms, is I think evident from what
has been already faid. You will, however, find dominion and fervitude peculiarly fubfifting there.
For what elfe pertains to defpots, than to have abfolute dominion over flaves, and to arrange
every thing pertaining to them with a view to their own good ? And what elfe is the province
of flaves, than to be governed by others, and to minifter to the will of their matters ? Muft not
thefe, therefore, by a much greater priority, be found among forms which are arranged one under
the other, and among which fome are more powerful, and ufe thofe of a fubordinate nature, but
others are fubfervient, and cooperate with the powers of the higher orders of forms ? Dominion,
therefore, is an employing power (xpwrw dum/xis), and fervitude a miniflrant power. And both
thefe fubfift efTentially among forms, and not cafually, as in their images: for dominion and fer
vitude among fenfibles, are the the laft echoes, as it were, of dominion and fervitude in the in
telligible world. *
But if you are willing not only to furvey thefe two in forms philofophically, but alfo theolo
gically, in the divine orders themfelves, direct: your intellectual eye to thofe intellectual and at
the fame time intelligible Gods, and to the forms which are fufpended from them ; and you will
fee how both thefe are adapted to that order of forms. For having primarily a middle fubfiftence,
they rule over all fecondary natures, but are fufpended from the forms which are prior to them,
and which are alone intelligible, energize with reference to their good, and are from them that
which they are. For being firft unfolded into light from them, they are governed by, and abide
in, them j but they fupernally rule over the effences and powers pofterior to themfelves. Hence,
alfo, in the fecondary orders, the more total govern the more partial, the more monadic, the
more multiplied, and the exempt, the coordinated. Thus, for inftance, in the demiurgic genera,
Jupiter in Homer at one time iffues his mandates to Minerva, at another time to Apollo, at an
other to Hermes, and at another to Iris ; all of whom act in fubfervience to the will of their
father, imparting their providential energies according to the demiurgic boundary. The angelic
tribe, alfo, and all the better genera, are faid to act as fervants to the Gods, and to minifter to
their powers.
But, that dominion and fervitude have an effential, and not a cafual fubfiftence only, we may
learn from the Phsedo : for it is there faid, that nature commanded the body to act the part of a
flave, but the foul that of a mafter. If, therefore, thefe have a natural fubfiftence in the foul
and body, it is nothing wonderful that we fhould refer dominion itfelf, and fervitude itfelf, to
divine forms, theologifts employing thefe names as indications of the ruling and miniflrant powers
in the Gods ; juft as the paternal and maternal there fubfift in one refpect according to a divine
idiom, and in another according to a formal caufe, mere habitude having no fubfiftence in thefe,
but prolific power, and an effence adapted to the Gods.
It muft, however, here be carefully obferved, that when the Gods are faid to rule over us alfo
with abfolute dominion, as when in the Phaedo Socrates calls the Gods our matters, and us the
pciTcfiioxisof the Gods, the mode of dominion is tranfeendently exempt. For in the divine orders
THE PARMENIDES. 75
mafter; but he fuftains both thefe relation?, as being a man ; while, in the
mean time, dominion itfelf is that which it is from its relation to fervitude ;
and fervitude, in a fimilar manner, is fervitude with reference to dominion.
But the ideas with which we are converfant poifefs no power over the ideas
which fubfift by themfelves, nor have they any authority over us: but I affert
that they fubfift from themfelves, and with relation to themfelves; and ours,
in a fimilar manner, with relation to themfelves. Do you underftand what
I fay ? That Socrates replied, Entirely fo. That Parmenides then faid, Is
1 2
not fcience itfelf, fo far as it is fuch, the fcience of truth itfelf? Per
fectly
the more total rule over the more partial coordinately, and we approach to the Gods, as our mafters,
through the fervitude which is there as a medium. Hence, as all the feries of fervitude itfelf is under
that of dominion itfelf, the Gods alfo govern according to their abfolute power. And not only do
the more total rule over the more partial Gods, but alfo over men, participating according to com-
prehenfion of fervitude itfelf, which makes fubordinate f ubfervient o more excellent natures.
1
Socrates, in the Phaedrus, celebrates divine fcience, elevating fouls of a total charadteriftic,
or which fubfift as wholes to the intellectual and intelligible orders, and alTerting that they there
furvey juftice itfelf, temperance itfelf, and fcience itfelf, in confequence of being conjoined with
the middle order of thefe Gods. He alfo aflerts that truth is there, proceeding from intelligibles,
and illuminating all the middle genera of Gods with intelligible light ; and he conjoins that fe'ence
with that truth. If, therefore, in difcourfing concerning the formal orders, he fays that fcience
itfelf is of truth itfelf, it is not wonderful. For there fcience and truth, and all the forms in the
middle genera of Gods, participate of fcience itfelf, and truth itfelf, which caufe every thing
there to be intellectual: for fcience itfelf is the eternal and uniform intelligence of eternal na
tures. For the light of truth being intelligible, imparts to thefe forms intelligible power. But
fince there are many orders of thefe middle forms ; for fome of them are, as theologifts fay, the
higheft, uniform, and intelligible; others connect and bind together wholes ; and others are per
fective and convertive; hence, after the one and ths firft fcience, Parmenides mentions many
fciences. For they proceed fupcrnally through all the genera in conjunction with the light of
truth. For truth is the one in every order, and the intelligible, with which alfo intelligence is
conjoined. As, therefore, total intelligence is of the total intelligible, fo the many intelligences
arc united to the many intelligibles. Thefe middle forms, therefore, which poflefs intelligences
united with their intelligibles, are perfectly exempt from our knowledge ; or, in other words,
they cat)not he directly and without a medium apprehended even by the higheft of our powers.
Intellectual forms, indeed, are exempt from us ; but fince wc proximately fubfift from them, they
arc
a
Inftead of T J J ; b TCRRTV XXNFCICT, aurm AV EXMNG W f.wrujtttj, as in Thompfon's edition of this dia
logue, it appears from the MS. commentary of Proclus that we fhould read T W J aXnflciaj avrr,s a*
IHTNNS X. t . Indeed the fenfe of the text requires this emendation.
L 2
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
fe£Hy fo. But will each of the fciences which is, be the fcience of each of
1
the things which are ? Certainly it will. But will not our fcience be con-
verfant
are in a certain refpect in us, and we pofTefs a knowledge of them, and through thefe, of the
unknown tranfcendency of more divine forms.
W e ought not however, fays Proclus, to fay, with fome of the friends of Plato, that divine
fcience does not know it(el£ but from itfelf imparts felf-knowledge to other things. For every
t
divine nature primarily directs its energy to itfelf, and begins its idiom from itfelf. Thus the
caufe of life fills itfelf with life, and the fource of perfection produces itfelf perfect. Hence, that
which imparts knowledge to other things, pofTefTes itfelf prior to other things the knowledge of
beings; fince alfo the fcience which is with us being an image of fcience itfelf, knows other
things, and prior to other things,- itfelf. Or what is that which informs us what this very
thing fcience is ? And mufl not relatives belong to the fame power ? Knowing, therefore, the
objects of fcience, it alfo knows itferf, being the fcience of thofe objects. As the knowledge,
Tiowever, of divine fcience is fimple and, uniform, fo the object of its knowledge is fingle and
comprehenfive of all other objects of fcientific knowledge. Science itfelf, therefore, is the caufe
of fcientific knowledge to other things, and by a much greater priority, to itfelf. For it is an
' effence efTentialrzed in the knowledge of itfelf and of being. For fcience there is not a habit, nor
a quality, but a felf-perfect hyparxis fubfifting from, and eftablifhed in, itfelf; and by knowing
itfelf, knowing that which is primarily the object of fcientific knowledge, or that which is fimply
being. For it is conjoined with this, in the fame manner as that which is intellect fimply, to that
which is fimply intelligible, and as that which is fimply fenfe, to that which is fimply fenfible.
But the many fciences after fcience itfelf are certain progreffions of the one fcience conjoined
with the multitude of beings, which the being of that one fcience comprehends. For being is
tnany, and in like manner fcience. And that which is moft characterized by unity in fcience
itfelf, is united to the one of being, which alfo it knows; but the multitude in fcience itfelf
knows the multitude of beings which being itfelf comprehends.
1
We alfo participate in a certain refpect of truth, but not of that of which thofe divine forms
alluded to in the preceding text participate, but of that which was imparted to our order by the
artificer of the univerfe ; and the fcience which is with us is the fcience of this truth. There
are, however, knowledges more partial than this, fome evolving one, and others a different object
of knowledge. Some of thefe, alfo, are converfant with generation, and the variety it contains;
others inveftigate the whole of nature; and others contemplate fupernatural beings. Some,
again, employ the fenfes, and together with thefe, give completion to their work ; others require
the figured intellection of the phantafy ; others acquiefce in doxaftic reafons ; others convert pure
Teafon itfelf to itfelf; and others extend our reafon to intellect. As there is then fuch a difference
in the fciences, it is evident that fome form a judgment of thefe, and others of different, objects
of fcience, and things which contribute to our reminifcence of being. Thus, for inftance, ge
ometry fpeculates the reafon of figure in us, but arithmetic unfolds, by its demonftrations, the
one form of numbers ; and each of the other fciences which have a partial fubfiftence fpeculates
fome other particular of the things with which we are converfant. W e muft not, therefore,
pervert
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 11
verfant with the truth which fubfifts among us ? And will not each of our
fciences be the fcience of that being which happens to refide with us ? It
is necefTary that it fhould be fo. But you have granted that we do not
1
pofTefs forms , and that they are not things with which we are conver
sant ? Certainly not. Is each genus * of beings known to be what it is,
through
pervert the name of fcience by introducing arts into the midfl:, and the ideas of thefe, to which
the ufes of a mortal life gave a being ; for they are nothing more than adumbrations of true
fcience. As, therefore, we fay that there are ideas of things which contribute to the perfection
of eflence, but not of things proceeding from thefe, and alone fubfifting accidentally in others, in
like manner the arts being the images of the fciences have here their generation. But the
fciences themfelves are derived from the fciences which prefubfift among ideas i and through the
former wc are enabled to afcend to the latter, and become aflimilated to intellect. However,
as there it is ncceffary that there fhould be one fcience prior to the many, being the fcience of
that which is truth itfelf, juft as the many fciences have many truths for their objects (for the
peculiar fcientific object of every fcience is a certain truth) in like manner with refpect to the
fciences with us which are many, it is necefTary to underftand the one and whole form of fcience,
which neither receives its completion from the many, nor is coordinated with them, but pre-
fubfifts itfelf by itfelf. But the many fciences diftribute the one power of fcience, a different
fcience being arranged under a different object of knowledge, and all of them being referred to
and receiving their principles from the one and entire form of fcience. The fcience, therefore,
which is with us is very different from that which is divine; but through the former we afcend
to the latter.
1
Here Parmenides, fays Proclus, beginning from the preceding axioms collects the thing
propofed as follows: Exempt forms fubfift by themfelves ; things which fubfift by themfelves and
©f themfelves are not in us; things which are not in us, are not coordinate with our fcience, and
are unknown by it. Exempt forms, therefore, are unknown by our fcience. All forms indeed,
are only to be feen by a divine intellect, but this is efpecially the cafe with fuch as are beyond
the intellectual Gods. For neither fenfe nor doxaftic knowledge, nor pure reafon, nor our
intellectual knowlege, is able to conjoin the foul with thofe forms i but this can alone be effected
through an illumination from the intellectual Gods, as fome »one fpeaking divinely fays. T h e
nature, therefore, of thofe forms is unknown to us, as being better than our intellection, and the
divifible intuitive perceptions of our foul. Hence Socrates in the Phaedrus, as we have before
obferved, aflimilates the furvey of them to the myfteries, and calls the fpectacles of them entire,
tranquil, fimple and happy vifions. Of intellectual forms, therefore, the demiurgus and father
of fouls has implanted in us the knowledge; but of the forms above intellect, fuch as thofe
belonging to the intelligible and at the fame time intellectual orders, the knowledge is exempt
from our immediate vifion, is fpontaneous, and alone known to fouls energizing from a divine
afflatus. So that what Parmenides now infers, and alfo that we do not participate of fcience
itfelf, follow from the conceptions concerning this order of divine forms.
3
The genera of being are not to be confidered in this place, either as things appearing in the
many, and which are the fubject of logical predications, or as univerfals collected from the many,
and which are called by the moderns abftract ideas j for thefe are pofterior to beings. But the genera
s <*
78. THE PARMENIDES.
through the form itfelf of" fcience ? Undoubtedly. But this form we do
not pofTefs ? By no means. No form, therefore, is known by us, as we do
not participate of fcience itfelf? It docs not appear it can. The beautiful 1
itfelf therefore, and the good itfelf and all fuch things which we have con
fidered as being ideas, are unknown to us ? So it fcems. But furvey this,
2
which is yet ftill more dire . What? You will fay, perhaps, that if there
is
of being here fignify fuch things as pofiefs a generative power, more total than, and preceding
according to caufe, the progeny in more partial forms. For as the genera of forms in fenfibles,
either appear in the many, or are predicated of the many, in like manner genera in intelligibles
are more principal, perfect and comprehenfive than other forms ; furpafting the things com
prehended in fimplicity and prolific power. Thefe genera we muft fay are known by the form
of fcience itfelf, as beginning fupernally, and comprehending according to one uniform know
ledge, things multiplied, unitedly, and things partial, totally. This alfo the fcience which is with
us wifhes to effect : for it always contemplates the progreffions of things from their caufes.
1
The beautiful, and alfo the gocd confidered as a form and not as fupercflcntial proceed fuper
nally from the fummit of intelligibles to all the fecond genera of Gods. The middle orders of
forms, therefore, receive the progreffions of thefe in a becoming manner; according to the gocd
becoming full of their own perfection, and of the fufficient, and the unindigent; but according
to the beautiful becoming lovely to fecondary natures, leading back things which have proceeded,
and binding together divided caufes. For a conversion to the beautiful collects together and unites
all things, and fixes them as in one center. Thefe two forms, therefore, the good and the beautiful
fubfift occultly and uniformly in firft natures, but are changed in the different orders of things in
a manner coordinate to each. So that it is not wonderful if there is certain beauty known
only to fenfe, another known to opinion, another beheld through the dianoetic power, another by
intelligence in conjunction with reafon, another by pure intelligence, and laftly another which is
unknown, fubfifting by itfelf perfectly exempt, and capable of being feen by its own light alone.
a
The preceding arguments have led us as far as to the intelligible and at the fame time
intellectual order of forms: for being falfe and of a doubting idiom, they alone unfold the truth in
intellectual forms. But what is now faid, fays Proclus, leads us to thofe forms which prefubfift:
in the intelligible, proceeding indeed in the form of doubt as about intellectual forms, but in
reality fignifying the idiom of the firft forms. The difcourfe, therefore, (hows that forms
neither know nor govern fenfibles ; falfely, indeed, in demiurgic ideas, for fenfibles fubfift
from thefe, and thefe rule over their all-various diftribution into individual forms ; fo that
they prcvioufly comprehend the providence and government of fenfibles: but the difcourfe
is moft true in the firft ideas, which are in the higheft degree characterized by unity, and
are truly intelligible. For thefe firft fhine forth from being in intelligible intellect, uni
formly, unitedly, and totally. For they contain the paternal caufes of the moft common and
comprehenfive genera, and are fuperior to a diftributed knowledge of and a proximate govern
ment of fenfibles. Hence thefe intelligible Gods have dominion over the Gods which are un
folded from them, and their knowledge is beyond all other divine knowledge $ to which alfo
Plato looking collects, that the Gods neither rule over us, nor have any knowledge of human
o concerns.
THE PARMENIDES. 79
is any certain genus of fcience, it is much more accurate than the fcience
which refides with us; and that this is likewife true of beauty, and every
thing
concerns. For the divided caufes of thefe, and the powers which rule over them, are in the
intellectual Gods. But the ideas which are properly called intelligible, are eftablifhed above all
fuch divifions; produce all things according to united and the moft fimple caufes; and both their
effective energy and knowledge are one, collected and uniform. Hence there the intelligible
caufe of the celeftial genus produces every thing celeftial, Gods, angels, daemons, heroes, fouls,
not fo far as they are daemons or angels, for this is the peculiarity of divifible caufes, and of
divided ideas, of which the intellectual forms make a diftribution into multitude, but fo far as all
thefe genera are in a cenain refpecl; divine and celeftial, and fo far as they are allotted an hy-
parxis united to the Gods; and in a fimilar manner with refpect to each of the reft. Thus for
inftance, the intelligible idea of every thing pedeftrian and terreftrial cannot be faid to rule over
things, each of which is feparated according to one form, for this is the province of things
diftributed from it into multitude, but it governs all things fo far as they are of one genus. iFor
things nearer to the one, give fubfiftence to all things in a more total and uniform manner.
As, however, we fhall hereafter fpeak of this, let us rather confider the opinion of Plato con
cerning providence. The Athenian gucft, therefore, in the Laws clearly evinces that there is a
providence, where his difcourfe (hows that the Gods know and poflefs a power which governs-
all tilings. But Parmenides at the very beginning of the difcuflion concerning providence
evinces the abfurdity of doubting divine knowledge and dominion. For to affert that the
conclufion of this doubt is ftill more dire than the former, fufficiently (hows that he rejects the
arguments which fubvert providence. For it is dire to fay that divinity is not known by us who
are rational and intellectual natures, and who efTentially poflefs fomething divine •, but it is ftill
more dire to deprive divine natures of knowledge ; fince the former pertains to thofe who do not
convert themfelves to divinity, but the latter to thofe who impede the all-pervading goodnefs of
the Gods. And the former pertains to thofe who err refpecting our eflence, but the latter to
thofe who convert themfelves erroneoufly about a divine caufe. But the expreflion ftill more dire,
Qmmipcv) fays Proclus, is not u(ed as fignifying a more ftrenuous doubt, in the fame manner as.
we are accuftomed to call thofe dire ftstvoi) who vanquifh by the power of language, but as a
thing worthy of greater dread and caution to the intelligent. For it divulfes the union of things,
and ditlbciatcs divinity apart from the world. It alfo defines divine power as not pervading to
all things, and circumfcribcs intellectual knowledge as not all-perfect. It likewife fubverts all the
fabrication of the univerfe, the order imparted to the world from feparate caufes,.and the good
nefs which fills all things from one will, in a manner accommodated to the nature of unity.
Nor lefs dire than any one of thefe is the confufion of piety. For what communion is there
between Gods and men, if the former are deprived of the knowledge of our concerns. All A p
plications, therefore, of divinity, all facred inftitutions, all oaths adducing the Gods as a witnefs,
and the untaught conceptions implanted in our fouls concerning divinity, will perifh. What gift
alfo will be left of the Gods to men, if they do not previoufly comprehend in themfelves the
defcrt of the r.-unlcnts, if they do not poflefs a knowledge of all that we do, of all we fuffer,
and of all that \\;c think though wc do not carry it into effect ?• With great propriety, there
fore,
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
thing elfe ? Certainly. If*, therefore, any one pofTeffes fcience itfelf will
you not alTert that no one pofTeffes the moft accurate fcience more than a
God ?
fore are fuch affertions called dife. For if it is unholy to change any legitimately divine inftitu-
lion, how can fuch an innovation as this be unattended with dread ? But that Plato rejects this
hypothefis which makes Divinity to be ignorant of our concerns, is evident from thefe things,
fince it is one of his dogmas, that Divinity knows and produces all things. Since, however, foma
ef thofe pofterior to him have vehemently endeavoured to fubvert fuch-like altertions, let us fpeak
concerning them as much as may be fufficient for our prefent pufpofe.
Some of thofe, then, pofterior to Plato, on feeing the urtftable condition of fublunary things
were fearful that they were not under the direction of providence and a divine nature*, for fuch
events as are faid to take place through fortune, the apparent inequality refpecting lives, and th«
disordered motion of material natures, induced them greatly to fufpect that they were not under
the government of providence. Befides, the perfuafion that Divinity is not bufily employed in thd
evolution Of all-various reafons, and that he does not depart from his own bleflednefs, induced
them to frame an hypothefis fo lawlefs and dire. For they were of opinion that the paflion of
our foul, and the perturbation which it fuftains by descending to the government of bodies, muft
happen to Divinity, if he converted himfelf to the proridential infpection of things. Further
ftill, from confidering that different objects of knowledge ate known by different gnoftic powers \
*s, for inftance, fenfibles by fenfe, objects of opinion by opinion, things fcientific by fcience, and
intelligibles by intellect, and, at the fame time, neither placing fenfe, nor opinion, nor feietiC*
in Divinity, but only an intellect immaterial and pure j—hence, they aflerted that Divinity had fid
knowledge of any other things than the objects of intellect *. For, fay they, if matter is external
to him, it Is necefTary that he fhould be pure from apprehenfions which are converted to matter\
but being purified from thefe, it follows that he muft have no knowledge of material natures i
and hence, the patrons of this doctrine deprived him of a knowledge of, and providential exertions
about, ftnfibles; not through any imbecility of fiatufe, but through a tranfcendency of gnoftid
energy ; juft as thofe whbfe eyes are filled with light, are faid to be incapable of perceiving mun
dane objects, at the fame time that this incapacity is nothing more than tranfcendency of vifion.
They likewife add, that there are many things which it is beautiful not to know. Thus, to the
entheaftic, (or thofe who are divinely irtfpired) It is beautiful to be ignorant of whatever would
deftroy the delfic energy j and to the fcientific, not to know that which would defile the indubi
table perception of fciehce.
But others afcribe, indeed, to Divinity a knowledge of fenfibles, in order that they may not
take away his providence, but at the fame time convert his apprehenfion to that which is ex*
ternal, reprefent him as pervading through the whole of a fenfible nature, as parting into contact
with the objects of his government, impelling every thing, and being locally prefent with all
thifigs j for, fay they, he would not othetwife be able to exert a providential energy in a becoming
manner, and impart good to every thing according to its defert f.
relation to our concerns, nor ours from relation to theirs; but that the
forms in each divifion are referred to themfelves. It was admitted by us.
if,
reafon, I defire, and I deliberate, which follows all thefe energies, and energizes together with
them. For we fhould not be able to know all thefe, and to apprehend in what they differ from
each other, unlefs we contained a certain indivifible nature, which has a fubfiftence above the
common fenfe, and which, prior to opinion, defire, and will, knows all that thefe know and deGre,
according to an indivifible mode of apprehenfion.
If this be the cafe, it is by no means proper to difbelieve in the indivifible knowledge of Divi
nity, which knows fenfibles without poffefnng fenfe, and divifible natures without poffeffing a
divifible energy, and which, without being prefent to things in place, knows them prior to all
local prefence, and imparts to every thing that which every thing is capable of receiving. The
unliable effence, therefore, of apparent natures is not known by him in an unliable, but in a de
finite manner; nor does he know that which is fubject to all-various mutations dubioufly, but in
a manner perpetually the fame ; for by knowing himfelf, he knows every thing of which he is the
caufe, poffeffing a knowledge tranfcendently more accurate than that which is coordinate to the
objects of knowledge; fince a caufal knowledge of every thing is fuperior to every other kind of
knowledge. Divinity, therefore, knows without bufily attending to the objects of his intellection,
becaufe he abides in himfelf, and by alone knowing himfelf, knows all things. Nor is he indigent
of fenfe, or opinion, or fcience, in order to know fenfible natures; for it is himfelf that produces
all thefe, and that, in the unfathomable depths of the intellection of himfelf, comprehends an
united knowledge of them, according to caufe, and in one fimplicity of perception. Juft as if
fome one having built a fhip, fhould place in it men of his own formation, and, in confequence of
poffeffing a various art, fhould add a fea to the fhip, produce certain winds, and afterwards launch
the fhip into the new created main. Let us fuppofe, too, that he caufes thefe to have an cxift-
ence by merely conceiving them to exift, fo that by imagining all this to take place, he gives an
external fubfiftence to his inward phantafms, it is evident that in this cafe he will contain the
caufe of every thing which happens to the fhip through the winds on the fea, and that by con
templating his own conceptions, without being indigent of outward converfion, he will at the fame
time both fabricate and know thefe external particulars. Thus, and in a far greater degree, that
divine intellect the artificer of the univerfe, poffeffing the caufes of all things, both gives fub
fiftence to, and contemplates, whatever the univerfe contains, without departing from the fpecu
lation of himfelf. But if, with refpect to intellect, one kind is more partial, and another more
total, it is evident that there is not the fame intellectual perfection of all things, but that where
intelligibles have a more total and undiftributed fubfiftence, there the knowledge is more total
and indivifible, and where the number of forms proceeds into multitude and extenfion, there the
knowledge is both one and multiform. Hence, this being admitted, we cannot wonder on hear
ing the Orphic verfes, in which the thcologift fays:
If, therefore, there is the moil accurate dominion with Divinity, and the
moft accurate fcience, the dominion of the Gods will not rule over us, nor
will
i. c There in the fight of Jove, the parent king,
T h ' immortal Gods and mortal men refide,
With all that ever was, and fhall hereafter be.
For the artificer of the univerfe is full of intelligibles, and pofTeffes the caufes of all things fepa-
rated from each other •, fo that he generates men, and all other things, according to their charac-
teriftic peculiarities, and not fo far as each is divine, in the fame manner as the divinity prior to
him, the intelligible father Phanes. Hence, Jupiter is called the father of things divided accord
ing to fpecies, but Phanes of things divided according to genera. And Jupiter, indeed, is the
father of wholes, though, by a much greater priority, Phanes is the father of all things, but of
all things fo far as each participates of a divine power. With refpecl: to knowledge, alfo, Jupiter
knows human affairs particularly, and in common with other things: for the caufe of men is con
tained in him, divided from other things and united with all of them ; but Phanes knows all
things at once, as it were centrically, and without diftribution. Thus, for inftance, he knows
man, fo far as he is an animal and pedeftrian, and not fo far as he is man. For as the pedeflrian
which fubfifts in Phanes, is collectively, and at once, the caufe of all terreftrial Gods, angels,
daemons, heroes, fouls, animals, plants, and of every thing contained in the earth, fo alfo the
knowledge which is there is one of all thefe things collectively, as of one genus, and is not a dis
tributed knowledge of human affairs. And as in us the more univerfal fciences give fubfiftence
to thofe which are fubordinate to them, as Ariftotle fays, and are more fciences, and more allied
to intellect, for they ufe more comprehenfive concluGons,—fo alfo in the Gods, the more excellent
and more fimple intellections comprehend according to caufal priority the variety of fuch as are
fecondary. In the Gods, therefore, the firft knowledge of man is as of being, and is one intel
lection which knows every being as one, according to one union. But the fecond knowledge is
as of eternal being: for this knowledge uniformly comprehends according to one caufe every
eternal being. The knowledge which is confequent to this is as of animal: for this alfo has an
intellection of animal according to union. But the knowledge which fucceeds this is of that which
is perfected under this particular genus, as of pedeftrian: for it is an intellection of all that
genus, as of one thing; and divifion firft takes place in this, and variety together with fimpli-
city. At the fame time, however, neither in this is the intellection of man alone : for it is not
the fame thing to underftand every thing terreftrial as one thing, and to underftand man. Hence,
in demiurgic, and in fhort in intellectual forms, there is a certain intellection of man as of man,
becaufe this form is feparated from others in thefe orders. And thus we have fhown how the
higheft forms do not poflefs a knowledge of human affairs, and how they have dominion over all
things, fo far as all things are divine, and fo far as they participate of a certain divine idiom. But
that in the firft order of forms dominion itfelf, and fcience itfelf, fubfift, is evident. For
there is a divine intellection there of all things characterized by unity, and a power which rules
over wholes; the former being the fountain of all knowledge, and the latter the primary caufe
6 of
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 85
will their fcience take cognizance of us, or of any of our concerns; and in
a fimilar manner, we fhall not rule over them by our dominion, nor know
any thing divine through the affiftance of our fcience. And again, in con
fequence of the fame reafoning, they will neither, though Gods *, be our
governors, nor have any knowledge of human concerns. But would not
the difcourfe be wonderful in the extreme, which fhould deprive Divinity
of knowledge ? That Parmenides faid, Thefe, O Socrates, and many other
J
confequences befides thefe, muft neceffarily happen to forms, if they are
the
of all dominion, whether they fubfift in the Gods, or in the genera more excellent than our fpe
cies, or in fouls. And, perhaps, Parmenides here calls the genus of fcience the intellection of
thofe forms, wifhing to fhow its comprehenfive and uniform nature ; but prior to this, when he
was fpeaking of middle ideas, he alone denominated it fpecies. For, from intelligible knowledge
the middle orders arc filled with the intelligence which they pofTefs ; and intelligence in the latter,
has the fame relation to that in the former, which fpecies has to genus. If, alfo, the term much
more accurate, is employed in fpeaking of this fcience, it is evident that fuch an addition repre-
fents to us its more united nature. • For this is the accurate, to comprehend all things, and leave
nothing external to itfelf.
1 i (
It is wellobferved here by Proclus, that the words though Gods" contain an abundant indi
cation of the prefent doubt. For every thing divine is good, and is willing to fill all things with
good. How, therefore, can it either be ignorant of things pertaining to us, or not have domi
nion over fecondary natures ? How is it poflible that it fhould not govern according to its own
power, and provide according to its own knowledge for things of which it is the caufe ? And
it appears that Parmenides by thefe words evinces, that for the Divinities to be ignorant of our
concerns over which they have dominion, is the moft abfurd of all things, profoundly indicating
that it efpecially pertains to the Gods, fo far as Gods, to know and provide for all things, accord
ing to the one by which they are characterized. For intellect, fo far as intellect, has not a know
ledge of all things, but of wholes, nor are ideas the caufes of all things, but of fuch as perpetually
fubfift according to nature; fo that the affertion is not entirely fane which deprives thefe of the
knowledge and government of our concerns, fo far as we rank among particulars, and not fo far
as we are men, and poflefs one form. But it is necefTary that the Divinity and the Gods fhould
know all things, particulars, things eternal, and things temporal; and that they fhould rule over
all things, not only fuch as are univerfal, but fuch alfo as are partial: for there is one providence
of them pervading to all things. Forms, therefore, fo far as Gods, and intellect fo far as a God,
pofilfs a knowledge of, and dominion over, all things. But intellect is a God according to
the one, which is as it were the luminous flower of its eflence ; and forms are Gods, fo far as they
contain the light proceeding from the good.
2
Parmenides here indicates that what has been faid under the pretext of doubts, is after
another manner true. For he fays that thefe and many other confequences muft neceffarily
happen to forms, viz. the being unknown, and having no knowledge of our affairs. And, in
fhort,
80 T H ^ P A R M E N I D E S .
the ideas of things, and if any one feparates each form apart from other
things ; fo that any one who hears thefe affertions, may doubt and hefitate
whether fuch forms have any fubfiftence; or if they do fubfift in a moft
eminent degree, whether it is not abundantly necefTary that they fhould be
1
unknown by the human nature. Hence he who thus fpeaks may feem
to fay fomething to the purpofe; and as we juft now faid, it may be con
a
fidered as a wonderful thing, on account of the difficulty of being per-
3
fuaded, and as the province of a man of a very naturally good difpofition,
to be able to perceive that there is a certain genus of every thing, and an
effence itfelf fubfijiing by itfelf: but he will deferve ftill greater admiration,
who, after having made this difcovery, fhall be able to teach another how
to difcern and diftinguifh all thefe] in a becoming manner. That then
Socrates faid, I affent to you, O Parmenides, for you entirely fpeak agree
ably to my opinion.
That Parmenides further added, But indeed, O Socrates, if any one on
the contrary takes away the forms of things, regarding all"that has now
been
fhort, he indicates that all the above-mentioned idioms are adapted to different orders of forms.
For it is by no means wonderful that what is true of one order fhould be falfe when extended to
another.
1
Thefe things alfo, fays Proclus, are divinely aflerted, and with a view to the condition of our
nature. For neither does he who has arrived at the fummit of human attainments, and who is
the wifeft among men, poflefs fcience perfectly indubitable concerning divine natures ; for it is
intellect alone which knows intelligibles free from doubt; nor is the moft imperfect and earth-
born character entirely deprived of the knowledge of a formal caufe. For to what does he look
when he fometimes blames that which is apparent to fenfe, as very mutable, if he does not con
tain in himfelf an unperverted preconception of an eflence permanent and real ?
a
T h e fimilar is every where naturally adapted to proceed to the fimilar. Hence that which
is obfcure to the eyes, and is only to be obtained by philofophy, will not be apprehended by
imperfect fouls, but by thofe alone who through phyfical virtue, tranfcendent diligence, and
ardent defire apply themfelves in a becoming manner to fo fublime an object of contemplation.
For the fpeculation of intelligibles cannot fubfift in foreign habits; nor can things which have
their eflence and feat in a pure intellect become apparent to thofe who are not purified in in
tellect ; fince the fimilar is every where known by the fimilar,
3 By thefe words, fays Proclus, Plato again teaches us who is a moft fit hearer of this difcourfe
about ideas. Such a one he denominates a man (i. e. amp, not avSpunoi), not indeed in vain, but in
order to indicate that fuch a one according to the form of his life poflefles much of the grand, robufl
and elevated: (avfya /*tv ovoitaras ov penny, « M ' iva KM Kara TO £i3bj rnj {mi TOIOWTOJ n, nohv TO afyov na\ v^rtov
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 87
been faid, and other things of the fame kind, he will not find w h e r e to turn
1
his dianoetic part, while he does not permit t h e idea of every t h i n g w h i c h
exifts
trnhmvpevos') "For it is fit that he who is about to apprehend the Gods mould direct his attention
to nothing fmaU and grovelling. But he calls him a man of a very naturally good difpofition, as
being adorned with all the prerogatives of a philofophic nature, and as receiving many viatica
from nature, in on'er to the intellectual perception of divine natures. In addition to this, he
alfo again reminds us who is the leader of the fcience concerning thefc divine forms, and that he
is prolific and inventive, and this with refpect to teaching. For fome have made fuch a pro
ficiency as is fufficient for themfelves, but others are alfo able to awaken others to a recollection
of the truth of things. Hence he fayp, that fuch a one deferves ftill greater admiration. In the
third place, he (hows us what is the end of this teaching, viz. that the learner who poflcfles
fcience may be fufliciently able to diftinguifti the genera of beings, and to furvey in perfection the
definite caufes of things; whence they originate; how many are their orders ; how they fubfift
in every order of things ; how they are participated j how they caufally comprehend all things in
themfelves; and, in fhort, all fuch particulars as have been difculTed in the preceding notes.
Proclus adds, that by a certain genus of every thing, Plato fignifies the primary caufe prefubfift-
ing in divine natures of every feries. For idea compared with any other individual form in
fcnfibles is a genu9, as being more total than fcnfible forms, and as comprehending things which
are not entirely of a fimilar form with each other. For how can the terreftrial man be faid to be
entirely of a fimilar form with the celeftial, or with the man that is allotted a fubfiftence in any
other element ?
1
Very fcientifically, fays Proclus, does Plato in thefe words remind us that there are ideas or
forms of things. For if dianoetic and intellectual are better than fenfible knowledge, it is
neceflary that the things known by the dianoetic power and by intellect (hould be more divine
than thofe which are known by fenfe: for as the gnoftic powers which are coordinated to beings
are to each other, fuch alfo is the mutual relation of the things which are known. If, therefore,
the dianoetic power and intellect fpeculate feparate and immaterial forms, and likewife things
univerfal, and which fubfift in themfelves, but fenfe contemplates things partible, and which are
infeparable from fubjects, it i 3 neceflary that the fpectacles of the dianoetic power and of intellect
{hould be more divine and more eternal. Univerfals, therefore, are prior to particulars, and
things immaterial to things material. "Whence then does the dianoetic power receive thefe I
for they do not always fubfift in us according to energy. It is however neceflary, that things in
energy fhould precede thofe in capacity, both in things intellectual and in eflences. Forms,
therefore, fubfift elfewhere, and prior to us, in divine and feparate natures, through whom the
forms which we contain derive their perfection. But thefe not fubfifting, neither would the
forms in us fubfift: for they could not be derived from things imperfect: fince it is not lawful
that more excellent natures fhould be either generated or perfected from fuch as are fubordinate.
Whence, too, is this multitude of forms in the multitude of fouls derived ? For it is every where
neceflary, prior to multitude, to conceive a monad from which the multitude proceeds. For as
the multitude of fenfiblcs was not generated, except from an unity, which is better than fenfibles,
j an<t
88 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
exifts to be always the fame, and by this means entirely deftroys the dia
lectic power of the foul: but you alfo feem in this refpedt to perceive per
fectly
and which gave fubfiftence to that which is common in particulars; fo neither would the mul
titude of forms fuhfift in fouls, fuch as the juft itfelf, the beautiful itfelf, &c. whitfti fubfift in all
fouls in a manner accommodated to the nature of foul, without a certain generating unity, which
is more excellent than this animaftic multitude: juft as the monad from which the multitude of
fenfibles originates, is fuperior to a fenfible eflence, comprehending unitedly all the variety of
fenfibles. Is it not alfo necefTary, that prior to felf-motive natures, there fhould be an immovable
form ? For as felf-motive reafons tranfeend thofe which are alter-motive, or moved by others,
after the fame manner immovable forms, and which energize in eternity, are placed above felf-
motive forms, which are converfant with the circulations of time: for it is every where requifite
that a ftable fhould precede a movable caufe. If, therefore, there are forms in fouls which are
many, and of a felf-motive nature, there are prior to thefe intellectual forms. In other words,
there are immovable prior to felf motive natures, fuch as arc monadic, prior to fuch as are mul
tiplied, and the perfect: prior to the imperfect. It is alfo requifite that they fhould fubfift in
energy ; fo that if there are not intellectual, neither are there animaftic forms : for nature by no
means begins from the imperfect and the many; fince it is necefTary that multitude fhould pro
ceed about monads, things imperfect about the perfect, and things movable about the immovable.
But if there are not forms efTentially inherent in foul, there is no place left to which any one can
turn his dianoetic power as Parmenides juftly obferves : for phantafy and fenfe ncceflarily look to
things connafcent with themselves. And of what fhall we pofTefs a dianoetic or fcientific know
ledge, if the foul is deprived of forms of this kind? For we fhall not make our fpeculation about
things of pofterior origin, fince thefe are more ignoble than fenfibles themfelves, and the univer
fals which they contain. How then will the objects of knowledge, which are coordinate to the
dianoetic power, be fubordinate to thofe which are known by fenfe ? It remains, therefore, that
we fhall not know any thing elfe than fenfibles. But if this be the cafe, whence do demonftrations
originate ? Demonftrations indeed, are from thofe things which are the caufes of the things de-
monftrated, which are prior to them according to nature, and not with relation to us, and which
are more honourable than the conclufions which are unfolded from them. But the things from
which demonftrations are formed are univerfals, and not particulars. Univerfals, therefore, are prior
to, and are more caufal and more honourable than, particulars. Whence likewife are definitions ?
For definition proceeds through the efTential reafon of the foul: for we firft define that which is
common in particulars, pofleffing within, that form, of which the fomething common in thefe
is the image. If, therefore, definition is the principle of demonftration, it is necefTary that there
fhould be another definition prior to this, of the many forms and efTential reafons which the foul
contains. For fince, as we have before faid, the juft itfelf is in every foul, it is evident that there
is fomething common in this multitude of the juft, whence every foul knowing the reafon of the
juft contained in its eflence, knows in a fimilar manner that which is in all other fouls. But if
it pofTefTes fomething common, it is this fomething common which we define, and this is the
principle of demonftration, and not that univerfal in the many, which is material, and in a
certain
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 89
feebly the fame with myfelf. That Socrates aufwered, You fpeak the truth.
What then will you do with relped to philofophy ? Where will you turn
yourfelf,
certain refpect mortal, being coordinated with the many: for in demonftrations and definitions,
it is requifite that the whole of what is partial fhould be comprehended in univerfal and definition.
The definitions however of things common in particulars do not comprehend the whole of par
ticulars : for, can it be faid that Socrates is the whole of rational mortal animal, which is th«
definition of man ? fince he contains many other particulars, which caufe him to poflefs ^ i a -
racteriftic peculiarities. But the reafon of man in the foul comprehends the whole of every
individual: for it comprehends uniformly all the powers which are beheld about the particulars
of the human fpecies. And, in a fimilar manner with refpect to animal: for, indeed, the uni
verfal in particulars is lefs than the particulars themfelves, and is lefs than fpecies $ fince it does
not poflefs all differences in energy, but in capacity alone; whence alfo, it becomes as it were
the matter of the fucceeding formal differences. But the reafon of man in our foul is better
and more comprehenfive j for it comprehends all the differences of man unitedly, and not in
capacity, like the univerfal in particulars, but in energy. If, therefore, definition is the principle
of demonftration, it is requifite that it fhould be the definition of a thing of that kind which
is entirely comprehenfive of that which is more partial. But of this kind are the forms in our
foul, and not the forms which fubfift in particulars. Thefe, therefore, being fubverted, neither
will it be poflible to define. Hence the definitive together with the demonstrative art will perifh,
abandoning the conceptions of the human mind. The divifive art alfo, together with thefe, will
be nothing but a name: for the whole employment of divifion is, to feparate the many from the
one, and to diftribute things prefubfifting unitedly in the whole, into their proper differences,
not adding the differences externally, but contemplating them as inherent in the genera them
felves, and as dividing the fpecies from each other. Where, therefore, will the work of this art
be found, if we do not admit that there are effential forms in our foul ? For he who fuppofe*
that this art is employed in things of pofterior origin, i. e. forms abftracted from fenGble6, perceives
nothing of the power which it pofTeffes: for to divide things of pofterior origin, is the bufinefs
of the divifive art, energizing according to opinions but to contemplate the effential differences
of the reafons in the foul, is the employment of dianoetic and fcientific divifion, which alfo
unfolds united powers, and perceives things more partial branching forth from fuch as are more
total. By a much greater priority, therefore, to the definitive and demonftrative arts will the
divifive be entirely vain, if the foul does not contain effential reafons: for definition is more
venerable, and ranks more as a principle than demonftration, and again, divifion than definition:
for the divifive gives to the definitive art its principles, but not vice verfa. T h e analytic art alfo,
muft perifh together with thefe, if we do not admit the effential reafons of the foul. For the
analytic is oppofed to the demon ftrative method, as refolving from things caufed to caufes, but
to the definitive as proceeding from compofites to things more fimple, and to the divifive, as
afcending from things more partial to fuch as are more.univerfal. So that thofe methods being
deftroyed, this alfo will perifh. If, therefore, there are not forms or ideas, neither fhall we con
tain the reafons of things. And if we do not contain the reafons of things, neither will there
VOL. m . N be
90 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
from intelligibles, and which fubfift in fecondary orders: and thus it appears that the affertions
of Plato are true.
But it is by no means wonderful if we alfo define certain other particulars of which there are
no ideas, fuch as things artificial, parts, and things evil. For there are in us reafons of wholes
which are according to nature, and alfo of things good; and in confequence of this, we know
fuch things as give completion to wholes, fuch as imitate nature, and fuch as have merely a
fhadowy fubfiftence. For fuch as is each of thefe, fuch alfo is it known and defined by u s ; and
we difcourfe about them from the definitely ftable reafons which we contain.
1
Some, fays Proclus, are neither impelled to, nor are aftonifhed about, the fpeculation of
beings: others again have obtained perfection according to knowledge : and others are impelled,
indeed, but require perfection, logical flull, and exercife, in order to the. attainment of the end.
Among the laft of thefe is Socrates ; whence Parmenides, indeed, receives his impulfe, and calls
it divine, as being philofophic. For, to defpife things apparent, and to contemplate an incorpo
real effence, is philofophic and divine ; fince every thing divine is of this kind, feparate from
fenfibles, and fubfifting in immaterial intellections. But Parmenides alfo calls the impulfe of
Socrates beautiful, as leading to that which is truly beautiful, (which does not confift in practical
affairs, as the Stoics afterwards conceived it did, but in intellectual energies,) and as adapted to
true love. For the amatory form of life efpecially adheres to beauty. Very properly, therefore,
does Parmenides admit the impulfe of Socrates as divine and beautiful, as leading to intellect and
the one. As divine, indeed, it vindicates to itfelf the one, but as beautiful, intelletl, in which the
beautiful firft fubfifts; and as purifying the eye of the foul, and exciting its moft divine part.
But he extends the road through dialectic as ineprehenfible and moft expedient j being connate,
indeed, with things, but employing many powers for the apprehenfion of truth ; imitating intel
lect, from which alfo it receives its principles, but beautifully extending through well-ordered
gradations to true being, and giving refpite to the wandering about fenfibles ; and laftly, ex
ploring every thing by methods which cannot be confuted, till it arrives at the occult refidence of
the one and the good.
But when Parmenides fays, " if you do not truth will elude your purfuit," he manifefts the
danger which threatens us from rafh and difordered impulfe to things inacceflible to the unex-
ercifed, and this is no other than falling from the whole of truth. For an orderly progreflion is
that which makes our afcent fecure and irreprehenfible. Hence, Proclus adds, the Chaldzean
oracle fays, " that Divinity is never fo much turned from man, and never fo much fends us novel
paths, as when we make our afcent to the moft divine of fpeculations or works in a confufed and
difordered manner, and, as it adds, with unbathed feet, and with unhallowed lips. For, of thofe
N 2 that
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
while ydu are young more and more exercife yourfelf in that fcience, which
appears ufelefs to the many, and is called by them empty loquacity ; for if
you do not, the truth will elude your purfuit.
f
That Socrates then faid, What method of exercife is this, O Parme-*
nides? And that Parmenides replied, It is that which you have heard Zeno
employing: but befidcs this, while you w^s fpeaking with Zeno, I admired
your aflerting that you not only fuffered yourfelf to contemplate the wander
ing* which fubfifts about the objects of fight, but likewife that which takes
place
that are thus negligent, the progreflions are imperfect, the impulfes are vain, and the paths are
blind." Being perfuaded, therefore, both by PJato and the oracles, we (hould always afcend
through things more proximate to us to fuch as are more excellent, and from things more fubor-
dinate, through mediums, to fuch as are more elevated.
* If again, fays Proclus, Parmenides calls this dialectic an exercife (yufi»ouna) not being argu
y
mentative, we ought not to wonder. For every logical difcurfus, and the evolution itfelf of the
orems, confidered with reference to an intellectual life, is an exercife. For as we call endurance
an exercife, with reference to fortitude, and continence, with refpect to temperance, fo every
logical theory may be called an exercife with reference to intellectual knowledge. The fcientific
difcurfus, therefore, of the dianoetic power, which is the bufiaefs of dialectic, is a dianoetic ex*
ercife preparatory to the moft fimple intellection of the foul.
a
Again, in thefe words- Parmenides evinces his admiration of the aftonifhment of Socrates
about intelligibles and immaterial forms: for he fays that he admires his transferring the dialectic
power from fenfibles to intelligibles j and he alfo adds the caufe of this. For things which are
efpecially apprehended by reafon, or the fummit of the dianoetic part (for fuch is the meaning
of reafon in this place), a T e intelligibles; fince Timaus alfo fays that the reafon about fenfibles
is not firm and (table, but conjectural, but that the reafon which is employed about intelligibles
is immovable and cannot be confuted. For fenfibles are not accurately that which they are faid
to be ; but intelligibles having a proper fubfiftence, are moreable to be known. But, after an
other manner, it may be faid that intelligible forms are efpecially known by reafon, and this by
beginning from the gnoftic powers. For fenfe has no knowledge whatever of thefe forms j the
phantafy receives figured images of them ; opinion logically apprehends them, and without figure,
but at the fame time poflefies the various, and is, in (hort, naturally adapted alone to know that %
and not w h y , they are. Hence, the fummit of our dianoetic part is the only fufficient fpeculator
of forms : and hence Tiraseus-fays that true being is*apprehended by intelligence in conjunction
with reafon. So that forms, properly fo called, are juftly faid to be efpecially apprehended by
reafon. For all fenfible things are partial; fince every body is partial: for no body i3 capable
of being all things, nor of fubfifting impartibly, in a multitude of particulars. Phyfical forms
verge to bodies, and are divided about them; and the forms belonging to the foul participate of
variety, and fall fhort of the fimplicity of intellectual forms. Hence, fuch forms as are called
intellectual and intelligible, and are moft remote from matter are efpecially to be apprehended by
xeafoxu
THE PARMENIDES.
place in fuch things as are efpecially apprehended by reafon, and which fome
one may confider as having a real fubfiftence. For it appears to me (faid
Socrates), that after this manner it may without difficulty be proved, that
there are both fimilars and diffimilars, or any thing elfe which it is the pro
vince of beings to fuffer. That Parmenides replied, You fpeak well: but
it is necefTary that, befides this, you mould not only confider if each of the
things fujipofed is what will be the confequences from the hypothefis, but
likewife
reafon. T h e dialectic wandering, therefore, is necefTary to the furvey of thefe forms, exercifing
and fitting us, like the preparatory part of the myfteries, for the vifion of thefe fplendid beings.
Nor muft we by this wandering underftand, as we have before obferved, a merely logical dif-
curfus about matters of opinion, but the whole of dialectic, which Plato in the Republic calls
the defenfive inclofure of difciplines, and which, in the evolutions of arguments, exercifes us to
the more accurate intellection of immaterial and feparate natures.
Nor muft we wonder, Cays Proclus, that Plato calls fcientific theory wandering: for.it is fo
denominated with reference to pure intelligence, and the fimple apprehenGon of intelligible*.
And what wonder is it, fays he, if Plato calls a progreflion of this kind wandering, fince fome of
thofe pofterior to him have not refufed to denominate the variety of intellections in intellect a
wandering ; for though the intelligence in intellect is immutable, yet it is at the fame time one and
multiplied, through the multitude of intelligibles. And why is it requifite to fpeak concerning
intellect, fince thofe who energize in the higheft perfection from a divine afflatus, are accuftomed
to ( eak of the wanderings of the Gods themfelves, not only of thofe in the heavens, but alfo of
L
thofe that are denominated intellectual; obfcurely fignifying by this their progreflion, their being
prefent to all fecondary natures, and their prolific providence as far as to the laft of things. For
they fay that every thing which proceeds into multitude wanders; but that the inerratic alone
fubfifts in the ftable and uniform. Wandering, indeed, appears to fignify four things, either a
multitude of energies, though they may all fubfift together, or a tranfitive multitude, like the.in
tellections of the foul, or a multitude proceeding from oppofites to oppofites, or a multitude of
difordered motions. The dialectic exercife is called a wandering according to the third of thefe,
in confequence of proceeding through oppofite hypothefes. So that if there is any thing whicji
energizes according to one immutable energy, this is truly inerratic.
1
It appears to me, fays Proclus, to be well faid by the antients that Plato has, given perfection
in this dialogue to the writings both of Zeno and Parmenides, producing the dialectic exercife
of the former to both oppofites, and elevating the theory of the latter to true being. We fhall
find, therefore, the perfection of the writings of Parmenides in the following part of this dia
logue, which contains nine hypothefes concerning the one; but we may perceive the perfection of
Zeno's writings in what is now faid. In addition, therefore, to what we have already delivered re-
fpeaing the dialcaic of Zeno in the preceding Introduction, we fhall fubjoin from Proclus the
following obfervations. The difcourfe of Zeno having fuppofed the multitude of forms feparate
from the one, collects the abfurdities which follow fr(Am> tlus hypotbefis, and this by conjidering
what
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
Jikewife what will refult from fuppofing that it is not, if you wlfh to be more
1
exercifed in this affair. How do you mean (faid Socrates) ? As if (faid
Parmenides)
what follows, and what follows and does not follow; for he collects that they are fimilar and not
fimilar; and proceeds in a fimilar manner refpecting the one and the many, motion and perma
nency. Parmenides, however, thinks it fit that in dialectic invefligations it fhould not only
be fuppofed if the one is, but alfo if it is not, and to fpeculate what will happen from this hypo
thefis j as, for inftance, not only if fimilitude is, but alfo if it is not, what will happen, either as
confequent, or as not confequent, or as confequent and at the fame time not confequent. But
his reafon for making fuch an addition is this : if we only fuppofe that a thing is, and difcover
what will be the confequence of the hypothefis, we (hall not entirely difcover that of which the
thing fuppofed is efTentially the caufe ; but if we can demonflrate in addition to this, that if it is
not, this very fame thing will no longer follow which was the confequence of its being fuppofed
to have a fubfiftence, then it becomes evident to us that if the one is, the other is alfo.
> Some
1
Socrates not being able to apprehend the whole method fynoptically delivered, through what
has been previoufly faid, requefts Parmenides to unfold it more clearly. Parmenides accordingly
again gives a fpecimen of this method logically and fynoptically : comprehending in eight the
four and twenty modes which we have already mentioned in the Introduction to this dialogue.
For, he afiumes, if it happens, and if it follows and does not follow, and both thefe conjoined;
fo that again we may thus be able to triple the eight modes. But let us concifely confider, with
Proclus, thefe eight modes in the hypothefis of Zeno :—If, then, the many have a fubfiftence, there
will (imply happen to the many with refpect to themfelves to be feparated, not to be principles,
to fubfift diflimilarly. But to the many with refpect to the one there will happen, to be compre
hended by the one, to be generated by it, and to participate of fimilitude and union from it. T o
the one there witl happen, to have dominion over the many, to be participated by them, to fubfift
prior to them j and this with refpect to the many. But to the one with refpect to itfelf there will
happen the impartible, the unmultiplied, that which is better than being, and life, and knowledge,
and every thing of this kind.
Again, if the many is not, there will happen to the many with refpect to themfelves the
unfeparated and the undivided from each other: but to the many with refpect to the one, a fub
fiftence unprocecding from the one, a privation of difference with refpect to the one. To the
one with refpect to itfelf there will happen the pofleflion of nothing efficacious and perfect in its
own nature \ for if it pofiefled any thing of this kind it would generate the many. T o the one
with refpedb to the many, not to be the leader of multitude, and not to operate any thing in the
many.
Hence, we may conclude, that the one is every where that which makes multitude to be one thing,
is the caufe of, and has dominion over, multitude. And here you may fee that the tranfition is
from the object of inveftigation to its caufe for fuch is the one. It is requifite, therefore, that
always after many difcuflions and hypothefes there (hould be a certain fummary deduction, (*epa-
Ktiovpevov.) For thus Plato, through all the intellectual conceptions, (hows that the one gives fub-
frftence to all things, and to the unities in beings, which we fay is the end of the dialogue.
TliE P A R M E N I D E S . 95
Parmenides) you mould wifh to exercife yourfelf ii. this hypothefis of Zeno,
if there are many things, what ought to happen both to the many with refer
ence to themfelves, and to the one; and to the one with refpect to itfelf, and
to the many: and again, if many are not, to confider what will happen both
to the one and to the many, as well to themfelves as to each other. And,
again, if he mould fuppofe if fimilitude is, or if it is not, what will happen
1
from
Some one, however, may probably incpjire how it is poflible for any thing to-happen to that
which is not. And how can that be the recipient of any thing which has no fubfiftence what
ever ? T o this we reply, that mn being, as we learn in the Sophifta,, is either that which in no
refpect has a fubfiftence (TO /*n$xpit ^ n 3 « / * « 5 cv), or it is privation, for by itfelf it is not, but has
an accidental being; or it is matter, for this is not, as being forrolefs, and naturally indefinite;
or it is every thing material, as that which has an apparent being, but properly is not; or, further
ftill, it is every thing fenfible, for this is continually converfant with generation and corruption,
but never truly is. Prior to thefe, alfo, there is non-being in fouls, according to which they are
likewife faid to be the firft of generated natures, and not to belong to thofe true beings which
rank in intelligibles. And prior to fouls, there is the non-being in intelligibles themfelves, and
this is the firft difference of beings, as we are taught by the Sophifta, and which as we there learn
is not lefs than being itfelf. Laftly, beyond all thefe is the non-being of that which is prior to
being, which is the caufe of all beings, and is exempt from the multitude which they contain.
If, therefore, non-being may be predicated in fo many ways, it is evident that what has not in
any refpect being, can never become the fubject of hypothefis: for it is not poflible to fpeak of
tliis, nor to have any knowledge of it, as the Eleatean gueft in the Sophifta (hows, confirming
the affertion of Parmenides concerning it. But when we fay that the many is not, or that the one
is not, or that foul is not, we fo make the negation, as that each of thefe is fomething elfe, but
is not that particular thing, the being of which we deny. And thus the hypothefis does not lead
to that which in no refpect has a fubfiftence, but to that which partly is, and partly is not: for,
in fhort, negations are the progeny of intellectual difference. Hence, a thing is not a horfe, be
caufe it is another thing ; and, through this, it is not man, becaufe it is fomething elfe. And Plato
in the Sophifta on this account fays, that when we fay non-being, wc only affert an ablation of
being, but not the contrary to being, meaning by contrary, that which is moft diftant from being,
and which perfectly falls from it. So that when we fay a thing is not, we do not introduce that
which in no refpect has a being, nor when we make non-being the fubject of hypothefis do we
fuppofe that which is in no refpect is, but we fignify as much of non-being as is capable of being
known and exprefled by words.—For an account of the Eleatic method of reafoning which Plato
here delivers, fee the Introduction to this dialogue.
1
If fimilitude is, fays Proclus, there will* happen to itfelf with refpect to itfelf, the monadic,
the perpetual, the prolific, and the primary. But, with refpect to fenfibles, the aflimilation of
them to intelligibles, the not fuffering them to fall into the place of diflimilitude, and the con.
junction of parts with their wholencffes. T o fenfibles with refpeft to themfelves there will hap-
5 pen.
96 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
from each hypothefis, both to the things fuppofed and to others* and to
themfelves and to each other; and the fame method of proceeding muft
1
take place concerning the diffimilar, motion and permanency, genera*
tion
pen, a communion with each other, a participation of, and a rejoicing in, each other. For fimi-
lars rejoice-in, are copaffive, and are mingled with fimilars. But with refpect to fimilitude there
will happen a participation of it, an afiimilation with, and union according to, it.
But if fimilitude is not, there will happen to itfelf according to itfelf the uneflential, the neither
polTefling prolific power, nor a primary elTence. But with refpect to others not to have dominion
over them, not to make them fimilar to themfelves according to form, but rather in conjunction
with itfelf to take away the fimilar which is in them ; for the principle of fimilars not having a
fubfiftence, neither will thefe be fimilar. But to fenfibles with refpect to themfelves there will
happen the immovable, the unmingled, the unfympathetic. But with refpect to it, neither to be
fafhioned by form according to it, nor to be connected by it.
In like manner we fay with refpect to .the diffimilar. For if diflimilitude is, there will happen
to itfelf with refpect to itfelf to be a form pure, immaterial and uniform, poflefling multitude to
gether with unity; but with refpect to other things, I mean fenfibles, a caufe of the definite cir*
cumfcription and divifion in each. T o other things with refpect to themfelves there will happen,
that each will preferve its proper idiom and form without confufion; but with refpect to it, to be
fufpended from it, and to be adorned both according to wholes and parts by it. But if diflimili
tude is not, it will neither be a pure and immaterial form, nor, in fhort, one and not one, nor will
it poflefs, with refpect to other things, a caufe of the feparate eflence of each ; and other things
will poflefs an all-various Cfnfufion in themfelves, and will not be the participants of one power
which gives feparation to wholes.
From thefe things, therefore, we collect that fimilitude is the caufe of communion, fympathy,
and commixture to fenfibles; but diflimilitude of feparation, production according to form, and
unconfufed purity of powers in themfelves. For thefe things follow the pofitions of fimilitude
and diflimilitude, but the contraries of thefe from their being taken away.
1
If motion is, there will happen to itfelf with refpect to itfelf the eternal, and the poiTcflion of
infinite power; but to itfelf, with refpect to things which are here, to be motive of them, the
vivific, the caufe of progreflion, and of various energies. But to thefe things with refpect to
themfelves there will happen, the energetic, the vivific, the mutable; for every thing material
panes from a fubfiftence in capacity, to a fubfiftence in energy. T o other things with refpect
to motion there will happen, to be perfected by it, to partake of its power, to be afllmilated
through it to things eternally ftable. For things which are incapable of obtaining good ftably,
participate of it through motion.
But if motion is not, it will be inefficacious, fluggifh, and without power; it will not be a
caufe of things which are here ; will be void of motive powers, and a producing efiencc. And
things which are here will be uncoordinated, indefinite and imperfect, firft motion not having
a fubfiftence.
In like manner with refpect to permanency, if it is, there will happen to itfelf with reference
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 97
1
tion and corruption, being and non-being: and, in one word, concerning
every
to itfelf, the liable, the eternal, and the uniform. But to other things with refpect to them
felves, that each will abide in its proper boundaries, and will be firmly eltabliflied in the fame
places or meafures. To other things with refpect to it there will happen, to be every way
bounded and fubdued by it, and to partake of (lability in being. But if it is not, there will
happen to itfelf with refpect to itfelf, the inefficacious, and the unliable. To itfelf with refer
ence to other things, not to afford them the liable, the fecure, and the firm ; but to other things
with refpect to themfelves the much wandering, the uneftablifhed, the imperfect, and the being
deprived of habitation •, and to other things with refpect to it, neither to be fubfervient to its
meafures, nor to partake of being according to it, but to be borne along in a perfectly difordered
manner, that which connects and eftablifhes them, not having a fubfiftence. Motion itfelf,
therefore, is the fupplier of efficacious power, and multiform life and energy; but permanency,
of firmnefs and (lability, and an eftablifhment in proper boundaries.
1
Let us now confider, fays Proclus, prior to thefe, whence generation and corruption origi
nate, and if the caufes of thefe are to be placed in ideas. Or is not this indeed neceffary, not
only becaufe thefe rank among things perpetual (for neither is it poflible for generation not to be,
nor for corruption to be entirely diflblved, but it is neceffary that thefe fhould confubfift with
each other in the univerfe, fo far as it is perpetual) but this is alfo requifite, becaufe generation
participates of eflence and being, but corruption of non-being. For every thing fo far as it is
generated is referred to eflence, and partakes of being, but fo far as it is corrupted, it is referred
to non-being, and a mutation of the is to another form. For through this it is corrupted from
one thing into another, becaufe non-being prefubfifts which gives divifion to forms. And as in
intelligibles, non-being is not lefs than being, as is afferted by the Eleatean gueft, fo here cor
ruption is not lefs than generation, nor does it lefs contribute to the perfection of the univerfe.
And as there, that which participates of being enjoys alfo non-being, and non-being partakes of
being, fo here that which is in generation, or in paffing into being, is alfo the recipient of corrup
tion, and that which is corrupting, of generation. Being, therefore, and non-being, are the caufes
of generation and corruption.
But it is requifite to exercife ourfelves after the fame manner with refpect to thefe. In the
firft place, then, if generation is, it is in itfelf imperfect, and is the caufe to others of an aflimi-
lation to eflence. But there will happen to other things with refpect to themfelves, a mutation
from each other i and to other things with refpect to generation, there will happen a perpetual
participation of it, in confequence of its fubfifting in them. But if generation is not, it will be
itfelf, not the object of opinion ; and with refpect to other things it will not be the form of .any
thing, nor the caufe of order and perfection to any thing; but other things will be unbegotten
and impaflive, and will have no communion with it, nor participate through it of being.
In like manner with refpect to corruption : If corruption is, there will happen to itfelf with
refpect to itfelf, the never failing, infinite power, and a fullnefs of non-being; but to itfelf with
refpect to other things, the giving meafure to being, and the caufe of perpetual generation. ±Jut
to other things with refpect to themfelves, there will happen a flowing into each other, and an
inability of connecting themfelves. And to other things with refpect to corruption there will
VOL. in. o happea
98 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
1
every thing which is fuppofed either to be or nor to be, or influenced in
any manner by any other padTon, it is necefTary to confider the confe-
quences
happen, to be perpetually changed by it, to have non-being conjoined with being, and to parti
cipate of corruption totally. But if corruption is not, there will happen to itfelf with refpect to-
itfelf, that it will not be fubvertive of itfelf; for not having a fubfiftence, it will fubvert i t f e l f with
refpe£t to other things. T o itfelf, with reference to other things there will happen, that it will
not diflipate them, nor change them into each other, nor dilacerate being and elTence. To other
things with refpect to themfelves there will happen, the not being changed into each other, the*
not being paflive to each other, and that each will pTeferve the fame order. But to other things^
with refpect to it there will happen, the not being paflive to it. The peculiarity, therefore, of
generation is to move to being, but of corruption to lead from being. For this we infer from
the preceding hypothefes, fince it has appeared to us that admitting their exiftence, they are the
caufes of being and non-being to other things; and that being fubverted they introduce a'
privation of motion and mutation.
' W e engage, fays Proclus, in the inveftigation of things in a twofold refpect, contemplating
at one time if a thing is or is not, and at another time, if this particular thing is prefent with it,
or is not prefent, as in the inquiry if the foul is immortal. For here we muft not only confider
all that happens to the thing fuppofed, w i t h refpect to itfelf and other things, and to other things-
with refpect to the thing fuppofed, but alfo w h a t happens with reference to fubfiftence and non-
fubfiftence. Thus, for i n f t a n c e , if t h e f o u l is immortal, its virtue will have a connate life, fufn-
cient to felicity, and t h i s w i l l happen to itfelf with refpect to itfelf. But to itfelf with refpect
to other things there will happen, to ufe them as inftruments, to provide for them fcparately r
to impart life to them. In the fecond place, to other things with refpect to themfelves there
will happen, that things living and dead will be generated from each other, the pofleflion of an
adventitious immortality, the circle of generation ; but to other things with refpect to it, to be
adorned by it, to participate of a certain felf-motion, and to be fufpended from it, in living.
But if the foul i s not immortal, i t w i l l not be felf-motive, it will not be intellectual eflcntiallyy.
it will not be felf-vital; nor w i l l its difciplines be reminifcences. It w i l l be corrupted by its own*
proper evil, and will not have a knowledge of true beings. And t h e f e things will happen to*
itfelf with refpect to itfelf. But to itfelf w i t h refpect to others t h e r e will happen, to be mingled
with bodies and material natures, to have no dominion over itfelf, to be incapable of leading,
others as it pleafes, to be fubfervient to the temperament of bodies ; a n d all its life will be cor
poreal, and converfant w i t h generation. T o other things with refpect to themfelves t h e r e will
happen, fuch a habit as that which confifts from cntelecheia and body. For there will alone be
animals compofed from an indefinite life and bodies. But to other things with refpect to it
there will happen, to be the leaders of it, to change it together with their own motions, and to-
poflefs it in themfelves, and not externally governing them and to live in conjunction with and
x
not^/rom it. You fee, therefore, that after this manner we difcover by the dialectic art the
mode, not only how we may be able to fuppofe if a thing is and is not, but any other paflion
which it may fuffer, fuch as the being immortal or not immortal.
4 Since,
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 39
quenees both to itfelf and to each individual of other things, which you
may felecl for this purpofe, and towards many, and towards all things in a
fimilar manner; and again, how other things are related to themfelves, and
to another which you eflablifh, whether you confider that which is the
fubjea
Since, however we may confider the relation of one thing to another varioufly; for we may
either confider it with reference to one thing o^nly, as for inftance, how fimilitude, if it is fuppofed
to be, fubfifts with refpect to diffimilitude ; or, we may confider it with refpect to more than
one thing, as for inftance, how effence, if fuppofed to be, is with reference to permanency and
motion; or with refpect to all things, as, if the one is, how it fubfifts with reference to alt
things,—this being the cafe, Plato does not omit this, but adds, That it is requifite to confider
the confequences with refpect to one thing only, which you may felect for this purpofe, and
towards many, and towards all things in a fimilar manner.
It is neceffary indeed that this one, or thofe many fhould be allied to the thing propofed, for
inftance, as the fimilar to the diffimilar: for thefe are coordinate to each other. And motioii
and reft to effence : for thefe are contained in and fubfift about it. But if the difference with'
refpect to another thing, is with refpect to one thing, to many things, and to all things, and we
fay there are twenty four mode?, afluming in one way only a fubfiftence with reference to
another, this is not wonderful. For difference with refpect to another thing pertains to matter;
but we propofe to deliver the form of the dialectic method, and the formal but not the material
differences which it contains.
Obferve, too, that Plato adds, that the end of this exercife is the perception of truth. W e
muft not, therefore, confider him as fimply fpeaking of fcientific truth, but of that which is in
telligible, or which in other words, fubfifts according to a fupereffential characteriftic: for the
whole of our life is an exercife to the vifion of this, and the wandering through dialectic haftens
to that as its port. Hence Plato in a wonderful manner ufes the word diotyo-Qau to look through :
for fouls obtain the vifion of intelligibles through many mediums.
But again, that the method may become perfpicuous to us from another example, let us invefti
gate the four-and-twenty modes in providence. If then providence is, there will follow to itfelf
with refpect to itfelf, the beneficent, the infinitely powerful, the efficacious ; but there will not
follow, the fubverfion of itfelf, the privation of counfel, the unwilling. That which follows and
does not follow is, that it is one and not one. There will follow to itfelf with refpect to other
things, to govern them, to preferve every thing, to poffefs the beginning and the end of all things,
and to bound the whole of fenfibles. That which does not follow is, to injure the objects of
its providential care, to fupply that which is contrary to expectation, to be the caufe of diforder.
There will follow and not follow, the being prefent to all things, and an exemption from
them ; the knowing and not knowing them : for it knows them in a different manner, and
not with powers coordinate to the things known. There will follow to other things with
refpect to themfelves, to fuffer nothing cafually from each other, and that nothing will be
injured by any thing. There will not follow, that any thing pertaining to them will be from
o 2 fortune,
100 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
are, the deflructionof itfelf, the being perfectly ignorant, and knowing nothing of itfelf. The
confequences which follow and do not follow are the indivifible and the divifible", (for in a cer
tain refpect it is divifible, and in a certain refpect indivifible), perpetuity and non-perpetuity of
being; for fo far as it communicates with intellect, it is eternal, but fo far as it verges to a cor
poreal nature, it is mutable.
Again, if foul is, the confequences to itfelf with refpecl to other things, \. e. bodies, are commu
nication of motion, the connecting of bodies, as long as it is prefent with them, together with
dominion over bodies, according to nature. That which does not follow, is to move externally ; for
k is the property of animated natures to be moved inwardly; and to be the caufe of reft and im
mutability to bodies. The confequences which follow and do not follow, are, to be prefent to bodies,
and yet to be prefent feparate from them ; for foul is prefent to them, by its providential energies,
but is exempt from.them by its effence, becaufe this is incorporeal. And this is the firft hexad.
The fecond hexad is as follows: iffoul is, the confequence to other things, i. e. bodies with refpecl'
to themfelves, is fympathy ; for, according to a vivific caufe, bodies fympathize with each other..
* For foul, according to Plato, fubfifts between intellect and a corporeal nature; the foiracr of which is
perfectly indivifible, and the latter perfectly divifible.
But
103 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
fornething for us ? And then Pythodorus related that Zeno, laughing, faid
We muft requefl: Parmenides, O Socrates, to engage in this undertaking;
for,
But that which does not follow, is the non-fenfitive ; for, in confequence of there being fuch a thing
as foul, all things mud neceflarily be fenfitive: fome things peculiarly fo, and others as parts of
<he whole. The confeqttences which follow and do not follow to bodies with refpetl to themfelves are, that
in a certain refpect they move themfelves, through being animated, and in a certain refpect do
not m o v e themfelves: for there are many modes of felf-motion.
Again, if foul is, the confequences to bodies with refpetl to foul are, to be moved internally and vi
vified by foul, to be preferved and connected through it, and to be entirely fufpended frem it.
The confequences which do not follow are, to be diflipated by foul, and to be filled from it with a
privation of life ; for bodies receive from foul life a n d connection. The confequences which follow
and do not follow are, that bodies participate, a n d do n o t participate of foul; for fo far as foul is
prefent with bodies, fo far they may be faid to participate of foul; b u t fo far as it is feparate from
them, fo far they do not participate of foul. And this forms the fecond hexad.
The third hexad is as follows : if foul is not, the confequences to itfelf with refpetl to itfelf are,
•he non-vital, the uneiTential, a n d the non-intellectual ; f o r , not having any fubfiftence, it has
neither eflence, nor life, nor intellect. The confequences which do not follow are, the ability to pre*
ferve itfelf, to give fubfiftence to, and be motive of, itfelf, with every thing elfe of this kind.
The confequences which follow and do not follow are, the unknown and the irrational. For not hav
ing a fubfiftence, it is in a certain refpect unknown a n d irrational with refpect to itfelf, as neither
reafoning nor having a n y knowledge of itfelf; b u t in another refpect, it is neither irrational nor
unknown, if it is confidered as a certain nature, which is not rational, nor endued with know
ledge.
Again, if foul is not, the confequences which follow to itfelf with refpetl to bodies are, to be u n p T o -
lific of them, to be unmingled with, and to employ no providential energies about, them. The
confequences which do not follow are, to move, vivify, a n d connect bodies. The confequences which
follow and do not follow are, that it is different from bodies, and t h a t it does not communicate
with them. For this in a certain refpect is true, a n d not true; if t h a t which is not foul is c o n f i
dered as having indeed a being, b u t unconnected with foul: for thus it is different from bodies,
fince thefe are perpetually connected with foul. And again, it is not different from bodies, fo
far as it has no fubfiftence, and is not. And this forms the third hexad.
In the fourth place, then, if foul is not, the confequences ta bodies with refpetl to themfelves are,
the immovable, privation of difference according to life, and the privation of fympathy to each
other. The confequences which do not follow are, a fenfible knowledge of each other, and to be
moved from themfelves. That which fodows and does not follow is, to be paflive to each other ;
for in one refpect they would be paflive, and in another not; fince they would be alone corpor
eally and not vitally paflive.
Again, if foul is not, the confequences to other things with refpetl to H are, n o t to be taken care of,
nor to be moved by foul. The confequences which do not, follow are, to be vivified a n d connected
by foul. The confequences which follow and do not folkw are, to be aflimilated and not aflimilated
to
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 103
to foul: for, fo far as foul having no fubfiftence, neither will bodies fubfift, fo far they will b e
aflimilated to foul; for they will fuffer the fame with it; but fo far as it is impoflible for that
which is not to be fimilar to any thing, fo far bodies will have no fimilitude to foul. And this
forms the fourth and laft hexad.
Hence we conclude, that foul is the caufe of life, fympathy, and motion to bodies; and r
in fhort, of their being and prefervation; for foul fubfifting, thefe are at the fame time intro
duced-, but not fubfifting, they arc a t the fame time taken away.
1
It it unneceffary to obfervc, that the moft divine of dogmas aTe unadapted to the ears of the
many, fince Plato himfelf fays that a l l thefe things are ridiculous to the multitude, but thought
worthy of admiration by the wife. Thus alfo, fays Proclus, the Pythagoreans affert, that of dif
courfes, fome are myftical, and others to be expofed in open day; and the Peripatetics, that fome
are efoteric, and others exoteric •, and Parmenides himfelf wrote fome things according to truth,
and others according to opinion ; and Zeno calls fome difcourfes true, and others ufeful. 'Ourw
fo xa\ hi Tlv9ayopsioi ruv koyuv, T C V ? (*ev tipaakov tivai pvo-nxov;, rovg fo bnaiBpiovs, xai 01 tx rou mtpmarov,
rovs fxtv EcrwTEfixot/f, rovj fo tZvTepixous, xat au-TOi Raf/xmfois, roc (Atv Trpo; aXr.Qetav sypa^e, rot fo npos fo£av r
The multitude therefore, fays Proclus, are ignorant how great the power is of dialectic, and
that the end of this wandering is truth and intellect. For it is not poffible for us to recur from
things laft to fuch as are firft, except by a progreflion through the middle forms of life. For, a s
our defcent into the realms of mortality was effected through many media, the foul always pro
ceeding into that which is more compofite, in like manner our afcent muft be aceomplifhed
through various media, the foul refolving her compofite order of life. In the firft place, there
fore, it is requifite to defpife the fenfes, as able to know nothing accurate, nothing fane, but
pofleffing much of the confufed, the material, and the paflive, in confequence of employing cer
tain in liniments of this kind. After this it follows, that we fhould difmifs imaginations, thofe
winged ftymphalidrc of the foul, as alone pofleffing a figured intellection of things, but by no means
able to apprehend unfigurcd and impartible form, and as impeding the pure and immaterial in
tellection of the foul, by intervening and difturbing it in its inveftigations. In the third place,
we muft entirely extirpate multiform opinions, and the wandering of the foul about thefe j for
they are not converfant with the caufes of things, nor do they procure for us fcience, nor the par
ticipation of a feparate intellect. In the fourth place, therefore, we muft haftily return to the
great fea of the fciences, and there, by the.affifiance of dialectic, furvey the divifions and compofi-
tions of thefe, and, in fhort, the variety of ?6rms in the foul, and through this furvey, unweaving
bur vital order, behold our dianoetic part. After this, in the fifth place, it is requifite to feparate
ourfelves from compofition, and contemplate by intellectual energy true beings : for intellect is
more excellent than fcience; and a life according to intellect is preferable to that which is accord--
ing to fcience. Many, therefore, are the wanderings of the foul: for one of thefe is in imagma*
tions, another in opinions, and a third in the dianoetic power. But a life according to intellect-
is
104 THE PARMENIDES.
is alone inerratic A n d this is the myftic port of the foul, into which Homer conducts Ulyfles,
after an abundant wandering of life.
' Parmenides, as Proclus beautifully obferves, well knew what the wandering of the foul is, not
o n l y in the fenfes, imaginations, and or^Sions, but alfo in the dianoetic evolutions of arguments.
K n o w i n g this, therefore, and remembering the labours he had endured, he is afraid of again d e
scending to fuch an abundant wandering ; like another TJlyflcs, after pafling through various
r e g i o n s , and being now in pofleflion of his proper good, when called to certain fimilar barbaric
battles, he is averfe, through long experience, to depart from his own country, as remembering
the difficulties which he fuftained in war, and his long extended wandering. Having, therefore,
afcended to reafoning from phantafies and the fenfes, and to intellect from reafoning, he is very
properly afraid of a defcent to reafoning, and of the wandering in the dianoetic parr, left he
fhould in a certain refpect become oblivious, and (hould be drawn down to phantafy and fenfe.
For the defcent from intellect is not fafe, nor is it proper to depart from things firlt, left we fhould
unconfcioufly abide in thofe of a fubordinate nature. Parmenides, therefore, being now efta-
blifhed in the port of intellect, is averfe again to defcend to a multitude of reafonings from an
intellectual and fimple form of energy. A t the f<<me time, however, he does defcend for the fake
o f benefitting fecondary natures for the very grace (X<*PII) itfelf is an imitation of the providence
of the Gods. S u c h , therefore, ought the defcents of divine fouls from the intelligible to be,
coming from divine natures, knowing the evils arifiwg from wandering, and defcending for the
benefit alone of fallen fouls, and not to fill up a life enamoured with generation, nor falling pro
foundly, nor agglutinating themfelves to the indefinite forms of life- I only add, that Ibycus,
from whom Parmenides borrows his fimile of a horfe, was a Rheginenfian poet, and is mentioned
by Cicero in Tufcul. Qiueftion. lib. 4. Paufan. Corinth, lib. 2. buidas and lirafmus in Adagiis.
T h e r e are alfo t w o epigrams upon him in the Anthologia.
THE PARMENIDES. 105
one is,or whether it is not, what ought to be the confequence ? That Zeno
faid, By all means. Who then (faid Parmenides) will anfwer to me ? Will
the
the one. In anfwer to this it may be faid that it is by no means wonderful if Parmenides in his
poems appears to afTert nothing concerning the one: for it is ineffable, and he in his poems gene
rates all beings from the firft being; but he might indicate fomething concerning it, fo far a»
this can be effected by difcourfe, in his unwritten converfations with Zeno. Very properly, there
fore, does he call this bufinefs concerning the one his own hypothefis. Proclus adds—if, how
ever, it be requifite to fpeak more truly, we may fay, with our preceptor Syrianus, that Parme
nides begins indeed from one being; (for the hypothefis, if the one is, having the is together with
the one, belongs to this order of things); but that he recurs from one being to the one, clearly Show
ing that the one, properly fo called, wills this alone, to be the one, and haftily withdraws itfelf
from being. He alfo {hows that one being is the fecond from this, proceeding to being through
fubje&ion, but that the one itfelf is better than the is, and that if it is, together with the //, it no
longer remains that which is properly the one. Hence, it is true that Parmenides makes true
being, or the one being, the fubjedt of his hypothefis, and alfo, that through this hypothefis he
afcends to the one itfelf, which Plato in the Republic denominates unhypothetic : for it is ne
ceflary, fays he, always to proceed through hypothefes, that afcending, we may at length end in
the unhypothetic one 5 fince every hypothefis is from a certain other principle. But if any one
{hould make the hypothefis the principle, we may fay to fuch a one, with Plato, that where the
principle is unknowp, and the end and middle alfo confift from things that are unknown, it is
not poflible that a thing of this kind can be fcience. The one alone, therefore, is the principle,
and is unhypothetic •, fo that what is made the fubject of hypothefis is fomething elfe, and not
the one* But Plato afcends from this to the one, as from hypothefis to that which is unhypothetic.
Whence alfo it appears that the manner in which Parmenides manages the difcourfe is admirable.
For, if he had afiumed the unhypothetic as an hypothefis, and that which is without a principle as
from a principle, he would not have followed the method which fays it is entirely neceflary to
confider what is confequent to the hypothefis. Or, if he had not aftumed the one as an hypo
thefis, but fome one of the things more remote from the one, he could not eafily have made a
tranfition to it, nor would he have unfolded to us fpontaneoufly and without violence the caufe
prior to being. That the one, therefore, might remain unhypothetic, and that at the fame time
he might recur from a certain proper hypothefis to the one, he makes the one being the fubject of his
hypothefis, which proximately fubfifts after the one, and in which, perhaps, that which is properly
the one primarily fubfifts, as we (hall fhow at the end of the firft hypothefis of this dialogue. And
thus he fays that he begins from his own hypothefis, which is the one being, and this is, " if the
ene is," and transferring himfelf to the unhypothetic, which is near to this, he unfolds the fub
fiftence of all beings from the unity whkh is exempt from all things. Whence, faying that he
fliall make his own one the fubject of hypothefis, in evincing what things follow, and what do-
not follow, at one time as ufing the one alone, he demonftrates the is, employing affirmations;
but at another time he aflitmes, together with the one, the conception of the //. But he every
wherfc
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 107
the youngeft. among you do this ? For the labour will be very little for him
to anfwer what he thinks ; and his anfwcr will at the fame time afford me
a time for breathing in this arduous invefligation. That then Ariftotle
faid, I am prepared to attend you, O Parmenides; for you may call upon
me as being the youngeft. Afk me, therefore, as one who will anfwer you.
1
That Parmenides faid, Let us then begin. If one is, is it not true that
the
where reafons as looking to the one, either unparticipated, or participated, that he may (how that all
things are through//^ one, and that feparate from the one, they and their very being are obliterated.
1
In the Introduction to this Dialogue we have fpoken concerning the number, and unfolded
the meaning of the hypothefis about the one-, let us, therefore, with Proclus, difcufs a few par
ticulars refpecTing principle, that we may more accurately underftand the nature of the one.
The principle, therefore, of all beings and non-beings is called the one, fince to be united is good
to all things, and is the greateft of goods ; but that which is entirely feparated from the one is
evil, and the greateft of evils. For divifion becomes the caufe of diffimilitude, and a privation
of fympathy, and of a departure from a fubfiftence according to nature. Hence the principle of
wholes, as fupplying all things with the greateft of goods, is the fource of union to all things, and
i3 on this account called the one. Hence, too, we fay that every principle, fo far as it is allotted
this dignity in beings, is a certain enad or unity, and that what is moft united in every order
ranks as firft, placing this principle not in parts, but in wholes, and not in fome one of the many,
but in the monads connective of multitude ; and, in the next place, efpecially furveying it in
the fummits, and that which is moft united in monads, and according to which they are conjoined
with the one, are deified, and fubfift without proceeding, in the one principle of all things.
Thus, for inftance, (that we may illuftrate this doctrine by an example,) we perceive many caufes
of light, fome of which are celeftial, and others fublunary; for light proceeds to our terreftrial
abode from material fire, from the moon, and from the other ftars, and this, fo as to be different
according to the difference of its caufe. But if we explore the one monad of all mundane light,
from which other lucid natures and fources of light derive their fubfiftence, we fhall find that it
is no other than the apparent orb of the fun; for this orbicular body proceeds, as it is faid, from
an occult and fupermundane order, and diffeminates in all mundane natures a light commenfurate
with each.
Shall we fay then that this apparent body is the principle of light ? But this is endued with
interval, and is divifible, and light proceeds from the different parts which it contains ; but we are
at prefent inveftigating the one principle of light. Shall we fay, therefore, that the ruling foul
of this body generates mundane light ? This indeed, produces light, but not primarily, for it is
itfelf multitude : and light contains a reprefentation of a fimple and uniform fubfiftence. May
not intellect, therefore, which is the caufe of foul, be the fountain of this light ? Intellect,
indeed, is more united than foul, but is not that which is properly and primarily the principle of
light. It remains, therefore, that the one of this intellect, its fummit, and as it were flower, muft
be the principle of mundane light: for this is properly the fun which reign* over the vifible place,
p 2 and,
108 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
the one will not be many ? For how can it be ? It is neceflary, therefore,
that
and, according to Plato in the Republic, is the offspring of the good \ fince every unity proceeds
from thence, and every deity is the progeny of the unity of unities, and the fountain of the Gods.
And as the good is the principle of light to intelligibles, in like manner the unity of the folar order
is the principle of light to all vifible natures, and is analogous to the good, in which it is occultly
eftablifhed, and from which it never departs.
But this unity having an order prior to the folar intellect, there is alfo in intellect, fo far as
intellect, an unity participated from this unity, which is emitted into it like a feed, and through
which intellect is united with the unity or deity of the fun. This, too, is the cafe with the foul
of the fun j for this through the one which fhe contains, is elevated through the one of intellect
as a medium, to the deity of the fun. In Yike manner, with refpect to the body of the fun, we
rhuft underftand that there is in this a certain echo as it were, of the primary folar one. For it is
neceflary that the folar body fhould participate of things fuperior to itfelf j of foul according to
the life which is difleminated in i t ; of intellect according to its form ; and of unity according
to its one, fince foul participates both of intellect and this one, and participations are different
from the things which are participated. You may fay, therefore, that the proximate caufe of
the folar light is this unity of the folar orb.
Again, if we fhould inveftigate the root as it were of all bodies, from which celcflial and
fublunary bodies, wholes and parts, blofibm into exiflence, we may not improperly fay that this
is Nature, which is the principle of motion and reft to all bodies, and which is eftablfhed in
them, whether they are in motion or at reft. But I mean by Nature, the one life of the world,
which being fubordinate to intellect and foul, participates through thefe of generation. And
this indeed is more a principle than many and partial natures, but is not that which is properly
the principle of bodies; for this contains a multitude of powers, and through fuch as are different,
governs different parts of the univerfe : but we are now inveftigating the one and common prin
ciple of all bodies, and not many and diftributed principles. If, therefore, we wifh to difcover
this one principle, we mult raife ourfelves to that which is moft united in Nature, to its flower,
and that through which it is a deity, by which it is fufpended from its proper fountain, connects,
unites, and caufes the univerfe to have a fympathetic confent with itfelf. This one, therefore, is
the principle of all generation, and is that which reigns over the many powers of Nature, over
partial natures, and univerfally over every thing fubjcct to the dominion of Nature.
In the third place, if we inveftigate the principle of knowledge, wfc fhall find that it is neither
phantafy nor fenfe; for nothing impartible, immaterial, and unfigured is known by thefe. But
neither muft we fay that doxaftic or dianoetic knowledge is the principle of knowledge; for
opinion does not know the caufes of things, and the dianoetic power, though it knows caufes,
yet apprehends the objects of its perception partially, and does not view the whole at once, nor
poflefs an energy collective and fimple, and which eternally fubfifts according to the fame. Nor
yet is intellect the principle of knowledge: for all the knowledge which it contains fubfifts
indeed, at once, and is intranfitive and impartible. But if the knowledge of intellect was entirely
without multiplication, and profoundly one, perhaps we might admit that it is the principle ©f
knowledge.
THE PARMENIDES. log
that there mould neither be any part belonging to it, nor that it fhould be a
whole.
knowledge. Since however, it is not only one but various, and contains a multitude of in
tellect ions; for as the objects of intellect are feparated from each other, fo alfo intellectual con
ceptions,—this being the cafe, intellect is not the principle of knowledge, but this muft be
afcribed to the one of intellect, which is generative of all the knowledge it contains, and of all that
is beheld in the fecondary orders of beings. For this being exempt from the many, is the
principle of knowledge to them, not being of fuch a nature as the famenefs of intellect ; fince this
is coordinate to difference, and is fubordinate to eflence. But the one tranfeends and is connective
of an intellectual eflence. Through this one intellect is a God, but not through famenefs, nor
through eflence: for in fhort intellect fo far as intellect is not a God; fince otherwife a partial
intellect would be a God. And the peculiarity of intellect is to underftand and contemplate
.beings, and to judge ; but of a God to confer unity, to generate, to energize providentially, and
every thing of this kind. Intellect, therefore, by that part of itfelf which is not intellect is
a God, and by that part of itfelf which is not a God, it is a divine intellect. And this unity
of intellect knows itfelf indeed, fo far as it is intellectual, but becomes intoxicated as it is faid
with nectar, and generates the whole of knowledge, fo far as it is the flower of intellect, and
a fupereffential one. Again, therefore, inveftigating the principle of knowledge, w e have
afcended to the one\ and not in thefe only, but in every thing elfe in a fimilar manner, we
fhall find monads the leaders of their proper numbers, but the unities of monads fubfifting
as the moft proper principles of things. For every where the one is a principle, and you may fay
u
concerning this principle, what Socrates fays in the Phsedrus, viz. a principle is unbegotten."
For if no one of total forms can ever fail, by a much greater neceflity the one principle of each
muft be preferved, and perpetually remain, that about this every multitude may fubfift, which
originates in an appropriate manner from each. It is the fame thing, therefore, to fay unity and
principle, if principle is every where that which is moft characterized by unity. Hence he who
difcourfes about every one, will difcourfe about principles. The Pythagoreans, therefore, thought
proper to call every incorporeal eflence one ; but a corporeal and in fhort partible effence, they
denominated other. So that by confidering the one, you will not deviate from the theory of
incorporeal effences, and unities which rank as principles. For all the unities fubfift in, and are
profoundly united with each other; and their union is far greater than the communion and fame
nefs which fubfift in beings. For in thefe there is indeed a mutual mixture of forms, fimilitude
and friendfhip, and a participation of each other; but the union of the Gods,.as being, a union of
unities, is much more, uniform, ineffable and tranfeendent: for here all are in all, which does not
take place in forms or ideas*; and their unmingled purity and the characteriftic of each, in a
manner far furpafling the diverfity in ideas, preferve their natures unconfufed, and diftinguifh
their peculiar powers. Hence fome of them are more univerfal, and others more partial; fome
of them are characterized according to permanency, others according to progreflion, and others
according to converfion. Some again, arc generative, others anagogic,, or endued with a power
of leading things back to their caufes, and others demiurgic;. and, in fhort, there are different
And fo both ways the one will be many, and not one. True. But it is ne
cefTary
are moved through it. And, in fhort, every paffion is itfelf impaffivc; fince, being fimple, it
either is or is not. But that which fuffers, or the paffive fubject, is through paffion a compofite.
Negations, therefore, are not after this manner denied of the one; for neither is the one ingene
rated in any thing, but is the caufe of all the affirmations, the negations of which we introduce
to it; but it is by no means ingenerated in thofe things of which it is the caufe. It may be con
cluded, therefore, that as the one is the caufe of wholes, fo negations are the caufes of affirma-
tiqns; whence fuch things as the fecond hypotheGs affirms, the firft denies. For all thofe
affirmations proceed from thefe negations ; and the one is the caufe of all things, as being prior to
all things : for, as foul, being incorporeal, produces body, and as intellect, by not being foul, gives
fubfiftence to foul, fo the one, being void of multitude, gives fubfiftence to all multitude, and, being
without number and figure, produces number and figure; and in a fimilar manner with refpect
to other things: for it is no one of the natures which it produces; fince neither is any other caufe
the fame with its progeny. But if it is no one of the natures to which it gives fubfiftence, and at
the fame time gives fubfiftence to all things, it is no one of all things. If, therefore, we know
all things affirmatively, we manifeft the one negatively, by denying every thing of it; and fo this
form of negation is generative of the multitude of affirmations. Thus, the unfigured, when
applied to the one, is not like that of matter, which is beheld according to a privation of figure,
but it is that which generates and produces the order which fubfifts according to figure.
"With refpect to matter, therefore, negations arc worfe than affirmations, becaufe they are pri
vations, but affirmations are participations of which matter is efTentially deprived. But, with re
fpect to beings, negations are conjoined with affirmations: and when applied to the one, they
fignify tranfcendency of caufe, and are better than affirmations. Hence, negations of things
fubordinate are verified in caufes pofterior to the one. Thus, when we fay that the foul neither
fpeaks nor is filent, we do not affert thefe things refpecting it as of ftones and pieces of wood, or
any other infenfible thing, but as of that which is generative in an animal of both voice and
Clench. And again, we fay that nature is neither white nor black, but uncoloured, and without
interval. But is fhe without thefe in the fame manner as matter ? By no means: for fhe is
better than the things denied. But fhe is uncoloured, and without interval, as generative of all-
various colours and intervals. In the fame manner, therefore, we fay that the monad is without
number, not as being fubordinate to numbers and indefinite, but as generating and bounding
numbers. I mean the firft monad, and that which we fay contains all the forms of numbers.
All, therefore, that is denied of the one, proceeds from it: for it is neceffary that it fhould be none
of all things, that all things may be its offspring. Hence, it appears that Plato often denies of
the one things which are oppofite to each other, fuch as that it is neither whole nor part, neither
fame nor different, neither permanent nor in motion ; for it is expanded above all habitude, and is
pure from every duad, being the caufe of all the multitude of thefe, of twofold coordinations, of
the firfl duad, and of all habitude and oppofition. For nature is the caufe of all corporeal oppo.
fitions, the foul of all vital caufes, and intellect of the genera pertaining to foul. But the one is
fimply the caufe of all divifions: for it cannot be faid that it is the caufe of fome, and not the
caufe
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 115
3
celTary that it (hould not be many, but one. It is neceflary . Hence, it
will
caufe of others. The caufe, however, of all oppofition is not itfelf oppofed to any thing: for, if
it were, it would be requifite that there (hould be fome other caufe of this oppofition, and the
cue would no longer be the caufe of all things. Hence, negations are generative of affirmations:
thofe which are affumcd in the firft hypothefis of thofe which are inveftigated in the fecond: for
whatever the firft caufe generates in the firft hypothefis is generated and proceeds in its proper
order in the fecond. And thus the order of the Gods fubfifting from exempt unity is demon-
ftrated.
But here, perhaps, fome one may afk us whether we ufe negations through the imbecility of
human nature, which is not able firmly to apprehend the fimplicity of the one, through a certain
projection of intellect, and adhefive vifion and knowledge ? or whether natures better than our
foul know the one negatively in an analogous manner ? We reply, therefore, that intellect by its
perceptions which are conjoined with forms, knows forms, and comprehends intelligibles, and
this is a certain affirmative knowledge: for that which is, approaches to that which is, and intellect
is that which it underftands through the intellectual perception of itfelf. But, by an unity above
intellect, it is conjoined with the one, and through this union knows the one, by not being that
which is being. Hence, it knows the one negatively : for it poflefles a twofold knowledge, one
kind as intellect, the other as not intellect; one as knowing itfelf, the other becoming inebriated,
as fome one fays, and agitated with divine fury from nectar j and one fo far as it is, but the
other fo far as it is not, Much-celebrated intellect itfelf, therefore, poflefles both a negative and
affirmative knowledge of the one. But if intellect, divine fouls alfo, according to their fummits
and unities, energize enthufiaftically about the one, and are efpecially divine fouls on account of
this energy ; but, according to their intellectual powers, they are fufpended from intellect, round
which they harmonically dance. According to their rational powers they know themfelves, pre-
ferve their own effence with purity, and evolve the productive principles which they contain ; but,
r
according to thofe powers w hich are characterized by opinion, they comprehend and govern in a
becoming manner all fenfible natures. And all the other kinds of knowledge which they poflefs
are indeed affirmative : for they know beings as they are ; and this is the peculiarity of affirma
tion. But the enthufiaftic energy about the one is in thefe a negative knowledge: for they do
not know that the one is, but that he 13 not, according to that which is better than the is. The
intelleclion, however, of that which is not, is negation. If, therefore, both divine fouls and much
celebrated intellect itfelf knew the one through negation, what occafion is there to defpife the im
becility of our foul, earneftly endeavouring to manifeft negatively its uncircumfcribed nature ?
For nothing pertaining to the firjl is fuch as we are accuftomed to know, i. e. a certain quality
of a thing, as Plato fays in his fecond Epiftle. This, however, is the caufe of every thing beau
tiful in the foul, viz. to inveftigate the characteriftic of the firft, to commit in a becoming man
ner the knowledge of him to the reafoning power, and to excite the one which we contain, that,
if it be lawful fo to fpeak, we may know the fimilar by the fimilar, fo far as it is poflible to be
fcnown by our order: for, as by opinion we know the objects of opinion, and by the dianoetic
0^2 power
116 THE PARMENIDES.
will neither be a whole, nor poflefs parts, if the one is one. It will not*
if,
power dianoetic objects, and as by our intellectual part we know that which is intelligible, fo by
our one we know the one.
Again, in the fifth place, let us confider whether Plato denies all things of the one, or, if not
all, what thofe are which he denies, and why he proceeds as far as to thefe. But in the firfl
place, it will, perhaps, be proper to enumerate all the particulars which in the firft hypothefis are
denied of the one. Thefe then are in order as follow : that it is not many; that it is neither whole
nor part; that it has neither a beginning, nor middle, nor end ; that it has no boundary ; that it
is without figure; is neither in another nor in itfelf; is neither in motion nor at reft; is
neither fame nor different; is neither fimilar nor difiimilar; is neither equal, nor greater nor
leffer ; is neither older nor younger; that it participates in no refpect of generation or time; that
neither does it participate of being; that it cannot be named, and is not effable; and that it is-
neither the object of opinion nor fcience. Thefe, then, arc briefly what the firft hypothefis denies
of the one j but why thefe alone, we now propofe to inveftigate: for Proclus informs us, that to
fome philofophers prior to him this was a fubject of much doubt. Some, fays he, were of opi-
nion, that whatever the ten categories of Ariftotle contain is enumerated in thefe negations.
However, as he juftly obferves, not thefe alone, but many other things arc contained under the
ten categories, which are not mentioned by Parmenides. Others aflerted, that thefe negations
were comprehended in the five genera of being, viz. eflence, famenefs, and difference, motioa
and permanency. However, not thefe only are denied of the one, but likewife figure, the nvhote p
time, number, and the fimilar, and the diffimilar, which are not genera of being. But thofe, fay»
he, fpeak the moft probably who wifh to fhow that all thefe negations fubfift in the monad. For
the monad contains occultly many things, fuch as whole, and parts, andfigures,and is both in
itfelf and in another, fo far as it is prefent to whatever proceeds from itfelf. It alfo is perma
nent and is moved, abiding and at the fame time proceeding, and, in being multiplied, never de
parting from itfelf: and in afimilarmanner other things may be fhown to belong to the monad.
That thefe things indeed fubfift in the monad may be readily granted, and alfo, that the monad
is an imitation of intellect, fo that by a much greater priority all thefe are caufally comprehended
in intellect. Hence, thefe things are denied of the one, becaufe it is above intellect and every
•intellectual eflence. For thefe things, fays Proclus, Parmenides alfo furveying in his verfes con
cerning true being, fays, that it contains the fphere, and the whole, the fame, and the different.
For he celebrates true being as fimilar to a perfect fphere, every where equal from the middle,
Wid rejoicing in revolving manfion. He alfo denominates it perfectly entire and unmoved. So
that all thefe fubfift primarily in intellect, but fecondarily, and after the manner of an image, in
the monad, and every thing fenfible, phyfically in this, and mathematically in that. For intellect;
is an intelligible fphere, the monad a dianoetic fphere, and this world a fenfible fphere, bearing
in itfelf the images of the perpetual Gods.
However, the patrons of this opinion cannot aflign the caufe why the particulars which Par
menides denies are alone aflumed, but by no means neither more nor lefs. For neither are thefe
things
THE PARMENIDES.
ning are the bounds of every thing? How fhould they not? The one y
therefore,
foul, one and many, through its divifiblc nature, being indigent of copula ; body, many and one, as*
being a divifiblc nature characterized by multitude ; and matter, many alone. This many, therefore,,
viz. intellectual multitude, Parmenides takes away from the firft caufe, that he may be one alone,
and above intellect. It is proper, therefore, to afk thefe, what intellect they mean ? For, if that
1
which is properly intellect, and which is fecondary to the intelligible, not only the one is beyond
intellectual multitude, but the intelligible alfo, as being better than intellect. But if they call
the whole of an intelligible eflence intellect, as was the cafe with the followers of Plotinus, they
are ignorant of the.difference which fubfifts in the Gods, and of the generation of things pro*
ceeding according to meafure. Other philofophers, therefore, more entheaftic than thefe, dif-
miffing fenfible, and not even admitting intellectual multitude, fay that prior to the intellectual
numbers are the intelligible monads, from which every intellectual multitude and the many
divided orders are unfolded into light. Plato, therefore, takes away from the one, the multitude
which is intelligible, 3S fubfifling proximately after the one, but he does not take away intellectual
multitude. For it is by no means wonderful that the one (hould be exempt from intellectual
multitude, above which the intelligible monads alfo are expanded. And hence the difcourfe,
being divine, recurs to certain more fimple caufes. It is neceflary however to underftand that
there are many orders in intelligibles, and that three triads are celebrated in them by theologifts,
as we fhall fhow when we come to the fecond hypothefis. But, if this be admitted, it is evident
that thefe many muft be the firft and intelligible multitude: for thefe fo far as many alone fubfift
from the one; and from thefe the triadic fupernally proceeds as far as to the laft of things in the
intellectual, fupermundane, and fenfible orders.; and whatever is allotted a being participates of
this triad. Hence, fome of the antients, afcending as far as to this order, confidered its fummit
as the fame with the one. We muft either, therefore, admit that the many which are now denied
of the one fubfift according to the intelligible multitude, or that they are the firft multitude in die
intelligible and at the fame time intellectual orders. Indeed, the many unities are not in the in
telligible Gods, but in thofe immediately pofterior to them. For there is one unity in each intelli
gible triad; but the multitude of unities is firft apparent in the firft order of the intelligible and
at the fame time intellectual Gcds. Thus much, therefore, muft now be admitted, that Plato
exempts the one from all the multitude of thefe unities, as being generative of and giving fubfiftence
to it; and this he does, by afluniing from our common conceptions that the one is not many. But
at the end of the hypothefis, he takes away intelligible multitude itfelf from the one, conjoining
the end with the beginning : for he there fhowa that the one is not being, according to which the
intelligible order is characterized.
It is likewife ncccfTary to obferve, that Plato does not think that the aftertion, «the one is not
many,' requires demonftration, or any confirmation of its truth; but he aflumes it according to
common and unpervcrted conception. For, in fpeculations concerning the firft caufe of all
things, it is efpecially neceflary to excite common conceptions; fince all things are fpontaneoufly
arranged after it, and without labour, both fuch as energize according to intellect, and thofe
that energize according to nature only. And, in {hort, it is neceflary that the indemonitrable
fhould
THE PARMENIDES.
5
therefore, is infinite , if it has neither beginning nor end? Infinite. And
without
(hould be the principle of all demonftration, and that common conceptions ftiould be the leaders
of demonftrations, as alfo geometricians affert. But there is nothing more known and clear to
us than that the one is not many.
3
It is neceffary, fays Proclus, that the firft negation of the one fhould be that it is not many;
for the one is firft generative of the many; fince, as we have before obferved, the firfl and the
higheft multitude proceeds from the one. But the fecond negation after this i 6 , that the one is
neither a whole, nor has any part: for it gives fubfiftence to this order, in the fecond place, after
the firft multitude. This will be evident from confidering in the firft place logically, that in ne
gative conclufions, when through the ablation of that which precedes we collect a negative con-
clufion, that which precedes is more powerful; but that when through the ablation of that which
is confequent we fubvert that which precedes, that which is confequent; and, in fhort, that
which by the fubverfion of itfelf takes away that which remains, whether it precedes or follows,
is more powerful. Thus, if we fay, If there i3 not being, there is not man; but alfo, If there is not
animal, there is not man: animal, therefore, is more univerfal than man. Let this then be one
of the things to be granted; but another which muft be admitted is as f o l l o w s E v e r y thing
which is more comprehenfive than another according to power, is nearer to the one* For, fince
the one itfelf'is, if it be lawful fo to fpeak, the moft comprehenfive of all things, and there is nothing'
which it does not ineffably contain, not even though you fhould adduce privation itfelf, and the
moft evanefcent of things, fince, if it has any fubfiftence, it muft neceffarily be in a certain refpect
one;—this being the cafe, things alfo which are nearer to the one are more comprehenfive than
thofe which are more remote from it •, imitating the uncircumfcribed caufe, and the infinite
tranfcendency of the one. Thus being, as it is more comprehenfive than life and intellect, is nearer
to the one j and life is nearer to it than intellect. Thefe two axioms being admitted, let us fee
how Parmenides fyllogizes. If the one, fays he, is a whole, or has parts, it is many ; but it is not
many, as was before faid; neither, therefore, will it be a whole, nor will it have parts. And
again, If the one is not many, it is neither a whole, nor has parts. In both thefe inftances, by the
fubverfion of the many, parts alfo and -whole are fubverted. But our pofition is, that whatever
together with itfelf fubverted that which remains in things conjoined, is more powerful and more
comprehenfive; but that which is more comprehenfive is nearer to the one. Hence, many is
nearer to the one than parts and whole. For parts are many, but many are not entirely parts. So
that the many are more comprehenfive than parts, and are therefore beyond them. The many,
therefore, firfl fubfift in beings ; and in the fecond place, whole and parts. Hence, the one pro
duces the firft by itfelf alone, but the fecond through the many. For firft natures, in proceeding
from their caufes, always produce, together with their caufes, things confequent. Since, there
fore, the negations generate the affirmations, it is evident that the firft generates fuch of thefe as
are firft, but the fecond fuch as are fecond. We may alfo fee the geometrical order which Plato
here obferves: for that the one is not many, is affumed as an axiom, and as a common conception ;
but that it is neither a whole, nor has parts, is collected through this common conception. And
again, thaj the one has neither beginning nor end, is demonftratcd through the prior con-
5 clufion;
THE PARMENIDES. 121
6 7
without figure , therefore, for it neither participates of the round figure
nor
clufion ; and thus always in fucceflion according to the truly golden chain of beings, in which all
things are indeed from the one, but fome immediately, others through one medium, others through
two, and others through many. After this manner, therefore, it may be logically demonftrated
that thefe many are prior to whole and parts.
if we wifh, however, to fee this in a manner more adapted to things themfelves, we may fay
that the many, fo far as many, have one caufe, the one: for all multitude is not derived from any
thing elfe than the one; fince alfo, with refpect: to the multitude of beings, fo far as they are in
telligible, they are from being, but, fo far as they are multitude, they fubfift from the one. For,
if multitude was derived from any other caufe than the one, that caufe again muft neceifarily
either be one, or nothing, or not one. But if nothing, it could not be a caufe. And if it was
not one, not being one, it would in no refpect differ from the many, and therefore would
not be the caufe of the many, fince caufe every where differs from its progeny. It remains,
therefore, either that the many are without caufe, and are uncoordinated with each other, and
are infinitely infinite, having no one in them, or that the one is the caufe of being to the many.
For either each of the many is not one, nor that which fubfifts from all of them, and thus all
things will be infinitely infinite i or each is indeed one, but that which confifts from all is not
one: and thus they will be uncoordinated with each other; for, being coordinated, they muft ne-
cefTarily participate of the one: or, on the contrary, that which confifts from all is one, but each
is not one, and thus each will be infinitely infinite, in confequence of participating no one : or,
laftly, both that which confifts from all and each muft participate of the one, and in this cafe,
prior to them, there muft necelTarily be that which is the fource of union both to the whole and
parts, and which is itfelf neither a whole, nor has parts; for, if it had, this again would be indi
gent of the one ; and if we proceed to infinity, we (hall always have the one prior to whole and
parts. T o this we may alfo add, that if there was another caufe of the many befides the one 9
there would be no multitude of unities. If, therefore, there are many unities, the caufe of this
multitude fo far as multitude is the one: for the primary caufe of unities is the on*, and on this
account they are called unities. But the multitude of beings is from the multitude of unities j
fo that all multitude is from the one. But whole and parts belong to beings : for, though whole
(hould be the one being, it is evident that, together with being, it is a whole, though it fhould be
the participated one. This alfo entirely confubiifts with being ; and though it fhould be being alone,
this is immediately eflence. If, therefore, whole and part are beings, either eflentially or accord
ing to participation, thefe alfo will indeed be produced from the one, but from eflence alfo, if
whole and part belong to beings. Hence, whole is a certain being. For all fuch things as par
ticipate of eflential wholenefs, thefe alfo participate of eflence, but not all fuch things as participate
of eflence participate alfo of wholenefs. Thus, for inftance, parts, fo far as they are parts, par
take of eflence, but fo far as they are parts they do not participate of wholenefs. But if this be
the cafe, eflence is beyond eflential wholenefs. And hence, the eflential whole participates of
eflence, and is not the fame with it. Thus, alfo, if there is any wholenefs which is character
ized by unity, it participates of the one: a part however characterized by unity muft indeed
vol.. ni. R neceflarily
122 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
nor the ftraight. Why not ? For the round figure is that, the extremities
of
ncceiTarlly participate of the one, but is not necefTarily a whole; fince indeed it is impoffible it fhould
be, To far as it is a part. "Whole and part, therefore, are either effential or characterized by
unity : for whole and part fubfift both in effences and in unities. The one, therefore, is beyond
whde and parts, both the effential, and thofe characterized by the one : and not this only, but tht
many alfo fubfift prior to whole and parts. For each, as we have fhown, is in a certain refpect
many ; but the firft many alone participate of the one. The many, therefore-, are beyond whole
and parls.
And here it is neceffary to obferve, that in the firft part of this firft hypothefis Plato affume*
fuch things as do not follow to the one confidered with refpect to itfelf. For we affert, that the one
itfelf by itfelf is without multitude, and is not a whole, though there fhould be nothing elfe.
But in the middle of (he hypothefis fuch things are affumed as do not follow, neither to itfelf
with refpect to itfelf, nor fo other things; fuch, for inftance, as that it is neither fhe fame with
itfelf, nor different from itfelf, nor is the fame with others, nor different from others : and after
the fame manner that it is neither fimilar nor diffimilar, &c. And at the end fuch things are
affumed as do not follow to the one wifh refpect to others alone; Where it is alfo fhown that it is
neither effable, nor the object of opinion or fcience, nor is, In fhort, known by any other gnoftie
power, but is itfelf exempt from all other things, both knowledges and objects of knowledge.
When, therefore, he fays the one is not many, he does not fay that things different from the one
are not the one, as denying them of the one, but that it has not multitude in itfelf; and that the
one is not affo multitude together with the one, but that it is alone one, and One itfelf exempt front
all multitude.
* The caution of Plato here, fays Proclus, deferves to be remanced: for he does not fay that the
one 18 impartible, (afiepsi), but thai it has no parts {pip* /-in e ^ o v ) . For the impartible is not the fame
with the non-poffejion ofparts-, fince the latter may be aiferted 6f the one, but the impartible not en
tirely. Thus the impartible fometimes fignifies a certain nature, arid, as it were, a certain form.
Or rather, it is nothing elfe than a form characterized by unity; and in this fenfe it is ttfed by
Timteus when he is defcribing the generation of the foul. But in the Sophifta he calls that which
is truly one impartible : " for it is neceffary (fays he) that the truly one fhould be impartible.*' So
that he there calls the fame thing impartible, which he fiiys here has no parts. Hence, if any thing
has no parts, it is impartible, according to Plato ; but it no longer follows, that what is impart
ible has no parts, if each of the genera of being is either impartible, Or partible, or a medium
between both. Thus, a point is impartible, not having parts, fuch as that which is endued with
interval pofleffes : but it is not fimply impartible, as having no jpart; for the definition of a point
receives its completion from certain things. But all fuch things as complete, have the ordfer of
parts, with refpect to that which is completed by them. Thus, alfo, the monad is impartible,
becaufe it Is not compofed from certain divided parts, as is every numbet which proceeds from
it. Becaufe, however, it confifts of certain things which itiake it to be the monad, and to be
different from a point, thefe may be faid to be the parts of the definition of the monad. For
fuch things as contribute to the definition of every form are entirely parts of it, and fuch form
is
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
of which arc equally diftant from the middle. Certainly. And the Araigh*
figure
is a certain whole paflive to the one, but is not the one itfelf. But the ftinply one alone neither fub
fifts from parts as connecting, nor as dividing, nor as giving completion to it * being alone tht
we, and Amply one, but not that which is united.
Plato alfo indicates concerning thefe negations, that they are not privative, but that they are
exempt from affirmations according to tranfcendency : " for it is neceffarj (fays he) that it (hou!4
not be many, but one." By this word necejptry, therefore, he indicates tranfcendency according t©
the good. A s a proof of this, we do not add the word neceflary to things deprived of any things
For who would fay it is neceflary that the foul (hould be ignorant of itfelf ? for ignorance is a
privation to gnoftic natures. Thus alfo, in the Theaetetus, Plato fpeaking of evils fays, " it if
tteceffary that they (hould have a fubGftence." At the fame time, alfo, by this word Plato indicate!
that he is difeourfing about fomething which has a fubfiftence, and not about a nonTubfifting
thing. For who would fay, about that which has no fubfiftence, that it is neceflary it fhouJd be?
4
Here again we may obferve how Plato collects that the one neither poflefles beginning, nor
middle, nor end, from the conclufion prior to this, following demonftrative canons. For, if the
one has no parts, it has no beginning, nor middle, nor end ; but that which precedes is true, and
confequently that alfo which follows. By taking away, therefore, that which precedes, he takes
away that which is confequent. Hence, beginning, middle, and end, are fymbols of a more
partial order: for that which is more univerfal is more caufal; but that which is more partial is
more remote from the principle. Thus, with refpect to that which has parts, it is not yet evident
whether it has a beginning, middle, and end. For, what if it (hould be a whole confiding only
of two parts ? For the duad is a whole after a certain manner, and fo as the principle of all
partible natures \ but that which has a beginning, middle, and end, is firft in the triad. But if
it (hould be faid that every whole is triadic, in this cafe nothing hinders but that a thing which
poflefles parts may not yet be perfect, in confequence of (jubfifting prior to the perfect and fhe
whole. Hence, Plato does not form his demonftration from wfole, but from having parts.
And here it is neceflary to obferve, with Proclus, that part is mukifarioufly predicated. Rir
we call that a part which is in a certain refpect the fame with the whole, and which poflefles all
(fuch things partially as the whole poflefles totally. Thus, each of the multitude of intellects is a
part of total inteJlect, though all things are in every intellect. And the inerratic fphere is a patf
of the univerfe, though this alfo comprehends all things, but in a manner different from the
world, viz. more partially. In the fecond place, that is faid to be a part which is completive of
any thing. Thus the total fpheres of the planets and elements are faid to be parts of the uni
verfe ; and the dianoetic and doxaftic powers are faid to be parts of the foul: for the former give
completion to the univerfe, and the latter to the foul. .In the third place, according to a common
fignification, we call a part every thing which is in any way coordinated with certain things to
the confummafion of one thing: for thus each of us may be faid to be a part of the world: not
that the univerfe receives its completion, as the univerfe, through us ; for it would not become
imperfect from the corruption of any one of us i but becaufe we alfo are coarranged with the
total parts of the univerfe, are governed in conjunction with aU other things, are in the world a* i n
Rz one
124 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
figure is that, the middle part of which is fituated before, or in the view of
both
one animal, and give completion to it, not fo far as it is, but FO far as it is prolific. Part, there
fore, being triply predicated, Plato, having before faid that the one has no part, evidently takes
away from it all the conceptions of part. For whatever has parts has multitude; but the on*
has no multitude, and confequently has no parts whatever. But, if this be the cafe, it has no
beginning, nor middle, nor end : for thefe may be faid to be the parts of the things that poflefs
them, according to the third fignification of part, in which every thing coordinated with certain
things is faid to be a part of that which receives its completion through the coordination of thofe
things.
* Plato might here have fhown, as Proclus well obferves, that the one is without beginning
and end,'from its not pofleffing extremes, and its not poffefling extremes from its not potfefiing
parts; but his reafoning proceeds through things more known. For, from its non-poffeffion of
parts, he immediately demonftrates that it is without beginning and end, transferring beginning
and end to bound, which is the fame with extreme. Infinite, therefore, in this place does not
fimply fignify that which is negative of bound, but that which is fubverfive of extremes. As in
the fecond hypothefis, therefore, he affirms the polfeflion of extremes, he very properly in this
hypothefis, where he denies it, demonftrates the one to be infinite, as not having extremes, which
are accuftomed to be called terms or limits.
But in order to underftand how the ore is infinite, it will be neceffary to confider, with Proc?us>
how many orders there are in beings of the infinite, and afterwards, how many progreffions there
are oppofite to thefe of hound, hifnite, therefore, that we may begin downwards, is beheld in
matter, becaufe it is of itfelf indefinite and formlefs ; but forms are the bounds of matter. It is
alfo beheld in body devoid of quality, according to divifion ad infinitum: for this body is in
finitely divifible, as being the firft thing endued with interval. It is alfo beheld in the qualities
which firft fubfift about this body, which is itfelf devoid of quality, in which qualities the more
and the lefs are firft inherent: for by thefe Socrates in the Philebus characterizes the infinite.
It is alfo beheld in the whole of a generated nature, i. e. in every thing which is an object of
fenfe : for this pofTeffes the infinite according to perpetual generation, and" its unceafing circle,
and according to the indefinite mutations of generated natures, which are always rifing into
being and perifhing, in which alfo infinity according to multitude exifts, alone pofleffing its fubw.
fiftence in becoming to be. But prior to thefb, the infinite is beheld in the circulation of the
heavens: for this alfo has the infinite, through the infinite power of the mover; fince body fb
far as body does not poflefs infinite power ; but through the participation of intellect body is per
petual, and motion infinite. Prior alfo to thefe, the infinite muft be affumed in foul: for in its
tranfitive intellections it poffeffes the power of unceafing motion, and is always moved, conjoining
the periods of its motions with each other, and caufing its energy to be one and never-failing.
Again, prior to foul, the infinite is feen in time, which meafures every period of the foul. For
time is wholly infinite, becaufe its energy, through which it evolves the motions of fouls, and-
through which it meafures their periods, proceeding according to number, is infinite in power:
ifor it never ceafes abiding and proceeding, adhering to the one, and unfolding the number which
meafures
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 125
both the extremes ? It is fo. Will not, therefore, the one condft of parts *,
and
meafurcs the motions of wholes. Prior to time, alfo, we may furvey the infinite in intellect, and
intellectual life: for this is intranfitive, and the whole of it is prefent eternally and collectively.
That which is immovable, too, and never failing in intellect, is derived from an eflence and power
which never defert it, but which eternally poflefs a fleeplefs life; through which alfo every thing
that is always moved, is able to be always moved, participating in motion of ftable infinity. No*
does the infinite alone extend as far as to thefe : but prior to every intellect is much-celebrated
eternity, which comprehends every intellectual infinity. For, whence does intellect derive its
eternal life, except from eternity ? This, therefore, is infinite according to power prior to in
tellect j or rather, other things are indeed infinite according to power, but eternity is primarily
power itfelf. From this firft fountain then of the infinite, it remains that we afcend to the
occult caufe of all infinites whatever, and, having afcended, that we behold all infinites fubfifting
according to the power which is there. For fuch is the infinite itfelf j and fuch is the chaos of
Orpheus, which he fays has no bound. For eternity, though it is infinite through the ever, yet,
fo far as it is the meafure of things eternal, it is alfo a bound. But chaos is the firft infinite, is
alone infinite, and is the fountain of all infinity, intelligible, intellectual, that which belongs to
foul, that which is corporeal, and that which is material. And fuch are the orders of the infi
nite, in which fuch as are fecond are always fufpended from thofe prior to them. For material
infinity is connected through the perpetuity of generation. The perpetuity of generation is
never-failing, through the perpetual motion of aether; and the perpetual motion of aether is
effected through the unceafing period of a divine foul; for of this it is an imitation* The period
alfo of a divine foul is unfolded through the continued and never-failing power of time, which
makes the fame beginning and end, through the temporal infant or now. And time energizes
infinitely, through intellectual infinity, which is perpetually permanent. For that which pro
ceeds according to time, when it is infinite, is fo through a caufe perpetually abiding, about
which it evolves itfelf, and round which it harmonically moves in a manner eternally the fame.
Intellect alfo lives to infinity through eternity. For the eternal is imparted to all things from
eternity and being ; whence all things derive life and being, fome more clearly, and others more
obfcurely. And eternity is infinite, through the fountain of infinity, which fupernally fupplies
the never-failing to all eflences, powers, energies, periods, and generations. As far as to this,
therefore, the order of infinites afcends, and from this defcends. For the order of things
beautiful is from the beautiful itfelf, that of equals from the firft equality, and that of infinites
from the infinite itfelf. And thus much concerning the orders of the infinite.
Let us now confider fupernally the feries of bound which proceeds together with the infinite:
for divinity produced thefe two caufes, bound and infinity, together, or in other words, fpeaking
Orphically, aether and chaos. For the infinite is chaos, as diftributing all power, and all infinity,
as comprehending other things, and as being as it were the moft infinite of infinites. But
bound is aether, becaufe nether itfelf bounds and meafures all things. The firft bound, therefore,
is bound itfelf, and is the fountain and bafis of all bounds, intelligible, intellectual, fuper-
mundane, and mundane, prefubfifting as the meafure and limit of all tilings. The fecond it
that
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
firely fo. It is, therefore, neither ftraight nor circular, fince it is without
parts,
of himfelf with refpect to himfelf. The one, therefore, is infinite, as above all bound. Hence this
infinite muft be confidered as the fame with the non-poffeffion of extremes ; and the pofleflion of
extremes is, therefore, denied of the *ne, through the infinite. For neither power muft be
afcribed to it, nor indefinite multitude, nor any thing elfe which is fignified by the infinite.
6
Parmenides firft take9 away many from the one; and this as from common conception : &
the fecond place, he takes away whole, and the having parts; and this through the one not being
many: in the third place, beginning, middle, and end; and this through not having parts. He
alfo aflumes as a confequent corollary, that the one is beyond bound, which is coordinated with
parts, and which makes the pofleflion of extremes. But bound is twofold : for it is either begin*,
"ning or end. In the fourth place, therefore, he now takes away theflraight and the round, which
in the fecond hypothefis he arranges after the pofleflion of extremes, and after the pofleflion of
beginning, middle, and end. But before he fyllogiftically demonftrates the fourth, he enunciates
the conclufion ; for he fays, " without figure therefore." For it is requiGte that intellectual
projections, or, in other words, the immediate and direct vifion of intellect, fhould be the leader
Of fcientific fyllogifms \ fince intellect alfo comprehends the principles of fcience. The pre-
aflumption, therefore, of the conclufion imitates the collected vifion of intellect; but the pro-
ceflion through fyllogifms imitates the evolution of fcience from intellect. And here we may
perceive alfo, that the conclufion is more common than the fyllogifms: for the latter receive the
Straight and the round feparately, and thus make the negation \ but the former fimply aflerts
that the one is without figure. But thefe are the forms common to all intervals. For lines are
divided into the ftraight, the round, and the mixed; and, in a fimilar manner, fuperficies and
folids; except that in lines the ftraight and the round are without figure; but in fuperficies or
rfolids they afe receptive of figure. Hence fome of thefe are called right-lined, others curves
:lined, and others mixed from thefe. As it has been fliown, therefore, that the one is without bounds
or extremities, it was neceflary that Parmenides (hould deny of it the ftraight, and the pofleflion
of extremes. But that which is figured is a thing of this kind: for he aflumes boandaries
comprehenfive of the things bounded, which alone belong to things figured. There is alft>
another accuracy in the words, fays Proclus, which is worthy of admiration. For he does not
-fay that the one is neither ftraight nor round •, fince he has not yet collected that k is without
figure. For what would hinder it from having fome one of the middle figures, fuch as that of
the cylinder or cone, or fome other of thofe that are mixed ? For, if we (hould give to the one
fome figure from thofe that are mixed, it would participate both of the ftraight and the round.
Thus, for inftance, if we fhould inquire whether nature is white or black, and (hould find that
it is neither white nor black, it would not follow from this, that it is entirely void of colour : for,
by the participation of both thefe, it would poflefs fome one of the middle colours; finoe the
media are from the extremes. Plato therefore fays, that the one neither participates of the round
nor the flraight, that it may not have either of thefe, nor any one of the media. This alfo is
evident, that this conclufion is more partial than that which is prior to it. For, if any thing
participates of figure, it has alfo extremes and a middle; but not every thing which has extreme*
and
128 THE PARMENIDES.
9
parts. Right. And indeed, being fuch, it will be no where ; for it will
neither
^nd a middle participates of figure. For a line, number, time and motion, may poflefs extremes,
all which are without figure. A tranfition likewife is very properly made from figure to the
ftraight and the round. For it is poflible univerfidly to deny figure of the one, by fhowing that
figure has bound and limitation. But the one does not receive any bound. Plato however was
willing to deduce his difcourfe fupernally, according to two coordinations ; and hence from the
beginning he aflumes after many, whole and parts, and again extremes and middle, Jlraight and
round, in itfelf and /// another, abiding and being moved, &c. through this aflumption indicating that
the one is none of thefe. For it is not poflible that it can be both oppofites, fince it would no
longer remain one according to the hypothefis ; nor can it be either of thefe, for thus it would
have fomething hoftile and oppofed to itfelf. It is however neceffary that the one fhould be prior
to all oppofition, or it will not be the caufe of all things *, fince it will not be the caufe of thofe
things which its oppofite produces. Proceeding, therefore, according to the two feries of things,
he very properly now pafles from figure to the Jlraight and the round.
But fince in the Phsedrus Plato denominates the intelligible fummit of intellectuals, which he
there calls the fuperceleftial place, uncoloured, unfigured, and untouched, mull we fay that that
order and the one are fimilarly unfigured ? By no means: for neither is there the fame mode of
negation in both. For of that order Plato denies fome things, and affirms others. For he fays that
it is eflence and true eflence, and that it can alone be feen by intellect, the governor of the foul;
and likewife that the genus of true fcience fubfifts about it; becaufe there is another, viz. the
intelligible order prior to it, and it is exempt from fome things, but participates of others. But
he denies all things, and affirms nothing of the one: for there is nothing prior to the one, but it
is fimilarly exempt from all beings. The mode, therefore, of ablation is different; and this, as
Proclus well obferves, Plato indicates by the very words themfelves. For he calls the intelligible
fummit of intellectuals unfigured; but he fays that the one participates of no figure. But the
former of thefe is not the fame with the latter, as neither is the impartible the fame with that
which has no part. After the fame manner, therefore, he calls that effence unfigured, but aflerts
that the one participates of no figure. Hence it appears that the former, as producing, and as
being more excellent than intellectual figure, is called unfigured. This, therefore, was fubordi
nate to another figure, viz. the intelligible: for intelligible intellect comprehends the intelligible
caufes of figure and multitude, and all things ; and there are figures perfectly unknown and in
effable, which are firft unfolded into light from intelligibles, and which are only known to intel
ligible intellect. But the fuperceleftial place, being the fummit in intelligibles, is the principle
of all intellectual figures; and hence it is unfigured, but is not fimply exempt from all figure.
The one, however, is exempt from every order of thefe figures, both the occult and intellectual,
and is eftablifhed above all unknown and known figures.
i The Jlraight and the round here are to be confidered as fignifying progreflion and converfion :
for progreflion is beheld according to the ftraight, which alfo it makes the end of itfelf. Every
intellectual nature, therefore, proceeds to all things according to the ftraight, and is converted to
its own good, which is the middle in each ; and this is no other than the intelligible which it con
tains* But things are feparated from each other according to progreflion, the proceeding from
the
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
one which is without parts, and which does not participate of a circle,
fhould
nor as fpecies in genera ; for, of what will it be the fpecies, fince nothing is more excellent than
itfelf ? Nor is it as in time : for thus it would be multitude ; fince every thing which is in time
flows; and every thing that flows confifts of parts. The one, therefore, is better than all the
modes of a fubfiftence in any thing. Hence the negation of no -where is true : for a fubfiftence
in fome particular thing is oppofed to no where', juft as fome one is oppofed to no one: fo that the cue
will be no where.
Again, too, Plato gives a twofold divifion to a fubfiftence in fomething; viz. into a fubfiftence
in another, and into a fubfiftence in itfelf; comprehending in thefe two all the abovementioned
celebrated modes which are enumerated by Ariftotle in his Phyfics; that if he can (how that
the one is neither in itfelf, nor in another, be may be able to demonftrate that it is no where. But
this being fhown, it will appear that the one is exempt from that order to which the fymbol of
being in itfelf and in another pertains. It will alfo appear from hence that intellect is not the
firft caufe : for the peculiarity of intellect: is a fubfiftence in itfelf, in confequence of being con
verted to itfelf, at the fame time that its energy is directed to fuch things as are firft, viz. to
intelligibles and the otie.
x o
Let us here confider how according to Plato every thing which is in another, is after a
manner circularly comprehended by that in which it is, and is touched by it in many places.
Of thofe prior to us then, fays Proclus, fome have confidered the fubfiftence of the one in fome
thing elfe, more partially, alone afluming a fubfiftence in place, and in a veffel, and to thefe
adapting the words. For that which is in place in a certain refpect touches place, and alfo that
which is in a veffel touches the veffel, and is on all fides comprehended by it. This, therefore,
fay they, is what Plato demonftrates to us, that the one is not in place, fince that which is in
place muft neceffarily be many, and muft be touched by it in many places; but it is impoflible
that the one fhould be many. There is however nothing venerable in the affertion that the one is
not in place, fince this is even true of partial fouls like ours; but it is neceffary that what is
here fhown fhould be the prerogative of the one, and of that caufe which is eftablifhed above all
beings. But others looking to things fay, that every thing which being in a certain thing is
comprehended by it, is denied of the one: and their affertion is right. For the one is in no
refpect in any thing, as has been before fhown. But how does this adapt the words to the
various modes of a fubfiftence in fomething ? For a point is evidently faid to be in a line as in
mnother; fince a point is different from a line; and it does not follow, becaufe it is in another,
that on this account it is on all fides comprehended by the line, and is touched by many of its
parts. It may indeed be faid, in anfwer to this, that though the line does not circularly contain
the point according to interval, yet it comprehends it after another manner: for it embraces its
idioms. For a point is a boundary only ; but a line is both a boundary and fomething elfe, being
a length without a breadth. A point alfo is without interval; but a line pofleffes interval
according to length, though not according to breadth and depth. For, in fhort, fince a point is
*ot the fame with the one, it is neceffary that the point fhould be many, not as containing parts
sue* the manner of interval, for in this refpect it is impartible, but as containing mapy idiomj
which
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 133
the one would no longer be one, but two. It certainly would not. The
1s
one, therefore, is not any where , fmce it is neither in itfelf nor in another.
It
both to do and fuffer in the fame time, but to do one thing, and fuffer another, and not the
fame: for what if a thing (hould impart heat, and at the fame time receive cold, or mould
whiten and be at the fame time blackened ?—on this account, Plato taking away all fuch
Objections accurately adds the words, the wholes at the fame time, the fame thing, that it may not
act in one part and fuffer in another, nor at different times, nor do one thing and fuffer another.
Hence, fince that which is felf-fubfiftent is neceflarily divifible into that which is more excel
lent, and that which is fubordinate, for fo far as it produces it is more excellent, but fo far as
it is produced fubordinate, it follows that the ane is beyond a felf-fubfiftent nature: for the one
does not admit of divifian, with which a felf-fubfiftent nature is neceflarily connected. Indeed
the one is better than every paternal and generative caufe, as being exempt from all power. For
though according to Plato it is the caufe of all beautiful things, yet it is not the caufe in fuch a
manner as if it employed power, through which it is productive of all things : for power fubfifts
together with hyparxis or the fummit of eflence, to which it is at the fame time fubordinate.
But of the natures pofterior to the one, fome being moft near to, and ineffably and occultly un
folded into light from it, have a paternal and generative dignity with relation to all beings, and
produce other things from themfelves by their own powers. In this, therefore, they abound
r re than, and confequently fall (hort of the fimplicity of, the one, that they generate felf-fub-
•'lent natures: for additions in things divine are attended with diminution of power. Other
natures, therefore, pofterior to the one, being now feparated and multiplied in themfelves, are
allotted the power of things felf-fubfiftent ; fubfifting indeed from primary caufes, but pro
duced alfo from themfelves. Thefe, therefore, are fufpended from the paternal and generative
caufes of forms, but paternal caufes from the one, which is more excellent than every caufe of this
kind, and which in a manner unknown to all things unfolds beings from itfelf, according to the
principles of things. Hence, if this be the cafe, it is evident that every thing which gives fub
fiftence to itfelf is alfo productive of other things. For felf-fubfiftent natures are neither the
firft nor the laft of things. But that which produces other things without producing itfelf is
twofold j one of thefe being better, and the other worfe, than things felf-fubfiftent. Such,
therefore, are producing natures. But of things produced from a generating caufe, felf-
fubfiftent natures firft proceed, being produced indeed, but fubfifting felf-begotten from their
proper caufes. For they proceed from their caufe in a way fuperior to a felf-begetting energy.
The next in order to thefe are the natures which are fufpended from another producing caufe,
but which are incapable of generating and being generated from themfelves. And this order of
things has its progreflion fupernally as far as to the laft of things. For if, among generating
natures, that which generates itfelf alfo generates other things, but that which generates
other things does not neceflarily generate itfelf, it follows that things generative of others are
prior to fuch as generate themfelves: for things more comprehenfive rank more as principles.
'3 Plato very geometrically, in each of the theorems, firft enunciates the propofition, after
wards gives the demonftration, and, in the laft place, the conclufion; through the propofition
imitating
136 THE PARMENIDES.
which abides. Hence motion and permanency rank prior to famenefs and difference, as originating
prior to them. On this account, in the Sophifta, Plato arranges motion and permanency after being,
and next to thefe fame and different.
1 5
Plato, in the tenth book of his Laws, makes a perfect divifion of all motions into ten,
eight of which are paflive. The ninth of thefe is indeed energetic, but is both motive and moved,
moving other things, and being moved by a caufe prior to itfelf j and the tenth is energetic
from itfelf, in that which is moved poffeffing alfo that which moves, being no other than a felf-
motive nature. It is however now requifite to make a more fynoptical divifion, that we may not
phyfiologize in difcourfes about divine natures. Hence Plato concifely diftributes all motions
into two. For that it is requifite not only to confider the propofed motions as corporeal, but
likewife as comprehenfive of all incorporeal motions, is evident from his faying, " for thefe are the
only motions." Both the motions of foul, therefore, and fuch as are intellectual, are compre
hended in thefe two, viz. lation and alteration, or internal motion. It is alfo evident that every
vivific genus of the Gods belongs to thefe motions, fince all life is motion according to Plato, and
every motion is comprehended in the two which are here mentioned. Let us therefore confider
every thing which is moved ; and fiift of all let us direct our attention to bodies, cither as fuffer-
ing fome internal or fome external change : for that which changes one place for another fuf-
taint
THE PARMENIDES. 137
motion. Certainly. But if the one fhould be altered from itfelf, it is impoflible
that it fhould remain in any refpect the one. Impoffible. It will not
therefore be moved according .to alteration ? It appears that it will not.
tains a mutation of fomething belonging to things external j but that which is generating or cor
rupting, or increafing, or diminishing, or mingling, fufFers a mutation of fomething inward.
Hence that which is changed according to the external is faid to be moved according to lation :
for a motion of this kind is local, place being external to bodies. But that which is moved ac
cording to fome one of the things within it is faid to fuffer internal change, whether it fuftains
generation, or corruption, or increafe, or diminution, or mixture. Local motion, therefore, is
prefent with divine bodies, fuch as thofe of the ftars, but they have no mutation according to
eflence. For it is neceflary, indeed, that thefe fhould be locally moved, becaufe, as Plato fays
in the Politicus, always to fubfift according to the fame, and after the fame manner, belongs to
the moft divine of things alone; but the nature of body is not of this order. The celeftial bo
dies, however, being the firft of things vifible, poflefs a perpetual fubfiftence: for fuch things
as are fit ft in every order poflefs the form of natures prior to themfelves. Hence thefe bodies
are moved according to this motion alone, which preferves the eflence of the things moved un
changed. But, afcending from bodies to fouls, we may fee that which is analogous in thefe to
local motion, and that which correfponds to internal change. For, fo far as at different times
they apply themfelves to different forms, and through contact with thefe become aflimilated to
their proper intelligibles, or the objects of their intellectual vifion, they alfo appear in a certain
refpect to be multiform, participating by their energies of thefe intelligibles, which are always
different, and being difpofed together with them. So far, therefore, as this is effected, they may
be faid to be internally changed. But again, fo far as they energize about the intelligible place,
and pervade the whole extent of forms, being as it were external to them, and comprehending
them on all fides, fo far they may be faid to be locally moved ; Plato alfo in the Phaedrus calling
the energy of the foul about the intelligible place, a period and circulation. Souls, therefore,
are both internally changed and locally moved ; being internally changed according to that
which is vital, for it is this which is difpofed together with, and is aflimilated to, the virions of
the foul; but, according to that which is gnoftic, parting on locally from one intelligible to an
other, revolving round thefe by its intellections, and being reflected from the fame to the fame.
Or we (hould rather fay, that fouls comprehend in themfelves the caufes of internal change, and
of mutation according to place. In much celebrated intellect, alfo, we (hall find the paradigms
fubfifting intellectually of thefe two fpecies of motion. For by participating the nature of the
intelligible in intellection, and becoming through intelligence a certain intelligible itfelf, it is
internally changed about the intellectual idiom. For participations are faid to impart fomething
of their own nature to their participant. But by intellectually perceiving in the fame, according
to the fame things, and after the fame manner, and by energizing about its own intelligible as
about a centre, it previoufly comprehends the paradigm of local circulation. Every where, there
fore, we (hall find that motions are internal changes and lations, fubfifting intellectually in in
tellect, pfychically in foul, and corporeally and divifibly in fenfibles ; fo that we ought not to
wonder if thefe are the only motions ; for all others are comprehended in thefe.
VOL. III. T But
THE PARMENIDES.
1 6
But will it be moved locally ? Perhaps fo. But indeed if the one is moved
locally,
1 6
Parmenides palTes on to the other form of motion, viz. lation, and fhows that neither is
the one moved according to this. He alfo divides lation into motion about the fame place, and
into a mutation from one place to another. For every thing which is moved according to place,
either preferves the fame place, fo that the whole remains intranfitive, and the thing itfelf is
only moved in its parts; or it is moved both in the whole and the parts, and pafles from one
place to another. For there are thefe four cafes : a thing is neither moved in the whole, nor in
the parts ; or it is moved in the whole, and not in the parts ; or it is moved in the parts, and
not in the whole ; or it is moved both in the whole and in the parts. But, of thefe four, it is
impoflible for the whole to be moved, the parts remaining immovable j fince the parts from
which the whole confifls are moved together with the whole. T o be moved neither in the whole
nor in the parts belongs to things which (land (till. It remains, therefore, either that the whole
is not moved, the parts being moved, or that both the whole and the parts are moved. The for
mer of thefe motions is produced by a fphere or cylinder, when thefe are moved about their
axes *, but the latter is effected by a tranfition from one place to another, when the whole changes
its place. It is evident, therefore, from this divifion, that fuch are the neceffary differences of
motion.
Thefe two motions are not only apparent in fenfibles, viz. the circular in the revolutions of
the heavenly bodies, and a motion both according to whole and parts in the fublunary region,
but they alfo fubfift in the natures beyond thofe. For a partial foul, through its afcents and de
scents, and its tranfitive energy according to length, contains the paradigm of motions both ac
cording to the whole and parts •, and intellect, through its intranfitive revolution about the intel
ligible, caufally contains the circular motion. And not only intellect, but alfo every divine
foul, through its meafured motion about intellect, receives an incorporeal circulation, Parme
nides alfo, fays Proclus, when he calls being a fphere, in his poems, and fays that it perceives
intellectually, evidently calls its intellection fpheric motion. But Timaeus, bending the progreflion
ef the foul according to length, into circles, and making one of thefe circles external and the
other internal, confers both thefe eternally on the foul according to a demiurgic caufe, and
an intellectual period prior to that of bodies. Theologifts alfo, Proclus adds, were well ac
quainted with incorporeal circulation. For the theologift of the Greeks (Orpheus) fpeaking con
cerning that firft and occult God * who fubfifts prior to Phanes, fays, " that he moves in an
infinite circle with unwearied energy."
And the Chaldsean Oracles affert that all fountains and principles abide in an unjlaggifi revolution.
For, fince every thing which is moved in a circle has permanency mingled with motion, they
are very properly faid always to abide in circulation, the unjluggi/h here fignifying immateriality.
T h e motions, therefore, of incorporeal natures are comprehended in this divifion ; and fo the one
* Viz. the ro w or the firft being of Plato, the fummit of the intelligible order.
is
T H E P A R M E N I D E S . 13$
locally, it will either be carried round in the fame circle, or it will change
one place for another. NeceiTarily fo. But ought not that which is carried
round in a circle to (landfirmin the middle, and to have the other parts of it
felf rolled about the middle ? And can any method be devifed by which it i9
poflible that a nature which has neither middle nor parts can be circularly car
17
ried about the middle ? There cannot be any. But if it changes its place ,
would it not become fituated elfewhere, and thus be moved ? In this cafe
it would. Has it not appeared to be impoffible that the one fhould be in any
thing? It has. Is it not much more impoflible that it fhould becomefttuated
in
is fhown to be immovable, as being eftablifhed above all motion, and not as being partly im
movable and partly movable.
J
7 That it is impoflible for the one to pafs from one place to another is evident, For either the
whole muft be within both places; or the whole muft be without both j or this part of it muft
be here, and that in the other place. But if the whole being without is in neither, it cannot be
moved from one place to another. If again the whole is within both, neither again will it be
moved from the former to the following place. And if one part of it is in this, and another in
the remaining place, it will be partible, or confift of parts. But the one is not partible ; and con
fequently it cannot be in any thing. And here obferve, that though there may be fomething
which is neither without nor within a certain thing, but is both without and within (for thus
foul and intellect are faid to be in the world and out of it), yet it is impoflible for the whole
of a thing to be in fomething, and yet be neither without nor within it. Regarding, therefore,
the partible nature of foul, not only ours, but alfo that which is divine, we may fay that it pof-
feffes the caufe of a motion of this kind, fince it is neither wholly within nor yet perfectly with
out that which is the object of its energy. For the whole of it does not at once apply itfelf to
the conceptions of intellect, fince it is not naturally adapted to fee thefe collectively, nor is it
wholly feparated from intellect, but according to its own different intellections it becomes in a
certain refpect fituated in the different forms of intellect, and introduces itfelf as it were into its
intellections, as into its proper place. Hence Timreus does not refufe to call the foul generated,
as he had previoufiy denominated it partible. For foul does not poflefs a collective intelligence,
but all its energies are generated ; and in confequence of this its intelleclions are effentializcd in
tranfitions. Hence alfo time is fo intimately connected with foul, that it meafures its firft ener
gies. Intellect, therefore, appears genuinely to contain the paradigm of a circular motion, pof
feffing as a centre that part of itfelf which abides, and which is the intelligible of intellect, but
the many progreftions of forms from this Vefta as it were of itfelf, as right lines from the centre.
But all its energies, which are intellective of intelligibles, have the relation of the one fuperficies
running round the lines from the centre, and the centre itfelf. A divine foul, however, con
tains the paradigm both of a right-lined and circular progreflion j of the former, as proceeding
about the intelligible place, abiding indeed as a whole, but evolving the intelligible by its tranfi
tions i but of the latter, as always fixing the whole of itfelf in the object of intellection : for, as
T 2 a whole,
140 THE PARMENIDES.
in any thing? I do not underftand how you mean. If any thing is becom
ing to be in any thing, -is it not neceflary that it fhould not yet be in it,
fince it is becoming to be ; nor yet entirely out of it, fince it has already
become ? It is neceffary. If therefore this can take place in any other
thing, it muft certainly happen to that which poffeffes parts ; for one part
of it will be in this thing, but another out of it: but that which has no
parts cannot by any means be wholly within or without any thin^. It is
true. But is it not much more impoffible that that which neither has parts
nor is a whole can be becoming to be in any thing ; fince it can neither fubfift
in becoming to be according to parts, nor according to a whole ? So it ap
1
pears. Hence it will neither change its place by going any where *, nor
that it may become Jituated in any thing ; nor, through being carried round
in that which is the fame, will it fuffer any alteration. It does not appear
that it can. The one therefore is immovable, according to every kind of
19
motion. Immovable. But we have likewife aiTerted that it is impoffible
for
a whole, it both abides and is moved. And in the laft place, a partial foul, by its motions accord
ing to length, clearly produces the incorporeal caufe of a right-lined motion.
8
* Plato here collects all the aforefaid conclufions about motions and having before enumerated
them in a divided manner, he makes one univerfal conclufion, teaching us through this afcent
how it is always requifite in the vifion of the one to contract multitude into that which is com
mon, and to comprehend parts through the whole. For the things which he had before divided
into parts receiving three motions, viz. internal mutation, the right-lined and circular progreflion,
thefe he now feparately enumerates, by faying, that the one neither proceeds, nor is circularly
borne along, nor is altered j and making an orderly enumeration, he recurs from things proxi
mately demonftrated to fuch as are prior to them, that he may conjoin the beginning to the end,
and may imitate the intellectual circle. And here we may again fee that the propofition and the
conclufion are univerfal, but that the demonftrations proceed together with divifions. For flable
intellections and converfions contract multitude; but thofe which fubfift according to progreffion
divide the whole into parts, and the one into its proper number.
'9 The thing propofed to be fhown from the firft was to demonftrate that the one is unindigent
of permanency and motion, and that it is beyond and the caufe of both. For the negation of
permanency and motion cannot be applied to the one in the fame manner as to matter. F O T mat
ter participates of thefe merely in appearance. It is therefore applied to the one, as being better than
both thefe. For, as fome one prior to us, fays Proclus, obferves, becaufe the one does not abide, being
is moved, and becaufe it is not moved, being is permanent. For beingby its liability imitates the
immobility of the one, and, by its efficacious energy, that which in the one is above tenfion and an
eftab.iihment in itfelf. And through both thefe it is aflimilated to the one which is neither.
%
It
THE PARMENIDES. 141
for the one to be in any thing. We have faid fo. It can never therefore
be in fame. Why ? Becaufe it would now be in that in which fame is.
Entirely fo. But the one can neither be in itfelf nor in another. It can
not. The one therefore is never in fame. It does not appear that it is.
But as it is never in fame, it can neither be at reft nor ftand ftill. In this
cafe it cannot. 'The one, therefore, as it appears, neitherftandsftillnor is
moved. It does not appear that it can. Nor will it be the fame either with
20
another , or with itfelf; nor again different either from itfelf or from
another.
It is alfo beautifully obferved here by Proclus, that a thing appears to (land ftill, which is efta-
blifhed in another, but to be at reft, which is able to abide in itfelf. But Parmenides denies both thefe of
the one, as not being in another nor in itfelf. Whether, therefore, there is a certain intellectual
tranquillity which is celebrated by the wife, or myftic port, or paternal filence, it is evident that
the one is exempt from all fuch things, being beyond energy, filence and quiet, and all the (table
fignatures which belong to beings.
But here, perhaps, fome one may fay, it has been fufficiently (hown that the one is neither
moved nor ftands ftill, yet nothing hinders but that he may be called Jlability or motion. To
this we reply, that the one, as we have before obferved, is neither both of two oppofites, left he
(hould become not one, and there (hould be prior to it that which mingles the oppofites; nor is
it the better of the two, left it (hould have fomething which is oppofed, and thus, in confequence
of containing a property oppofite to fomething elfe, (hould again be not one, and not being one
(hould confift of infinite infinites-, nor is it the worfe of the two, left it (hould have fomething
better than itfelf, and this fomething better (hould again in like manner confift of infinite infi
nites. Hence Plato at length even denies the one of it, becaufe that which is firft is beyond all
oppofition, and the one is oppofed to the many.
Let it alfo be obferved that the firft permanency and the firft motion originate from them
felves, the one deriving from itfelf (table power, and the other efficacious energy; in the fame
manner as every tiling elfe which is firft begins its own energy from itfelf. So that, when it is
faid the one does not ftand, and is not moved, this alfo implies that it is not permanency, and
that it is not motion. Hence, neither muft it be faid that the one is the moft firm of all (table
things, and the moft energetic of every thing that is in motion : for tranfeendencies of participa
tions do not take away, but ftrengthen the participations. If, therefore, the o>>e does not in (hort
fland, it is not mojt f i r m . For either moft firm is only a name, and afferts nothing concerning the
one, or it m.mifefts that it is moft liable. And if it is not in any refpect moved, it is not mofi
v/iergetic. For, if thefe words fignify nothing, they affert nothing concerning the one; but, if they
fignify that which in the moft eminent degree participates of motion, the one will not be mod
energetic. For energy is a certain motion.
a o
Plato here appears to charadlerife for us the whole demiurgic order, in the fame manner as
the words prior to thefe characterife the vivific order, and thofe again prior to thefe, that which
ranks as the fummit in intellectuals. Thefe things, indeed, as Proclus well obferves, appear in a
moft eminent degree to pertain to the demiurgic feries, according to the Platonic narrations con
cerning
143 THE P A R M E N I D E S .
1
another. How fo ? For, if different from itfelf ', it would be different
from
ccrning it, and thofe of other theologifts; though, fays he, this is dubious to fome, who alone
confider permanency and motion, famenefs and difference, philofophically, and do not perceive that
thefe things are firft beheld about the one, and not about being \ and that, as there is a twofold
number, i\z. fupereffential and eiTential, in like manner each of thefe genera of being firft fubfift
in the divine unities, and afterwards in beings. They likewife do not fee that thefe are figns of
the divine and felf-perfect orders, and not of the genera or fpecies only of being.
Let it alfo be obferved that the genera of being fubfift both in the intelligible and intellectual
orders, intelligibly in the former, and intellectually in the latter; and this is juft the fame as to
aflert that in intelligibles they fubfift abforbed in unity, and without feparation, but in intellectuals
with feparation according to their proper number. So that it is by no means wonderful if the
intelligible monad comprehends the whole intellectual pentad, viz. effence, motion, permanency,
famenefs and difference, without divifion, and in the moft profound union, fince through this
union all thefe are after a manner one: for all things, fays Proclus, are there without feparation
according to a dark mi/I, as the theologift** afferts. A&aKprrw iravrav ovruv xarct <rxoToeo-<rav ofxix>w
QYKTIV o §io>.oyo<;. For if in arithmetic the monad, which is the caufe of monadic numbers, contains
all thofe forms or productive principles which the decad comprehends decadically, and the tetrad
tetradically, is it at all wonderful that among beings the intelligible monad fhould comprehend
all the genera of being monadically, and without feparation ; but that another order fhould con
tain thefe dyadically, another tetradically, and another decadically? For ideas alfo fubfift in
intelligibles, but not after the fame manner as in intellectuals; fince in the former they fubfift
totally, unitedly, and paternally ; but in the latter with feparation, partially, and demiurgically. But
it is every where neceffary that the number of ideas fhould be fufpended from the genera of
being. If, therefore, intellectual ideas participate of the intellectual genera, intelligible ideas
alfo muft participate of the intelligible genera. But if ideas firft fubfift tetradically at the extre
mity of intelligibles, it is neceffary that there fhould be a monadic fubfiftence of thefe genera
prior to the formal tetrad.
Let us now confider why Plato firft takes away from the one, motion and permanency, and after
wards fame and different. We have already indeed faid what was the caufe of this, viz. that
motion and permanency are twofold, one kind being prior to fame and different, according to
which every thing proceeds and is converted to its caufe, but the other being pofterior to fame
and different, and appearing in the energies of beings. But we fhall now, with Proclus, affign
the reafon of this, after another manner, from the problems themfelves. In this firft hyppthefis
then, concerning the one, fome things are denied of it with refpect to itfelf alone : for multitude
and the whole, figure, and the being in a certain thing, motion and permanency, are taken, away
from the one confidered with refpect to itfelf. But fame and different, fimilar and diffimilar, equal
and unequal, older and younger, are denied of the one both with refpect to itfelf and other things :
for the one is neither the jame with itfelf, nor with others, and in a fimilar manner with refpect to
* Viz. Orpheus. Agreeably to this, in the Orphic hymn to Protogonus, who fubfifts at the extremity of
the intelligible order, that deity is faid *' to wipe away from the eyes a dark mi/2."
different,
THE PARMENIDES. 143
from the one, and fo would not be the one. True. And if it fhould be the
fame
different, and each of the reft. But that which is the objetl of opinion or fcience, or which can be
named, or is affable, are denied of the one with refpect to other things: for it is unknown to all
fecondary natures, by thefe gnoftic energies. Negations, therefore, being affumed in a triple
refpect, viz. of a thing with refpetl to itfelf, of itfelf with refpedt to others, and of itfelf both
with refpect to itfelf and others, and fome of thefe ranking as firft, others as middle, and others
as laft, hence motion and permanency are denied of the one, as of itfelf with reference to itfelf, but
the fame and different are denied in a twofold refpect, viz. of the one with reference to itfelf, and
of itfelf with reference to other things. Hence the former are co-arranged with firft negations,
but the latter with fuch as are middle. Nor is it without reafon that he firft difcourfes about
the former, and afterwards about the latter. Thus alfo he denies the fimilar and the diffimilar,
the equal and the unequal, the older and the younger, of the one with reference to itfelf and other
things. He likewife through thefe takes away from the one, tffence, quantity, quality, and the when :
for the fame and different pertain to effences, the fimilar and the diffimilar, to qualities, the equal and
the unequal, to quantities, and the older and the younger, to things which exift at a certain time.
Plato alfo, fays Proclus, denies the fame and the different of the one, knowing that Parmenides in
his poems places thefe in the one being ; for thus Parmenides fpeaks—-
It is neceflary, therefore, to fhow that the one which is eftablifhed above the one being, is by no
means fame, and much more that it it is not different: for famenefs is more allied to the one than
difference. Hence, he takes away both fame and different from the one, that he may fhow that
it tranfeends the one being, in which both thefe fubfift according to the verfes of Parmenides, not
confuting thefe verfes, but taking occafion from them to make this additional aflertion. For, if
that which participates of famenefs and difference is not yet the true one, it neceflarily follows
that the true one muft fubfift prior to thefe : for whatever is added to the one obfeures by the
addition the unity of the recipient.
4 1
There being four problems concerning fame and different, as denied of the one, Plato begin
ning from the former of thefe, and which are more eafily apprehended by us, proceeds through
thofe that remain. But the four problems are as follow : The one is not different from itfelf :
the one is not different from other things: the one is not the fame with itfelf : and the one is not
the fame with other things. Of thefe four the extremes are the cleared: for that the one is not
the fame with other things is evident, and alfo that it is not different from itfelf. But the other
two are attended with fome difficulty. For how can any one admit that that which is one is
not the fame with itfelf? Or how is it poflible not to be perfuaded, that it is not different
from other things, Gnce it is exempt from them ?
Let us then confider how the firft of thefe problems is demonftrated, viz. that the one is not
different from itfelf. It is, therefore, demonftrated as follows: If the one is different from itfelf,
it will be entirely different from the one. But that which is different from the one, is not one :
4 for
144 THE PARMENIDES.
1 2
fame with another , it would be that thing and would not be itfelf; fo
that neither could it thus be the one, but it would be fomething different from
the
for that which is different from man is not man, and that which is different from horfe is not
"horfe; and, in fhort, that which is different from any thing is not that thing. If, therefore,
the one is different from itfelf, the one is not one. And this abfurdity leads us to contradiction,
that the one is not one. The one, therefore, is not different from itfelf. Some one, however, may
doubt again ft this demonftration, whether it may not thus be fhown that difference is not different
from itfelf; though indeed it is neceffary that it fhould. For every true being begins its energy
from itfelf, as we have before obferved : and the Eleatean gueft, in the Sophifta, fays that the
nature of difference is different from the other genera. But if difference is different from itfelf,
it will not be difference-, and hence difference is not different from itfelf. May we not fay,
therefore, that difference begins indeed its energy from itfelf, and makes itfelf different, yet not
different from itfelf, but from other things ? For it is able to feparate them from each other,
and, by a much greater priority, itfelf from them : and thus its energy is directed to itfelf, in
preferving itfelf unconfufed with other things. It may alfo be faid, and that more truly, that
difference fo far as it is different from itfelf is not difference : for it is different from itfelf through
the participation of the other genera of being. So far, therefore, as it participates of other
things, fo far it is not difference. Nor is it abfurd that this fhould be the cafe with difference:
for it is multitude. But it is abfurd that this fhould be the cafe with the one: for it is one alone,
and nothing elfe.
2
* This is the fecond of the four problems, which is indeed more eafily to be apprehended
than thofe that follow, but is more difficult than the one that precedes it. Plato, therefore,
confides in the affertion that the one receives nothing from other things. For this is an axiom
of all others the moft true, both when applied to the one, and to all other caufes; fince no caufe
receives any thing from that which is fubordinate to itfetf. For neither do the heavens receive
into themfelves any thing of mortal moleftation; nor does the demiurgus receive any thing from
the generation which is about the whole world; nor do intelligibles participate of multitude
from the intellectual order, and the feparation which it contains. So that neither can the one
be filled from the idiom of beings, and confequently it is by no means the fame with other
things. For it would either participate of the things themfelves, or of things proceeding from
them, or both they and the one would participate of fome other one. But both cannot par
ticipate of another one: for nothing is better than the one, nor is there any thing which is more
one; fince in this cafe there would be fomething prior to the one. For the afcent is to the one,
and not to multitude ; fince things more elevated always poflefs more of the nature of unity, as for
inftance, foul than body. Nor does the one participate of things themfelves, fince thefe are worfc
than it, nor of things proceeding from them: for it is at once exempt from all things, and is
the object of defire to all beings, fubfifting as an imparticipable prior to wholes, that it may be one
without multitude; fince the participated one is not in every refpect one. In no refpect, there
fore, is the one the fame with others. And thus it appears from common conceptions that the
affertion is true.
Ler
THE PARMENIDES. 145
the one. It could not indeed. But, if it is the fame with another, muft it
23
not be different from itfelf? It muft. But it will not be different from
another
Let us now confider the demonftration of Parmenides, which is as follows: If the one is the
fame with any thing elfe, it will be the fame with that which is not one: for it is itfelf the one*
Hence alfo it is at the fame time evident, that it is impoflible for the true one to be two: for the
two will diifer from each other. Each, therefore, being one and differing from the other, each
in confequence of poffeffing difference together with unity, will no longer be one. Hence the
one is alone one. That, therefore, which is different from it is not one. Hence, if the one is
the fame with another, it is clearly the fame with non-one: for that which is the fame with the
one is one, and that which is the fame with non-man is non-man. If, therefore, the one is the
fame with any other thing befides itfelf, the one is not one. But if not one it is different from
the one; which was before fhown to be abfurd. Parmenides alfo adds, and it would be different
from the one, that through the abfurdity proximately fhown the abfurdity of this hypothefis alfo
may become apparent. Thus likewife it may be demonftrated that famenefs itfelf is not fame
nefs, if there is any inftance in which it is in a certain refpecl: the fame with difference, or any
thing elfe befides itfelf. Thus, it may be faid that famenefs is the fame with difference, fo far
as it participates of difference. If, therefore, it is the fame with difference, it is different, and
not the fame. Nor is there any abfurdity in this: for in its own effence it-is famenefs, but by
participation of difference it becomes different. It becomes however the fame with difference,
through the participation of difference j which is moft paradoxical, that famenefs (hould become
fume through difference.
*3 Of the two remaining problems Plato again demonftrates the more eafy prior to the other.
But it is eafier to deny that which is more remote from the one; and fuch is difference. But
famenefs is more allied to the one; and hence it has a nature more difficult to be feparated from
it, and requires more abundant difcuflion. The one then, fo far as one, does not participate of
difference : for, if it did, it would be non-one. But every thing which is different from another
is faid to be fo through difference. The one, therefore, fo far as one is not different, becaufe it
does not participate of difference. For to be different alone pertains to that which is different
from another, and not to the one; and fuch is that which participates of difference. But if the one
is different through difference, it participates of difference. For the one is one thing, and different
another; the former being denominated by itfelf, and the other with relation to fomething
elfe : fo that different is not different by the one, but by that which makes different.
But here a doubt may arife, how the one is faid to be exempt from all things if it is not different
from them ? For that which is exempt is feparated from thofe things from which it is exempt.
But every thing which is feparated is feparated through difference: for difference is the fource of
divifion, but famenefs of connexion. In anfwer to this it may be faid, that the one is exempt and
feparate from all things, but that it does not poflefs this feparation through difference, but from
another ineffable tranfcendency, and not fuch as that which difference imparts to beings. For, as
both the world and intellect fubfift for ever, but the ever is not the fame in both, being temporal in
the former, and eternal in the latter, and exempt from all time ; fo intellect is exempt from the
VOL. in. u world,
146 THE PARMENIDES.
another while it is the one. For it does not belong to the one to be differ
ent from another, but to that alone which is different from another, and;
to no other. Right. In confequence, therefore, of its being the one, it will
not be another ; or do you think that it can ? Certainly not. But if it is-
not different from another, neither will it be different from itfelf. But if
not different from itfelf, it will not be that which is different; and being in
no refpect that which is different, it will be different from nothing. Right,
1
Nor yet will it be the fame with itfelf. Why not? Is the nature of the-
one the fame with that offame ? Why ? Becaufe, when any thing becomes
the fame with any thing, it does not on this account become one. But
what then? That which becomes the fame with many things muff, ne-
ceffarily become many, and not one. True. But if the one and fame differ
in no refpecl, whenever any thing becomes fame it will always become the
one, and whenever it becomes "the one it will be fame. Entirely fo. If,
therefore, the one fhould be the fame with itfelf, it would be to itfelf that
which is not one; and fo that which is one will not be one. But this indeed
is impoffible. It is impoffible, therefore, for the one to be either different
from another, or the fame with itfelf. Impoffible. And thus the one will
2
neither be different nor the fame, either with refpect to itfelf or another.
It
world, and the one from beings; but the exempt fubfiftence of intellect is derived from difference
which feparates beings, but that of the one is prior to difference. For difference imitates that which
is exempt and unmingled in the one, juft as famenefs imitates its ineffable onenefs.
1
This is the fourth of the problems,, that the one is not the fame with itfelf, neither as fame-
nefs, nor as participating of famenefs: and, in the firft place, he fhows that it is not as famenefs,
For, if the one is famenefs, it is neceffary that every thing which participates of famenefs fhould
according to that participation become one. It is however poflible that a thing fo far as it par
ticipates of famenefs may become many,, as is evident in that which becomes the fame with
many qualities. Samenefs, therefore, is not the one. For, as that which becomes the fame with
man is man, and that which becomes the fame with the white is white, and with the black, black,
and, in fhort, in every thing, that which is the fame with any form entirely receives that with
which it is faid to become the fame,—fo that which becomes the fame with many things, fo far
as it is many, is the fame with them* But, fo far as it is many, it is impoflible that it can be one.
And hence famenefs is not the one.
a
This is the common conclufion of the four problems, and which reverts to the firft pro
pofition. W e may alfo fee that Plato begins from the different and ends in the different, imitating,
both by the concifenefs of the conclufion and in making the end the fame with the beginning,
the
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
1
It will not. But neither will it be fimilar to any thing, or diffimilar either
to itfelf or to another. Why not ? Becaufe the fimilar is that which in a
certain
the circle of intellectual energy. It is alfo beautifully obferved here by Proclus, that as difference
in beings is twofold, or rather triple, viz. that of things more excellent, that of things fubordi
nate, and that of things coordinate,—hence in fupereflential natures tranfcendency muft be aflumed
inftead of the difference which fubfifts in forms between the more excellent and the inferior;
fubjttlion inftead of the difference of the inferior with refpect to the fuperior ; and idiom inftead of
the feparation of things coordinate from each other. The one, therefore, tranfcends all things;
and neither is the one different from other things, nor are other things different from the one.
But if we employ fuch like appellations, and alfert that other things are different from the one, we
(hould look to the imbecility of human nature, and pardon fuch aflertions. For that we cannot
properly predicate any thing of the one, Plato himfelf indicates at the end of this hypothefis :
at the fame time, however, we alfert fomething concerning it, through the fpontaneous parturition
of the foul about the one.
1
Parmenides, fays Proclus, panes from the demiurgic to the affimilative order, the idiom of
which is to be alone fupermundane, and through which all the mundane and liberated genera are
aflimilated to the intellectual Gods, and are conjoined with the demiurgic monad, which rules
over wholes with exempt tranfcendency. From this demiurgic monad, too, all the aflimilative
order proceeds. But it imitates the famenefs which is there through fimilitude, exhibiting in a
more partial manner that power of famenefs which is collective and connective of wholes. It
likewife imitates demiurgic difference, through diflimilitude, exprefling its feparating and divifive
power through unconfufed purity with refpect to the extremes. Nor muft we here admit, as
Proclus well obferves, that which was aflcrted by fome of the antients, viz. that fimilitude is
r-emitted famenefs, and difftmilitude remitted difference. For neither are there any intentions and
remiflions in the Gods, nor things indefinite, and the more and the lefs, but all things are theTe
cftablifhed in their proper boundaries and proper meafures. Hence, it more accords with divine
natures to alTert fuch things of them as can be manifefted by analogy. For Plato alfo admits
analogy in thefe, in the Republic eftablifhing the good to be that in intelligibles which the fun is
jn fenfibles. Similitude, therefore, and diflimilitude are that in fecondary which famenefs and
difference are in the natures prior to them : and the fimilar and the diflimilar are the firft progeny
of famenefs and difference. The equal, alfo, and the unequal proceed from thence, but prior to
thefe are fimilitude and diflimilitude : for the fimilar is more in forms than the equal, and the
diflimilar more than the unequal. Hence, they arc proximately fufpended from the demiurgic
monad ; and on this account Tiinacus not only reprefents the demiurgus making the world, but
alfo affimilating it to animal itfelf more thin it was before; indicating by this that the affimilative
caufe prefubfifts in the fabricator of the univerfe. With great propriety, therefore, Plato proceeds
to the aflimilative order after the demiurgic monad, taking away this alfo from the one.
But the method of the problems is the fame as before: for here alfo there are four problems,
viz. if the one is fimilar to itfelf; if the one is diflimilar to itfelf; if the one is fimilar to other things;
V 2 if
148 T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
1
certain refpecl fuffers fame. Certainly. But it has appeared that fame is
naturally feparate from the one. It has appeared fo. But if the one mould
fuffer any thing except being the one which //, it would become more than
the one: but this is impoffible. Certainly. In no refpecl, therefore, can the
one
if the one is diffimilar to other things. But all the demonftrations, that none of thefe is adapted
to the one, originate from famenefs and difference, the media, according to demonftrative
rules, being the proper caufes of the thing. Hence, he often frames the demonftration from
things remote, and not from things which have been proximately demonftrated. For things in a
higher crder, and which have a prior fubfiftence, are not always generative of fecondary natures,
but they perfect, or defend, or employ a providential care about, but are not entirely generative
of them. Thus, for inftance, Plato demonftrates that the one is not a whole, and has not parts r
from the many: for thence the intellectual wholenefs proceeds. He demonftrates that it has not
beginning, middle, and end, from whole and parts : for the order characterized by beginning, middle,
and end, is proximately produced from thefe. Again, he demonftrates that the one is neither
Jlraight nor round, from beginning, middle, and end: for the Jiraight and round thence receive their
generation. But he (hows that the one is neither in itfelf, nor in another, from that order, and
not from figure, though according to progreflion this is arranged before it. And he demonftrates
that the one neither ftands nor is moved, from not being in any thing, and from not having a middle,
and from not having parts. Thus, alfo, in the demonftrations concerning fimilitude and diffimilitude,
he derives the negations which are negative of the one from famenefs and difference: for the latter
are the fources of progreflion to the former.
1
The fyllogifm which furnifhes us with a proof that the one is not fimilar, neither to itfelf nor
to another, proceeds geometrically as follows, Plato having firft defined what the fimilar is^
That, then, which fuffers a certain fomething which is the fame, is faid to be fimilar to that with
which it fuffers fomething the fame. For, we fay that two white things are fimilar, and alfo two
black, in confequence of the former being the paftive recipients of the white, and the latter of
the black. And again, if you fay that a white thing and a black thing are fimilar to each other,
you will fay that they are fimilar from the participation of colour, which is their common genus.
The fyllogifm, therefore, is as follows : The one fuffers nothing the fame, neither with itfelf nor
with another: the fimilar fuffers fomething the fame, cither with itfelf or with another: the one,
therefore, is not fimilar, neither to itfelf nor to another. Such being the fyllogifm, Plato thinks
that one of the propofitions alone requires affiftance, viz. that which afferts that the one does not
fuffer any thing the fame, neither with itfelf nor with another.
And here, as Proclus well obferves, we may fee what caution Plato ufes: for he does not fay
if the one fhould fuffer the one, but if the one fhould fuffer any thing, except being the one which is,
Xupt( rou iv tivai, for it is the one, and does not fuffer it; fince every thing which fuffers, or is
paflive, is many. For he calls the participation of any thing a paflion. Does he not, therefore,
in faying that the one fuffers nothing elfe, but the one which is, indicate in a very wonderful manner
that even the one is fubordinate to the principle of all things ? which indeed he fays it is at the
THE PARMENIDES. 149
one fuffer to be the fame, either with another or with itfelf. It does not
appear that it can. It cannot, therefore, befimilareither to another or to
itfelf. So it feems. Nor yet can the one fuffer to be another; for thus it
would fuffer to be more than the one. More, indeed. But that which
fuffers to be different, either from itfelf or from another, will be diffi
milar either to itfelf or to another, if that which fuffers fame is fimilar.
Right. But the one, as it appears, fince it in no refpedt fuffers different, can
in no refpecl be diffimilar either to itfelf or to another. It certainly cannot.
The one, therefore, will neither befimilarnor diffimilar, either to another
or to itfelf. It does not appear that it can.
end of this hypothefis. He alfo indicates that the addition of this afTertion to the principle of
things is foreign to it, though more allied to it than other things, becaufe it is not poflible to con
ceive any thing more venerable than the one.
Should it be afked whence it is that what fuffers the fame is fimilar, we reply that fimilitude is
the progeny of famenefs, in the fame manner as famenefs of the one. Samenefs, therefore, par
ticipates of the one, and fimilitude of famenefs. For, this it is to fuffer, to participate of another,
and to proceed according to another more antient caufe.
Let it alfo be obferved, that when it is faid that all things are fimilar to the one, in confequence
of ineffably proceeding from thence, they muft not be underftood to be fimilar according to this
fimilitude, but alone according to that union which pervades to all beings from the one, and the
fpontaneous defire of all things about the one. For all things are what they are from a defire of
the one, through the one; and in confequence of this parturition every thing being filled with a
union adapted to its nature, is aflimilated to the one caufe of all things. Hence, it is not aflimi
lated to fimilars; left the ineffable principle itfelf fhould alfo appear to be fimilar to other things;
but, if it be lawful fo to fpeak, it is aflimilated to the paradigm of things fimilar to this higheft
caufe. Beings, therefore, are aflimilated to the one; but they are aflimilated through an ineffable
delire of the one, and not through this aflimilative order, or the form of fimilitude. For the afli
milative which immediately fubfifts after the intellectual order, is not able to conjoin and draw
upwards all beings to the one; but its province is to elevate things pofterior to itfelf to the in
tellectual demiurgic monad. When, therefore, it is faid that every progreflion is effected through
fimilitude, it is requifite to pardon the names which we are accuftomed to ufe in fpeaking of
beings, when they are applied to the unfolding into light of all things from the ineffable principle
of all. For, as we call him the one, in confequence of perceiving nothing more venerable, nothing
more holy, in beings than unity, fo we characterize the progreflion of all things from him by
fimilitude, not being able to give any name to fuch progreflion more perfect than this. Thus alfo
Socrates, in the Republic, calls this ineffable principle, according to analogy, the idea of the
good ; becaufe the good, or the one, is that to all beings which every intelligible idea is to the pro
per feries fubfifting from and with relation to it.
But
150 THE PARMENIDES.
1
But fince it is fuch, it will neither be equal nor unequal, either to itfelf
or to another. Howfo? If it were equal, indeed, it would be of the
fame
1
After the aflimilative order of Gods, which is fupermuiulane alone, antient theologifts arrange
that which is denominated liberated, the peculiarity of which, according to them, is to be exempt
from mundane affairs, and at the fame time to communicate with them. They are alfo proxi
mately carried in the mundane Gods; and hence they fay that they are allotted the medium of the
fupermundane and mundane Gods. This liberated order, therefore, Plato delivers to us in the
fecond hypothefis, and alfo there fays what the idiom of it is, and that it is touching: for it is in a
certain refpect mundane and fupermundane, being collective of thofe that are properly called
mundane Gods, and producing into multitude the union of all the affimilative and fupermundane
feries. Here, however, Plato omits this order, and paffes on to thofe Gods that are alone mun
dane; the reafon of which we (hall endeavour to aflign in commenting on the fecond hypothefis.
The peculiarity, therefore, of the mundane Gods is the equal and the unequal, the former of
thefe indicating their fulnefs, and their receiving neither any addition nor ablation; (for fuch is
that which is equal to itfelf, always preferving the fame boundary ;) but the latter, the multi
tude of their powers, and the excefs and defect which they contain. For, in thefe, divifions,
variety of powers, differences of progreflions, analogies, and bonds through thefe, are, according
to antient theologifts, efpecially allotted a place. Hence, Timaeus alfo conftitutes fouls through
analogy, the caufes of which muft neceflarily prefubfift in the Gods that proximately prefide over
fouls : and as all analogies fubfift from equality, Plato very properly indicates the idiom of thefe
divinities by the equal and the unequal. But he now very properly frames the demonftrations of
the negations of the equal and the unequal from famenefs and the many, and not from thefimilar and
the diffm'dar, though he proximately fpokc of thefe. For every mundane deity proceeds from the
demiurgic monad, and the firft multitude which he firft denies of the one.
Of this then we muft be entirely perfuaded, that the things from which demonftrations confift
are the preceding caufes of the particulars about which Parmenides difcourfes; fo that the equal
and the unequal, fo far as they proceed from the one, and fubfift through famenefs and the many, fo
far through thefe they are denied of the one. Hence, Plato thus begins his difcourfe concerning
1
them " But fwce it isfuch, * viz. not as we have juft now demonftrated, but as was formerly
fhown, that it neither receives fame nor different, and is without multitude,—being fuch, it is nei
ther equal nor unequal, neither to itfelf nor to others: for, again, there are here twofold con-
clufions, in the fame manner as concerning the fimilar and the diflimilar, and the fame and the
different. But that the equal and the unequal are fufpended from the twofold coordinations of divine
natures is not immanifeft. For the equal is arranged under the fimilar, and the fame,fubftflence in
another, the round, and the whole ; but the unequal, under the dififimilar, the different, fubffilence in
itfef, the ftraight, and the poffeffton of parts. And again, of thefe the former are fufpended from
bound,zv\<\ the latter from infinity. Plato alfo appears to produce the difcourfe through certain oppo-
fitions, as it were, that he may fhow that the one is above all oppofition. For the one cannot be the
ivorfe of the two oppofites, fince this would be abfurd ; nor can it be the better of the two, fince
in
THE PARMENIDES. 1M
1
fame meafures with that to which it is equal. Certainly. But that
which is greater or lefTer than the things with which it is commenfurate,
will pofTefs more meafures than the lefTer quantities, but fewer than the
greater. Certainly. But to thofe to which it is incommenfurable, with
refpecl: to the one part, it will confift of lefTer; and with refpecl to the
other, of greater meafures. How fhould it not ? Is it not, therefore,
impoffible that that which does not participate of fame fhould either be of
the fame meafures, or admit any thing in any refpecl the fame ? It is im-
i n this cafe it would not be the caufe of all things. For the better oppofite is not the caufe of
the worfe, but in a certain refpecl communicates with it, without being properly its caufe. For
neither does famenefs give fubfiftence to difference, n o r permanency to motion ; but comprehen-
fion and union pervade from the better to the worfe.
1
It is by no means wonderful that the demonftrations of the equal and the unequal, which are
here affumed as fymbols of mundane deity, fhould be adapted to phyfical and mathematical
equals, to the equals in the reafons of foul, and to thofe in intellectual forms. For it is neceffaTy
that demonftrations in all thefe negations fhould begin fupernally, and fhould extend through all
fecondary natures, that they may fhow that the one of the Gods is exempt from intellectual,
pfychical, mathematical, and phyfical forms. All fuch axioms, therefore, as are now affumed
concerning things equal and unequal, muft be adapted to this order of Gods. Hence, fays
Proclus, as it contains many powers, fome of which are coordinate with each other, and ex
tend themfelves to the felf-perfect and the good, but others differ according to tranfcendency
and fubject in—the former muft be faid to be characterised by equality, but the latter by inequa
lity. For the good is the meafure of every thing: and hence fuch things as are united by the
fame good are meafured by the fame meafure, and are equal to each other. But things which
are uncoordinated with each other make their progreflion according to the unequal.
Since, however, of things unequal, fome are commenfurate snd others incommenfurate, it is
evident that thefe alfo m u f t be adapted to divine natures. Hence commenfuration muft be
referred to thofe Gods, through whom fecondary natures are mingled with thofe prior to them,
and participate of the whole of m o T e excellent beings : for thus, in things commenfurate, the
letter is willing to have a common meafure with the greater, the fame thing meafuring the whole
of each. But incommenfuration m u f t be afcribed to thofe divinities from whom things fubor-
dinute, through the exempt tranfcendency of more excellent natures, participate of them i n a
certain refpect, but are incapable through their fubjedtion of being conjoined with the whole of
them. For the communion from firft to partial and multifarious natures is incommenfurate
to the latter. If, indeed, the equal and the unequal are fymbols of the mundane Gods, the comment
[urate and the incommenfurate are here very properly introduced. For in things incorporeal and im
material this oppofition has no place, all things being there effable ; but where there is a mate
rial fubject, and a mixture of form and fomething formlefs, there an oppofition of commenfura
tion very properly fubfifts. Hence, as the mundane Gods are proximately connective of fouls
and bodies, form and matter, a divifion appears in them, according to the equal and the unequal.
poflible..
152 THE P A R M E N I D E S .
or be of the fame age i What mould hinder ? If it had in any refpecl: the
fame
gifts prior to Plato, who thought that all things were comprehended in time, and that, if there is
any thing perpetual, it is infinite time, but that there is not any thing which time does not mea
fure. For, as they were of opinion that all things are in place, in confequence or thinking that
all things are bodies," and that nothing is incorporeal, fo they thought that all things fubfift in
time and are in motion, and that nothing is immovable ; for the conception of bodies intro
duces with itfelf place, but motion time. As therefore it was demonftrated that the one is not
in place, becaufe it is not in another, and on this account is incorporeal,—in like manner through
thefe arguments it is alfo fliown that neither is it in time, and on this account that it is not foul,
nor any thing elfe which requires and participates of time, either according to eflence or accord
ing to energy.
And here it is well worthy our obfervation, that Parmenides no longer flops at the dyad as in
the former conclufions, but triadically enumerates the peculiarities of this order, viz. the older,
the younger, and the poffeffion of the fame age, though, as Proclus juftly obferves, he might have faid
dyadically, of an equal age, and of an unequal age, as there the equal and the unequal* But there
indeed, having previoufly introduced the dyad, he paffes from the divifion of the unequal to the
triadic diftiibution; but here he begins from the triad. For there union precedes multitude,
and the whole the parts; but in this order of things multitude is moft apparent, and a divifion
into parts, as Timaeus fays, whom Parmenides, in what is now faid, imitating begins indeed
from the triad, but proceeds as far as to the hexad. For the older and the younger, and thepoffef-
fion of the fame age, are doubled, being divided into itfelf and relation to another. That the triad,
indeed, and the hexad are adapted to this order, is not immanifeft : for the triple nature of foul,
confifting of effence, fame, and different, and its triple power, which receives its completion from
the charioteer and the two horfes, as we learn from the Phaedrus, evince its alliance with the
triad; and its effence being combined from both thefe fhows its natural alliance with the hexad.
And here it is neceffary to obferve, that as the difcourfe is about divine fouls who are deified
by always participating of the Gods, time according to its firft fubfiftence pertains to thefe fouls,—
not that which proceeds into the apparent, but that which is liberated, and without habitude;
and this is the time which is now denied of the one. All the periods of fouls, their harmonious
motions about the intelligible, and their circulations, are meafured by this time. For it has a
fupernal origin, imitates eternity, and connects, evolves, and perfects every motion, whether
vital, or pertaining to foul, or in whatever other manner it may be faid to fubfift. This time
alfo is indeed efTentially an intellect; but it is the caufe to divine fouls of their harmonic and
infinite motion about the intelligible, through which thefe likewife are led to the older and to the
fame age: and this in a twofold refpect. For the older in thefe with refpecl to themfelves takes
place, fo far as with their more excellent powers they more enjoy the infinity of time, and par
ticipate it more abundantly : for they are not filled with fimilar perfection from more divine
natures, according to all their powers, but with fome more, and with others lefs. But that
is faid to be older which participates more of time. That which is older in thefe divine fouls
ivith refpecl to other things is effected fo far as fome of thefe receive the whole meafure of time,
VOJL. in. x and
154 THE PARMENIDES.
fame ' age, either with itfelf or with another, it would participate equally
of time and fimilitude, which we have neverthelefs afferted the one does not
participate,
and the whole of its extenfion proceeding to fouls, but others are meafured by more partial
periods. Thofe, therefore, are older, whofe period is more total, and is extended to a longer
time. They may alfo be faid to be older atid at the fame time younger with refpecl to themfelves, by
becoming hoary as it were above, through extending themfelves to the whole power of time, but
fuvemlc beneath, by enjoying time more partially. But, as with refpecl to others, they may be faid'
;
to be oldtr and at the fame time yircnger, according to a fubjeclion of energy; for that which has
its circulation meafured by a letter period is younger than that whofe circulation is meafured by a
more extended period. Again, among things coordinate, that which has the fame participation
and the fame meafure of perfection with others may be faid to be of the fame age with rtfelf and
others. But every divine foul, though its own period is meafured according to one time, and that
of the body which rs fufpended from it according to another, yet rt has an equal reftrttrtion to the
fame condition; itfelf always according tfv its own time, and its body alfo according to its time;
Hence, again, it is of the fame age with rtfelf and its body, according to the analogous.
By thus interpreting what is now faid of the one, we fhall accord with Plato, in the Timaeus,
who there evinces that time is the meafure of every franfitive life, and who fays that foul is the
origin of a divine and wife life through the whole of time. And we fhall alfo accord with hi*
aiferrion in the Phxdrus, that fouls fee true being through time, becaufe they perceive temporally,
and not eternally.
1
Plato here demonflrates that the one is neither okler nor younger than- itfelf, or another. For,,
it was neceflary to fhow that the one is beyond every divine foul, prior to other fouls, m the fame
manner as it is demonftrated to be prior to true beings, and to be the caufe of all things. Nor muft
it be on this account admitted that the one comprehends in itfelf the caufes of all things, and*
through this is multitude. For every caufe is the caufe of one particular property ; as, for in*-
ftance, animal itfelf is the caufe alone to animals of a fubfiftence as animals; and, in the fame'
manner, every intelligible produces other things, according to its idiom alone. The one, there
fore, is the caufe of unities, and of union to alt things ; and all things are rhence derived, either as-
being unities, or as compofed from certain unities: for being itfelf, and, in fliort, every thing, is
either as one, or as eonftfting from certain unities. For, if it is united it is evident that it confifts-
y
from certain things ; and if thefe are unities the confequence is manifeft : but if they are things-
united, we muft again pafs on to the things from whkh they are compofed, and thus proceeding,
ad infinitum, we muft end in certain unities, from which, as elements, that which is united
confifts. Hence it follows that all things are either unifies or numbers. For that which is noc
a unity, but ttnited, if it confifts from certain definite unities, is number, and this will be the firft
number, fubfifting from things indivifible: for every unity is indivifible. But the number of
beings is from beings, and not from things indivifible. So that, if there is a certain caufe of beings,
it is the caufe of all beings; but if there is a certain caufe of the unities from which all things
confift, it is indeed the caufe of all things: for there is no longer any thing which is not either a
unity, or compofed from unities. Hence, it is not proper to fay that the caufes of all things are
4 in
THE PARMENIDES; h55
participate. We have aflerted fo. And this alfo we have faid, that it nei
ther participates of diffimilitude nor inequality. Entirely fo. How, there
fore, being fuch, can it either be older or younger than any thing, or pofTefs
the fame age with any thing ? It can in no refpecl. The one, therefore,
will neither be younger nor older, nor will it be of the fame age, either
with itfelf or with another. It does not appear that it will. Will it not,
therefore, be impoflible that the one mould be at all in time, if it be fuchf
Or, is it not neceffary that, if any thing is in time, it fhould always become
older than itfelf? It is necefTary. But is not that which is older always,
older than the younger ? What then ? That, therefore, which is becoming
to be older than itfelf, is at the fame time becoming to be younger than
itfelf, if it is about to have that through which it may become older. How;
do you fay ? Thus: It is requifite that nothing fhould fubfift in becoming
to be different from another, when it is already different, but that it fhould
in the one, nor, without faying this, to think that the one is the caufe of certain things, as of
unities, and is not at the fame time the caufe of all things. Since, therefore, it is the caufe of
every divine foul, fo far as thefe derive their fubfiftence as well as all beings from the divine uni
ties, with great propriety is it neceffary to fhow that the one is beyond the order of deified fouls:
for thefe fouls fo far as they are intellectual have intellect for their caufe; fo far as they are
cffences, they originate from intellect; and fo far as they have the form of unity, they are derived
from the one ; receiving their hypoftafis from this, fo far as each is a multitude confifting of cer
tain unities, and of thefe as elements.
x
That which participates of time is twofold, the one proceeding, as it were, in a right line,
and beginning from*one thing, and ending in another; but the other proceeding circularly, and
having its motion from the fame to the fame, to which both the beginning and the end are the
fame, and the motion is unceafing, every thing in it being both beginning and end. That*
therefore, which energizes circularly, participates of time periodically : and fo far as it departs
from the beginning it becomes older, but fo far as it approaches to the end it becomes younger.
For, becoming nearer the end, it becomes nearer to its proper beginning ; but that which becomes
nearer to its beginning becomes younger. Hence, that which circularly approaches to the end
becomes younger, the fame alfo according to the fame becoming older; for that which approxi
mates to its end proceeds to that which is cider. That to which the beginning, therefore, is
one thing, and the end another, to this the younger is different from the older; but that to
which the beginning and the end are the fame, is in no refpect older than younger, but, as Plato
fays, at the fame time becomes younger and older than itfelf. Every thing, therefore, which
participates of time, if it becomes both older and younger than itfelf, is circularly moved. But
divine fouls are of this kind: for they participate of time, and the time of their proper motion is
periodical.
x 2 be
156 THE PARMENIDES.
be now different from that which is different, have been from that which?
waf, and will be from that which is to be hereafter: but from that which is*
becoming to be different, it ought neither to have been, nor to be hereafter r
to fignify the participation of the time part ? Certainly. And do not the
terms it will be, it may become, and // will be generated, fignify that which
All thefe orders which are diftributed according to the parts of time, energize according to the
whole of time, this whole containing in itfelf triple powers, one of which is perfeclive of all
motion, the fecond cottnetls and guards things which are governed by it, and the third unfolds
divine natures into light. For as all fuch things as are not eternal are led round in a circle, the
wholeness or the mon.d of time perfects and connects their effence, and difclofes to them the
united infinity of eternity, evolving the contracted multitude which fubfifts in eternal natures ;
whence alfo this apparent time, as Timaeus fays, unfolds to us the meafures of divine periods,,
perfects fenfibles, and guards things which are generated in their proper numbers. Time, there
fore, poflefles triple powers prior to fouls, viz. the perfeclive, the connective, and the unfolding,
according to a fimilitude to eternity. For eternity, pofllfiing a middle order in intelligibles, per
fects the order pofterior to itfelf, fupplying it with union, but unfolds into light that which is prior
to itfelf, producing into multitude its ineffable union, and connects the middle bond of intelligi
bles, and guards all things intranfitively through its power. Time, therefore, receiving fuper
nally the triple powers of eternity, imparts them to fouls. Eternity, however, poflefles this triad
unitedly; but time unitedly, and at the fame time diftributively ; and fouls diftributively alone.
Hence,- of fouls, fome are characterized according to one, and others according to another power
of time; fome imitating its unfolding, others its perfeclive, and others its connective power. T h u *
alfo with refpect to the Fates, fome of thefe being adapted to give completion and perfection to
things, are faid to fing the-pad, always indeed energizing, and always finging, their fongs being;
intellections and fabricative energies about the world: for the pafil is the fource of completion.
Others again of thefe are adapted to conned things prefent: for they guard the eflence and the
generation of thefe. And others are adapted to unfold the future : for they lead into eflence and
to an end that which as yet is not.
We may alfo fay, fince there is an order of fouls more excellent than ours divided into fuchv-
as are firft, fuch as are middle, and fuch as are laft, the moft total of thefe are adapted to the pafil.
For, as this comprehends in itfelf the prefent and the future, fo thefe fouls comprehend in them
felves the reft* But fouls of a middle rank are adapted to the prefent: for this was once future,
but is not yet the pafl. As, therefore, the prefent contains in itfelf the future, fo thefe middle
fouls comprehend thofe pofterior, but are comprehended in thofe prior to themfelves. And fouls
of the third o r d e r correfpond to thefuture : for this does not proceed through the prefent, nor has-
become the pafl, but is tlx future alone ; jnft as thefe third fouls are of themfelves alone, but, through
falling into a moft partial fubfiftence, are by no means comprehenfive of others; for they con
volve the boundary-according to a triadic divifion of the genera pofterior to the Gods.
The whole of the firft triad, therefore, has in common the once,, for this .is the peculiarity of
the paft, and of completion; but it is divided into the was, it was generated^ and it did become.
Again, therefore, of thefe three, the was fignifies the fummit of the triad, bounded according to-
hyparxis itfelf; but ;f was generated, fignifies an at-once-collected perfection ; and it did become, an
extenfion in being perfected ; thefe things being imitations of intelligibles. For the was is an
imitation of being, it was generated, of eternity, and // did become, of that which is primarily eternal;
for being is derived to all things from the firft of thefe; a fubfiftence at once as all and a whole
from the fecond, and an extenfion into multitude from the third.
is
158 THE P A ft M K N I D K S.
is about to be hereafter ? Certainly. But are not the terms // is, and it is
becoming to be, marks of the prefent time ? Entirely fo. If then the one
1
participates in no refpecl of any time, it neither ever was, nor has been,
nor did become: nor is it now generated, nor is becoming to be, nor is, nor
may become hereafter, nor will be generated, nor will be. It is moft true.
Is it poflible, therefore, that any thing can participate of eflence *, except
1
It is not immanifeft how the fyllogifm proceeds in what is now faid: The one participates
of no time; but every thing which once fubfifted was, or has been, or did become \ every thing
which fubfifts according to the prefent is, or is generated, or is becoming to be; and every thing
which fubfifts according to the future will be, or may bicome, or will be generated- But all thefe
diftribute the wholenefs of time. The one, therefore, is exempt from, and is expanded above, this
temporal triad and the unity from which it is fufpended. From all, therefore, that has been faid,
it is requifite, as Proclus juftly obferves, to collect this one thing, that the one is eftablifhed
above every divine effence characterize^ by the nature of foul, and which always energizes
after the fame manner, fuch as are the fouls of the more excellent genera, wliethcr the divifion
of them is made into three, or into nine, or into any other number.
Should it be faid, however, that the one, though it does not participate of time, may be time
itfelf, for the firft caufe is denominated time by Orpheus; to this it may be replied, that the one
cannot be timej fince in this cafe the perfection proceeding from it would extend no further than
fouls, and things which are moved. For eternal natures are more excellent than fuch as ener
gize according to time. The one, therefore, would be the caufe of fubordinate only, and not of
fuperior natures; and thus would not be the caufe of all things. But the firft caufe, fays Proclus,
was denominated time by Orpheus, according to a certain wonderful analogy: for the theologift
fymbolically calls the myflical proceflions of unbegotten natures, generations; and the caufe of the
unfolding into light of divine natures, T i m e ; for, where there i3 generation, there alfo there is
time. Thus, the generation of fenfibles is according to mundane time, that of fouls according to
fuperceleftial time, and that of things eternal according to the one. Froclus beautifully adds : As
therefore we endure to hear the fleeplefs energy of divine natures feparate from the objects of their
providential care, denominated fleep, their union, a bond, and their progreflion, a folution from
bonds, fo alfo we muft endure thofe that introduce time and generation to things without time,
and which are unbegotten.
* Having proceeded as far as to a deified eflence, and which always energizes after the fame
manner, and having denied all the orders of the one, viz. the divine, the intellectual, and fuch as
are pfychical, we muft again recur through a nature common to all the aforefaid orders, or, in
other words, through being to the intelligible monad of all beings, and from this alfo we muft
-exempt the one. For, as we before obferved, Plato does not make the beginning of his negations
from the fummit of intelligibles, but from the fummit of the intellectual order: for there the
many are generated, as we fhall fhow in commenting on the fecond hypothefis. But eflence
which fubfifts according to the one being, is prior to thefe many, and to all the above-mentioned
orders. Hence, from all thefe, as participating of effence in common, we recur to effence itfelf,
THE PARMENIDES. 159
fore,
and make a negation even of this. For every thing which participates of eflence participates of
it according to fome one of thefe, not indeed of thofe that are proximately enumerated, but of all
together that the firft hypothefis contains, fuch as wiu/c, or having parts, or having beginning,
middle,.and end, or being in itfelf, or in another, and every thing elfe which is there denied of the
one; fo that it follows, as was before obferved, that fuch things only are aflumed as are confer
o.uent to beings fo far as they are beings, and not fo far as they are certain vital or intellectual
natures. For every thing, fays he, which in any refpect participates of eflence, participates of it
according to fome one of thefe negations. The one, therefore, does not participate of eflence.
Thus alfo Socrates, in the Republic, fays, that the good is beyond eflence, and is not eflence, but
is the caufe of it, and is beyond every thing intellectual and intelligible, in the fame manner as
the fun is the caufe of all vifible natures, by effence meaning the fame as being (TO ov). For Plato
here clearly fays, that it is not poflible for any thing to be, unlefs it participates of effence: and in
the Timxus he makes a fimilar aflertion. If, therefore, the firft caufe is fupereflential and above
all being, it is falfe to aflert that he is: for, fince he is beyond effence, he is alfo exempt from being.
And in this, as Proclus well obferves, Parmenides in Plato differs from Parmenides in his verfes,
becaufe the latter looks to the one being, and fays that this is the caufe of all things; but the
former afcending from the one being to that which is one alone and prior to being, he denies of the
one the participation of eflence.
And here obferve, that Plato does not adopt the conclufion that the crte is net through demon-
ftration, becaufe it was not poflible fo demonftrate this directly through the alliance of being with
the one. For, as we have before obferved, in negations, things more allied are more difficult to
be demonftrated. But if this be true, it is evident that the one is N O T . For every thing about
the one- which is added to it diminifhes its exempt tranfcendency.
Should it be aflced why Parmenides docs not begin his negations from the is, but from the
many, and neither feparates the order which immediately fubfifts after the one, and thus proceeds
as far as to the laft of things, nor, feparating the one from thefe, afcends as far as to the fummit
of beings, we reply, that the negation of eflence would be contrary to the hypothefis: for the
hypothefis fays that the one is, but the negation that it is NOT. It would, therefore, be of all
things the moft ridiculous to fay immedi.ittly from the beginning, if the one is, the one is not : for
the aflertion would appear to fubvert icfelf. Hence, employing the is, and faying, as if it
made no difference,- if the one is, Parmenides finds that the many appear to be efpecially oppofed
to the one.
That the one, indeed, according to Flato, is above all eflence, is evident from the teftimony of
Speufippus, according to Proclus, who alfo adds, that Speufippus confirms this from the opinion
of the antients, when he fays they thought that the one is better than being,^nd is the principle of
feing, free from all habitude to fubfequent natures-, jutt as the good itfelf"is feparated from the con^
dition of every other good. But Speufippus there calls the firft being the proper principle of
beings, and boundlefs divinity depending on the one.
Parmenides,
i«6o THE PARMENIDES.
fpoken of, nor conceived by opinion, nor be known, nor perceived by any
being. So it feems. Is it poflible, therefore, that thefe things can thus
take place about the one? It does not appear to me that they can.
Are you therefore willing that we fliould return again to the hypothefis
from the beginning, and fee whether or not by this means any thing fhall
appear to us different from what it did before ? I am entirely willing. Have
we not therefore declared if the one is, what circumflances ought to happen
to it? Is it not fo? Certainly. But confider from the beginning, if the
1
one is , can it be poffible that it mould be, and yet not participate of
ejfence ?
1
This is the beginning of the fecond hypothefis, which, as we have obferved in the Introduc
tion to this dialogue, unfolds the whole order of the Gods, and eftabliflies the fummit of intelli
gibles as the firft after the one, but ends in an eflence which participates of time, and in deified
fouls. In the firft place, therefore, let us endeavour to unfold what Plato here occultly delivers
concerning the firft proceflion or order of Gods, called the intelligible triad.
As the firft caufe then is the one, and this is the fame with the good, the univerfality of things
muft form a whole, the beft and the moft profoundly united in all its parts which can polfibly be
conceived: for the firjl good muft be the caufe of the greateft good, that is, the whole of things ;
and as goodnefs is union, the beft production muft be that which is moft united. But as there
is a difference in things, and fome are more excellent than others, and this in proportion to their
proximity to the firft caufe, a profound union can no otherwife take place than by the extremity
of a fuperior order coalefcing through intimate alliance with the fummit of one proximately in
ferior. Hence the firft of bodies, though they are eflentially corporeal, yet uara <rx,ectv, through
habitude or alliance, are moft vital, or lives. The higheft of fouls are after this manner intellects,
and the firft of beings are Gods. For, as being is the higheft of things after the firfil caufe, its firft
fubfiftence muft be according to a fupereflential characteriftic.
Now that which is fupereflential, confidered as participated by the higheft or true being, con-
ilitutes that which is called intelligible. So that every true being depending on the Gods is a
divine intelligible. It is divine, indeed, as that which is deified ; but it is intelligible, as the object
of defire to intellect, as perfective and connective of its nature, and as the plenitude of being
itfelf. But in the firft being life and intellect fubfift according to caufe: for every thing fubfifts
either according to caufe, or according to hyparxis, or according to participation. That is, every
thing may be confidered either as fubfifting occultly in its caufe, or openly in its own order (or
according to what it is), or as participated by fomething elfe. The firft of thefe is analogous to
light when viewed fubfifting in its fountain the fun ; the fecond to the light immediately pro
ceeding from the fun; and the third to the fplendour communicated to other natures by this
light.
The firft proceflion therefore from the firft caufe will be the intelligible triad, confiding of
being, life, and intellect, which are the three higheft things after the firft God, and of which being
vol.. ui. y is
162 THE PARMENIDES.
effence ? It cannot. Will not elTence therefore be the ejfence of the one,
but not the fame with the one? for, if it were the fame, it would not be the
efTence
is prior to life, and life to intelletl. For whatever partakes of life partakes alfo of being : but the
contrary is not true, and therefore being is above life; fince it is the character!(tic of higher
natures to extend their communications beyond fuch as are fubordinate. But life is prior to inteU
itel, becaufe all intellectual natures are vital, but all vital natures are not intellectual. But in
this intelligible triad, on account of its fupereffential characteriftic, all things may be confidered
as fubfifting according to caufe : and confequently number here has not a proper fubfiftence, but
is involved in unproceeding union, and abforbed in fuper-effential light. Hence, when it is
called a triad, we muft not fuppofe that any effential dijlinclion takes place, but muft confider this
appellation as expreffive of its ineffable perfection. For, as it is the neareft of all things to the
one, its union muft be tranfcendently profound and ineffably occult.
All the Gods indeed confidered according to their unities are all in all, and are at the fame
time united with the firft God like rays* to light, or lines to a centre. And hence they are all
eftablifhed in the firft caufe (as Proclus beautifully obferves) like the roots of trees in the earth j
fo that they are all as much as poflible fupereffential, juft as trees are eminently of an earthly
nature, without at the fame time being earth itfelf: for the nature of the earth as being a whole,
or fubfifting according to the eternal, is different from the partial natures which it produces. The
intelligible triad, therefore, from its being wholly of a fupereffential idiom, muft poffefs an incon
ceivable profundity of union, both with itfelf and its caufe, fo as to fubfift wholly according to the
united, to wufitvov; and hence it appears to the eye of pure intellect, as one fimple indivifible
fplendour beaming from an unknown and inacceflible fire.
He then who is able, by opening the greateft eye of the foul, to fee that perfectly which fub
fifts without feparation, will behold the Gmplicity of the intelligible triad fubfifting in a manner
fo tranfcendent as to be apprehended only by a fuperintellectual energy, and a deific union of
the perceiver with this moft arcane object of perception. But fince in our prefent ftate it is
impoffible to behold an object fo aftonifhingly lucid with a perfect and fteady vifion, we muft be
#
content, as Damafcius well obferves , with a far diftant, fcarcely attainable, and moft obfcure
glimpfe; or with difficulty apprehending a trace of this light like a fudden corrufcation burfting
on our fight. Such then is the preeminence of the intelligible order, to which, on account of
the infirmity of our mental eye, we affign a triple divifion, beholding as in a mirror a luminous
triad, beaming from a uniform light; juft, fays Damafcius, as the uniform colour of the fun
appears in a cloud which poffeffes three catoptric intervals, through the various-coloured nature
of the rainbow.
But when we view this order in a diftributed way, or as poffeffing feparation in order to accom
modate its all-perfect mode of fubfiftence to our imperfect conceptions, it is neceffary to give the
triad itfelf a triple divifion. For we have faid that it confifts of being, life, and intell'tl. But in
being we may view life and intellect, according to caufe; in life being according to participation,
eflence of the one, nor would the one participate of eflence ; but it would be
all one to fay the one is, and one one. But now our hypothefis is not if one,
what
and intellect according to caufe ; and in intellect both being and life according to participation;
while at the fame time in reality the whole is profoundly one, and contains all things occultly, or
according to caufe. But when viewed in this divided manner, each triad is faid in the Chaldaic
theology to confift of father, power, and intellect; father being the fame with hyparms, unity,
fummit, or that which isfuper-effential; power being a certain pouring forth, or infinity of the one *
(or the fummit); and on this account, fays Damafcius, it is prefent with father, as a diffufed
with an abiding one, and as pouring itfelf forth into a true chaos: but intellect, that is paternal
intellect, fubfifting according to a converfion to the paternal one; a converfion tranfeending all
other converfions, as being neither gnoftic, nor vital, nor eflential, but an unfeparated furpafling
energy, which is union rather than converfion.
Let not the reader, however, imagine that thefe names are the inventions of the latter Pla-
tonifts ; for they were well known to Plato himfelf, as is evident from his Timaeus. For in that
dialogue he calls the artificer of the univerfe intellect, and father; and reprefents him command
ing the junior Gods to imitate the power which he employed in their generation.
This intelligible triad is occultly fignified by Plato, in the Philebus, under the dialectic epithets
of bound, infinite, and that which is mixed. For all beings (fays he) confift or are mingled from
bound and infinity; and confequently being itfelf, which we have already fhown has the higheft
fubfiftence after the firft caufe, muft be before all things mixed from thefe two ; the former of
thefe, viz. bound, being evidently analogous to the one, or father, and infinity to power. We may
likewife confider him as unfolding the intelligible order in the fame dialogue, by the epithets of
fymmetry, truth, and beauty ; which, fays he, are requifite to every thing that is mixed. And he adds
that this triad fubfifts in the veftibule of the good; evidently alluding by this expreflion to the
profound union of this triad with the incomprehenfible caufe of all things.
Put, in the prefent dialogue, the intelligible order is delivered by Plato according to an all-
perfect diilribution into three triads; for the fake of affording us fome demonftration, though
very obfeure and imperfect, of truth fo tranfeeudent and immenfe. In this fecond hypothefis,
therefore, which, as we have already obferved, unfolds the various orders of the Gods, each con
clufion fignifying fome particular order, he calls the firft of thefe triads h ov, one being power,;
or the middle habitude of both, being here concealed through excefs of union ; fo that here the
one partakes of being, and being of the one which, as Proclus well obferves, is indeed a circum-
s
ftance of a moft wonderful nature. Parmenides therefore calls this triad one being, without men
tioning power, becaufe the whole triad abides in unproceeding union, fubfifting uniformly and
without feparation. But after this the fecond triad is allotted a progreflion, which Parmenides
characterifes by intelligible wholenefs, but its parts are being and the one, and power, which is
fituated in the middle, is here diftributive and not unific, as in the formeT triad. But h i 3 dif
courfe concerning this triad commences from hence—" Again, therefore, let us confider if the
* Let the reader be careful to remember that the one of the Gods is their fupereflential charactcriftic.
Y 2 one
164 THE PARMENIDES.
what ought to happen, but if the one is—Is it not fo ? Entirely fo. Does
it not fignify that the term is is fomething different from the one f Necef-
farily.
one is, what will happen. Confider then whether it is not necefTary that this hypothefis fhould
fignify fuch a one as poffefles parts." But he concludes his fpeculation thus—" That which is
•one therefore is a whole, and poffefles a part."
But after thefe the third triad fubfifts, in which all intelligible multitude appears -, and which
Parmenides indeed (fays Proclus) calls a wholenefs, but fuch a one as is compofed from a mul
titude of parts. For after that occult union (fays he) of the firft triad, and the dyadic distinc
tion of the fecond, the progreflion of the third triad is produced, pofleffing its hypoftafis indeed
from parts, but then thefe parts compofe a multitude which the triad prior to this generates.
For unity, power and being are contained in this third triad ; but then each of thefe is multiplied,
and fo the whole triad is a wholenefs. But fince each of its extremities, viz. the one, and being,
is a multitude which is conjoined through a collective power, each of thefe is again divided and
multiplied. For this power conjoining united multitude with the multitude of beings, fome of
thefe one being perfects through progreflion ; but others, being which is one, through communion.
Here therefore there are two parts of the wholenefs, one and being. But the one participates of
being: for the one of being is conjoined with being-. The one of being therefore is again divided, fo
that both the one and being generate a fecond unity, connected with a part of being. But being
which participates of the one, ov ev, is again divided into being and the one: for it generates a more
particular being, depending on a more particular unity. And being here belongs to more particu
lar deified beings, and is a more fpecial monad. But power is the caufe of this progreflion : for
power poffefles dual effection, and is fabricative of multitude.
Parmenides begins his difcourfe concerning this triad as follows:—" What then ? Can each
of thefe parts of one being, that is to fay the one and being, defert each other, fo that the one (hall
not be a part of being, or being fhall not be a part of the one? By no means." But he finifhes
< l
thus : Will not, therefore, one being thus become an infinite multitude ? So it appears." Pro
clus adds : " Hence this triad proceeds according to each of the preexiftent triads, flowing (ac
cording to the Oracle) and proceeding into all intelligible, multitude* For infinite multitude demon
ftrates this flux, and evinces the incomprehenfible nature of power."
But he likewife evinces that this triad is firfl begotten.* for this firft imparts the power of
generating. And hence he calls the multitude which it contains generating (ynofitvov). Proclus,
therefore, very properly afks, whether the frequent ufe of the term generation in this part, does
not plainly imply that the natures prior to this triad are more united with each other ? But the
infinity of multitude in this triad muft not be confidered as reflecting the infinite of quantity;
but nothing more is implied than that a multitude of this kind is the progeny of the firft infinity,
which it alfo unfolds: and this infinite is the fame with that which is altperfecl. For that (fays
Proclus) which has proceeded according to the all, and as far as it is requifite an intelligible
nature (hould proceed, on account of a power generative of all things, is infinite ; for it can be
comprehended by no other. And thus much concerning the third intelligible triad, according
to Parmenides.
Let
THE PARMENIDES. 165
farily. If, therefore, any one mould fnmmarily affert that the one is, this
would be no other one than that which participates of effence. Certainly.
Again,
Let us now difcourfe in general (fays Proclus*) concerning all the intelligible triads, and the
three conclufions in the Parmenides, by which thefe three orders are characterifed. T h e firft
triad, therefore, which is allotted an occult and intelligible fummit among intelligibles, Plato, at
one time proceeding from that union which it contains, and from its feparate fupremacy with
refpect to others, denominates one; as in the Timaeus—For eternity (fays he) a«ides in one. But
reafon demonftrates that the firft triad of intelligibles is contained in this one. But at another
time proceeding from the extremities which it contains, that is from that which is participated,
and from that which participates, he calls it one being; not mentioning power here, becaufe it is
uniformly and occultly comprehended in this triad. And again, fometimes he calls the whole
triad bound, infinite, and mixed, according to the monads which it contains. And here bound
demonftrates divine byparxis ; but infinite, generative power ; and mixed, r.n effence proceeding from
this power. And thus (as I have faid) by thefe appellations 1 lato inftructs us concerning the
firft triad; evincing its nature, fometimes by one name, fometimes by two, and fometimes by
three appellations. For a triad is contained in this, according to which the whole is characterifed-;
lilcewife a duad, through which its extremities communicate with each other; and laftly a
monad, which evinces through its monads the ineffable, occult, and unical nature of the firft God^
But he calls the fecond triad pofterior to this; in the Timseus, indeed, eternity; but in the
Parmenides the firfil wholenefs. And if we attentively confider that every eternal is a whole, we
ftall perceive that thefe two are allotted the fame peculiarity of narure. For* whatever is
entirely eternal poflefles both its whole eflence and energy at once prefent with itfelf.' For fuch
is every intellect: which perfectly eftabliihes in itfelf both being and intellection, as a whole at
once prefent, and a comprehenfive all. Hence it does not poflefs one part of being while it is
deftitute of another; nor does it participate partially of energy, but it whol'y comprehends total
being and total intelligence. But if intellect proceeded in its energies according to time, but
poflefled an eternal effence, it would poflefsthe one as a whole ever abiding the fame, but the
other fubfifting in generation, differently at different periods of time Eternity, therefore,
wherever it is prefent, is the caufe of wholenejs. To which we may add, that the whole every
where contains eternity: for no whole ever deferts either its own eflence or perfection ; but that
which is firft corrupted and vitiated is partial. Hence this vifible univerfe is eternal, becaufe
it is a whole; and this is likewife true of every thing contained in the heavens, and of each of
the elements : for wholenefs is every where comprehenfive of its fubject natures. Hence whole*
nefs and eternity fubfift together, are the fame with each other, and are each of them a meafure;
the one indeed of all eternal and perpetual natures, but the other of parts and every multitude.
But fince there are three wholeneffes, one prior to parts, another compofedfircm parts, and a third
contained in a part—hence, through that wholenefs which is prior to parts, eternity meafures
the divine unities exempt from beings ; but through that which is compofed from parts, the
unities diftributed together with beings; and through that which fubfifts in a part, all beings
Again, therefore, let us fay, if the one is, what will happen. Confider
then whether it is not neceifary that this hypothefis mould fignify fuch a
one
and total eflences. For thefe partially contain the parts of the divine unities, which preexifl
unically in the unities themfelves. Befides, eternity is nothing elfe than an illumination proceeding
from the unity conuecled with being. But whole itfelf confilts of two parts, viz. from one and being,
power being the conciliator of thefe parts. Hence the duad, according with the middle intelligi
ble triad, unfolds the uniform and occult hypoftafis of the firft triad. Befides, Plato in the
Timreus calls the third intelligible triad animal~iifelf, perfect, and only-begotten. But in the Par
menides he denominates it infinite multitude, and a whohnefs comprehending many parts. And in
the Sophifta he calls it that which is always intelligible, and diflributed into many beings. All thefe,
therefore, are the progeny of one fcience, and tend to one intelligible truth. For when Timaeus
calls this triad intelligible animal, he likewife afferts that it is perfect and that it comprehends
t
intelligible animals as its parts, both according to the one and according to parti. And Parme
nides himfelf, declaring that one being is perfect multitude, demonftrates that it fubfifts in this
order. For the infinite is omnipotent and perfect, as we have prcvioufly obferved, containing
in itfelf an intelligible multitude of parts, which it likewife produces. And of thefe parts, fome
are more univerfal, but others more partial; and (as Timxus obferves) arc parts both according
to the one and according to genera. Befides, a3 Timaeus calls that which is animal-itfelf eternal,
and only-begotten, fo Parmenides firft attributes to infinite multitude the ever, and to be generated,
in the following words : " And on the fame account, whatever part is generated will always poflefs
thefe two parts : for the one will always contain being, and being the one; fo that two things will
always be generated, and no part will ever be one."
Who then fo perfpicuoufly admonifhes us of eternal animal and of the firfl-begotten triad as
Parmenides, who firft affumes in this order generation and the ever, and fo frequently employs each
of thefe appellations ? Perfecl animal, therefore, is the fame with omnipotent intelligible multitude.
For fince the firft infinity is power, and the whole of that which is intelligible fubfifts according
to this, receiving from hence its divifion into parts, I rather choofe to call this triad omnipotent;
deviating in this refpect from that appellation of the infinite, by which vulgar minds are generally
difturbed.
Such then is the intelligible triad, confidered according to an all-perfect diftribution, in
accommodation to the imbecility of our mental eye. But if we are defirous, after having bid
adieu to corporeal vifion, and the fafcinating but delufive forms of the phantafy, which, Calypfo-
like, detain us in exile from our fathers' land; after having through a long and laborious
dialectic wandering gained our paternal port, and purified ourfelves from the baneful rout of
the paffions, thofe domeftic foes of the foul; if afrer all this we are defirous of gaining a glimpfe
of the furpafling fimplicity and ineffable union of this occult and aftonifhing light, we muft crowd
all our conceptions together into the moft profound indivifibility, and, opening the greateft eye
of the foul, entreat this all-comprehending deity to approach: for then, preceded by unadorned
Beauty, filently walking on the extremities of her mining feet, he will fuddenly from his awful
fanctuary rife to our view.
THE PARMENIDES. 107
But after fuch a vifion, what can language announce concerning this tranfcendent object ?
That it is perfectly indiftinct and void of number. " And," as Damafcius* beautifully obferves,
" fince this is the cafe, we fhould confider whether it is proper to call this which belongs to it
/implicit)', an-XOTUffomething elfe, multiplicity TTCXXOTU; ; and fomething he/ules this, univerfality irarroTru;.
For that which is intelligible is one, many, all, that \vc may triply explain a nature which is one.
But how can one nature be one and many ? Becaufe many is the infinite power of the one. But
how can it be one and all? Becaufe all is the every-way extended energy of the one. Nor yet is
it to be called an energy, as if it was an extenfion of power to that which is external; nor power,
as an extenfion of hyparxis abiding within •, but again, it is neceffary to call them three inftead of
one: for one appellation, as we have often teftified, is by no means fufficient for an explanation
of this order. And are all things then here indiftinct ? But how can this be eafy to under
ftand ? For we have faid that there are three principles confequent to each other; viz. father,
power, and paternal intellect. But thefe in reality are neither one, nor three, nor one and at the fame
time three \. But it is necefTary that we fhould explain thefe by names and conceptions of this
kind, through our penury in what is adapted to their nature, or rather through our defire of
expreffing fomething proper on the occafion. For as we denominate this triad one, and many,
and all, and father, poiver, and paternal intellctl, and again bound, infinite, and mixed—fo likewife
we call it a monad, and the indefinite duad, and a triad, and a paternal nature compofed from both
thefe. And as in confequence of purifying our conceptions we reject the former appellations
as unable to harmonize with the things themfelves, we fhould likewife reject the latter on the
fame account."
Now from this remarkable pafTage in particular, and from all that has been faid refpedting the
intelligible triad, it follows that the Platonic is totally different from the Chriftian trinity, fince
the former is a triad pofterior to the firft caufe, who according to Plato is a principle tranfeen-
dently exempt from all multitude, and is not coordinated or confubfiftent with any being or
beings whatever.
A fuperficial reader indeed, who knows no more of Platonifm than what he has gleaned from
CudworthN Intellectual Syftem, will be induced to think that the genuine Platonic trinity confifts
of the firjl caufe, or the good, intellccl, and foul, and that thefe three were confidered by Plato as in
a certain refpect one. To fuch men as thefe it is necefTary to obferve, that a triad of principles
diftinct from each other, is a very different thing from a triad which may be confidered as a
whole, and of which each of the three is a part. But the goo4 or the one is according to Piato
fupereffential, as is evident from the firft hypothefis of this Dialogue, and from the fixth Book
of his Republic. It is impoffible, therefore, that the good can be confubfiftent with intellctl, which
is even pofterior to icing, and much lefs with foul, which is fubordinate to inteltecl. And hence
the good, intellccl, and foul, do not form a confubfiftent triad.
not neceflary that the whole of it fhould be one being, but that its parts
fhould be the one and to be ? It is neceflary. Whether, therefore, fhould
we call each of thefe parts a part alone, or a part of the whole ? Each
fhould be called a part of the whole. That which is one, therefore, is a
whole, and poflefles a part. Entirely fo. What then ? Can each of thefe
parts of one being, viz. the one and being, defert each other, fo that the one
fliall not be a part of being, or being fhall not be a part of the one ? It can
not be. Again, therefore, each of the parts will contain both o^and being,
and each part will at leaft be compofed from two parts ; and, on the fame
account, whatever part takes place will always poflefs thefe two parts: for
the one will always contain being, and being the one ; fo that two things will
always be produced, and no part will ever be one. Entirely fo. Will not,
therefore, one being thus become an infinite multitude ? So it feems. .
But proceed, and ftill further'confider this. What ? We have faid that
the one participates of eflence, fo far as it is being. We have faid fo. And
on this account one being appears to be many. It does fo. But what then ?
If we receive dianoetically that one which we faid participates of eflence,
and apprehend it alone by itfelf without that which we have faid it partici
pates, will it appear to be one alone ? Or will this alfo be many ? I think
it will be one. But let us confider another certain circumftance. It is ne
ceflary that its eflence fhould be one thing, and itfelf another thing, if the
me does not participate of eflence ; but as eflence it participates of the one.
It is neceflary. If, therefore, eflence is one thing, and the one another thing,
neither is the one, fo far as tlie one, different from eflence, nor eflence, fo far
as effence, different from the one; but they are different from each other
through that which is different and another. Entirely fo. So that different
is neither the fame with the one nor with eflence. How can it ? What,
then, if we fhould feled from them, whether if you will eflence and different,
or eflence and the one, or the one and different, fhould we not, in each
aflumption, feled certain things which might very properly be denominated
both thefe? How do you mean? After this manner: Is there not that
which we call eflence f There is. And again, that which we denominate
the one ? And this alfo. Is not, therefore, each of them denominated ?
Each. But what, when I fay eflence and the one, do I not pronounce both
thefe? Entirely fo. And if I fhould fay eflence and different, ox different
and
THE PARMENIDES.
and the one, mould I not perfectly, in each of thefe, pronounce both ?
Certainly. But can thofe things which are properly denominated both, be
both, and yet not two ? They cannot. And can any reafon be afligned,
why of two things each of them mould not be one ? There cannot. As,
therefore, thefe two fubfift together, each of them will be one. It appears
fo. But if each of them is one, and the one is placed together with them,
by any kind of conjunction, will not all of them become three ? Certainly.
But are not three odd, and two even ? How mould they not ? But what
then ? Being two, is it not neceflary that twice fhould be prefent ?
And being three, thrice ; fince twice one fubfifts in two, and thrice one in
three ? It is neceflary. But if there are two and twice, is it not neceflary
that there fhould be twice two? And if there are three and thrice, that
there fhould be thrice three ? How fhould it not ? But what, if there are
three and twice, and two and thrice, is it not neceflary that there fhould
be thrice two and twice three ? Entirely fo. Hence, there will be the
evenly even, and the oddly odd ; and the oddly even, and the evenly odd.
It will be fo. If, therefore, this be the cafe, do you think that any number
will be left which is not neceffarily there ? By no means. If, therefore,
the one is, it is alfo neceflary that there fhould be number *• It is neceffary.
But
* Parmenides after the intelligible triads generates the intelligible and at the fame time in
tellectual orders, and demonftratcs, by fubfequent conclufions, a continuous progreflion of the
Gods. For the feries and connection of the words with each other imitate the indiflbluble order
of things, which always conjoins the media with the extremes, and through middle genera ad
vances to the ultimate progreflions of beings. As there are then three intelligible triads, confiding
of one being, whole itfelf, and infinite multitude, fo three intelligible and at the fame time intellec
tual triads prefent themfelves to our view, viz. number itfelf, whole itfelf, and the perfect itfelf.
Hence, number here proceeds from one being; but that which is a whole from who'e itfelf in intel
ligibles ; and the perfect itfelf from infinite multitude. For in the intelligible triad the infinite was
omnipotent and perfect, comprehending all things, and fubfifting as incomprehenfible in itfelf.
The perfect, therefore, is analogous to that which is omnipotent and all-perfect, poffeffing an in
tellectual perfection, and fuch as is pofterior to primary and intelligible perfection. But the
whole, which is both intelligible and intellectual, is allied to that which is intelligible, yet it differs
from it fo far as the latter poflefles wholenefs according to the one union of the one being j hut the
one of the former appears to be cflentially a whole of parts characterized by unity, and its being a
compofite of many beings.
But again, number muft be confidered as analogous to one being. For one being fubfifts among
intelligibles occultly, intelligibly, and paternally ; but here, in conjunction with difference, it ge-
VOL. m . z ' ncratet
170 THE PARMENIDES,
But if number is, it is necefTary that the many fhould fubfift, and an infinite
multitude of beings: or do you think that number, infinite in multitude,
will alfo participate of effence ? By all means I think fo. If, therefore,
every number participates of effence, will not each part alfo of number par^
ticipate of eflence? Certainly. Effence, therefore, will be diftributed
through all things which are many, and will not defert any being, whether
the leaft or the greateft : for how can effence be abfent from any being ? In
no refpecX Effence, therefore, is diftributed as much as poffible into the
leaftand the greateft, and into all things every way, and is divided the moft
of all things, and poffefles infinite parts. It is fo. Very many, therefore,
are its parts. Very many, indeed. But what, is there any one of thefe
which is a part of effence, and yet is not one part ? But how can this be?
But if it is, I think it muft always be neceffary, as long as it is, that it
fhould be a certain one; but that it cannot poffibly be nothing. It is ne
ceffary. The one, therefore, is prefent with every part of effence, deferting
no part, whether fmall or great, or in whatever manner it may be affecled.
It is fo. Can one being, therefore, be a whole, fubfifting in many places at
once ? Confider this diligently. I do confider it, and I fee that it is im
poffible. It is divided, therefore, fince it is not a whole ; for it can no other-
wife be prefent with all the parts of effence, than in a divided ftate. Cer
tainly. But that which is divifible ought neceffarily to be fo many as its
nerates number, which eftabliihes the feparation of forms and reafons. For difference firft exhibits
itfelf in this order; but fubfifts among intelligibles as power and the duad. And in this order it
is a maternal and prolific fountain. With great propriety, therefore, does Plato from the fum
mit of this order begin his negations of the one: for the many fubfift here, through that difference
which divides being and the cne; becaufe the whole, which is denied of the one, is intellectual and
not intelligible. The negation, therefore, afierts that the one is not a whole, on which account
the affirmation muft be, the out is a whole. For intelligible whole is one being, but not the one.
And he thus denies the many, " The one is not many," the oppofite to which is, the one is many.
But the multitude of intelligibles, and not the om, is the proximate caufe of the many. And, in
fhort, the whole of that which is intelligible is characterized by one being. For both being and the
one are contained in this, and are naturally conjoined with each other \ and being is here the moft
©f all things characterized by the one. But when each of thefe, via, being, and the one, proceeds
into multitude, the one becomes diftant from the other, and evinces a greater diverfity of nature j.
but each is diftributed into multitude through the prolific nature of difference itfelf. And thus
it is from hence evident, that the intelligible and at the fame time intellectual orders proceed
with fubjettion analogous to the intelligible triads. In the notes to the Phsedrus k will be d o w n
how Socrates leads us to this order of Gods.
parts.
THE PARMENIDES. 371
parts. It ought. We did not, therefore, juft now fpeak truly, when we
faid that effence was diflributed into very many parts ; fince it is not divided
into more parts than the one, but into parts equal to thofe of the one: for
neither does being defert the one, nor the one, being: but thefe two always
fubfift, equalized through all things. It appears to be entirely fo. The
one, therefore, which is diflributed by effence, is many and an infinite mul
titude. So it appears. One being, therefore, is not only many, but it is
like wife neceffary that the one which is diflributed by effence fhould be many.
Entirely fo.
And, indeed, in confequence of the parts being parts of a whole, the one
will be defined according to a whole: or are not the parts comprehended by
the whole ? Neceffarily fo. But that which contains will be a bound. How
fhould it not ? One being, therefore, is in a certain refpect both one and
many, whole and parts, finite and infinite in multitude. It appears fo. As
it is bounded, therefore, muft it not alfo have extremes ? It is neceffary.
But what, if it be a whole, muft it not alfo have a beginning, middle, and
end ? Or can there be any whole Without thefe three ? And if any one of
thefe be wanting, can it be willing to be any longer a whole ? It cannot.
The one, therefore, as it appears, will poffefs a beginning, end, and middle.
It will. But the middle is equally diftant from the extremes ; for it could
not otherwife be the middle. It could not. And, as it appears, the one being
fuch, will participate of a certain figure, whetherftraightor round, or a
certain mixture from both. It will fo.
1
Will it, therefore, being fuch, fubfift in itfelf and in another? How ?
For each of the parts is in the whole, nor is any one external to the whole.
It
1
By thefe words Plato indicates the fummit of the intellectual order, or in other words, accord
ing to the Grecian theology, Saturn. For, fo far as he is a total intellect, his energy is directed
to himfelf but fo far as he is in the intelligibles prior to himfelf, he eftablifhes the all-perfect
y
intelligence of himfelf in another. For fubfiftence in another here fignifies that which is better than
the fubfiftence of a thing in itfelf. Saturn, therefore, being intelligible as among intellectuals,
eftablifhes himfelf in the intelligible triads of the orders prior to him, from which he is alfo filled
with united and occult good ; and on this account he is faid to be in another. But becaufe he is
a pure and immaterial deity, he is converted to himfelf, and fhuts up all his powers in himfelf.
For the parts of this deity, when he is confidered as an intellectual wholenefs, are more partial
z 2 powers,
172 THE PARMENIDES.
It is fo. But all the parts are comprehended by the whole. Certainly. But
the one is all the parts of itfelf; and is neither more nor lefs than all. Cer
tainly, Is not the one, therefore, a whole ? How mould it not ? If, there
fore, all the parts are in the whole, and all the parts are one, and the one is
a whole, but all the parts are comprehended by the whole; hence, the one
will be comprehended by the one, and fo the one will be in itfelf. It appears
fb. But again, the whole is not in the parts, neither in all, nor in a certain
one. For, if it were in all, it would neceffarily be in one: for, if it were
not in fome one, it would not be able to be in all. But if this one is a one
belonging to all the parts, and the whole is not in this one, how can it any
longer be a whole in all the parts ? In no refpecl:. Nor yet in any of the
parts. For if the whole mould be in fome of the parts, the greater would
be in the leffer; which is impoffible. ImpofTible. But fince the whole is
neither in many, nor -in one, nor in all the parts, is it not neceflary that it
fhould either be in fome other, or that it fhould be nowhere \ It is ne
ceflary. But if it is nowhere, will it not be nothing ? And if it is a whole,
fince it is not in itfelf, is it not necefTary that it fhould be in another ?
Entirely fo. So far, therefore, as the one is a whole, it is in another : but
fo far as all things are its parts, and itfelf all the parts, it is in itfelf: and
fo the one will neceffarily be in itfelf and in another. Neceffarily.
But as the one is naturally fuch, is it not neceffary that it fhould both be
1
moved and ftand ftill ? How ? It muftftandftill,indeed, if it be in itfelf.
For,
powers, which haften Indeed to a progreflion from him as their father, but are eftabliftied in, and
on all fides comprehended by, him. And this wholenefs is a deity which connectedly contains
the intelligible parts in itfelf, being parturient indeed with intellectual multitude, and ilably gene
rating all things. It alfo receives into its bofom, and again gathers into itfelf its progeny, and,
as the more tragical of fables fay, devours and deporlts its offspring in itfelf. For its progeny are
twofold; fome being, as it were, refolved into itfelf, and others feparated from it.
1
The middle of the intellectual order, viz. Rhea, is here indicated by Plato: for all life,
according to Plato, is motion; fince foul is felf-motive becaufe it is felf-vital; and intellect is
through this moved, becaufe it poflefles the moft excellent life. The firft vivific caufe, therefore,
of the intellectual Gods is primarily allotted motion. If this caufe, however, was the firft and
higheft life, it would be requifite to call it motion, and not that which is moved; but fince it is life
as in intellectuals, and is filled from exempt life, it is at the fame time motion and that which is
moved. Very properly, therefore, does Parmenides evince that the one in this order is moved, be
caufe
THE PARMENIDES. 173
For, being in one, and not departing from this, it will be in fame, through
being in itfelf- It will. But that which is always in the fame muft neceffarily
without doubt always ftand ftill. Entirely fo. But what, muft not that,
on the contrary, which is always in another, neceffarily never be in fame?
But if it be never in fame, can itftandftill? And if it does notftandftill,
muft it not be moved ? Certainly. It is neceffary, therefore, that the one,
fince it is always in itfelf and in another, muft always be moved and ftanoy
ftill. It appears fo.
1
But, likewife, it ought to be the fame with itfelf, and different from
itfelf; and, in like manner, the fame with, and different from, others, if it
fuffers
caufe It proceeds from the caufes of all life which rank above it, and is analogous to the middle
centre of intelligibles, and to the middle triad of the intelligible and at the fame time intellectual
order j which triad Socrates in the Phasdrus calls heaven, becaufe the whole of it is life and
motion.
When Parmenides, therefore, fays that the one is both moved andJlands fill, by motion he indi
cates the vivific hyparxis of the Gods, and the generative fountain of wholes ; but by permanency
coordinated with motion, that pure monad which contains the middle centres of the triad of guar
dian deities, or, in other words, one of the Curetes confubfiftent with Rhea. So that the motion
in this order is the fountain of the life which proceeds to all things ; and the permanency eftablifties
the whole vivific fountain in itfelf, but is thence filled with the prolific rivers of life. Hence
Parmenides, delivering to us the progreflion of thefe two, fhows that that which is moved is gene-^
rated from that which is in another, but that which is permanent from that which is in itfelf. For
motion in this order is better than permanency. For as that which is in another is caufally more an-
tient than that which is in itfelf fo here that which is moved than that which is permanent. Hehce,
according to the Grecian theology, the Curetes are powers fubordinate to Saturn, Rhea, and
Jupiter, the parents of the intellectual order, and are contained in them.
1
Parmenides here delivers the fymbols of that deity who fubfifts at the extremity of the intel
lectual order, viz. Jupiter, the artificer of the univerfe. W e fhall find, therefore, that the num
ber of the conclufions is here doubled. For the one is no longer fhown to be alone fame or different,
as it was fhown to be in itfelf and in another, and to be moved and be permanent; but it is now de-
monftrated to be the fame with itfelf, and different from itfelf and different from others, and the fame
with ethers. But this twice perfectly accords with the demiurgic monad, both according to other
theologifts, and to Socrates in the Cratylus, who fays that the demiurgic name is compofed from
two words.
In the next place the multitude of caufes is here feparated, and all the monads of the Gods
appear according to the demiurgic progreflion. For the paternal order of the demiurgus, the
prolific power which is coordinate with him, the undefiled monad which is the caufe of exempt
providence, the fountain diftributive of wholes, and all the orders in conjunction with thefe
which
174 THE PARMENIDES.
in itfelf, muft it not neceffarily be different from itfelf, fince it has a fub
fiftence elfewhere? It appears fo to me. And in this manner the one appears
to fubfift^ being at the fime time both in itfelf and in another. So it feems.
Through this, therefore, it appears that the one is different from itfelf. It
does fo.
But what if any thing is different from any thing, is it not different
from that which is different? Neceffarily fo. But are not all fuch things
as are not one different from the one? And is not the one different from
fuch things as are not one ? Plow fhould it not ? The one therefore will be
different from other things. Different. But fee whether different and fame
are not contrary to each other. How fhould they not ? Do you think,
therefore, that fame can ever be in different, or different in fame?- I do not.
menides indicates when he alTerts that the one is different from itfelf As, therefore, the demiurgus
is the fame with himfelf through paternal union, fo he is feparated from himfelf and his father,
according to this difference. Whence, therefore, does Parmenides fay that the demiurgus
derives this power ? We reply, From being in himfelf, and in another. For thefe things were
unitedly in the firfl father, but feparately in the third. Hence feparation there fubfifts according
to caufe, but in the demiurgus it fhines forth, and unfolds his power into light. For that the
caufe of divifion fubfifts in a certain refpecl in the firft father, Parmenides himfelf evinces in the
firft hypothefis, when he fays, that every thing which is in itfelf is in a certain refpecl two, and
is feparated from itfelf. But the duad is there indeed occultly, but here it fubfifts more clearly,
where all intellectual multitude is apparent. For difference is the progeny of the duad, which is
there firmly eftablifhed. This difference, therefore, fcparates the demiurgic intellect from the
Gods prior to it, and alfo feparates from each other the monads which it contains. Hence
Parmenides, when he divides the figns of fabrication, fhows that the idioms of the undefiled and
divifive monads are in the middle of them, fo far as they alfo in a certain refpecl are compre*
hended in the one fabrication of things. For the firft of the conclufions demonftrates that the one
is the fame with itfelf j the fecond, that it is different from itfelf; the third, that it is different from
others i and the fourth, that it is the fame with others ; conjoining the divifive power with the
paternal union, and connecting the providential c ufe of fecondary natures—with a tranfcendency
feparate from them. For in the Gods it is neceffary that union fhould fubfift prior to feparation,
and a purity unmingled with things fecondary prior to a providential care of them, through which
the divinities being every where are alfo no where, being prefent to all things are exempt from
all things, and being all things are no one of their progeny.
I only add, that the reader will find the theology concerning Saturn, delivered by Plato in
perfect conformity to what has been above afferted of this deity, in the Cratylus, Politicus, and
Gorgias; that concerning Rhea, in the Cratylus ; concerning Jupiter in the Timteus Critias > t
Philcbus, Protagoras, and Politicus; and concerning the Curetes in the Laws.
If
176 THE PARMENIDES.
do you denominate that thing to which the name belongs: but if often, not the
fame ? Or, whether you pronounce the fame name once or often, do you
not neceffarily always fignify the fame thing ? But what then ? Does not
a different name belong to fome certain thing ? Entirely fo. When, there-,
fore, you pronounce this, whether once or often, you do not aflign this
name to any other, nor do you denominate any other thing than that to
which this name belongs. It is neceffary it fhould be fo. But when we
fay that other things are different from the one, and that the one is different
from others, twice pronouncing the name different, we yet fignify nothing
more than the nature of that thing of which this is the name* Entirely fo,
this order to the demiurgic feries, and thence to impart to them a generation proceeding accord
ing to order and meafure.
As this order of Gods, therefore, according to the Grecian theologifts, aflimilates fenfibles to
intellectuals, and produces all things pofterior to itfelf according to an imitation of caufes, it is
the primary caufe of fimilitude to things fubordinate to itfelf. Hence it is alfo the caufe of
diffimilitude coordinate with fimilitude: for all things which participate of the fimilar neceffarily
alfo participate of the diflimilar.
Similitude alfo in this order has a fubfiftence analogous to paternal caufes, and to thofe which
convert things to their principles ; but diffimilitude is analogous to prolific caufes, and which
prefide over multitude and divifion. Hence fimilitude is colktlive, but diffimilitude feparotive of
things which proceed.
But that the idioms of thefe Gods proceed from the demiurgic monad, and the figns which
there prefubfift, Parmenides fufficiently demonftrates e for demiurgic famenefs aa4 difference
are the caufes, as he fays, of the fimilitude and diffimilitude of this order.
The reader will find the theology relative to this order delivered by Plato, conformably to what
is here faid, in the Politicus and the Laws, the Gorgias and the Cratyius.
VOL. I I I . 2 A If
178 THE PARMENIDES.
If therefore the one be different from others, and others from the one, in
confequence of fuffering the fame different, the one will not fuffer that which
is different from others, but the fame with others : but is not that which
in a certain refpecl fuffers the fame fimilar ? Certainly. But, in the fame
manner, as the one becomes different from others, every thing becomes
fimilar to every thing: for every thing is different from all things. It
appears fo. But is the fimilar contrary to the diflimilar ? It is. And is not
different contrary to fame f And this alfo. But this likewife is apparent,
that the one is both the fame with and different from others. It is apparent.
But to be the fame with others i$ a contrary paflion to the being different
from others. Entirely fo. But the one appears to be fimilar, fo far as dif
ferent. Certainly. So far therefore as it is fame, it will be diflimilar on
account of its fuffering a paflion contrary to that which produces the fimilar:
or was it not the fimilar which produced the different ? Certainly. It will
therefore render that which is diflimilar the fame; or it would not be con
trary to different. So it appears. The one therefore will be both fimilar
and diflimilar to others : and fo far as different it will be fimilar; but fo far
as the fame diflimilar. The cafe appears to be fo. And it is likewife thus
affecled. How? So far as it fuffers fame it does not fuffer that which is
various; but not fuffering that which is various, it cannot be diflimilar;
and not being diflimilar, it will be fimilar : but fo far as it fuffers different
it will be various; and being various it will be diflimilar. You fpeak the
truth. Since, therefore, the one is both the fame with and.different from
others, according to both and according to each of thefe, it will be fimilar
and diflimilar to others. Entirely fo. And will not this in a fimilar manner
be the cafe with relation to itfelf, fince it has appeared to be both different
from and the fame with itfelf; fo that, according to both thefe, and accord
ing to each, it will appear to be fimilar and diflimilar ? Neceflarily fo.
1
But confider now how the one fubfifts with refpecl to touching itfelf and
others,
* That order of Gods called by the Greek theologifts avoKuro* or liberated, fucceeds the fuper
mundane order, and is here indicated by Plato by the one touching itfelf and others. For all the
divine genera after the demiurgic monad double their energies, fince their energy is naturally
directed both to themfelves and to other things pofterior to themfelves, rejoicing in progreffions,
being fubfervient to the providence of fecondary natures, and calling forth the fupernatural, im
partible,
THE PARMENIDES. 179
others, and not touching. I coniider. For the one appears in a certain
refpecl to be in the whole of itfelf. Right. But is the one alfo in others?
Certainly. So far therefore as the one is in others it will touch others; but
fo far as it is in itfelf it will be hindered from touching others, but it will
touch itfelf becaufe it fubfifts in itfelf. So it appears. And thus, indeed,
the one will both touch itfelf and others. It will fo. But what will you
fay to this ? Muft not every thing which is about to touch any thing be
fituated in a place proximate to and after that which it is about to touch,
and in which when fituated it touches ? It is neceffary. The one, therefore,
if it is about to touch itfelf, ought to be fituated immediately after itfelf,
occupying the place proximate to that in which it is. It ought fo. Would
not this be the cafe with the one if it was two; and would it not be in two
places at once? But can this be the cafe while it is the one? It cannot.
The fame neceflity therefore belongs to the one, neither to be two nor to
touch itfelf. The fame. But neither will it touch others. Why ? Becaufe
we have faid, that when any thing is about to touch any thing which is
feparate from it, it ought to be placed proximate to that which it is about
to touch ; but that there muft be no third in the middle of them. True.
Two things, therefore, at the leaft are requifite, if contacl is abput to take
partible, and all-perfect producing power of their father, and deducing it to fubordinate beings.
This contacl, therefore, with and feparation from inferior natures clearly reprefents to us a
liberated idiom. For touching indicates a providence allied to and coordinate with u s ; and not
/• touch, a tranfcendency exempt and feparate from others. Hence thefe epithets admirably
accord with the liberated genus of Gods, who are faid to be at the fame time conjoined with the
celeftial divinities, and expanded above them, and to proceed to all things with unreftrained
energy. Hence the Fates, as we have fhown in a note on the icth book of the Republic, belong
to this order; for they are faid by Socrates to touch the celeftial circulations. In the Cratylus alfo,
the mundane Core or Proferpine, who governs the whole of generation, is faid to touch flowing
eflence, and through this contact to have been called Pherfephatta. To which we may add, that in
the Phsedo, where we are taught what the mode is of the cathartic life of fouls, Socrates fays,
that the foul, when it is not converfant with the body, pajps into contacl with being through all
;
which Plato indicates that contacl is the bufmefs of an infeparable providence, and coordinate in-
fpection ; and that the negation of this is the employment of a dominion feparate, unreftrained,
and exempt from the natures that arc governed.
Thefe liberated Gods are the fame with thofe which the Chaldxans call azonic, and which
according to them are Serapis, Bacchus, the feries of Ofiris, and of Apollo, as we are informed by
Pfellus in his expofition of Chaldaic dogmas. He adds, " they are called azonic, becaufe they
rule without reftraint over the zones, and are eftablifhed above the apparent Gods."
2A 2 place.
180 THE PARMENIDES.
be equal to itfelf. Entirely fo. The one therefore will be equal both to
itfelf and others. So it appears.
But if the one mould be in itfelf, it would alfo be externally about itfelf;
and fo, through comprehending itfelf, it would be greater than itfelf; but
from being comprehended lefs than itfelf: and thus the one would be both
greater and leffer than itfelf. It would fo. Is not this alfo neceffary, that
nothing has any fubfiftence befides the one and others ? How (hould it be
otherwife ? But ought not whatever has a being to be always fomewhere ?
Certainly. And does not that which fubfifts in another, fubfift as the leffer
in the greater ? For one thing cannot in any other way fubfift in another.
It cannot. But fince there is nothing elfe except the one and others, and it
is neceffary that thefe fhould be in fomething, is it not neceffary that they
fhould be in one another, viz. others in the one, and the one in others ; or
k
that they fhould be no where ? It appears fb. Becaufe, therefore, the one
is in others, others will be greater than the one, through comprehending it;
but the one will be lefs than others, becaufe comprehended : but if others are
inherent in the one, the one on the fame account will be greater than others ;
but others will be lefs than the one. It appears fo. The one, therefore, is
equal to, greater and leffer, both than itfelf and others. It feems fo. But
if it is greater, equal, and leffer, it will be of equal, more, and fewer mea
fures, both than itfelf and others; and if of meafures, alfo of parts. How
fhould it not? Being, therefore, of equal, more, and fewer meafures, it
will alfo be more and lefs in number, both with refpecl: to itfelf and others ;
and alfo, for the fame reafon, equal to itfelf and others. How ? That
which is greater poffeffes more meafures than that which is fmaller, and
contains as many parts as meafures; and that which is leffer in the fame
manner, as alfo that which is equal. It is fo. Since the one, therefore, is
both greater, lefler, and equal to itfelf, will it not alfo contain mea
sures equal to, more and fewer than itfelf? And if of meafures, will not
this alfo be true of parts ? How fhould it not ? If, therefore, it contains
equal parts with itfelf, it will be equal in multitude to itfelf: but if more,
more in multitude, and if fewer, lef; in multitude, than itfelf. It appears
fo. But will the one be fimilarly affected towards others ? For, fince it ap
pears to be greater than others, is it not neceffary that it fhould be more in
number than others? but, becaufe it is leffer, muft it not alio be fewer in
number ?
THE PARMENIDES. 183
number? and becaufe equal in magnitude, muff it not alfo be equal in mul
titude to others ? It is neceffary. And thus again, as it appears, the one will
be equal, more, and lefs in number, both than itfelf and others. It will fo.
Will the one, therefore, participate of time ? And is it, and does it fubfift
1
in becoming to be younger and older, both than itfelf and others? And
again, neither younger nor older than itfelf and others, though parti
cipating of time ? How ? To be in a certain refpecl is prefent with it,
fince it is the one. Certainly. But what elfe is to be than a participation of
eflence with the prefent time ? In the fame manner as it was is a commu
nication of effence with the paft, and it will be with the future? It is no
other. It muft participate, therefore, of time, if it participates of being.
Entirely fo. Muft it not, therefore, participate of time in progreflion ?
Certainly. It will always, therefore, fubfift in becoming to be older than it
felf, if it proceeds according to time. It is neceflary. Do we, therefore,
call to mind that the older is always becoming older, becaufe it is always
becoming younger ? We do call it to mind. Does not the one, therefore,
while it is becoming older than itfelf, fubfift in becoming older than itfelf,
while it is becoming younger than itfelf? Neceffarily fo. It will, there
fore, become both younger and older than itfelf. Certainly. But is it not
then older when it fubfifts in becoming to be according to the prefent time,
which is between ;/ was and // will be: for, through proceeding from the
paft to the future, it will not pafs beyond the prefent now f It will not.
Will it not, therefore, ceafe becoming to be ©lder, when it arrives at the now,
and is no longer becoming to be, but is now o^der ? For while it proceeds it
will never be comprehended by the now. For that which proceeds fubfifts in
fuch a manner as to touch upon both the now and the future time ; departing,
indeed, from the now, but apprehending the future, becaufe it fubfifts in the
middle of the future and the now. True. But if it be neceflary that what
ever is becoming to be fhould not pafs by the now or the prefent time, hence,
as foon as it arrives at the now, it will always ceafe becoming to be, and is
then that which it was in purfuit of becoming. It appears fo. The one,
therefore, when in becoming older it arrives at the now, will ceafe becoming
' Younger and older are charaaeriftic of divine fouls. See the notes on that part of the firft
hypothefis which correfponds to this part of the fecond.
to
184 THE PARMENIDES,
to be, and then is older. Entirely fo. Is it not, therefore, older than that in
refpecl: of which it becomes older ? And does it not become older than
itfelf? Certainly. And is not the older older than the younger? It is. The
one, therefore, is younger than itfelf, when in becoming older it arrives at
the now. It is neceffary. But the now is always prefent with the one 9
through the whole of its being : for it is always now as long as it is. How
fhould it not ? The one, therefore, always is, and is becoming to be younger
and older than itfelf. So it appears. But // the one, or does it fubfift in
becoming to be, in a time more extended than or equal to itfelf ? In an equal
time. But that which either is, or fubfifts in becoming to be, in an equal
time poffeffes the fame age. How fhould it not ? But that which has tho
fame age is neither older nor younger. By no means. The one, therefore,
fince it both fubfifts in becoming to be and is, in a time equal to itfelf, nei
ther is nor is becoming to be younger nor older than itfelf. It does not ap
pear to me that it can.
But how is it affected with refpecl: to others ? I know not what to fay.
But this you may fay, that things different from the one becaufe they are
others, and not another, are more than the one. For that which is another
is one; but being others they are more than one, and poflefs multitude.
They do. But multitude participates of a greater number than the one?
How fhould it not ? What then ? Do we lay that things more in number
are generated, or have been generated, before the few ? We affert this of
the few before the many. That which is the feweft, therefore, is firft : but
is not this the one ? Certainly. The one, therefore, becomes the firft of all
things poffeffing number: but all other things have number, if they are
others and not another* They have indeed. But that which is firft gene
rated has I think a priority of fubfiftence: but others are pofterior to this.
But fuch as have an after generation are younger than that which had a prior
generation; and thus others will be younger than the one, but the one will
be older than others* It will indeed. But what fhall we fay to this ? Can
the one be generated contrary to its nature, or is this impoffible ? Impoflible.
But the one appears to confift of parts ; and if of parts, it poffeffes a begin
ning, end, and middle. Certainly. Is not, therefore, the beginning gene
rated firft of all, both of the one and of every other thing ; and after the
beginning all the other parts, as far as to the end ? What then ? And,
indeed,
THE PARMENIDES. 185
indeed, we mould fay that all thefe are parts of a whole and of one ; but
that the one, together with the end, is generated one and a whole. We fhould
fay fo. But the end I think muft be generated laft of all, and th$ one muft
be naturally generated together with this ; fo that the one, fince it is neceffary
that it fhould not be generated contrary to nature, being produced together
with the end, will be naturally generated the laft of others. The one, there
fore, is younger than others, but others are older than the one. So again it
appears to me. But what, muft not the beginning, or any other part what
ever, of the one, or of any thing elfe, if it is a part, and not parts—muft it
not neceffarily be one, fince it is a part ? Neceffarily. The one, therefore,
while becoming to be, together with the firft part, will be generated, and
together with the fecond; and it will never defert any one of the other ge
nerated parts, till arriving at the extremity it becomes one whole; neither
excluded from the middle, nor from the laft, nor the firft, nor from any other
whatever in its generation. True. The one, therefore, will pofTefs the fame
age with others, as (if it be not the one contrary to its own nature) it will be
generated neither prior nor pofterior to others, but together with them ; and
on this account the one will neither be older nor younger than others, nor
others than the one: but, according to the former reafoning, the one was both
older and younger than others, and others in a fimilar manner than it.
Entirely fo.
After this manner, therefore, the one fubfifts and is generated. But what
fhall we fay refpecling its becoming older and younger than others, and others
than the one; and again, that it neither becomes older nor younger ? Shall
we fay that it fubfifts in the fame manner with refpect to the term becoming
to be as with refpect to the term to bet or otherwife? I am not able to
fay. But I am able to affirm this, that however one thing may be older
than another, yet it cannot otherwife fubfift in becoming to be older, than by
that difference of age which it poffeffed as foon as it was born : nor, on the
contrary, can that which is younger fubfift in becoming to be younger, other-
wife than by the fame difference. For, equal things being added to un-
cquals, whether they are times or any thing elfe, always caufe them to
differ by the fame interval by which they were diftant at firft. How fhould
it be otherwife ? That which is, therefore, cannot fubfift in becoming to be
VOL. jii, 2B older
186 THE PARMENIDES.
older or younger than one being, fince it is always equally different from
it in age : but this is and was older, but that younger; but by no means
fubfifts in becoming fo. True. That which is one, therefore, will never
fubfift in becoming to be either older or younger than other beings. Never.
But fee whether by this means other things will become younger and older.
After what manner ? The fame as that through which the one appeared to
t
be older than others, and others than the one. What then ? Since the one
is older than others, it was for a longer period of time than others. Cer
tainly.
But again confider, if we add an equal time to a longer and fhorter time,
does the longer differ from the fhorter by an equal or by a fmaller part ? By a
fmaller. The one, therefore, will not differ from others by fo great an age
afterwards as before ; but, receiving an equal time with others, it will always
differ by a lefs age than before. Will it not be fo ? Certainly. But does not
that which differs lefs in age, with refpecl to any thing, than it did before,
become younger than before, with refpecl to thofe than which it was before
older ? Younger. But if it is younger, will not, on the contrary, others
with refpecl to the one be older than before ? Entirely fo. That, therefore,
which was generated younger, will fubfift in becoming to be older, with
refpecl to that which was before generated and is older; but it never is
older, but always is becoming older than it; the one indeed advancing to a
more juvenile ftate, but the other to one more aged : but that which is
older is becoming to be younger than the younger, after the fame manner.
For both tending to that which is contrary they fubfift in becoming contrary
to each other; the younger becoming older than the older, and the older
younger than the younger: but they are not able to become fo. For if they
fhould become they would no longer fubfift in becoming, but would now be.
But now they are becoming younger and older than each other; and the
one indeed becomes younger than others, becaufe it appears to be older, and
to have a prior generation : but others are older than the one, becaufe they
have a pofterior generation; and, from the fame reafon, other things will
be fimilarly related with refpecl to the one, fince they appear to be more
antient and to have a prior generation. So indeed it appears. Does it
jiot follow, that fo far as the one does not become younger or older than
the
THE PARMENIDES. 187
the other, becaufe they differ by an equal number from each other, that, fo
far as this, the one will not become older or younger than others, nor others
than the one? But that, fo far as it is neceffary that the prior mould
always differ from fuch as are becoming to be pofterior, and the pofterior
from the prior; fo far it is neceffary that they fhould become older and
younger than each other, both others than the one and the one than others ?
Entirely fo. On all thefe accounts, therefore, the one is, and is becoming to
be, older and younger both than itfelf and others ; and again, neither is nor
is becoming to be older nor younger than itfelf and others. It is perfectly
fo. But fince the one participates of time, and of becoming to be older and
younger, is it not neceffary that it fhould participate of the pair, prefent
f
not to lofe efTence the fame as to perifh ? Entirely fo. The one, there
fore, as it feems, by receiving and lofing effence, is generated and perifhes.
Neceffarily fo. But fince it is both one and many, and fubfifts in becom
ing to be and perifhing, when it becomes one does it ceafe to be many,
and when it becomes many does it ceafe to be one ? Entirely fo. But,
in confequence of becoming one and many, muft it not be feparated and
collected ? It muft. And when it becomes diflimilar and fimilar, muft it
not be afTimilated and diflimilated ? Certainly. And when it becomes
greater, leffer, and equal, muft it not be increafed, corrupted, and equal
ized ? It muft fo. But when from being moved itftandsftill,and when
from ftanding ftill it is changed into being moved, it is requifite that it
fhould not fubfift in one time. How fhould it ? But that which before
ftoodftilland is afterwards moved, and was before moved and afterwards
ftands ftill, cannot fuffer thefe affections without mutation. For how can
it ? But there is no time in which any thing can neither be moved nor
ftand ftill. There is not. But it cannot be changed without mutation.
It is not probable that it can. When, therefore, will it be changed ? For
neither while itftandsftill,nor while it is moved, will it be changed: nor
while it is in time. It will not. Is that any wonderful thing in which it
will be when it changes ? What thing ? The fudden, or that which un-
apparentlyftartsforth to the view. For the fudden feems to fignify fome
luch thing, as that from which it paffes into each of thefe conditions. For
while it ftands ftill it will not be changed from ftanding, nor while in
motion will it be changed from motion : but that wonderful nature the
fudden is fituated between motion and abiding, is in no time, and into this
and from this that which is moved paffes intoftandingftill,and that which
ftandsftillinto motion. It appears fo. The one therefore, if itftandsftill
y
and is moved, muft be changed into each: for thus alone will it produce
both thefe affections. But, becoming changed, it will be changed fuddenly;
and when it changes will be in no time: for it will then neitherftandftill
nor be moved. It will not. Will the one alfo be thus affected with refpecl
to other mutations ? And when it is changed from being into the lofs oj
being, or from non-being into becoming to be, does it not then become a
medium between certain motions and abidings ? and then neither is nor is
not, nor becomes nor perifhes ? It appears fo. And in the fame manner,
when
THE PARMENIDES. 189
when it pafles from one into many and from many into one, it is neither
one nor many, nor is it feparated nor collected. And in palling from
fimilar to diffimilar, and from diffimilar to fimilar, it is neither fimilar nor
diffimilar, nor is affimilated nor diffimilated. And while it paffes from
fmall into great, and into equal or its contrary, it will neither be fmall nor
great, nor unequal, nor increafing, nor perifhing, nor equalized. It does
not appear that it can. But all thefe paffions the one will fuffer, if it is.
How fhould it not ?
But fhould we not confider what other things ought to fuffer if the one
is ? We fhould. Let us relate, therefore, if the one is, what other things
ought to fuffer from the one. By all means. Does it not follow that
becaufe other things are different from the one they are not the one: for
otherwife they would not be different from the one ? Right. Nor yet are
others entirely deprived of the one, but participate it in a certain refpect.
In what refpect ? Becaufe things different from the one are different, from
their having parts: for if they had not parts they would be entirely one.
Right. But parts we have afferted belong to that which is a whole. Wa
have fo. But it is neceffary that a whole fhould be one compofed from many,
of which one the many are parts: for each of the parts ought not to be a
part of many, but of a whole. How fo ? If any thing fhould be a part of
many, among which it fubfifts itfelf, it would doubtlefs be a part of itfelf
(which is impoffible), and of each one of the others; fince it is a part of
all. For if it is not a part of one of thefe it will be a part of the others,
this being excepted ; and fo it will not be a part of each one: and not
being a part of each, it will be a part of no one of the many: and being a
part of no one of the many, it is impoflible that it fhould be any thing
belonging to all thofe, of no one of which it is either a part or any thing
elfe. So it appears. A part, therefore, is neither a part of many nor of all ;
but of one certain idea and of one certain thing which we call a whole, and
which becomes one perfect thing from all: for a part indeed is a part of
this. Entirely fo. If, therefore, other things have parts, they will alfo
participate of a whole and one. Certainly. One perfect whole, therefore,
poffeffing parts, muft neceffarily be different from the one. It is neceflary.
But the fame reafoning is true concerning each of the parts: for it is
neceflary
THE PARMENIDES.
neceflary that each of thefe fhould participate of the one. For, if each of
thefe is a part, the very being each, in a certain refpect, fignifies one;
fince it is diftinguifhed from others, and has a fubfiftence by itfelf, if it is
that which is called each. Right. But it participates of the one as it is
evidently fomething different from the one; for otherwife it would not
participate, but would be the one itfelf. But now it is impoflible that any
thing can be the one except the one itfelf Impoflible. But it is neceflary
both to a whole and to a part to participate of the one: for a whole is one
certain thing and has parts. But each part whatever, which is a part of
the whole, is one part. It is fo. Muft not, therefore, thofe which par
ticipate of the one participate it, as being different from the one t How
fhould they not ? But things different from the one will in a certain refpecl
be many ; for if things different from the one were neither one nor more
than one, they would be nothing. They would. But fince the things
which participate of one part and one whole are more than one, is it not
neceffary that thefe very things which participate of the one fhould be in
finite in multitude ? How ? Thus : they are different from the one, nor are
they participants of the one, then when they have already participated of it.
Certainly. Are not thofe multitudes in which the one is not? Multitudes,
certainly. What then ? If we fhould be willing by cogitation to take
away the leaft quantity from thefe, would it not he neceflary that this
quantity which is taken away fhould be multitude, and not one, fince it
does not participate of the one f It is neceflary. By always furveying,
therefore, another nature of form, itfelf -fubfifting by itfelf, will not any
quantity of it which we may behold be infinite in multitude ? Entirely fb.
And fince every part becomes one, the parts will have bounds with refpecl
to each other, and to the whole; and the whole with refpecl to the parts.
Perfectly fo. It will happen, therefore, to things different from the one, as
it appears both from the one and from their communicating with each
other, that a certain Something different will take place in them; which
indeeB affords to them a bound towards each other, while in the mean
time the nature of thefe caufes them to become effentialJy connected with
infinity. It appears fo. And thus things different from the one, both as
wholes and according to parts, are infinite and participate of bound.
Entirely
THE PARMENIDES. 191
Entirely fo. Are they not, therefore, fimilar and diffimilar, both to each
other and to themfelves ? Why ? Becaufe, fo far as all of them are in a
certain refpeft infinite, according to their own nature, they all of them, in
confequence of this, fuffer that which is the fame. How fhould they not ?
But fo far as they fuffer to be bounded and infinite, which are paflions
contrary to each other, they fuffer thefe paffions. Certainly. But things
contrary, as fuch, are moft diffimilar. What then r According to each of
thefe paffions, therefore, they are fimilar to themfelves and to each other ;
but, according to both, they are on both fides moft contrary and diffimilar.
It appears fo. And thus others will be the fame with themfelves and with
each other, and fimilar and diffimilar. They will fo. And again, they will be
the fame and different from each other, will both be moved and ftand ftill;
and it will not be difficult tofindall kinds of contrary paffions fuffered by
things different from the one, while they appear to be paffive, in the man
ner we have related. You fpeak rightly.
Shall we not, therefore, pafs by thefe things as evident, and again con
fider if the one is, whether things different from the one will fubfift not in
this manner, or whether in this manuer alone ? Entirely fb. Let us,
therefore, affert again from the beginning, if the one is, what things diffe
rent from the one ought to fuffer. Let us. Is, therefore, the one feparate
from others, and are others feparate from the one ? Why ? Becaufe there
is no other different befides thefe, viz.. that which is different from the one,
and that which is different from others ; for all that can be fpoken is afferted,
when we fay the one and others. All, indeed. There is nothing elfe, there
fore, befides thefe in which the one and others can fubfift after the fame mari
ner. Nothing. The one and others, therefore, are never in the fame. It
does not appear that they are. Are they feparate, therefore ? They are.
We have likewife afferted that the truly one has not any parts. For how
can it ? Neither, therefore, will the whole of the one be in others, nor the
parts of if it is feparate from others, and has no parts. How fhould it
not be fo ? In no way, therefore, will others participate of the one, fince
they neither participate according to a certain part of it, nor according
to the whole. It does not appear that they can. By no means, therefore,
are others the one nor have they any one in themfelves. They have not.
t
Neither*
THE PARMENIDES.
Neither, then, are other things many ; for, if they were many, each of them,
as being a part of a whole, would be one: but now things different from
the one are neither one nor many, nor a whole, nor parts, fince they in no
refpecl: participate of the one. Right. Others, therefore, are neither two
nor three, nor is one contained in them, becaufe they are entirely deprived
of the one. So it is. Others, therefore, are neither fimilars nor difTimilars,
nor the fame with the one, nor are fimilitude and diflimilitude inherent in
them. For, if they were fimilar and diflimilar, fo far as they contained in
themfelves fimilitude and diflimilitude, fo far things different from the one
would comprehend in themfelves two contrary fpecies. So it appears. But
it is impoffible for thofe to participate of two certain things which do not
participate of one. Impoflible. Others, therefore, are neitherfimilarsnor
diffimilars, nor both. For, if they were things fimilar or diflimilar, they
would participate of one other form ; and if they were both, they would
participate of two contrary forms : but thefe things appear to be impoffible.
True. Others, therefore, are neither fame nor different, nor are moved nor
ftandftill,nor are generated nor deftroyed, nor are greater, or leffer, or
equal, nor do they fuffer any thing elfe of this kind. For, if others could
fuftain to fuffer any fuch affection, they would participate of one and two,
and of even and odd; all which it appears impoffible for them to partici
pate, fince they are entirely deprived of the one. All this is moft true.
Hence, then, if the one is, the one is all things and nothing; and is fimilarly
affected towards itfelf and towards others. Entirely fo.
Let this then be admitted. But fhould we not after this confider what
ought to happen if the one is not ? We fhould. What then will be the
hypothefis if the one is not ? Will it differ from the hypothefis if that which
is not one is not ? It will indeed differ. Will it only differ, or is the hypo
thefis if that which is not one is not, entirely contrary to the hypothefis if
the one is not? Entirely contrary. But what, if any one fhould fay, if
magnitude is not, or parvitude is not, or any thing elfe of this kind, would
I he not evince in each of thefe that he fpeaks of that which is not as fomething
, different? Entirely fo. Would he not, therefore, now evince that he
< calls that which is not different from others, when he fays if the one is not;
and fhould we underftand that which he fays ? We fhould underftand. In
the
THE PARMENIDES. 193
the firfl place, therefore, he fpeaks.of fomething which may be known ; and
afterwards of fomething different from others when he fays the one, whether
he adds to it to he or not to be: for that which is faid not to be will be not
the lefs known, nor that it is fomething different from others : is it not fo ?
It is neceffary it mould. Let us, therefore, relate from the beginning, if the
;one is not, what ought to be the confequence. In thefirftplace, therefore,
this as it appears ought to happen it, that either there fhould be a fcience of
it, or that nothing of what is pronounced can be known, when any one fays
if the one is not. True. Muft not this alfo happen, that either other things
muft be different from it, or that it muft be faid to be different from others ?
Entirety fo. Diverfity, therefore, befides fcience, is prefent with it; for,
when any one fays that the one is different from others, he will not fpeak of
the diverfity of others, but of the diverfity of the one. It appears fo. And
befides, that which is not, or non-being, will participate of that, and of fome
certain thing, and of this, and of thefe, and every thing of this kind. For
neither could the one be fpoken of, nor things different from the one, nor
would any thing be prefent with it, nor could it be denominated any
thing, if it neither participated of fome certain thing or things of this
kind. Right. But to be cannot be prefent with the one if it is not ;
though nothing hinders but it may participate of the many; but, indeed,
it is neceffary that it fhould, if the one is that, and is not fomething
different from that. If, therefore, it is neither the one nor that, neither will
it be; but difcourfe muft take place about fomething elfe, and it wi|l be ne
ceffary to pronounce nothing concerning it. But if the one is eftablifhed as
that and not as another, it is neceffary that it fhould participate of that and
of many other things. Entirely fo. Diffimilitude, therefore, is prefent with
it as to other-things : for other things being: different from the one will alfo
be foreign from it. Certainly. But are not things foreign various r How
fhould they not ? And are not things various diffimilars? Diffimilars. If,
therefore, they are diffimilars to the one, it is evident they will be diffimilars
to that which is diffimilar. It is evident. Diffimilitude, therefore, will be pre
fent with the one, according to which others will be diffimilars to it. It ap
pears fo. But if a diffimilitude with refpecl: to other things belongs to it, muft
notfimilitudeto itfelf be prefent with it ? How ? If there be a diffimilitude
of the one with refpecl; to the one, difcourfe would not take place about a
VOL. in. 2c thing
T H E P A R M E N I D E S .
thing of this kind as of the one ; nor would the hypothefis be about the one,
but about fomething different from the one. Entirely fo. But it ought not.
Certainly not. There ought, therefore, to be a fimilitude of the one with
refpecl to itfelf. There ought. But neither is the one equal to others. For,
if it were equal, it would according to equality be fimilar to them ; but both
thefe are impoffible, fince the one is not. Impoffible. But fince it is not
equal to others, is it not neceffary that others alio fhould not be equal to it ?
It is neceffary. But are not things which are not equal unequal ? Certainly.
And are not unequals unequal to that which is unequal? How fhould they
not? The one, therefore, will participate of inequality, according to which
others will be unequal to it. It will participate. But magnitude and par
vitude belong to inequality. They da. Do magnitude and parvitude, there
fore, belong to a one of this kind ? It appears they do. But magnitude and
parvitude are always feparated from each other. Entirely fo. Something,
therefore, always fubfifts between them. Certainly. Can you affign any
thing elfe between thefe, except equality ? Nothing elfe. With whatever,
therefore, there is magnitude and parvitude, with this equality alfo is pre
fent, fubfifting as a medium between thefe. It appears fo. But to the one
which is not, equality, magnitude, and parvitude, as it appears, belong. So
it feems. But it ought likewife, in a certain refpecl, to participate of effence.
How fo ? Ought it to poffefs the properties which we have already de-
fcribed ? for, unlefs this is the cafe, we fhall not fpeak the truth when we fay
the one is not; but if this is true, it is evident that we have afferted things
which have a fubfiftence : is it not fo ? It is. But fince we affert that we
fpeak truly, it is likewife neceffary to affert that we fpeak of things which
exift. It is necelTary. The one, therefore, which is not, as it appears, is ;
1
for if it is not, while not being , but remits fomething of being in order
to not being, it will immediately become being. Entirely fo. It ought,
therefore, to have, as the bond of not to be, to be that which is not *, if it is
about not to be: juft as being ought to have as a bond not to be that which is
1
The original is *t>i torn ov, and this is literally is not non-being. But the meaning of thi*
difficult paflage is as follows : Any remiflion of being is attended with non-being, which is the fame
with is not; and if any thing of is be taken away, is not is immediately introduced, and fo it will
immediately become is not non-being, that is, it is being.
a
For between wai and uvea ov, ami f*n ov muft fubfift as a medium*
THE PARMENIDES.
!
ttct , that it may be perfectly that which is. For thus, in a moft eminent
degree, being will be and non-being will not be : being participating of effence,
in order that it may be being; but of non-effence in order that it may obtain
to be non-being, if it is about perfectly to be: but non-being participating of
non-e[fence, in order that // may not be that which is not being ; but partici
pating of effence, in order that it may obtain to be non-being, if it is to be
perfectly that which is not. Moil truly fo. Since, therefore, non-being is
prefent with being, and being with non-being, is it not neceffary that the one
alfo, fince it is not, -fhould participate of being, in order that k may not be?
It is neceffary. Effence, therefore, will appear with the one, if it is not.
So it feems. And nm-effence, fince it is not. How fhould it not ? Can
any thing, therefore, which is affected in a certain manner, be not fo affected
when not changed from this habit? It cannot. Every thing, therefore,
fignifies a certain mutation, which is affected and again not affected in fome
particular manner. How fhould it not ? Is mutation a motion, or what
elfe do we call it ? It is a motion. But has not the one appeared to be both
being and non-being ? Certainly. It has appeared, therefore, to be thus and
not thus affected. It has. The one, therefore, which is non-being appears to
be moved, fince it poffeffes a mutation from being into non-being. It appears
fb. But if it be no where among beings, as // // not in confequenee of not
being, it cannot pafs elfewhere. For how can it ? It will not, therefore,
be moved by tranfition. , It will not. Neither will it revolve in fame: for
it will never touch [ame, fince fame is being. But it is impoffible that non*
being can refide in any king. Impoffible. The one, therefore, which is not,
cannot revolve in that in which it is not. It cannot. Neither will the one
be altered from itfelf, either into being or non-being: for our difcourfe would
no longer be concerning the one, if it was altered from itfelf, but concern
ing fomething different from this one. Right. But if it is neither altered, nor
revolves in fame, nor fuffers tranfition, is there any way in which it can be
moved ? How fhould there ? But that which is immovable muft neceffarily
1
So T O (An ov nn tivou is the medium between T O mai ov and T O etvai ov: for T O JXJI eivou (*n is the
fame as T O ttvai, and conne&s with T O etvat ov, and T O w ov with T O mat ov. Thompfon had nat
the leaft glimpfe of this meaning, as may be feen from his verfion.
. 2 C 2 be
THE PARMENIDES.
be at reft; and that which is at reft muft abide or ftand ftill. It is neceflary.
The one which is net, therefore, as it appears, both abides and is moved. It
appears fo. But if it be moved, there is a great neceflity that it fhould be
altered ; for, fo far as any thing is moved, it is no longer affected in the fame
manner as before, but differently. There is fo. The one, therefore, fince
it is moved, is alfo altered. Certainly. But as again it is in no refpecl:
moved, it will be in no refpecl altered. It will not. So far, therefore, as
the one which is not is moved, it is altered ; but fo far as it is not moved it is
not altered. Certainly not. The one, therefore, zvhich is not, is botfi altered
and not altered. It appears fo. But is it not neceflary that when any thing
is altered it fhould become different from what it was before, and fhould
fuffer a diffolution of its former habit; but that a nature which is not altered
fhould neither be generated nor diflblved ? It is neceffary. The one, there
fore, which is not, through being altered, will be generated and diflblved ;
but at the fame time, from its not fuffering alteration, will not be fubject to
either generation or corruption. And thus the one which is not will be gene
rated and diflblved, and will neither be generated nor diflblved. It will not.
% But let us again return to the beginning, and fee whether thefe things
will appear to us in our fubfequent difcuflion as they do now, or otherwife.
It is neceffary, indeed, fo to do. Have we not already related, if the one
is not, what ought to happen concerning it r Certainly. But when we fay
// is not, do we fignify any thing elfe than the abfence of effence from that
which we fay is not ? Nothing elfe. Whether, therefore, when we fay
that any thing is not, do we fay that in a certain refpecl it is not, and* that
in a certain refpecl it is ? Or does the term is not Amply fignify that it is
in no refpecl any where, and that it does not any how participate of effence,
fince it is net ? It fignifies, indeed, moft fimply. Neither therefore can that
which is not be, nor in any other refpecl participate of effence. It cannot.
But is to be generated and corrupted any thing elfe than for this to receive
effence and for that to lofe effence ? It is nothing elfe. That therefore
with which nothing of effence is prefent, can neither receive nor lofe it.
How can it ? The one, therefore, fince it in no refpecl is, can neither po£
fefs, nor lofe, nor receive effence, in any manner whatever. It is proper
it
THE PARMENIDES. 197
it fhould be fo. The one which is not, will neither therefore be corrupted
nor generated, fince it in no refpecl participates of effence. It does not
appear that it will. Neither, therefore, will it be in any refpecl altered;
for if it fuffered this paffion it would be generated and corrupted. True.
But if it is not altered, is it not alfo neceffary that it fhould not be moved ?
It is neceffary. But that which in no refpecl is, we have likewife afferted,
cannotftandftill; for that which ftands ought always to be in a certain
fame t How fhould it not ? And thus we muft affert that non-being neither
at any time ftands nor is moved. For indeed it does not. But likewife
nothing of beings is prefent with ic; for this, through participating of being,
would participate of eflence. It is evident. Neither magnitude, therefore,
nor parvitude, nor equality, belongs to it. Certainly not. Neither will
fimilitude or diverfity, cither with refpecl to itfelf or others, be prefent with
it. It does not appear that they will. But what, can other things be in any
refpecl prefent with it, if nothing ought to be prefent with it? They cannot.
Neither, therefore, are fimilars nor diffimilars, nor fame nor different, dif
ferent from it. They are not. But what, can any thing be afferted of it,
or be with it, or can it be any certain thing, or this, or belong to this, or
that, or be with fome other thing, or be formerly, or hereafter, or now—-
or can fcience, or opinion, or fenfe, or difcourfe, or a name, or any thing
elfe belonging to beings, fubfift about that which is not ? There cannot.
The one therefore which is, not, will not in any refpecl fubfift any where.
So indeed it appears.
But let us again declare if the one is not, what other things ought to fuffer.
Let us. But in a certain refpecl others ought to fubfift; for, unlefs others
have a being, we cannot difcourfe concerning them. True. But if diA
courfe is about others, others will be different : or do you not call others and
different the fame ? I do. But do we not fay that different is different from
different, and other is other than another ? Certainly. With refpecl to
others, therefore, if they are about to be others, there is fomething than
which they will be others. It is neceffary. But what will this be ? For
they will not be different from the one, fince it is not. They will not. They
are different therefore from each other; for this alone remains to them, or
to be different from nothing. Right. According to multitudes, therefore,
4 each
THE PARMENIDES.
Each, therefore, of other things ought to appear infinite and bounded, and
one and many, if the one is not, and other things befides the one have a fub
fiftence. It ought to be fo. Will they, therefore, appear to be fimilars and
diflimilars ? But how ? Since to him who beholds others at a diftance, in
volved as it were in fhadow, they all appear to be one, they will feem to
fuffer fame and to be fimilar. Entirely fo. But to him who approaches
nearer they will appear to be many and different, and different from and
diffimilar to themfelves, through the phantafm of diverfty. It is fo. The
heaps, therefore, will neceffarily appear to be fimilar and diffimilar to them
felves, and to each other. Entirely fo. Will they not alfo be the fame and
different from each other, and in contacl with, and feparate from, them
felves, and moved with all poffible motions, and every way abiding: like-
wife generated and corrupted, and neither of thefe, and all of this kind,
which may be eafily enumerated, if, though the one is not, the many have a
fubfiftence? All this is moft true.
Once more, therefore, returning again to the beginning, let us relate what
ought to happen to things different from the one, if the one is not. Let us
relate. Does it not, therefore, follow that others are not the one ? How
fhould it not be fo ? Nor yet are they many ; for, in the many, the one alfo
would be inherent. For, if none of thefe is one, all are nothing ; fo that nei
ther can there be many. True. The one, therefore, not being inherent in
others, others are neither many nor one. They are not. Nor will they ap
pear either to be one or many. Why not ? Becaufe others cannot in any
refpecl have any communication with things which are not, nor can any
thing of non-beings be prefent with others; for no part fubfifts with non-
beings. True. Neither, therefore, is there any opinion of that which is
not, inherent in others, nor any phantafm ; nor can that which is not become
in any refpecl the fubjecl of opinion to others. It cannot. The one, there
fore, if it is not, cannot by opinion be conceived to be any certain one of
others, nor yet many ; for it is impoffible to form an opinion of many with
out the one. It is impoffible. If the one, therefore, is not, neither have others
any fubfiftence; nor can the one or the many be conceived by opinion. It
does not appear that they can. Neither, therefore, do fimilars nor diffimilars
fubfift. They do not. Nor fame nor different, nor things in contacl, nor
fuch
000 THE PARMENIDES.
fuch as are feparate from each other, nor other things, fuch as we have al
ready difculTed, as appearing to fubfift ; for no particular of thefe will have
any exiftence, nor will others appear to be, if the one is not. True. If we
fhould, therefore, fummarily fay, that if the one is not, nothing is, will not
our aflertion be right ? Entirely fo. Let this then be aflerted by us, and this
alfo: that whether the one is or is not, both itfelf, as it appears, and others,
both with refpecl to themfelves and to each other, are entirely all things,
and at the fame time are not all, and appear to be, and at the fame time do
not appear. It is moft true.
THE
THE SOPHISTA
BIALOGUE;
ON B E I N G.
INTRODUCTION
V O
THE S O P H I S T A.
jczrx \oyov ruu-^unruv. 'Ourog zvfoforcA TW /xn O V T I , TX ZVUXX Sv/xtoupyuv, xxt T O W ? a^nSug 4/fj<Jo? ao-irx-
' ^ c / x t v o j , rnv yXTiv. Bte7T£ifoztg ro ovrag ov. Ourog tJTtv o Tro*-vxtq>xhog> T r o X X a j cjctag xai (uag TTpoGeGkri-
pzvog, oV uv xaraaxeua^zi T « V 7roix»Mav rng yzvzcrstig. 'O JT aurog xai yon;, ug SzXyotv rag ^X^S °ig Qvjixotg r
hoyots, ug £v(ronro<r7ru<TTCog r)(iiv wnro rng ytv£<rzuf. K a t yap b tpug yotg, xxt h p u a i ? OTTO rtvm (xxyog
xsxXnrxt $ta rxg o*ufj.7rcc§ziag xxt avmraQttxg TWV <puatt. Nwv ouv rov TrxvroSxirov (ro<pto~rriVfiouXzrxtSt-
Sxorxttv. Kat yap xxi b fiKocroQog o-o<p»<mis, wg [M[AOuy.£vog rov n oupavtovfafiioupycvxai TOV ytvzatoupyov.
K a i r\foaipzrtxn(xipzirai TJJV « 7 r o T O V hog rxv ovruv irpoofov, xai o yzvz^toupyog rov oupavtov tirifMoupyov. ho xai
CO$tG~rr\g, xai aurog fo b <ro<pio-rn$ avfyurrog OJV foa TO Ta fJtiya'ha fjUfXzto-Oai, cotyiarvg xahzirat' c9zv xai rov ao-
Qtarnv •xo'Ki/xttya'hov ztpnxzv. 'O fo £zvog zig runov rou itarpog ruv fa/xtoupyovruv voziaQu vitzpovpavtog x a i zZnpYi-
fjLtvog' oifoaxpoarai eig rag foi/xtoupytxag vowng y b (izv tig rrtv rou Aioj, 6 fo tig rw ayytXixw, ug rLppaixog xai
yeupzrptxog. Kai cvzi r\fafitoupyiazx rou aretoug etg ro rztetov,foarovro irpurov b %twg TW Qeobapu auy-
f
yinrat' ttra fo rnwrpotyng ru foia (lege thu) Xuxparet.
6 fined.
THE S O P H I S T A. 205
THE
THE S O P H I S T A.
THEODORUS, 11 An E L E A N G U E S T , or S t b a n g e b ,
SOCRATES, II And T H E J E T E T U S .
Soc. And you do well in calling them fo, my friend. But indeed the
genus of philofophers is not much more eafily dift inguifhed, as I may fay,
than that of divinity. For thofe who are notfi&itiouflybut truly phi
lofophers, appear through the ignorance of others to be of an all-various
nature, while they wander about cities, and behold from on high the life of
inferior natures. And to fome they appear to deferve no honour, but by
others they are confidered as worthy of all honour. And fometimes they
appear to be politicians, but at other times Sophifts ; and fometimes, in
the opinion of certain perfons, they are confidered to be perfectly in fane.
I would gladly, therefore, inquire of this our gueft, if agreeable to him,
what his familiars the Eleans think of thefe things, and how they denomi
nate them.
THEO. What things do you mean, Socrates ?
Soc. The fophift, politician, and philofopher.
THEO. What, and of what kind, is the doubt about thefe, which you
would wifh to have diffolved ?
Soc. This: Whether they denominate all thefe, one or two. Or
as there are three names, whether they alfo make a diftribution into three
genera, and afcribe the refpeclive names to the refpective genera.
THEO. But I think that he will not envioufly refufe to difcufs thefe
things. Or how fhall we fay, gueft. ?
GUEST. In this manner, Theodorus. For I fhall not envioufly refufe,
nor is it difficult to inform you, that they think thefe are three genera:
but to define clearly what each of them is, is not a fmall nor an eafy work.
THEO. YOU have perhaps, Socrates, fallen upon queftions fimilar to thofe
which we were afking this our gueft before we came hither. But he then
gave us the fame anfwers as he juft now gave you : for he faid, that he
had fufficiently heard, and did not forget them.
Soc. You ought, therefore, to gratify us, O gueft, with refpecl to our
firft queftion : But tell us thus much, whether you are accuftomed to dif
cufs by yourfelf in a long difcourfe, that which you wifh to evince, or by
interrogations, which I once heard Parmenides employing, and at the fame
time delivering all-beautiful arguments, I being then a young and he a very
elderly man.
GUEST. If any one anfwers, Socrates, without difficulty, and in a placid
manner
THE S O P H I S T A.
the other part, which is the hunting of animated natures, the hunting of
animals.
THEJE. Be it fo.
GUEST. But is it not juftly faid, that there is a twofold fpecies of the
hunting of animals ? one being the hunting of the pedeftrian kind, which
is diftinguifhed by many fpecies and names, but the other of every fwimming
animal, and which is denominated hunting in water ?
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But of the fwimming divifion, we fee that one kind cuts the air
with wings, and that the, other is aquatic.
THE;E, Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But all the hunting of the winged tribe is called fowling.
Them. It is fo.
GUEST. But nearly that of all the aquatic tribe, fifhing.
THE.*:. Yes.
GUEST. But what? Muft we not divide this hunting into two greateft
parts?
Them. What are thefe parts ?
GUEST. According to which we either fifli with nets, or by percuffion.
Them. HOW do you fay ? And how do you divide each ?
GUEST. That every thing which on all fides enclofing retrains anything
for the fake of impediment, is fitly denominated a net.
THE.E. Entirely fo.
x
GUEST. But do you call a bow-net, dictuon , a fnare, and a calling-net*
any thing elfe than nets ?
T H E ^ . Nothing elfe.
GUEST. We muft fay, therefore, that this hunting with nets is a part of
fifhing, or fomething of this kind.
THE^. We muft.
GUEST. But that which is accomplifhed with hooks and darts, by per-»
cuflion, and which is different from the other kind of fifhing, it will be
proper that we fhould now call by one word, percutient-hunting, unlefs you,
Theastetus, have any thing better to fay.
1
The ditluon was a larger and wider kind of net.
2 E 2 Theje.
THE SOPHISTA.
GuBST. But with refpecl to that fpecies of the hunting of perfuafion which
is effected by wages, that part of it which converfes with others through
favour, and entiiely procures enchantments through pleafure, that it may
thence alone receive aliment as its reward, this I think we all of us call
adulation, or a certain art adminiftering to pleafure.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But another part of it profeffes to converfe for the fake of virtue,
and requires money for its reward. Ought not this part, therefore, to be
called by another name ?
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Endeavour to tell me this name.
THEJE. It is evident. For we appear to me to have found a fophift; and
I think this name is adapted to this other part of the object of our invefti-
gation.
GUEST. According to the prefent reafoning, as it feems, Theaetetus, the
profeftion of a fophift muft be called an art, fervile, fubjugating, and vena-
tic; hunting pedeftrian, tcrreftrial, and tame animals; or, in other words,
privately bringing men into captivity for pecuniary rewards, and enfnaring
rich and noble young men, through an opinion of erudition.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. Further ftill, let us confider as follows :—For the object of our
prefent inveftigation does not participate of a certain vile art, but of one
various in the extreme. For, from what has been before faid, we may con
jecture that it does not belong to that kind of art which we juft now men
tioned, but to another kind.
THEJE. What is that kind?
GUEST. There were in a certain refpect two fpecies of the art of acquiring,
the one confifting in hunting, and the otherflowingfrom contracts.
THEJE. There were.
GUEST. We fay, therefore, that there are two fpecies of contracts, the
one confifting in bellowing, and the other in buying and felling.
THEJE. There are fo.
GUEST. And again, we fay that the fpecies of contracts which confifts in
buying and felling, muft receive a twofold divifion.
THEJE. How ?
GUEST.
316 THE S O P H I S T A.
GUEST. He who expofes his own works to fale may be called a feller of
his own property ; but he who fells the works of others, an exchanger.
THEiE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But what ? Is not that exchange which takes place in the fame
city, and which is nearly the half of the whole of exchange, denominated
cauponary ?
THEJE. Yes.
GUEST. And is not the other half that which takes place by buying and
felling in different cities, and which we call emporic ?
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. And do we not perceive, that of emporic exchange, one part per
tains to the nutriment of the body, and the other to the difcipline of the
foul, exchanging erudition for money ?
THEJS. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. That part which pertains to the foul we are, perhaps, unac
quainted with : for the other part we underftand.
THEJE. We do.
GUEST. But we fay that he who buys mufic in one city by learning, and
fells it in another by teaching, and who acts in a fimilar manner with refpect
to painting, enchantment, and many other things pertaining to the foul, as
well ferious as jocofe,—we fay that fuch a one traffics no lefs than he who
fells meats and drinks.
THEJE. YOU fpeak mofttrue.
GUEST. Will you not, therefore, fimilarly denominate him who wanders
about different cities in order to exchange difciplines for money ?
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUEST. But of this merchandize pertaining to the foul, may not one part
be moft juftly called demonftrative ; and may not the other part, though ridi
culous, yet, fince it is no lefs the felling of difciplines than the former, be
called by a name which is the brother to that of felling ?
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But in this traffic of difciplines, he who fells the difciplines of
other arts muft be called by a name different from him who fells the difci
plines of virtue.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA.
GUEST. For he who fells the difciplines of other arts may be aptly called
a feller of arts ; but confider by what name he fhoul J be called who fells the
difciplines of virtue.
THE^E. By what other name can he be called without error, except that
which is the object of our investigation at prefent, a fophift ?
GUEST. By no other. We may, therefore, now collect as follows : that,
by a fecond investigation, a fophift has appeared to us to be an exchanger, 4
buyer and feller, a merchant reflecting difcourfes, and one who fells the,
difciplines of virtue.
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUEST. In the third place, I think that you in like manner will call him,
a fophift, who being fettled in a city, partly buys and partly himfelf fabric
cates difciplines, which he fells in order to procure the neceffaries of life.
THEJE. Why, indeed, fhould I not ?
GUEST. YOU will, therefore, call him a fophift who is converfant in ac
quiring, who traffics, and fells either his own inventions, or thofe of others,
about the difciplines of virtue.
THEJE. Neceffarily fo. For it is requifite to affent to reafon.
GUEST. Let us ftill further confider, whether the genus which we are at
prefent invcftigating is fimilar to a certain thing of this kind.
THEJE. Of what kind ?
GUEST. Of the art of acquiring, a certain part appeared to us to be;
ag-oniftic.
THEJE. It did.
GUEST. It will not, therefore, be improper to give it a twofold divifion.
THEJE. Inform me how you divide it.
GUEST. One part is defenfive, and the other offensive.
THEJE. It is fo.
GUEST. Of the offenfive part, therefore, that which takes place when
bodies fight againft bodies may be fitly called violence.
THEJE. It may.
GUEST. But what elfe, Thecetetus, can that which takes place when argu
ments oppofe arguments be called, except contention ?
THEJE. Nothing elfe.
GUEST. But as to contentions, there muft be a twofold divifion.
VOL. i n . 2 F THEJE,
sit THE SOPHISTA.
in itfelf all fuch things as purify the body. For the order of reafoning now
endeavours to feparate the purification of the dianoetic part from other pur
gations, if we underftand what it willies to accomplifh.
THEJE. But I do underftand, and I grant that there are two fpecies of
purification ; one fpecies refpecting'the foul, and the other, which is feparate
from this, refpecting the body.
GUEST. You fpeak in the moft beautiful manner. Attend to me, there
fore, in what follows, and endeavour to give a twofold divifion to what has
been faid.
THEJE. Wherever you may lead, I will endeavour to diftribute in con
junction with you.
GUEST. DO we not fay, then, that depravity in the foul is fomething dif
ferent from virtue ?
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. And we likewife faid, that purification confifts in rejecting what
is depraved, and preferving what remains.
THEJE. We did fay fo.
GUEST. SO far, therefore, as we fhall difcover an ablation of depravity in
the foul, we ought to call it purgation.
THEJE. And very much fo.
GUEST. TWO fpecies of depravity in the foul muft be eftabliftied.
THEJE. What are they ?
GUEST. The one is like difeafe in the body, but the other refembles inhe
rent bafenefs.
THEJE. I do not underftand you.
GUEST. Perhaps you do not think that difeafe is the fame with fedition.
THEJE. Again, I am not able to anfwer this queftion.
GUEST. Whether do you think fedition is any thing elfe than the corrup
tion of natural alliance through a certain difcord ?
THEJE. It is nothing elfe.
GUEST. And is bafenefs any thing elfe than entire deformity, arifing from
the immoderation of things of one kind ?
THEJE, It is nothing elfe.
GUEST, What then, do we not fee in the foul of the depraved that opi
nions
THE SOPHISTA.
nions differ from defires, anger from pleafures, reafon from pain, and all thefe
from each other?
THEJE. And very much fo.
GUEST. But all thefe are neceffarily allied to each other.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. We fhall fpeak rightly, therefore, in calling depravity the fedition
and difeafe of the foul.
THEJE. We fhall fpeak moft rightly.
GUEST. But what, when we fee fuch things as participate of motion, and
propofe to themfelves a certain end, wander from and mifs the mark accord
ing to every impulfe, do we fay that they are affected in this manner through
fymmetry to each other, or, ou the contrary, through a privation of fym-
melry ?
THEJE. It is evident that this* happens through a privation of fymmetry.
GUEST. But we know that every foul is involuntarily ignorant of any
thing.
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUEST. But ignorance is nothing elfe than a delirium of the foul, which,
while it is impelled to truth, wanders in its apprehenfion of things.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. We muft confider, therefore, a foul involved in ignorance as bafe
and deformed.
THEJJE. So it appears.
GUEST. It feems, therefore, that there are thefe two genera of evils in the
foul; one of which is called by the multitude depravity, and is moft evi
dently a difeafe.
THEM. It is.
GUEST. But the other the multitude call ignorance, but they are unwilling
to acknowledge that this is a vice in the foul.
THE,E. It muft by all means be granted, though when you juft now fpoke
I was doubtful of it, that there are two genera of vice or depravity in the
foul; and that we ought to confider timidity, intemperance, injuftice, and
every thing elfe of this kind, as a difeafe in us ; but the paffion of abundant
and all-various ignorance as bafenefs.
GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA. 223
GUEST. In the body, therefore, are there not two certain arts about thefe
two paflions ?
THEJE. What are thefe arts?
GUEST. About bafenefs, gymnaftic ; but about difeafe, medicine.
THEJE, It appears fo.
GUEST. About infolcnce, therefore, injuftice, and timidity, is not chaftiz*
ing juftice naturally the moft adapted of all arts ?
THEJE. It is likely, as I may fay, according to human opinion.
GUEST. But, can any one fay that there is a more proper remedy for all
ignorance than erudition ?
THEJE. NO one can.
GUEST. Muft we fay, therefore, that there is only one kind of erudition,
or that there are more kinds than one? But take notice, that there are two
greateft genera of it.
THEJE. I do take notice.
GUEST. And it appears to me that we fhall very rapidly difcover this.
THEJE. In what manner?
GUEST. By perceiving that ignorance has a certain twofold divifion. For,
being twofold, it is evident that it neceffarily requires a twofold mode of in-
ftruclion, correfponding to the members of its divifion.
THEJE. What then? Is that apparent which is the object of your prefent
inveftigation ?
GUEST. I perceive, indeed, a great and ponderous fpecies of ignorance,
which outweighs all its other parts.
THEJE, Of what kind is it ?
GUEST. When he who is ignorant of a thing appears to himfelf to know
it. For it appears that through this all the deceptions in our dianoetic part
take place.
THEJE. True.
GUEST. And I think that to this fpecies of ignorance alone the name of
yufticity fhould be given.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. HOW, therefore, do you think that part of erudition fhould be
called which liberates from this fpecies of ignorance I
THE SOPHISTA.
THEJE. I think, indeed, O gueft, that the other part is denominated de
miurgic erudition, but that this is called by us difcipline.
GUEST. It is nearly fo denominated, Theaetetus, by all the Greeks. But
this alfo muft be confidered by us, whether the whole of this is indivifible, or
poffeffes a certain divifion which deferves to be named.
, THEJE. It is requifite to confider this.
GUEST. It appears, therefore, to me, that this may beftillfurther divided.
THEJE. According to what ?
GUEST. Of the erudition which is effected by difcourfe, one way appears
to be more rough, and another part of it more fmooth.
THEJE. Of what kind do we call each of thefe ?
GUEST. The oneantient and paternal, which men formerly adopted to
wards their children, and many ufe at prefent, viz. as often as children do
wrong, partly feverely reproving) and partly mildly admonifhing them. But
the whole of this may be called with the utmoft propriety admonition.
THEJE. It may fo.
GUEST. But fome are of opinion that all ignorance is involuntary, -and that
no one who thinks himfelf wife is willing to learn thofe things in which he
confiders himfelf as fkilled ; but that the admonitory fpecies of difcipline
makes very fmall advances with great labour.
THEJE. And they think right.
GUEST. They likewife adopt another mode in order to difclofe this opinion.
THEJE. What mode?
GUEST. By inquiring into thofe particulars about which a man thinks he
fays fomething to the purpofe, when at the fame time this is far from being
the cafe. In the next place, they eafily explore the opinions of thofe that
err, and, collecting them together by a reafoning procefs, render them the
fame with each other: and after this they evince that thefe opinions are
contrary to themfelves, reflecting the fame things, with reference to the
lame, .and according to the fame. But thofe whofe opinions are thus ex
plored, on feerng this, are indignant with themfelves, and become milder to
others ; and after this manner are liberated from mighty and rigid opinions ;
•.which liberation is of all others the moftpleafant to hear, and the moft firm
to him who is the fubject of it. For, O beloved youth, thofe that purify
thefe
THE SOPHISTA. 225
thefe think in the fame manner as phyficians with refpecl to bodies. For
phyiicians are of opinion, that the body cannot enjoy falubrious food till
fome one removes,the impediments it contains. In like manner, thefe men
tal purifiers think that the foul can derive no advantage from difciplines ac
commodated to its nature, till he who is confuted is afhamed of his error, and,
the impediments of difciplines being expelled, viz. falfe opinions, he becomes
pure, and alone thinks that he knows the things which he does know, and
not more than he knows.
THEJE. This is the beft and the moft modeft of habits.
1
GUEST. Hence, Theaetetus, we muft fay, that confutation is the greateft
and the chief of all purifications; and that he who is not confuted, even
though he fhould be the great king himfelf, fince he would be unpurified in
things of the greateft confequence, will be rude and bafe with refpect to
thofe things in which it is fit he fhould be moft pure and beautiful, who
wifhes to become truly happy.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But by whom fhall we fay this art is employed? For I am afraid
to fay it is ufed by the fophifts.
THEJE. On what account ?
GUEST. Left we fhould honour them more than is fit,
THEJE. But yet what has been juft now faid appears to be adapted to a
certain character of this kind.
GUEST. SO likewife a wolf refembles a dog, a moft favage a moft mild
animal. But he who wifhes to be free from deception ought to guard againft
fimilitude above all things : for it is a genus of the greateft lubricity. But,
at the fame time, let thefe things be admitted ; for I think it is not proper
to difpute about fmall terms, at a time when thefe ought to be carefully
avoided.
THEJE. It is not proper.
GUEST. Let, therefore, a fpecies of the feparating art be cathartic: and
let a part of the cathartic fpecies be limited to the foul. But of this let a part
be doctrinal; and of the doctrinal let difcipline be a part. But of difcipline,
1
Plato here alludes to the third energy of the diale&ic method, the end of which is a purifi
cation from twofold ignorance. See the Introduction to the Parmenides.
VOL. I l l , 2 G that
THE SOPHISTA.
that confutation which takes place about a vain opinion of wifciom (hould
be called, as it appears from our prefent difcourfe, nothing elfe than that
fophiftic art which is of a noble race.
THEJE. It mould be fo called. But I am dubious, what, out of many
things which prefent themfelves, it is fit truly andftrenuouflyto call a
fophift.
GUEST. YOU are very properly dubious. But indeed it is proper to
think, that even a fophift himfelf will now very much doubt, by what
means he may efcape our arguments. For the proverb rightly fays, It is
not eafy to avoid all things. Now, therefore, let us attack him with all our
might.
THEM. YOU fpeak well.
GUEST. But, in the firft place, let usftopas it were to take breath, and
reafon among ourfelves, at the* fame time mutually refting when we are
weary. Let us confider, then, how many forms the fophift affumes. For
we appear from our firft investigation to have difcovered, that he is a
mercenary hunter of the youthful and rich.
THEJE. We do fo.
GUEST. But from our fecond inveftigation it appears, that he is a certain
merchant in the difciplines of the foul.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. And did he not, in the third place, appear to be a huckfter
about thefe fame things ?
THEJE. He did. And did we not, in the fourth place, find him to be
one who fells us his own inventions ?
GUEST. YOU properly remind me. But I will endeavour to remember
the fifth particular. For, in the next place, we found him to be one who
ftrives in the agoniftic exercife about difcourfes, and who is defined from
the art of contention.
THEJE. We did fo.
GUEST. The fixth form is indeed ambiguous ; but at the fame time we
muft admit it, and grant that a fophift is a purifier of fuch opinions as are
an impediment to difciplines refpecling the foul.
THEJE. Entirely fo,
GUEST. Do you therefore perceive, that, when any oue appears to poffefs
a fcientific
THE SOPHISTA. 227
againft the profeffors of the feveral arts, may every where be procured by
him who willies to learn the art of contradiction.
THEJE. YOU appear to me to allude to the writings of Protagoras re
flecting wreflling and the other arts.
GUEST. And to the writings of many others, O bleffed man. But is not
the art of contradicting, fummarily a certain power, fufficient to bring all
things into controverfy ?
THEJE. It appears, therefore, that nearly nothing is omitted.
GUEST. But by the Gods, O boy, do you think this is poflible ? For
perhaps you young men behold this more acutely, but we more dully.
THEJE. In what refpect ? and why do you particularly affert this ? For I
do not underftand your prefent queftion.
GUEST. I afked, if it were poffible for any one man to know all things.
THEJE. If it were poffible, our race, O gueft, would be bleffed.
GUEST. HOW, therefore, can any one destitute of fcience be able, by con
tradicting, to urge any thing found againft him who is endued with fcience ?
THEJE. He cannot in any refpect.
GUEST. What then is it which will be wonderful in the fophiftic power ?
THEJE. About what ?
GUEST. The manner by which fophifts are able to produce an opinion in
young men, that they are the wifeft of all men in all things ? For it is evident
that, unlefs they contradicted rightly, or at leaft appeared to do fo to young
men, and, when appearing to do fo, unlefs they were confidered to be more
wife through their contentions, they would be without employment, and, as
you faid, no one would give them money to become their difciple.
THEJE. Doubtlefs no one would.
GUEST. But now men are willing to do this.
THEJE. And very much fo.
GUEST. For I think the fophifts appear to have a fcientific knowledge of
thofe particulars about which they employ contradiction.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But do they employ contradiction in all things ? Shall we fay fb ?
THEJE. Yes.
GUEST. They appear, therefore, to their difciples to be wife in all things.
3 THEJE.
THE SOPHISTA. 229
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But vet they are n o t : for this feems to be impoflible.
THEJE. It does.
GUEST. A fophift, therefore, appears to us to poffefs doxaftic, and not
true fcience, about all things.
THEJE. Entirely fo. And w h a t has been n o w faid, refpecting fophifts,
feems to be moft rightly faid.
GUEST. L e t us, therefore, affume a clearer p a r a d i g m refpecting t h e m .
THEJE. W h a t is that ?
GUEST. T h i s . But endeavour to attend to w h a t I fay, and anfwer m e
in the beft m a n n e r you are able.
THEJE. O f what kind is the paradigm ?
GUEST. Juft as if any one fhould affert that he neither fays any t h i n g , nor
contradicts, but that he makes and caufes all things to be k n o w n by one a r t .
THEJE. W h a t is your meaning in all this ?
GUEST. YOU are obwoufly ignorant of the beginning of w h a t is f a i d :
for, as it feems, you do not underftand the word all.
THEJE. 1 do not.
GUEST. 1 fay then that you and I are in the n u m b e r of all things, and
befides us, other animals and trees.
THEJE. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. If any one fhould affert that he would m a k e you and m e , and
all other living things.
THEJE. O f w h a t making do you fpeak ? F o r you do not m e a n a hufband-
m a n , becaufe the artificer you mention is a m a k e r of animals.
GUEST. I do fay fo. And beliJes this, he is the m a k e r of the fea, the
earth, the heavens, the Gods, and all other things. A n d as he rapidly m a k e s
each of thefe, fo he fills each for a fmall price.
THEJE. YOU fpeak in jeft.
GUEST. W h a t then ? May not he alfo be faid to jeft, w h o afferts that he
k n o w s all things, and profeffes himfelf able to teach another all things, for
a fmall fum of money, and in a fhort t i m e ?
THEJE. Entirely lb.
GuFST. But have you any fpecies of jetting m o r e artificial and agreeable
t h a n the imitative ?
THEJE,
THE SOPHISTA.
1
See the Notes to the tenth book of the Republic
THEJE.
332 THE SOPHISTA.
TirEiE. E n t i r e l y fo.
GUEST. DO not therefore artifts, bidding farewell to truth, neglect real
fymmetry, and a c c o m m o d a t e to images fuch commenfurations as are only
apparently beautiful?
THE.E. E n t i r e l y fo.
GUEST. Is it not, therefore, juft to call the one fpecies, fince it is a like-
nefs, an image ?
THEJE. P e r f e d l y fo.
GUEST. A n d is it not juft to call the o t h e r fpecies aflimilative?
THEJE. Yes.
GUEST. W e muft, therefore, call the other part of t h e imitative art, as
w e faid above, affunilative.
THEJE. W e muft fo call it.
GUEST. B u t w h a t fhall we call t h a t w h i c h appears indeed fimilar to the
beautiful, b u t , w h e n infpected by h i m w h o is endued with a power fufficient
for the purpofe, is found not to refemble that to which it appears to be
fimilar ? Muft w e not call it a phantafm, fince it appears to be but is not
fimilar ?
THE/E. U n d o u b t e d l y .
GUEST. IS n o t this part a b u n d a n t l y to be found in painting, and in the
w h o l e of t h e imitative art ?
THEJE. It is impoffible it fhould n o t .
GUEST. B u t may we not w i t h the greateft rectitude call that art which
produces a phantafm, and not a n i m a g e , phantaftic ?
T H E ^ . Very m u c h fo.
GUEST. I have already, therefore, faid that thefe w e r e t w o fpecies of the
i m a g e - p r o d u c i n g a r t , viz. the affunilative and phantaftic.
THETE. R i g h t .
GUEST. B u t neither a m I able n o w to fee clearly, that of which I was t h e n
dubious, v i z . in w h i c h of thefe ipecies t h e fophift is to be placed. F o r this
is truly a wonderful m a n ; and it is extremely difficult to difcern him ; fince
even n o w , in a very excellent and elegant m a n n e r , he has fled into a fpecies
w h i c h it is almoft impoffible to inveftigate.
THEJE. It feems fo.
GUEST. DO y o u then affent to this in confequence of underftanding i t ?
or
THE SOPHISTA. 233
THEJE. F o r h o w could it ?
GUEST. Since, therefore, it c a n n o t be attributed to being, neither can any
o n e r i g h t l y attribute it to any t h i n g .
THEJE. Certainly not.
GUEST. T h i s alfo is evident to u s , that this word fomething is every
w h e r e predicated of a certain being. For it is impoffible to fpeak of it alone,
as if it w e r e naked and folitary w i t h refpect to all beings.
THEJE. It is impoffible.
GUEST. T h u s confidering, therefore, muft you not agree w i t h m e , that he
w h o fpeaks of f o m e t h i n g muft neceffarily fpeak of one certain t h i n g ?
THEJE. Y e s .
GUEST. F o r you would fay, that the word fomething is a fign of one thing,
and that certain-things is a fign of m a n y things.
THEJE. U n d o u b t e d l y .
GUEST. B u t it is moft neceffary, as it appears, that he w h o fpeaks of that
w h i c h is not fomething muft entirely fpeak of n o t h i n g .
THEJE. T h i s is moft neceffary.
GUEST. Muft it not therefore follow, that neither this is to be granted,,
that he w h o fpeaks of fomething fpeaks of that which is not even one thing,
or n o t h i n g ? But neither muft w e fay that he fpeaks w h o endeavours tt>
enunciate n o n - b e i n g .
THEJE. T h e doubts, therefore, in which our difcourfe is involved fhould
c o m e to an end.
GUEST. Y o u do not as yet fpeak of something great. F o r , O bleffed m a n ,
t h e greatest.a j fi ft f d b t s ftill remains about thefe t h i n g s : for it is a
n r Q o u
1
Of the antient philofophers that phyfiologized, fome faid that the firft beings were three m
number, the hot and the cold as extremes, but the moiji as the medium, which fometimes concili
ates the extremes, and fometimes not; but they did not place the dry in the rank of a principle,
becaufe they thought it fubfifted either from a privation or a concretion of moifture. On the other
hand, the followers of Anaxagoras aflerted that there were four elements, two of which, viz. heat
and cold, ranked as agents, but the other two, drynefs and moijlure, as patients. Heraclitus and
. Lmpedocles afferted that there is one matter of the univerfe, but different qualities, with which
this matter fometimes accords, and at others is diflbnant. Heraclitus, however, was of opinion
that the world, together with a certain difcordant concord, was nearly always fimilar, though not
entirely the fame: for all things are in a continual flux. But Empedocles aflerted that the fub-
ilance of the world remained the fame, but that in one age all things were diflblved into chads
through difcord, and in another were adorned through concord.
%
Viz. the Ioniaus. 3 This was the do&rine of Empedocles.
VOL. i n . 21 GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA.
fame with a thing v and a thing alfo will be a thing of a thing. For all the fame things will take
place about a thing as about a name, through the union of thing and name. If thefe things,
therefore, are abfurd, both the one and being have a fubfiftence, and being participates of the one.
And hence the one is not the fame as the one being. See the Introduction and Notes to the Parmenides.
1
The following extract from the Commentaries of Simplicius on Ariftotle's PhyHcs, p. 3 1 ,
contains an admirable account of the doctrine of Parmenides concerning the firft being :
" That Parmenides did not confider the one being, TO h ov, to be any tiling among things genera
ted and corrupted, is evident from his afTerting that t h e one is unbegctten and incorruptible. And,
in ftiort, he was far from thinking that it is corporeal, fince he fays it is indivifible; for thus-
he
THE SOPHISTA. 345
every where fimilar to the bulk of a perfecl fphere, entirely pone/Ting equal
powers from the middle ; for nothing is greater or more (table than this —
if this be the cafe, it is neceffary that being (hould have a middle and an
extremity,
f
he fpeaks: nor is it divifible, fince the whole is fimilar.' Hence, neither can what he fays be
adapted to the heavens, according to the affertions of fome, as we are informed by Eudemus, who
were led to this opinion from that verfe of Parmenides,
i. e. ' on all fides fimilar to the bulk of a perfecl fphere:' for the heavens arc not indivifible, nor
a fphere fimilar to that which Parmenides mentions, though they form a fphere the moft accu
rate of all fuch as are phyfical. It is alfo evident that neither does Parmenides call the one being
pfychical, b* caufe he fays that it is immovable ; for the pfychical eflence, according to the
Eleatics, pofiefles motion. He likewife fays, that the whole of this one bei >g is prefent at
once, £ T T U vuv £<r.<v QJXOU orav, and that it fubfifts according to the fame, and after the fame manner.
1
Same in the fame abides, and by itfelf fubfifts.' And it is evident that it pofTeffes the
whole at once, and according to the fame, in eflence, power, and energy, fince it is beyond
a pfychical hypoftafis. Neit? er docs he fay that it is intellectual : for that which is intellectual
fubfifts according to a feparation irom the intelligible, and a converfion to it. But, according
to him, in the one being intellection, intelligible, and intellect, are the fame : for thus he writes—
i, e. 'Intellection, and that for the fake of which intellectual conception fubfifts, are the fame.*'
He adds, ouycxpavtv rov eovrog, ' for it is not without being,' i. e. the intelligible, in which, fays he,
you will find intellection has not a fubfiftence feparate from being. Further ftill, the intellectual is,
feparated into forms, as the intelligible pre-affumes unitedly, or, in other words, caufally compre
hends the feparation of forms. But where there is feparation, there difference fubfifts, and where
this is, there non-being alfo is at the fame time apparent. Parmenides however entirely extermi
nates non-being from being : for he fays, * non-beings never are, nor do they fubfift in any refpect;
but do thou, inveftigating in this path, reftrain thy intellectual conception.' Neither likewife,
according to him, is the one being a thing of pofterior origin, fubfifting in our conceptions, from
an ablation of fenfibles; for this is neither unbegotten nor indeftructible. Nor is it that which
is common in things: for this is fenfible, and belongs to things doxaftic and deceitful, about
which he afterwards fpeaks. Befides, how could it be true to aflert of this, that it is at once all
things, or that it contracts in itfelf intellect and the intelligible ? Shall we fay, therefore, that he
calls the one being an individual fubftance? 'Jut this indeed is more diffonant. For an individual
fubftance is generated, is diftinguifhed by difference, is material and fenfible, and is different from
accident. It is alfo divifible and in motion. It remains, therefore, that the Parmenidean one
3 being
THE SOPHISTA.
pajjive to the one, it does not appear to be the fame with the one, a n d all t h i n g s
will be m o r e t h a n o n e . Is it n o t fo ?
THEJE. Yes.
that the one being is fimilar to the bulk of a perfectly round fphere : for, on account of his poetry,
he touches on a certain mythological fiction. In what, therefore, does this differ from that
aflertion of Orpheus, It is of a white texture ? And it is evident that fome of the aflertions of
Parmenides accord with other things pofterior to being. Thus, for iuftance, the unbegotten and
the indeflructible are adapted to both foul and intellect ; and the immovable and abiding in
famenefs to intellect. But all the aflertions at once', and genuinely underftood, accord with the
one being. For though according to a certain fignification the foul is unbegotten, and alfo
intellect, yet they are produced by the intelligible. Likewife this one or firft being is properly
immovable, in which motion is not feparated according to energy. An abiding in famenefs alfo
properly pertains to being. Eut foul and much-honoured intellect proceed from that which
abides, and ire converted to it. It is likewife evident that fuch things as are faid to pertain to
being pre-fubfit in it unitedly, but are unfolded from it with feparation. And it feems indeed
that the one being is delivered by Parmenides as the firft caufe, fince it is at once, one and all, and
the laft boundary. But if he does not fimply call it one, but the one being, and only-begotten,
and a boundary but finite, perhaps he indicates that the ineffable caufe of all things is itablifhed
above it." Simplicius concludes with obferving, that the objections both of Plato and Ariftotle to
the aflertions of Parmenides arc philanthropic, and were made by thofe philofophers to prevent
his doctrine from being perverted.
Theje.
T H E S O P H I S T A .
break into fmall pieces the bodies of t h e others, and that which is d e n o m i
nated by t h e m t r u t h , at the fame t i m e calling it flowing generation inftead
of effence. But between thefe, Theaetetus, an immenfe conteji always fubfijled.
THEJE. T r u e .
GUEST. L e t us n o w , therefore, receive from each a particular a c c o u n t of
the effence eftablifhed by each,
THEJE. But h o w can we receive it ?
GUEST. F r o m thofe t h a t place effence in forms w e m a y eafily receive
i t : for they are more mild. B u t from thofe w h o violently d r a w ail things
to body w e fhall receive it m o r e difficultly. A n d perhaps it will be nearly
impoflible to do fo. It appears to m e , h o w e v e r , t h a t w e fhould a61 in t h e
following m a n n e r w i t h refpecl to t h e m .
THEJE. H o w ?
GUEST. It will be beft, if poflible, t o m a k e t h e m in reality b e t t e r : but if this
is impoflible, we muft be content w i t h m a k i n g t h e m fb in our difcourfe, a n d
fuppofe t h e m to anfwer m o r e equitably t h a n at prefent they would be will
ing to do. F o r that w h i c h is affented to by better m e n poffeffes m o r e
authority than that w h i c h is affented to by worfe m e n . H o w e v e r , w e pay
no attention to thefe things, but explore t h e t r u t h .
THEJE. Moft right.
GUEST. O r d e r t h e m , therefore, as being m a d e better t o anfwer you, a n d
to unfold the m e a n i n g of t h a t w h i c h they affert.
THEJE. Be it fo.
GUEST. D o they, therefore, fay, that w h a t they call a m o r t a l a n i m a l is
any thing ?
THEJE. U n d o u b t e d l y they do.
GUEST. And do they not a c k n o w l e d g e that this is an animated body ?
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. A n d , a d m i t t i n g this, do they alfo a c k n o w l e d g e that foul is fome
thing ?
T H E * . Yes.
GUEST. DO they likewife affert that one foul is juft, and a n o t h e r u n j u f t ;
and that one is wife, and another unwife ?
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But does not every foul become fuch through t h e habit and
VOL. i n . 2 K prefence
THE SOPHISTA.
prefencc of juftice, and the contrary, t h r o u g h the habit and prefence of the
contraries to thefe ?
THEJE. Thefe things alfo they will afTent t o .
GUEST. But will they fay that t h a t is altogether any t h i n g , w h i c h is able
to be prefent to and abfent from any t h i n g ?
THEJE. T h e y will.
GUEST. Since, therefore, juftice is fomething, and likewife prudence, and
every other v i r t u e , and t h e contraries to the virtues, together with foul in
w h i c h thefe fubfift, w h e t h e r will they fay that each of thefe is vifible and
tangible, or that all of t h e m are invifible ?
THEJE. T h e y will nearly alTert that no one of thefe is vifible.
GUEST. B u t w h a t ? W i l l they fay that any one of things of this kind has
a body ?
THEJE. T h e y will not give the fame anfwer to the whole of this queftion :
but foul itfelf will appear to t h e m to poflefs a certain body ; but with refpect
to prudence, and the other things about which you juft now inquired, they
will be reftrained by fhame from daring ftrenuoufly to alTert, that they are
either n o t h i n g , or that all of t h e m are bodies.
GUEST. T h e m e n , Theaetetus, are clearly become better. F o r fuch of
t h e m as are Spartans or natives would not be afhamed to alTert this, but
would contend that w h a t e v e r c a n n o t be- grafped by the hands is altogether
nothing.
THEJE. YOU nearly fpeak their conceptions.
6UEST. L e t us, therefore, again afk t h e m . F o r , if they are willing to
g r a n t that even any trifling t h i n g is incorporeal, it is fufHcient. F o r w e afk
t h e m refpecling that which is connate w i t h incorporeal, and at the fame
time with corporeal n a t u r e s , w h a t it is they look to, w h e n they fay that both
of t h e m have a being.
THEJE. Perhaps they would not be able to give an anfwer, if they fhould
fuffer any thing of this kind.
GUEST. Confider w h e t h e r , in confequence of our j ropofing this queftion,
they will be willing to a d m i t and a c k n o w l e d g e that being is a thing of this
kind.
THEJE. O f what kind ? Speak, and perhaps w e fhall underftand.
GUEST. 1 fay then that whatever poffeiTes any p o w e r , whether of doing
9 any
THE SOPHISTA. 251
THEJE. We did.
GUEST. TO this they will fay, that a power of acting and fufferjng is pre
fent with generation, but that no power of this kind is adapted to eflence.
THEJE. They will, therefore, fpeak to the purpofe.
GUEST. TO this, however, we muft fay, that we require to hear from them
ftill more clearly, whether they acknowledge that the foul knows, and that
eflence is known.
THEJE, They certainly fay fb.
GUEST. But what ? Do you fay that to know, or to be known, is action,
or paffion, or both ? Or do you fay that action is one thing, and paflion an
other ? Or that neither of thefe participates in.no refpect of the other? It
is evident, indeed, that neither participates of the other. For, if they ad
mitted this, they would contradict what they afferted above.
THEJE. I underftand you.
GUEST. For if to know was to do fomething, it would neceffarily happen
that what is known would fuffer, or become paffive. And thus, according
to this reafoning, effence being known by knowledge, would, fo far as it is
known, be moved, through becoming paffive; which we fay cannot take
place about a thing at reft,
THEJE. Right.
GUEST. What then, by Jupiter, fhall we be eafily perfuaded that true
motion, life, foul and prudence, are not prefent to that which is Jierfeclfy
being, and that it neither lives, nor is wife, but abides immovable, not pof
feffing a venerable and holy intellect ?
THEJE. But it would be a dire thing, O gueft, to admit this.
GUEST. Shall we fay then that it poffeffes intellect, but not life ?
THEJE. And how ?
GUEST. Or fhall we fay that both thefe refide in it, but that it does not
poffefs thefe in foul ?
THEJE. But after what other manner can it poffefs thefe ?
GUEST. Shall we then fay that it poffeffes intellect, life, and foul, but that,,
though animated, it abides perfectly immovable ?
1
All thefe are caufdlly contained in the firft being, becaufe it is better than all thefe
THEJE*
THE SOPHISTA. 253
t e n thoufand other particulars, w e not only fay that man is, but that he is
good, a n d an infinity of other things : and w e act in a fimilar m a n n e r with
refpecl: to other particulars ; for, confidering each as one thing, w e again call
it m a n y things, and by many n a m e s .
THEJE. T r u e .
GUEST. W h e n c e , I t h i n k , w e have given a feaft to young m e n , and to
thofe w h o ff udy in old age. F o r it is eafy for every one immediately to o b
ject, that it is impoffible for the many to be one, and the one many. H e n c e ,
they will exult, not fuffering us to fay that a m a n is good, but that good is
good, and m a n m a n . F o r I think, Theaetetus, that you have often met with
y o u n g m e n w h o ferioufly apply themfelves to things of this kind, and fome
times with m e n advanced in years, w h o , t h r o u g h the poverty of their pof-
feffions w i t h refpect to wifdom, admire fuch things as thefe, and w h o think
themfelves all-wife for having difcovered this.
THEJE. E n t i r e l y fo.
GUEST. T h a t our difcourfe, therefore, m a y e x t e n d to all w h o have ever
afferted any t h i n g refpecting eflence, let w h a t we fhall now fay in the way of
interrogation be underftood as addreffed as well to thefe as to thofe others
w h o m w e have above m e n t i o n e d .
THEJE. W h a t is it you are n o w going to fay?
GUEST. W h e t h e r w e lhould neither conjoin eflence with motion and per
m a n e n c y , nor any t h i n g elfe with any t h i n g elfe, but, as if things were u n
m i n g l e d , and it w e r e impoffible for t h e m to c o m m u n i c a t e with each other,
w e fhould confider t h e m as feparate in our difcourfe ? O r whether w e fhould
collect, all things into t h e fame, as if they were able to communicate with
each other ? O r confider this as t h e cafe w i t h fome things, but not with
others ? W h i c h of thefe, Theaetetus, fhall we fay is to be preferred ?
THEJE. I indeed have nothing to anfwer to thefe things. W h y , there
fore, do you n o t , by anfwering to each particular, confider w h a t follows
from each ?
GUEST. YOU fpeak well. W e will fuppofe t h e m , therefore, if you pleafe,
to fay, in the firft place, that nothing has any power of communicating with
any t h i n g , in any refpecr. W i l l it not, therefore, follow, that motion and
p e r m a n e n c y in no refpect participate of eifence ?
THEJE.
THE SOPHISTA. 257
1
" This is a proverb, fays the Greek Scholiaft on this dialogue, applied to thofe who prophefy
evil to themfelves. For Eurycles appeared to have a certain daemon in his belly, exhorting him
to fpeak concerning future events; whence he was called a ventriloquift."
VOL. i n . 2L GUEST.
258 THE SOPHISTA.
mean, Is not he who knows by art what founds are confonant or diflbnantj
a mufician, but he who is ignorant of this not fo ?
THETE. It is.
GUEST. Andin other aits, and the privation of arts, we ( h a l l find o t h e r
-fuch circumftanccs take place.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Since then we have acknowledged, that the genera of being are
1
mixed
1
Of the fciences, fome look to one fcientific object, as medicine to health, but other*
extend to more than one, as arithmetic to philofophy, to a polity, to the tectonic art, and to
many others; and others contribute to all arts, not the fabricative only, but alfo fuch as are theo
retic, fuch as is the divifive art, of which Socrates fpeaks in the Phi4ebus. As, therefore, in the
fciences fome are mofl total, and others partial, fo in intelligible caufes fome are altogether par
tial, alone being the leaders of a peculiar number of one fpecies, but others extend themfelves to
many, as equal, fimilar, and whole , for whole fo far as whole is not common to all things, fince a
part fo far as a part is not a whole: and others extend themfelves to all things, becaufe all things
participate of them fo far as they are beings, and not fo far as they are vital, or animated, or
poflefs any other idiom, but according to the appellation itfelf of being. Becaufe, therefore,
being is the firft among intelligible caufes, it has the moft total order among the genera; and
thefe are five in number, viz. effence, fame, different, motion, permanency. For every being is effen-
tialized, is united itfelf to itfelf, is feparated from itfelf and other things, proceeds from itfelf, and its
proper principle, and participates of a certain permanency, fo far as it preferves its proper form.
Whether, therefore, it be intelligible, or fenfible, or a thing fubfifting between thefe two, it is com
pofed from thefe genera. For all things are not vital, or wholes, or parts, or animated ; but of thefe
genera all things participate. Likewife effence not fubfifting about a thing, neither will any thing elfe
be there; for eflence is the receptacle of other things. Without the fubfiftence o f f a m e n e f s , that which
is a whole will be diflipated; and difference being deftroycd there will be one thing alone without
multitude. In like manner, motion and permanency not fubfifting, all things will be unenergetic and
dead, without liability, and tending to non-entity. It is neceffary, therefore, that each of thefe
fhould be in all things, and \\\T& effence (hould rank as the firft, being as it were the Vefta and monad
of the genera, and arranged analogous to the one. After eflence, famenefs and difference muft
fucceed, the former being analogous to hound, and the latter to infinity; and next to thefe motion
and permanency. Of thefe genera too, fome are particularly beheld about the powers, and others
about the energies of beings. For every being fo far as it is a being participates of a certain
effence, as it is faid in this dialogue, and in the Parmenides. But every eflential power is either
under fame, or under different, or under both. Thus for inftance heat, and every feparative
power, fubfifts under different, but coldnefs, and every colleclive power, is under fame. And if there
is any thing which fubfifts between thefe, it is under both fame and different. For every energy
is either motion or permanency, or in a certain refpecl both; fince the energy of intellect may be
rather faid to be permanency than motion, and in like manner every energy which preferves the
energizing nature in the fame condition, or that about which it energizes. But the motion of
2 L 2 bodies
260 THE SOPHISTA.
mixed with each other, after the fame manner, ought not he neceffarily to
proceed in his difcourfe fcientifically, who is about to fhow what genera mu
tually accord, and what do not admit each other ? Likewife, whether thefe
genera fo hold together through all things as to be capable of being mutually
mingled ? And again in their divifions, if there is another caufe of divifion
through wholes ?
THEJE. How is it poflible fcience fhould not be requifite for this purpofe,
and nearly, perhaps, the greateft of all fciences ?
GUEST. What then, again, Theaetetus, fhall we call this fcience ? Or,
by Jupiter, have we ignorantly fallen upon the fcience of the liberal ? And
do we appear, while inveftigating a fophift, to have firft found a phiio-
fbpher?
THEJE. How do you fay ?
GUEST. DO we not fay, that tb divide according to genera, and neither to
think the fame fpecies different, nor a different fpecies the fame, is the bufi-
liefs of the dialectic fcience ?
THEJE. We do fay fo.
GUEST. He, therefore, who is able to do this, fufficiently perceives one
1
idea every way extended through many things, the individuals of which
bodies into each other does not abide in fame, but departs from that in which it fubfifts ; and
that which changes the energizing nature in the fame and about the fame, is jlable motion.
Every thing, therefore, by its very being participates of this triad, effence, power, and energy, on
account of thefe five genera.
1
Here genus is fignified by one idea extended through many: for genus is not an aggregate of
fpecies, as a whole of parts, but it is prefent to every fpecies, to which it is at the fame time
prior. But every fpecies fubfifting feparate from other fpecies, and from genus itfelf, participates
of genus. By many ideas differentfrom each other, but externally comprehended under one idea, which
is genus, fpecies are fignified : externally comprehended, indeed, genus being exempt from fpe
cies, but comprehending the caufes of fpecies : for genera, truly fo called, are both more antient
and more eflential than the fpecies which are ranked under them. Of genera, alfo, fome have a
fubfiftence prior to fpecies, but others fubfift in them according to participation. To perceive
thefe two, therefore, viz. one idea extended through many, the individuals of which fubfift apart
from each other, is the province of the divifive power of dialeclic ; but the other two pertain to
the definitive power of this art: for definition perceives one idea through many wholes conjoined
in one, and collects into one definitive conception many ideas, each fubfifting as a whole. It alfo
comie&s them with each other, and perfects one idea from the aflumption of all wholes; con
joining the many in one. Befides this, it conGders the many which it has collected in one, lying
apart, and the whole which i6 produced from them.
are
THE SOPHISTA.
are placed apart from each other, and many ideas different from each other
externally comprehended under one, and one idea through many wholes
conjoined in one ; and laftly, many ideas, every way divided apart from
each other. This is to know fcientiflcally, how to diftinguifh according to
genus, in what refpecl particulars communicate, and how far they do not
communicate with each other.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But I think you do not give dialectic to any other than one
who philofophizes purely and juflly.
THEJE. For how is it poffible to give it to any other?
GUEST. If we feek*, indeed, we fhall find a philofopher in a place, of this
kind, both now and hereafter, though it is alfo difficult to fee this character
clearly; but the difficulty of perceiving a fophift. is of a different kind from
that with which the perceiving a philofopher is attended.
THEJE. HOW fo ?
GUEST. The former flying into the darknefs of non-being, aud by ufe
becoming adapted to it, is with difficulty perceived through the obfcurity of
the place. Is it not fo ?
THEJE. SO it feems.
GUEST. But the philofopher through reafoning, being always fituated near
the idea of being, is by no means eafily difcerned, on account of the fplendor
of the region. For the eyes of vulgar fouls are unable to fupport the view
of that which is divine.
THEJE. It is likely that thefe things fubfift in this manner, no lefs than
thofe.
GUEST. About this particular, therefore, we fhall perhaps at another
time confider more clearly, if it be permitted us. But, with refpecl to the
fophift, it is evident that we fhould not difmifs him till we have fufficiently
furveyed him.
THEJE. You fpeak well.
GUEST. Since then it is acknowledged by us, that fome of the genera of
being communicate with each other, and that fome do not, and that fome
communicate with a few, and others with many things, and others again
are not hindered from communicating through all things with all things; —
this being the cafe, let us, in the next place, following the order of dif
courfe,
THE SOPHISTA.
courfe, fpeculate not about all fpecies, left we fhould be confounded by their
multitude,—but, choofing certain of thofe which are called the greateft, let
m , in the firft place, confider the qualities of each, and, in the next place,
what communion of power they poffefs with each other, that we may not
in any refped be indigent of difcourfe about being and non-being (though
we may not be able to comprehend them with perfect perfpicuity), as far
as the condition of the prefent fpeculation admits. If, therefore, while we
are affimilating non-being, we fhould fay that it is truly non-being, we
fhould be exculpated.
THEJE. It would indeed be proper that we fhould.
GUEST. But the greateft of all the genera which we have now mentioned
are, being itfelf, permanency, and motion.
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUEST. And we have faid that the two latter are unmingled with each
other.
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUEST. But being is mingled with both: for both after a manner are.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. Thefe things then become three.
THE^:. Certainly.
GUEST. Is not, therefore, each of thefe different from the other two, but
the fame with itfelf?
THEJE. It is.
GUEST. What then fhall we now fay refpecting famenefs and difference ?
Shall we fay that they are two certain genera, different from the other
three, but yet always mingled with them from neceflity ? And thus are we
to confider about five, and not three genera only ? Or are we ignorant thai
we have denominated this famenefs and difference, as fomethino- belonging
to the other three ?
THEJ£. Perhaps fo.
GUEST. But, indeed, motion and permanency are neither different nor
fame.
THEJE. How fo ?
GUEST. That which we in common call motion and permanency can be
neither of thefe.
THEJE.
THE SOPHISTA! 203
THEJE. Why?
GUEST. Becaufe motion would be permanent, and permanency be moved.
For, with refpecl to both, the one becoming the other, would compel that
other to change into the contrary to its nature, as participating of the con*
trary,
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUKST. But yet both participate of fame and different.
THEJE. They do.
GUEST. We muff not, therefore, fay that motion is either fame or dif
ferent, nor yet muff we affert this of permanency.
THEJE. We muft not.
GUEST. Are, therefore, being and famenefs to be confidered by us as one
certain thing ?
THEJE. Perhaps fo.
GUEST. But if being and famenefs fignify that which is in no refpecl
different, when we again affert of motion and permanency, that both are,
we thus denominate both of them the fame, as things which have a being.
THEJE. But, indeed, this is impoffible.
GUEST. It is impoffible, therefore, that famenefs and being fhould be one
thing.
THEJE. Nearly fo.
GUEST. We muft place famenefs, therefore, as a fourth fpecies, in addi
tion to the former three.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. But what? Muft we not fay that difference is a fifth fpecies?
Or is it proper to think that this, and being, are two names belonging to
one genus ?
THEJE. Perhaps fo.
GUEST. But I think you will grant, that of beings, fome always fubfift:
themfelves by themfelves, but others in relation to other things.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST. But different is always referred to different. Is it not ?
THEJE. It is.
GUEST. But this would not be the cafe unlefs being and difference widely
6 differed
2(5* THE SOPHISTA.
THEJE.
THE SOPHISTA.
GUEST. And the fame muft be faid of other things, fince the nature of
different appears to rank among beings. But difference having a fubfiftence,
it is neceffary to place the parts of it as no lefs having fubfiftence.
THEJE. Undoubtedly.
GUEST, As it appears, therefore, the oppofition of a part of the nature of
different, and of the parts of being, are no lefs effence, if it be lawful fo to
fpeak, than being itfelf; nor do they fignify that which is contrary to being,
but only fomething different from it.
THEJE. It is moft clear.
GUEST. What then fhall we call it?
TH E JE. It is evident that non-being, which we have fought after on account
of a fophift, is this very thing.
GUEST. Whether, therefore, as you fay, is it no more deficient of effence
than the others ? And ought we now boldly to fay, that non-being poffeffes
its own nature firmly, in the fame manner as the great was found to be great,
and the beautiful beautiful, and the non-great to be non-great, and the non-
beautiful non-beautiful ? Shall we in like manner fay, that non-being was
and is non-being, as one fpecies which muft be numbered among many
beings ? Or muft we ftill, Theactetus, be diffident about this ?
THEJE. By no means.
GUEST. DO you perceive, therefore, how difobedient we have been to the
prohibition of Parmenides ?
THEJE. In what refpect ?
GUEST. We have wandered beyond the limits he appointed us, by thus
continuing ftill further to explore and evince.
THEJE. HOW ?
GUEST. Becaufe he fays, " Non-beings never, and by no means are ; but
do you, while inveftigating, reftrain your conceptions from this path."
THEJE. He does fpeak in this manner.
GUEST. But we have not only fhown that non-beings are, but we have
demonftrated what the form of non-being is. For, having evinced that the
nature of different has a fubfiftence, and that it is divided into fmall parts,
which are mutually diftributed through all things, we then dared to fay, that
the part of it which is oppofed to the being of every thing, is itfelf truly non-
being.
4 THEJE.
THE SOPHISTA.
THEJE. And to me, O gueft, we appear to have fpoken with the greateft
truth.
GUEST. Let no one, therefore, fay, that we, having evinced that non-being
is contrary to being, dare to affert that it is. For we fome time fince bade
farewell to him who afks whether that which is contrary to any thing has a
fubfiftence, and poffeffes a certain reafon, or is entirely irrational. But, with
refpecl: to that which we now call non-being, either fome one who is not
perfuaded by our arguments fhould confute us, as not having fpoken well;
or, if he cannot do this, he muft alfo fay as we fay, that the geuera are min
gled with each other, and that being and different pervading through all
things, and through each other, different participating of being, is through
this participation, not being that of which it participates, but fomething
elfe. But, being different from being, it clearly follows that it is neceffarily
non-being. And again, being, in confequence of participating of difference,
will be different from the other genera: but being different from all of them,
it is not any one of them, nor all the others, nor any thing befides itfelf. So
that, without doubt, being is not ten thoufand things in ten thoufand things:
and, in like manner, each and all of the other genera are multifarioufly DIS
tributed, but are not themfelves multifarious.
THEiE. True.
GUEST. And if any one does not believe in thefe contrarieties, he fhould
confider, and affert fomething better than has been now faid. Or if fome
one, in confequence of finding this to be a difficult (peculation, rejoices,
drawing the arguments from one fide to another, fuch a one, as our prefent
reafoning afferts, is not engaged in a purfuit which deferves much ferious
attention. For this neither poffeffes any thing elegant, nor is difficult to
difcover ; but that is difficult, and at the fame time beautiful.
THEJE. What?
GUEST. That of which we have fpoken above; I mean that, omitting
thefe particulars, we may be able to confute any one who afferts that differ
ent is fame, or fame different. For, to fhow that fame is different, and
different fame, that the great is fmall, and the fimilar diflimilar, and to rejoice
in thus introducing contraries in difcourfe, is not a true confutation, but is
evidently the province of one who has but aflightapprehenfton of the thing,
and is recently born.
THEJE.
THE SOPHISTA-.
THEJE. V e r y m u c h fo.
GUEST. F o r , O excellent young m a n , to endeavour to feparate every
thing from -every t h i n g , is both inelegant, and the province of one rude and
deftitute of philofophy.
THEJE. W h y fo ?
GUEST. TO diffolve each thing from all things, is t h e moft perfecl abolition
of all difcourfe. For difcourfe fubfifts through the conjunction of fpecies
with each o t h e r .
THEJE. T r u e .
GUEST. Confider, therefore, h o w opportunely w e h a v e n o w contended
with m e n of this k i n d , and compelled t h e m to permit one thing to be m i n
gled with another.
THEJE. W i t h a view to w h a t ?
GUEST. TO this, that difcourfe may be one certain thing belonging to the
genera of being. F o r , if w e are deprived of this, w e fhall, for the moft part,
be deprived of philofophy. And further ftill, it is requifite at prefent that w e
fhould mutually confent to determine w h a t difcourfe is. B u t , if it is entirely
t a k e n away from us, we can n o longer fpeak about any thing. And it will
be t a k e n a w a y , if w e a d m i t that things are not in any refpect mingled with
each other.
THEJE. R i g h t . But I do not underftand w h y w e ftiould n o w mutually
confent to d e t e r m i n e w h a t difcourfe is.
GUEST. But, p e r h a p s , you will eafiJy underftand by attending to this.
THEJE. TO w h a t ?
GUEST. N o n - b e i n g has appeared to us to be one of t h e o t h e r genera, and
t o be difperfed t h r o u g h all beings.
THEJE. It has fo.
GUEST. After this, therefore, w e fhould confider w h e t h e r it is mingled
w i t h opinion and difcourfe.
THEJE. O n w h a t account ?
GUEST. Becaufe, if it is not mingled w i t h thefe, it muft neceffarily follow
t h a t all things are t r u e : but, if it is mingled with thefe, falfe opinion and falfe
difcourfe muft be produced. F o r to opine, or fpeak of non-beings, is itfelf
falfehood fubfifting in the dianoetic p a r t and difcourfe.
THEJE. I t is fo.
GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA.
though in a fmall degree, ought to proceed boldly in this affair. For what
will he be able to accompiifh in other things, who is without ardor in thefe ?
For he who either effects nothing in thefe, or is repelled backwards, will
fcarcely (according to the proverb) ever take the city. But now, O good
man, fince as you fay this is accomplifhed, we fhall have captured the greateft
wall, and the reft will be eafy and trifling.
THEJE. YOU fpeak well.
GUEST. Let us then now, in the firft place, as we faid, confider difcourfe
and opinion, that we may more clearly fhow, whether non-being touches
upon thefe, or whether both thefe are in every refpect true, and neither of
them at any time falfe.
THEJE. Right.
GUEST. Come then, let us again fpeculate about nouns, in the fame
manner as we did about fpecies'and letters. For that which is the object
of our prefent inveftigation appears in a certain refpect to have a fimilar
fubfiftence.
THEJE. What is it you wifh to be conceived reflecting nouns ?
GUEST. Whether all of them harmonize with each other; or fome
accord, but others do not.
THEJE. It is evident that fome accord, and others do not.
GUEST. Perhaps your meaning is this, that fuch nouns as in an orderly
fucceffion affert and evince fomething, mutually accord; but that fuch as
fignify nothing by continuity, do not mutually accord.
THEJE. HOW do you mean ? and what is it you fay ?
GUEST. What I thought you would both underftand and affent to. For
there is a twofold genus of vocal declarations reflecting effence.
THEJE. HOW?
GUEST. One, which is called nouns, and the other verbs.
THEJE. Speak of each.
GUEST* That which is a declaration in actions, we call a verb.
THEJE. We do.
GUEST. But a mark or fign of voice impofed on the agents themfelves,
we call a noun.
THEJE. Very much fo.
GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA. 273
THEJE. We do remember.
GUEST. But, with refpect to all mortal animals, and plants which are
produced in the earth from feeds and roots, 'together with fuch inanimate
natures as fubfift on the earth, whether they are bodies which can be lique
fied, or not, can we fay that they were afterwards generated, when before
they were not, by any other than a certain fabricating God ? Or fhall we
employ the dogma and affertion of many ?
THEJE. What is that ?
GUEST. That nature generates thefe from a certain fortuitous caufe, and
which operates without thought. Or fhall we fay that they are produced in
conjunction with reafon and divine fcience, originating from Deity itfelf?
THEJE. I, perhaps, through my age, often change my opinion. However,
at prefent looking to you, and apprehending that you think thefe things were
produced by Divinity, I think fotoo.
GUEST. It is well, Theaetetus. And if we thought that in fome future
time you would be of a different opinion, we fhould now endeavour to make
you acknowledge this by the force of reafon, in conjunction with neceffary
perfuafion ; but fince I know your nature to be fuch, that, without any argu
ments from us, you would of yourfelf arrive at that conclufion to which I
have drawn you, I fhall difmifs the attempt; for it would be fuperfluous.
But I adopt this pofition, that things which are faid to fubfift from nature
are produced by a divine art: but that the things which are compofed from
thefe by men, are produced by human art: and that, according to this pofi
tion, there are two genera of the effective art, one of which is human, and the
other divine.
THEJE. Right.
GUEST. But, fince there are two genera, bifect each of them,
THEJE. How?
GUEST. Juft as the whole of the effective art was then divided according
to breadth, fo now let it be divided according to length.
THEJE. Let it be fo divided. '
GUEST. And thus all its parts will become four; two of which indeed,
with reference to us, will be human; and two again, with reference to the
Gods, divine.
THEJE. They will.
GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA. 379
1
See the latter part of the Introduction to the Timaeus.
faid,
280 THE SOPHISTA.
faid, one kind would be aflimilative, and the other phantaftic, if it fhould
appear that the falfe is truly falfe, and one certain thing belonging to beings.
THEJE. We did fay fo.
GUEST. IS it not, therefore, apparent, that we have now indubitably enu
merated two fpecies ?
THEJE. Yes.
GUEST. We muft, therefore, again give a twofold distribution to the
phantaftic fpecies.
THEJE. HOW ?
GUEST. One kind being that which is effected through inftruments, but
the other being the phantafm of that which exhibits itfelf as the instrument
of the efficient.
THEJE. HOW do you fay ?
GUEST. I think, when any one employing your figure caufes body to ap*
pear fimilar to body, or voice to voice, this is particularly called an imitation
belonging to the phantaftic fpecies.
THEJE. It is.
GUEST. Calling this then imitative, we will divide it; but we will dif-
mifs the whole of the other member, as being now weary, and we will
permit fome other perfon to colled it into one, and give it a proper deno
mination.
THEJE. Let the member then you fpeak of be divided, and let us difmifs
the other.
GUEST. And indeed, Theaetetus, it isfitto think that this alfo is twofold ;
but take notice on what account.
THEJE. Say.
GUEST. Of thofe who imitate, fome knowing that which they imitate
do this, but others not knowing it. Though, can we place any divifion
greater than that of ignorance and knowledge?
THEJE. We cannot.
GUEST. Will not, therefore, that which we juft now Spoke of be an imi
tation of thofe that are endued with knowledge ? For this man, knowing
you, imitates your figure,
THEJE, Undoubtedly.
•GUEST.
THE SOPHISTA. 281
GUEST. But what mall we fay refpecting the figure of juftice, and, in
(hort, of the whole of virtue ? D o not many, though they are ignorant,
think that they know this, and, while they imitate that which feems to them
to be the figure of juftice, endeavour, both in words and works, to make it
appear that it is inherent in them ?
THEJE. Very many, indeed.
GUEST. Are they not, therefore, difappointed in their expectations of ap
pearing to be juft, as they are not fo in any refped ? Or does the very con
trary to this take place ?
THEJE. The very contrary takes place.
GUEST. I think then we muft fay that this imitator is different from the
other, he who is ignorant from him who knows,
THEJE. We muft.
GUEST. Whence, then, can any one derive a name adapted to each?
Or is it evident that it is difficult ? Becaufe a certain antient caufe of the
divifion of genera into fpecies was unknown to our anceftors, fo that
none of them attempted to divide ; and on this account they were neceffarily
very much in want of names. But at the fame time, though it may be a
bolder aflertion, for the fake of diftinclion, we fhall call the imitation which
fubfifts with opinion doxomimetic ; but that which fubfifts in conjunction with
fcience, a certain hiftoric imitation.
THEJE. Be it fo.
GUEST. The other of thefe appellations, therefore, muft be ufed: for a
fophift was not found to be among the fcientific, but among imitators.
THEJE. ud very much fo.
GUEST. Let us then confider this doxajiic imitator, or one who imitates
from op? ion, as if he were iron, and fee whether he is found, or whether he
contains in himfelf fomething twofold.
THEJE. Let us confider.
GUEST. He is, therefore, very copious. For, of fophifts, one is foolifh,
thinking that he knows the things which he opines: but the figure of an
other, through his rolling like a cylinder in difcourfe, is replete with abun
dance of fufpicion and fear, that he is ignorant of thofe things which he
feigns himfelf to know before others.
THEJE. There are both thefe kinds of fophifts, as you have faid.
VOL. ni. 2o GUEST.
282 THE SOPHISTA.
GUEST. May we not, therefore, place one of thefe as a fimple, and the
other as an ironical imitator ?
THEJE. It is proper fo to do.
GUEST. And again, fhall we fay that the genus of this is one or two ?
THEJE. DO you fee whether it is or not.
GUEST. I confider; and two imitators appear to me: one employing
irony among the multitude publicly, and in prolix difcourfes ; and the other
compelling the perfon who converfes with him to contradict himfelf, and this
privately, and by fhort difcourfes.
THEJE. YOU fpeak moft rightly.
GUEST. What then did we evince the imitator to be who employs prolix
difcourfes ? Did we evince him to be a politician, or a popular fpeaker ?
THEJE. A popular fpeaker.
' GUEST. But what did we call the other,—a wife man, or fophiftic ?
THEJE. TO call him a wife man is impoffible, fince we have placed him
as one who is ignorant; but as he is an imitator of a wife man, he muft
evidently receive a fimilar appellation. And I now nearly underftand that
this character ought truly to be called one who is in every refpect a real
fophift.
GUEST. Shall we not, therefore, bind together his name, as we did before,
connecting every thing from the end to the beginning ?
THEJE. Entirely fo.
GUEST. He, therefore, who compels thofe that converfe with him to con
tradict themfelves, who is a part of the ironic genus, and a doxaftic imitator,
who likewife belongs to the phantaftic genus, which proceeds from the repre-
fentative art, who is to be defined to be not a divine but a human production,
and who by the artifice of his difcourfes belongs to the wonder-working divi
fion; he who fays that a real fophift is of this ftock and confanguinity will,
as it appears, fpeak moft truly.
THEJE. Entirely fo.
THE
THE PH/EDRUS,
A DIALOGUE
CONCERNING
T H E BEAUTIFUL.
2 O 2
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE PHiEDRUS.
4 fuperceleftial
286 INTRODUCTION TO
fupercelefllal place. It is alfo evident that the difcourfes about love are
to be referred to the lover. It muft not, therefore, be faid that there are
many fcopes; for it is neceffary that all of them fhould be extended to one
thing, that the difcourfe may be as it were one animal. In ftiort, Socrates
fpeaks concerning all-various beauty. Hence he begins from the apparent
beauty in the form of Phaedrus, with which Lyfias was enamoured, in con
fequence of falling off from the character of a true lover. But afterwards
he proceeds to the beauty in difcourfes, of which Phaedrus is reprefented as
a lover. From this he afcends to the beauty in foul, viz. to the virtues and
fciences; and thence, in his recantation, to the mundane Gods. After
which he afcends to the intelligible fountain itfelf of beauty, to the God of
love, and to the beautiful itfelf; whence he again defcends through the
divifive art to the beauty in foul, and in the virtues and fciences; and after
wards again to the beauty in difcourfes, thus conjoining the end with the
beginning. In fhort, the whole intention of the dialogue may be divided into
three parts, correfponding to three lives:—into the intemperate love, which
is feen in the oration of Lyfias; into the temperate, which is feen in the
firft difcourfe of Socrates; and, in the third place, into the divinely infpired,
which is feen in the recantation, and in the laft difcourfe of Socrates. It
may alfo be faid that the lovers, the loves, and the objects of love, are ana
logous to thefe lives. Hence they do not much deviate from the defign of
the dialogue who affert that it is concerning love, fince love is feen in a
relation to the object of love : and it is neceffary indeed not to be ignorant
of kindred differences, fince Plato himfelf does not deliver cafual diftinclions
of love, and the object of love. However, it is evident that the leading
fcope of the dialogue is not concerning love; for neither does it difcufs its
eflence, nor its power, but difcourfes concerning its energies in the world,
and in fouls. But if Plato any where makes love the leading fcope of a
dialogue, he difcourfes concerning its effence, power, and energy. Hence
in The Banquet, where love is the leading object, he delivers its middle
nature, and its order, calling it a mighty decmon, as binding fecondary to
primary natures. But here, a difcourfe concerning the beautiful takes the
lead, to which all things are elevated by love.
And here it is neceffary to obferve, that thefirftfubfiftence of the beautiful,
the primary objed of this dialogue, is in intelligible intellect, the extremity
' 6 of
THE PH/EDRUS, 287
intellectual Gods, and many concerning the liberated rulers of the univerfe,
who elevate the multitude of mundane Gods to the intelligible monads,
feparate from the wholes which this univerfe contains. And ftill more does
he deliver about the mundane Gods themfelves, celebrating their intellelhons
and fabrications about the world, their unpolluted providence, their govern
ment about fouls, and other particulars which Socrates difclofes in this dia
logue according to a deific energy."
I only add, that though there are frequent allufions in this dialogue to that
unnatural vice which was fo faftiionable among the Greeks, yet the reader
will find it feverely cenfured in the courfe of the dialogue by our divine
philofopher. There can be no reafon to fear, therefore, that the ears of
the modeft will be fhocked by fuch allufions, fince they are inferted with no
other view than that they may be exploded as they deferve. But if, not
withstanding this, any one fhall perfift in reprobating certain parts of the
dialogue as indecent, it may be fairly concluded, that fuch a one poffeffes
the affectation of modefty without the reality; and that he is probably a
bigot to fome defpicable and whining feet of religion, in which cant and
grimace are the fubftitutes for genuine piety and worth.
THE
THE PH/EDRUS.
S O C R A T E S A N D P H i E D R U S .
SOCRATES.
W HITHER are you going, my dear Phaedrus, and from whence came
you ?
PHJEDR. From Lyfias, the fon of Cephalus, Socrates; but I am going, for
the fake of walking, beyond the walls of the city. For I have been fitting
with him a long time, indeed from very early in the morning till now. But
1
being perfuaded by Acumenus , who is your affociate as well as mine, to
take fome exercife, I determined upon that of walking. For he faid that this
kind of exercife was not fo laborious, and at the fame time was more health
ful, than that of the courfe.
Soc. He fpeaks well, my friend, on this fubject: and fo Lyfias then, as
it feems, was in the city.
PHJEDR. He was. For he dwells with Epicrates in this houfe of Mory-
ehus, which is next to that of Olympius.
Soc. But what was his employment there? Or did not Lyfias treat you
with a banquet of orations ?
PHJEDR. YOU fhall hear, if you have but leifure to walk along with me,
and attend.
1
This Acumenus the phyficiau is alfo mentioned by Plato in the Protagoras, and by Xenophon
in the third booi of the Sayings and Deeds of Socr.;tes.
VOL. III. 2 P SOC
200 T H E P H J E D R U S .
1
he has not only heard the difcourfe of Lyfias once. , but that he has defired
him to repeat it often: and that Lyfias willingly complied with his requeft.
But neither was this fufficient for Phaedrus ; but having at length obtained
the book, he confidered that which he moftly defired to fee. And fitting
down to perufe it very early in the morning, he continued his employment,
till being fatigued, he went out for a walk ; and, by the dog, as it appears to
me committed it to memory, unlefs perhaps it was too long for this purpote.
But he directed his courfe beyond the walls, that he might meditate on this
oration. Meeting, however, with one who was madly fond of difcourfe, he
rejoiced on beholding him, becaufe he fhould have a partner in his corybantic
fury; and defired him to walk on. But when that lover of difcourfe re-
quefted him to repeat the oration, he feigned as if he was unwilling to com
ply ; but though he was unwilling that any one fhould hear him voluntarily,
he was at length compelled to the relation. I therefore entreat, Phaedrus,
that you will quickly accomplifh all I defire.
PHJEDR. Well then, I will endeavour to fatisfy you in the beft manner I
am able ; for I fee you will not difmifs me till I have exerted my utmoft
abilities to pleafe you.
Soc. You perfectly apprehend the truth refpecting me.
PHJEDR. I will therefore gratify you ; but, in reality, Socrates, I have not
learned by heart the words of this oration, though I nearly retain the fenfe
of all the arguments by which he fhows the difference between a lover and
one who does not love ; and thefe I will fummarily relate to you in order,
beginning from the firft.
Soc. But fhow me firft, my friend, what you have got there in your left *
haad,
1
Not to hear once, but often, fays Hermeas, manifefts the unwearied labour of men about
apparent beauty. The book here fignifies that fenfible beauties are images of images, as the
letters in it are primarily indicative of the foul, but fecondarily of the reafons proceeding from the
foul. A dog is dedicated to Hermes, and is the laft veftige of the Mercurial feries. As the pre
fent hypothefis, therefore, is about the oration of Lyfias, and Hermes is the infpe&ive guardian
of difcourfe, Socrates very properly fwears by the dog. It may alfo be faid that he thus fwears as
reverencing the extremity of this order, and through it calling the infpe&ive Hermes himfelf as
a witnefs.
* The left hand here manifcfls that a rhetoric of this kind is extended to the worfe, or in other
words, the paflive part of the foul \ and that it does not pertain to the pure power and fummit
2 P 2 Of
THE PHAEDRUS.
hand, under your cloak: for 1 fufpect that you have got the oration itfelf.
And if this be the cafe, think thus with yourfelf refpecting me, that I per
fectly efteem you ; but that, when Lyfias is prefent, it is by no means my in
tention to liften to you. And therefore (how it me.
PH^DR. YOU ought to defift : for you have deftroyed thofe hopes, Socrates,
which I entertained refpecting you ; the hopes I mean of contefting with you.
But where are you willing we (hould fit, while we read ?
Soc. Let us, turning hither, direct ourftepstowards the river Iliffus : and
afterwards, when you fhall think proper to relf, we will fit down.
PJHLEDR. And this will be very feafonable, as it appears, for I am at pre
1
fent without fhoes ; but this is always the cafe with you. It will be eafy,
therefore, for us to walk by the fide of the brook, moiftening our feet; nor
will it be unpleafant, efpecially at this feafon of the year, and this time of
the day.
Soc. Go on then, and at the fame time look out for a place where we
may fit down.
PH^DR. DO you fee that moft lofty plane tree ?
Soc. Why, what then ?
PHJEDR. For there, there is a cool fhade, moderate breezes of wind, and
foft grafs, upon which we may either fit, or, if you are fo difpofed, lie down.
S o c Let us go then.
PHJEDR. But inform me, Socrates, whether this is not the place in which
Boreas is reported to have ravifhed Orithya from Iliffus.
of the rational foul, viz. to intellect, but rather to the doxaftic and phantaftic part. But the book
being concealed under the garment of Phsedrus, fignifies that fuch rhetoric is involved in dark
nefs, and is fallen from the light of fcience: for it is converfant with doxaftic aiul material con
cerns, and with human trifles.
1
The being without fhoes here fignifies promptitude, the unfuperfluous, and an aptitude to the
anagogic, which indeed were always prefent with Socrates, but with Phxdrus at that time, be
caufe he was about to be perfected by Socrates. The fummer alfo, and mid-day, are adapted to
re-elevation, conformably to that faying of Heraclitus, that the foul that has a dry fplendour is
the wifeft. The dipping the feet in the brook fignifies the touching on generation with the laft
and moft abject powers of the foul; for thefe are indicated by the feet: the rational foul at the
fame time fupernally contemplating generation. The breezes of wind alfo manifeft the providen
tial infpiration of the Gods : but the fhade fignifies an intelligible, unapparent, and elevating power,
remote U;om that which is fenfible and which agitates j for this latter is indicated by the light.
Soc.
THE P H ^ D R U S .
» This is according to the pfychical mode of interpreting fables. - See the General Introduction, vol. of
this work..
and
204 THE PH^DRUS.
PH^EDR. I did not perfectly know this. But tell me, by Jupiter, Socrates,
1
are you perfuaded that this fabulous narration is true ?
Soc. If I fhould not believe in it, as is the cafe with the wife, I fhould
not be abfurd : and afterwards, fpeaking fophiftically, I fhould fay that the
wind Boreas hurled from the neighbouring rocks Orithya, fporting with
Pharmacia ; and that fhe dying in confequence of this, was faid to have been
ravifhed by Boreas, or from the hill of Mars. There is alfo another report
that fhe was not ravifhed from this place, but from that. But for my own
part, Phaedrus, I confider interpretations of this kind as pleafant enough, but
at the fame time, as the province of a man vehemently curious and laborious,
and not entirely happy ; and this for no other reafon, than becaufe after fuch
an explanation, it is neceffary for him to correct the fhape of the Centaurs and
Chimaera. And, befides this, a crowd of Gorgons and Pegafuses will pour
upon him for an expofition of <his kind, and of certain other prodigious
and 9tt», according to the Attic cuftom of adding a letter at the end of a word, which letter is
here an a. Such a foul, therefore, is ravifhed by Eoreas fupernally blowing. But if Orithya
was hurled from a precipice, this alfo is appropriate: for fuch a foul dies a philofophic, not
receiving a phyfical death, and abandons a proairetic *, at the fame time that fhe lives a phyfical
life. And philofophy, according to Socrates in the Phaedo, is nothing elfe than a meditation of
death. Let then Orithya be the foul of Phaedrus, but Boreas Socrates ravifhing and leading it
to a proairetic death.
1
According to fome, Socrates in what he now f a y 9 , does not admit the explanations of fables.
It is evident, however, that he frequently does admit and employ fables. But he now blames
thofe explanations which make fables to be nothing more than certain hiftories, and unfold them
into material caufes, airs, and earth, and winds, which do not revert to true beings, nor harmo
nize with divine concerns. Hence Socrates now fays, If unfolding this fable I (hould recur to
phyfical caufes, and fhould afiert that the wind Boreas, blowing vehemently, hurled Orithya as
as fhe was playing from the rock, and thus dying fhe was faid to have been ravifhed by Boreas,-—
(hould I not fpeak abfurdly ? For this explanation which is adopted by the wife, viz. by thofe
who are employed in phyfical fpeculations, is meagre and conjectural; fince it does not recur to
true beings, but to natures, and winds, and airs, and vortices, as he alfo fays in the Phzedo. He
rejects, therefore, thefe naturalifts, and thofe who thus explain the fable, as falling into the indefi
nite and infinite, and not recurring to foul, intellect, and the Gods. But when Socrates fays that
he confiders fuch interpretations as the province of a man very curious and laborious, and not entirely
happy, thefe words indicate the being converfant with things fenfible and material. And the
Centaurs, Chimeras, Gorgons, and Pegafuses are powers which prefide over a material nature,
and the region about the earth. But for an account of divine fables, and fpecimens of the mode
in which they ought to be explained, fee the Introduction to the fecond book of the Republic.
* That is a life pertaining to her own will; for the foul in this cafe gives herfelf up to the will of divinity.
natures,
THE PHiEDRUS. 295
natures, immenfe both in multitude and novelty. All which, if anv one,
not believing in their literal meaning, mould draw to a probable fenfe,
employing for this purpofe a certain ruftic wifdom, he will ftand in need
of moft abundant leifure. With refpect to myfelf indeed, I have not leifure
for fuch an undertaking; and this becaufe I am not yet able, according
1
to the Delphic precept, to know myfelf. But it appears to me to be
ridiculous, while I am yet ignorant of this, to fpeculate things foreign from
the knowledge of myfelf. Hence, bidding farewell to thefe, and being
perfuaded in the opinion which I have juft now mentioned refpecting them,
I do not contemplate thefe, but myfelf, confidering whether I am not a
wild bead*, poflelfing more folds than Typhon, and far more raging and
fierce; or whether l a m a more mild and fimple animal, naturally par
ticipating of a certain divine and modeft condition. But are we not, my
friend, in the midit of our difcourfe arrived at our deftined feat ? and is
not yonder the oak to which you was to lead us ?
PHJEDR. That indeed is it.
5
Soc. By Juno , a beautiful retreat. For the plane-tree very widely fpreads
its fhady branches, and is remarkably tall; and the height and opacity
of
x
If any man ever knew himfelf, this was certainly the cafe with Socrates. In what he now
fays, therefore, his meaning may be, either that he does not yet know himfelf as pure foul itfelf»
but that as being in body he knows himfelf; or that he does not yet know himfelf, as he is
known by divinity.
» For it is evident that he who knows himfelf knows all things: for, in confequence of the
foul being irawop<pov aycttyx an omniform image, he beholds all things in himfelf. By Typhon
here we mult underftand that power which prefides over the confufed and difordered in the uni
verfe, or in other words the laft proceffion of things. The term manifold, therefore, in this place
muft not' be applied to the God Typhon, but to that over which he prefides, as being in its own
nature moved in a confufed, difordered, and manifold manner. For it is ufual with fables to
refer the properties of the objects of providential care to the providing powers themfelves.
3 Socrates mentions Juno, fays Hermeas, as generating and adorning the beauty of the mun
dane fabrication; and hence me is faid to have received the Ceftus from Venus. Employing,
therefore, true praife, he firft celebrates the place from the three elements air, water, and'earth ;
and afterwards he triply divides the vegetable productions of the earth into firft, middle, and laft.
For this is evident from what he fays of the plane tree, the willow, and the grafs. He
fhows, too, that all the fenfes were delighted except the tafte. But Achelous is the deity who
prefides oyer the much-honoured power of water: for, by this mighty river, the God who is the
infpeclive
<2g6 THE PHAEDRUS.
•of the willow, are perfectly beautiful, being now in the vigour of its vege
tation, and, on this account, filling all the place with the moft agreeable
odour. Add too, that a moft pleafant fountain of extreme cool water flows
under the plane-tree, as may be inferred from its effect on our feet, and
which appears to be facred to certain nymphs, and to Achelous, from the
virgins and ffatues with which it is adorned. Then again, if you are fo
difpofed, take notice how lovely and very agreeable the air of the place is,
and what a fummer-like and fonorous ringing refounds from the choir of
grafshoppers. But the moft elegant profpect of all is that of the grafs, which
in a manner fo extremely beautiful, naturally adapts itfelf to receive on the
•gradualfteepthe reclining head. So that, my dear Phaedrus, you have led
me hither as a gueft in the moft excellent manner.
p H i E D R . But you, O wonderful man, appear to act moft abfurdly; for
by your difcourfe one might judge you to be fomeftrangerand not a native
of the place. And, indeed, one might conclude that you had never paffed
beyond the bounds of the city, nor ever deferted its walls.
Soc. Pardon me, moft excellent Phaedrus, for I am a lover of learning:
1
and, hence I confider that fields and trees are not willing to teach me any
thing ; but that this can be effected by men refiding in the city. You indeed
appear to me to have difcovered an enchantment capable of caufing my
departure from hence. For as they lead famifhed animals whither they
pleafe, by extending to them leaves or certain fruits; fo you, by extending
to me the difcourfes contained in books, may lead me about through all
Attica, and indeed wherever you pleafe. But now, for the prefent, fince
we
infpective guardian of potable water is manifeftcd. Nymphs are god defies who prefide over
regeneration, and arc miniflrant to Bacchus the offspring of Semcle. Hence they dwell near
water, that is, they afcend into generation. But this Bacchus fupplies the regeneration of the
whole fenfible world. AXE\UO$ fo z<rn o e$opo{ S E O ; rr,i TTOAVTIIAOU ^VVAIXTUG vSa-TO? 3ia YXP T O V (xeyto-Tou
TOVTOV OTOTCTFLCV TOV EtyOpOV §S0V ^AOVAI T C V 7T0TI/XCV i$XT0$' VUfX^OH fo ELO~lV L$0p0t $ECZL TY; TTXHIYYEVEO'IAF
'vxovpyoi T O V EM. XS/J,E7^S Atovoaov. Aio K A I mapx TA idan EICTI, TQVTEVTI ry Y E V T V S I E7RI€sGwao'IV' ovrog
fo h Aiovutro; RNG TTXTWYYEVIAIAT, 'vnapyzi TTAVROGRCV ato-Gmov.
1
This manifeits, as it is beautifully obferved by Hermeas, that Socrates always adhered to his
proper principles and caufes, and his own intelligible and proper divinities. For the true country
of .fouls is the intelligible world. His difcipline, therefore, was not derived from things fenfible
and refiiting, but from rational and intellectual fouls, and from intellect itfelf. The country is
indeed
THE PHyEDRTJS. 297
we are arrived hither, I for my part am difpofed to lie down ; but do you,
affuming whatever pofition you think moft convenient, begin to read.
PHJEDR. Hear then.—" You are well acquainted with the ftate of my
affairs, and you have heard, I think, that it is moft conducive to my advan
tage for them to fubfift in this manner. But if appears to me that I am not
unworthy to be deprived of what I wifh to obtain, becaufe I am not one of
your lovers: for lovers, when their defires ceafe, repent themfelves of the
benefits which they have beftowed ; but there is no time in which it is pro
per for thofe void of love to repent their beneficence; fince they do not
confult from neceffity, but voluntarily, and in the beft manner about their
own affairs, and do good as far as their circumftances will admit. Befides,
lovers fometimes reflect, how negligently they have attended, through love, to
their own concerns, what benefits they have beftowed, to their own lofs, and
what labours they have undergone ; and therefore think they have conferred
favours worthy the objects of their love. But thofe void of love, neither
blame themfelves for neglecting their affairs, nor complain of paft labours,
or difagreement with their familiars, as produced by fome beloved object.
So that fuch mighty evils being removed, nothing elfe remains for them
than to perform with willingnefs and alacrity whatever they think will be
acceptable to the objects of their beneficent exertions. Befides, if it is faid that
lovers make much of the party beloved, becaufe they love in the moft emi
nent degree, and are always prepared, both in words and actions, to comply
with the defires of their beloved, though they fhould offend others by fo
doing; it is eafy to know that this is not the truth, becaufe lovers far more
efteem the pofterior than the prior objects of their love ; and if the more re-
indeed fo far pleafant only to an intellectual man, as it is favourable to folitude, and this becaufe
folitude is favourable to contemplation ; but to be delighted with trees, and meadows, and ftreams,
merely for their own fakes, is the province of fuch as are capable of no other energies than thofe
of fenfe and imagination. Socrates, in following Phaedrus, likewife manifefts his providential
energy about youth, and his wifh to fave them. But his hearing in a reclined pofition, fignifies
his energizing about things of a more abject nature, fuch as were the opinions of Lyfias about
beauty. For it is neceflary, as Hermeas well obferves, to accommodate the figures alfo to the
hypothefes. Hence, in his recantation, Socrates very properly uncovers his head, becaufe he
there difcourfes on divine love. As, therefore, now intending to energize about more abject
beauty, he hears reclining ; aflimilating the apparent figure to the difcourfe. Thus alfo in the
Phsedo, he fat in an upright pofture on the bed when he was about to fpeak concerning the phi
lofopher.
VOL. in. 2Q cently
298 THE PHyEDRUS.
cently beloved party thinks fit, they are even willing to treat injurioufly the
former fubjects of their regard. But to what elfe is it proper to afcribe fuch
a conduct, except that calamity, love ; a conduct which he who had never
experienced this paffion would never fuppofe pofilble to exift. And befides
this, lovers themfelves confefs that they are rather difeafed than prudent,
and that they know their ill condition with refpect to prudence, but are un
able to fubdue it. But how can fuch as are properly prudent approve the
defires of fuch as are thus difeafed ? Befides, if you fhould wifh to choofe
among lovers the beft affociate, your choice muft be confined to a few ; but
if you defire to find among others one moft accommodated to yourfelf, you
may choofe out of many, And there are much more hopes of finding one
worthy of your friendfhip among a many than a few. If, therefore, you re
verence the eftabliftied law, and are afraid left the infamy of offenders fhould
k
be your portion, it is proper to remember that lovers, who confider them
felves as loved with a mutual regard, are accuftomed to boaft that they
have not beftowed their labour in vain ; but that fuch as are. not infected
with love, being better than thefe, content themfelves with enjoying that
which is beft rather than the opinion of men. But ftill further, when the
multitude perceive lovers following the objects of their affection, and bellow
ing all poffible afliduity in this employment, they are neceffarily perfuaded
that when they perceive them difcourfing with each other, the defire of
coition has either then taken place, or is about to do fo : but they do not
attempt to reproach the familiarity of fuch as are without love, as they know
it is neceffary that they muft either difcourfe through friendfhip, or fome
other pleafure unconnected with coition. And, indeed, if in confequence of
this doctrine you are afraid that it will be difficult for friendfhip to remain,
and that difagreements, by fome means or other arifing, will become a com
mon deftruction to both ; at the fame time premifing that you fhall thus
fuffer a great injury in moft of your tranfactions ; if this is the cafe, you
ought with much greater reafon to be afraid of lovers. For there are many
things afflictive to thefe, and they confider every thing as happening to tocir
difadvantage. Hence, they prohibit the objects of their regard from affoci-
ating with other lovers, dreading left the wealthy fhould furpafs them in
wealth, and the learned in knowledge ; and, as far as they are able, prcfervc
them from the company of thofe who poffefs any thing good. And thus, by
pe.rfuading
THE PHAEDRUS. 299
perfuading them to abftain from fuch as thefe, they caufe them to abandon
their friends. If, therefore, you confider your own advantage, you will be
wifer than thefe, and will entirely difagree with them in opinion. But fuch
as are not your lovers, but who act in a becoming manner through virtue,
will not envy your affociation with others, but will rather hate thofe who
are unwilling to be your familiars; thinking that you are defpifed by fuch
as thefe, but that you are benefited by your affociatcs. So that there is much
more reafon to hope that friendfhip will be produced by this means, than that
enmity will arife from fuch a connection. Add to this, that the moil: part
of lovers defire the poffeflion of the body before they know the manners, or
have made trial of any thing elfe belonging to the beloved object: fo that it
is uncertain whether they will ftill wifh to be friends to them, when the
defire produced by love is no more. But it is probable that fuch as are with
out love, fince from the commencement of their friendfhip they acted with
out regarding venereal delight,—it is probable that they will act with lefs
ardour, but that they will leave their actions as monuments of their conduct
in futurity. Befides, it will be more advantageous to you to be perfuaded
by me than by a lover. For lovers will praife both your fayings and actions
beyond all meafure; fome through fear, left they mould offend you ; but
others, in confequence of being depraved in their judgment, through defire.
For love will point you out to be fuch. It likewife compels the unfortunate
to confider as calamitous things which caufe no moleftation to others, and
obliges the fortunate to celebrate as pleafant, things which are not deferving
of delight: fo that it is much more proper to commiferate than emulate
lovers. But if you will be perfuaded by me, in the firft place I will affociate
with you, without caring for prefent pleafure, but for the fake of future ad
vantage"; not vanquifhed by love, but fubduing myfelf; nor for mere trifles
exciting fevere enmity, but indulging a very little anger, and this but flowly
even for great offences : pardoning, indeed, involuntary faults, and endea
vouring to turn you from the commiflion of fuch as are voluntary. For thefe
are the marks of a friendfhip likely to endure for a very extended period of
time. However, if it fhould appear to you that friendfhip cannot be firm
unlefs it is united with the lover, you fhould confider that, according to this,
we ought not to be very fond of our children or parents, nor reckon thofe
friends faithful, who became fuch, not from defire, but fromftudiesof a
2Q 2 different
30O THE PHAEDRUS.
different kind. But further ftill, if it is requifite to gratify in the moil: emi
nent degree thofe who are in want, it is proper to benefit, not the beft of
men, but the moft needy : for, being liberated from the greateft evils, they
will render them the moft abundant thanks. And befides this, in the exer
tions of your own private benevolence, it is not proper to call your friends, but
mendicants and thofe who ftand in need of alimentary fuppliet. For thefe
will delight in you, and follow you ; will ftand before your doors, and teftify
the moft abundant fatisfaction ; render you the greateft thanks, and pray for
your profperity. But, perhaps, it is proper not to be pleafed with thofe who
are vehemently needy, but rather with thofe who are able to repay you with
thanks, nor with lovers only but with thofe deferving your attention. Nor
again, with thofe who enjoy the beauty of your youth, but with fuch as may
participate your kindnefs when you are old. Nor with thofe who, when
their defire is accomplifhed, are ambitious of obtaining others, but with
thofe who through modefty are filent towards all men. Nor with thofe who
officioufly attend upon you for a fhort time, but with thofe who are fimilarly
your friends through the whole of life. Nor, laftly, with thofe who, when
defire is extinguifhed, feek after occafions of enmity ; but with thofe who,
when the flower of your beauty is decayed, will then exhibit their virtue and
regard. Do you, therefore, remember what I have faid, and confider that
friends admoniffi lovers, that they are engaged in a bafe purfuit; but that
thofe void of love are never blamed by any of their familiars, as improperly
confulting about themfelves, through a privation of love. Perhaps you will
afk me whether I perfuade you to gratify all who are not lovers. But I
think that even a lover would not exhort you to be equally affected towards
all your lovers : for neither would this deferve equal thanks from the re
ceiver ; nor would you, who are defirous to conceal yourfelf from others, be
able to accomplifh this with equal facility towards all. It is, however, ne
ceffary that you fhould receive no injury from your lover; but that fome
advantage fhould accrue to both. To me it appears, therefore, that I have
faid fufficient; but if you think any thing fhould be added, inform me what
it is."
How does this difcourfe appear to you, Socrates ? Is not the oration com
pofed in a tranfeendent manner, both as to the fentiments and the ftru&ure
of the words ?
Soc.
THE P H 1 D R U S , 301
PHJEDR. Who are thofe antients ? and where have you heard better things
than thefe?
Soc. I do not fufficiently remember at prefent; but it is manifeft that I
have fomewhere heard of fome of thefe, fuch as the beautiful Sappho, or
the wife Anacreon, or certain other writers. But from whence do I derive
this conjecture ? Becaufe, O divine man ! finding my breaft full of con
ceptions, I perceive that I have fomething to fay in addition to what has
been already delivered, and this not of an inferior nature. I well know,
indeed, that I underftand nothing about fuch things from myfelf, as I am
confcious of my own ignorance. It remains therefore, I think, that I myfelf,
like a veffel, fhould be filled with knowledge, through hearing, from the
fountains of others ; but that, through my dulnefs of apprehenfion, 1 fhould
again forget how, and from whom, I received the information.
PHJEDR. YOU fpeak, moft generous man, in the moft excellent manner.
For you cannot inform me, though I fhould command you to do fo, how,
and from whom, you derived your knowledge ; but this which you fpeak of
you are able to accomplifh, fince you poffefs more abundant and more ex
cellent conceptions than thofe contained in the oration of Lyfias. And if
you are but able to accomplifh this, I promife you, after the manner of the
nine Archons, to place a goldenftatueof an equal meafure at Delphi, not
of myfelf only, but likewife of you.
Soc. You are of a moft friendly difpofition, Phaedrus, and truly golden,
if you fuppofe me to have afferted that Lyfias was perfectly faulty, and that
fomething better might have been faid than the whole of this: for I do not
think that this can ever happen, even to the worft of writers. But to the
point in hand, about this oration : Do you think that any one who afferts
that it is more proper to gratify one who does not love than a lover can
have any thing to fay befides his aflertion, if he omits to prove that he who
is void of love is prudent, but the lover is not fo ; and praifes the one, but
blames the other i But I think that omiffions of this kind are to be fuffcrcd,
and even pardoned, in a writer; and that it is not the invention of thefe dif
courfes, but the elegance of the compofition, which ought to be praifed. But
in things which are notneceffary, and which are difficult to difcover, I think
that not only the compofition, but likewife the invention, fhould be praifed.
PHJEDR.
T H E P H i E D K U S , 303
PHJEDR. I affent to what you fay : for you appear to me to fpeak modeftly.
1 will therefore allow you to fuppofe that a lover is more difeafed than one
who is void of love; but, if in what remains you fpeak more copioufly and
more to the purpofe than Lyfias, you fhall ftand in Olympia, artificially-
fabricated, near the Cypfelidae *.
Soc. You are ferious, Phaedrus, becaufe I have found fault with a man
who is exceedingly beloved by you ; and you think that I have in reality
attempted to fpeak fomething more copious than what his wifdom has pro
duced.
PHJEDR. In this affair, my friend, you have afforded me a fimilar handle
to that which I fome time fince afforded you, and it is neceffary for you to
fpeak upon this fubject in the beft manner you are able. And that we may
not be compelled to adopt that troublefome method of comedians, by anfwer-
ing one another, take care of yourfelf; and do not oblige me to retort upon
you " If I, O Socrates ! am ignorant of Socrates, I am alfo forgetful of
myfelf." And, " that he defires to fpeak, indeed, but feigns to be unwil
ling." In fhort, affure yourfelf that we fhall not depart from hence before
you have difclofed to me that which you keep concealed in your breaft. For
there is none but us two ; we are in a folitary place ; and I am both
ftronger and younger than you. From all this, then, underftand what I fay;
and by no means difpofe yourfelf to be forced to fpeak, rather than to dif
courfe of your own accord.
Soc. But, O bleffed Phaedrus ! it would certainly be ridiculous in me,
who am but an idiot, to contend with that excellent writer, and this too
extemporary.
PH^DR. DO you know how the cafeftands? Ceafe your boafting before
me : for I have nearly got a fecret in my poffeffion, which, when told, will
force you to fpeak.
Soc. Do not tell it, therefore, I befeech you.
PHJEDR. Not tell it ? But indeed I fhall. For my fecret is an oath.
And therefore I fwear to you, by fome one of the Gods, or, if you will, be
1
The Cypfelidae were three princes who defcended from Cypfelus, a king of Corinth. This
Cypfelus reigned 73 years, and was fuccceded by his fon Periander, who left his kingdom, after
2 reign of 40 years, to Cypfelus II.
9 this
304 THE PHJEDRUS.
this plane-tree, that uiilefs you deliver to me a difcourfe the very contrary
to that of Lyfias, I will never at any time either fhow or read to you another
oration.
Soc. O you wicked man ! how well have you found out a method of com
pelling a lover of literature to act. as you pleafe !
PHJEDR. Why then, fince it is fo, do you hefitate about complying ?
Soc. I fhall not indeed any longer, fince you have fworn in this manner.
For how is it poflible for any one to abftain from fuch feafts as you are ca
pable of fupplying ?
PHJEDR, Begin then.
Soc. Do you know what I mean to do ?
PHJEDR. About what ?
Soc. Why, I mean to fpeak covered with my garment ', that 1 may ra
pidly run through my difcourfe, 'and that, by not looking at you, I may not
be hindered through fhame.
PHJEDR, DO but fpeak; and as to the reft, you may aft as you pleafe.
Soc. Infpire me then, O ye Mufes * ? whether you are fo called from the
melody of finging, or from the mufical tribe of fhrill founds; and fo aflift
me in the difcourfe which this beft of men compels me to deliver, that his
affociate, who formerly appeared to him to be wife, may now appear to
him to be ftill more fo.
There was a certain youth, or rather a delicate young man, extremely
beautiful, and who poffeffed a multitude of lovers. Among thefe there
was one of a fraudulent difpofition ; who, though he did not love lefs than
the reft, yet perfuaded the youth that he was not one of his lovers. And
afking him on a certain time to fatisfy his defire, he endeavoured to convince
him that one who was not a lover ought to be gratified before one who
was. But he fpoke to this effect.: In every thing, young man, one prin-
x
The modefty of Socrates in this place muft fufficiently convince the moft carelefs reader of
Plato, that this divine philofopher was very far from being a friend to that unnatural connection
of the male fpecies, which is fo frequently alluded to in this dialogue, and which was fo common
among the Greeks. He indeed who has in the leaft experienced that extreme purity of fentiment
and conduct which is produced by a cultivation of the Platonic philofophy, will require no further
conviction of the chaftity of Socratic love; but as this can never be the cafe with the vulgar,
they can alone be convinced by external and popular proofs.
• * For an account of the Mufes, fee the notes on the Cratylus.
ciple,
THE PHJSDRUS. 305
ciple, to thofe who are about to confult in a becoming manner, is, to know
that about which they confult, or elfe it is neceffary that they mould per
fectly wander from the truth. But the multitude are ignorant that they do
not know the elTence of every particular. Hence in the beginning of their
difquifitions, they do not trouble themfelves to declare what the eflence of
a thing is, as if they were very knowing in matters of this kind ; but in
the courfe of their inquiry they exhibit nothing more than probable reafons ;
and thus they are neither confident with themfelves, nor with others.
With refpecl to you and me, therefore, left we fhould fuffer that which we
condemn in others, in our inquiry, whether the engagement of friendfhip
ought to be entered upon with one who does not love, rather than
with one who does, we ought to know what love is, and what power it
poffeffes, mutually agreeing in our definition refpecting it; and looking
towards, and referring our difcourfe to this, we fhould confider whether
it is the caufe of advantage or detriment. That love, therefore, is a
certain defire, is manifeft to every one; and we are not ignorant that thofe
who are void of love, are defirous of beautiful things. That we may be able,
therefore, to diftinguifh a lover from one who is not fo, it is requifite to
know that there are two certain ideas in each of us, endued with a rulinp-
and leading power, and which we follow wherever they conduct us. One
of thefe is the innate defire of pleafures; but the other an acquired opinion,
defirous of that which is beft. But thefe fometimes fubfift in us in a ftate
of amity, and fometimes in a ftate of oppofition and difcord. And fome
times the one conquers, and fometimes the other. When opinion, there
fore, is led by reafon to that which is beft, and vanquifhes, it is denomi
nated, from its vanquifhing, temperance. But when defire irrationally
allures to pleafure, and rules within us, it is called from its dominion, injury.
But injury poffeffes a multitude of appellations : for it is multiform, and
confifts of many fpecies. And of thefe ideas that which fubfifts in the moft
remarkable degree, caufes that in which it refides to receive its appellation,
and does not fuffer it to be denominated any thing graceful or worthy.
For when, with refpect to food, defire of eating vanquifhes the reafon of
that which is beft, and rules over the other defires, then this defire is called
gluttony; which likewife fubjects its poffeffor to the fame appellation.
But that which tyrannizes about intoxication, and which through this leads
VOL. in. 2 R its
306 T H E PHJEDRUS.
its poffeflbr wherever it pleafes, evidently confers on him its own appella
tion. And it is fufficiently manifeff. how the filters of thefe, and the names
of the fiiter-defires when they rule with abfolute fway, ought to be called.
But that for the fake of which all this has been faid is now nearly evident:
though it will certainly be in every refpect more clear if enunciated, than
if not. For the defire which without reafon rules over opinion tending to
that which is right, which draws it down towards the pleafure of beauty,
and being vehemently invigorated by its kindred defires about the beauty of
body, leads and fubdues it: this defire, receiving an appellation from its
ftrength, is called love. But, my dear Phaedrus, do I appear to you, as I
do to myfelf, to fuffer a certain divine paffion ?
PHJEDR. Indeed, Socrates, you poffefs a certain fluency of expreffion,
beyond what is ufual to you.
Soc. Hear me then in filence. For in reality the place appears to be
divine. If, therefore, during my difcourfe, I fhould be often hurried away
by the infpiring influence of the Nymphs, you mult not be furprifed. For
the words which burfl from me at prefent are not very remote from dith^
rambic verfe.
PHJEDR. YOU fpeak molt truly.
Soc. But of this you are the caufe. However, hear the reft; for per
haps that which now poffeffes me may depart. But this will be taken care
of by divinity. Let us, therefore, again direct our difcourfe to the young
man. What that is then, which was the object of confultation, has been,
declared and defined. But looking towards this, let us confider with refpect
to what remains, what afliitance or detriment will very properly happen to
him who is gratified by a lover, and to him who is gratified by one who is
not fo.
It is neceflary then that a man who is enflaved by defire, or who is in
fubjection to pleafure, fhould render the object of his love as agreeable to
himfelf as poflible. But to one difeafed every thing is pleafant which does
not oppofe his difeafe; but that which is better and equal is troublefome.
Hence the lover is never willing that the object of his love fhould poflefs
any thing more excellent than himfelf, or any thing approaching to an
equality with himfelf; but that, as much as poflible, he fhould be inferior
to, and more indigent than himfelf. Thus, he is defirous that through
6 ignorance
THE PHAEDRUS. 307
ignorance he may become inferior to the wife, through timidity inferior to the
bold, through inability to fpeak, to rhetoricians, and through dullnefs, to the
acute. And when thefe, and far more numerous ills than theie, according to
the conceptions of the lover, are naturally inherent, or are produced in the
beloved object, the lover rejoices, and even endeavours to introduce others,
that he may not be deprived of his defired pleafure. Hence it is neceffary
that the lover fhould be envious of his beloved, and fhould endeavour by
all poffible means to exclude him from an affociation with others, through
whom he may become a moft excellent man; and thus in reality he is the
caufe of a mighty injury to his beloved. But the greateft injury, which he
is the caufe of, is that of depriving his beloved of the means of becoming
eminently prudent. But he becomes moft prudent through divine philo
fophy, from which the lover is neceffarily compelled to withdraw his be
loved, through the fear of being defpifed. And befides this, he is obliged
to a variety of other artifices, that his beloved, by becoming ignorant of
every thing, may place all his admiration upon him ; and may thus become
moft acceptable to his lover, but moft pernicious to himfelf. And thus
with refpect to things relating to the rational part, an affociation with a
lover is by no means advantageous, but prejudicial to the party beloved.
But after this it is neceffary to confider how he, who is compelled to
prefer the pleafant to the good, would take care of the body of his beloved,
if it was committed to his charge. Indeed he would endeavour that it
fhould not become firm and vigorous, but effeminate and foft; and that it
fhould not be nourished in the pure light of the fun, but under the mingled
fhade; and that he fhould be educated without having any experience of
manly labours and dry fweats ; but on the contrary fhould be continually
accuftomed to a delicate and effeminate mode of living, and be adorned
with foreign colours and ornaments, through the want of his own proper
decorations: and that he fhould beftudiousof every thing elfe, which is
confequent to cares of this kind. All which, as they are unworthy of a
longer narration, having fummarily defined, we fhall proceed to what
remains of our difcourfe. Enemies, therefore, in battle, and other mighty
neceffities, will confidently affault fuch a body, but friends and lovers will
be in fear for its fafety. But this, as fufficiently evident, we fhall difmifs.
Let us then, in the next place, declare what advantage or detriment, with
2R2 refpect
308 THT P H A D ft'US.
only ; but the middle fpecies is partly rational and partly irrational. And again, of thefe the
iirft is perfectly beneficent, but many among the other two fpecies are malevolent and noxious
to mankind; not indeed efientially malevolent (for there is nothing in the univerfe, the ample
abode of all-bountiful Jove, efTentially evil), but only fo from the office which they are deftined
to perform : for nothing which operates naturally, operates as to itfelf evilly. Hut the Platonic
Hermeas, in his MS. Commentary on this dialogue, admirably obferves on this paffiige as follows:
4 (
The diftribution of good and evil originates from the dsemoniacal genus: for every genus,
tranfeending that of daemons, uniformly poflefles good. There are, therefore, certain genera of
dxmons, fome of which adorn and adminifter certain parts of the world j but others certain fpecies
of animals. The daemon, therefore, who is the infpective guardian of life, haftens fouls into
that condition, which he himfelf is allotted *, as for inftance, into injuftice or intemperance, and
continually mingles pleafure in them as a fnare. But there arc other dxmons tranfeending thefe,
who are the puniihers of fouls, converting them to a more perfect and elevated life. And the
ifirft of thefe it is neceflary to avoid j but the fecond fort we fhould render propitious. But there
are other daemons more excellent than thefe, who diftribute good, in an uniform manner."—Ano
rou daipoviou -yevwj irpurwc. apxiToti h TUV ayaflav xai xcutuv titaipeo-is' wav yap ro uwepSaiiAoviov ytvo$ t
fjiovotitius tyti TO ayaftov. Ecmv ouv riva yivn Soti/xovuv, ia /JLEV fitpi$a$ rivag T O O noafxou Kxraxoo-fxcuvra xat
aXKoi fo TIVZ$ eicri TOVTUV nravaStCmoTt; XaifMVEfr 01 xo*a<r£«{ etrnrtfxTrovat rou$ ^XAIF, tm<rrpE$ovri$ auraq
TEteio)TEpav xsci irntpmpot.v £uW xxi rov$ [Atv irpurovf ocjroTpnrto-§ot.i $u' 7ov$ tie fourepoug E^tuy.svi^to'&xi'
moft
T H E P H J E D R U S .
This is that which I predicted to you, O Phaedrus, nor will you hear, me
fpeak any further; for my difcourfe to you has now arrived at its con
clufion.
PHJEDR. But to me it appears that you have accomplifhed no more than
the half, and that you fhould fpeak equally as much concerning one who is
not a lover; that he of the two ought rather to be gratified; and that, for
this purpofe, the advantages which he poffefTes fhould be enumerated. Why,
therefore, Socrates, do you now defift from fpeaking ?
Soc. Have you not taken notice, bleffed man, that I now fpeak in verfe,
but that it is no longer dithyrambic; and that I have done this, though my
difcourfe has been full of reproach ? But what do you think I fhould be able
to accoroplifh, if I fhould begin to praife the other ? Do you not perceive
that)
THE P H i E D R US. 311
that, being then urged by you, and aflifted by Providence, I (hould be moft
evidently agitated by the fury of the Nymphs? I fay then, in one word,
that as many goods are inherent in the one as we have numbered evils in
the other. But what occafion is there of a long difcourfe ? for enough has
been faid concerning both. And every thing proper to the oration has been
introduced. I will, therefore, crofs over the river and depart, before I am
compelled by you to accomplifh fomething greater than this.
PHJEDR. Not yet, Socrates, till the heat is over. Do you not fee that
mid-day, as it is called, ftably remains almoft, even now ? Let us, there
fore, flay here, and difcourfe together about what has been faid, and imme
diately as it begins to grow cool^ we will depart.
Soc. You are divine, Phaedrus, with refpecl: to difcourfe, andfincerely
admirable. For I think that no one has been the occafion of more, of the
orations which exift at prefent, than yourfelf; whether by fpeak#t£ of your
own accord, or in fome way or other by compelling others. I except only
Simmias the Theban. For you far furpafs all the reft. And now you ap
pear to be the caufe of my commencing another difcourfe, though you did
not announce war, as the confequence of my refufal,
PHJEDR. But how have I been the caufe? and what new difcourfe is this?
Soc. When I was about to pafs over the river, excellent man, a demo
x
niacal and ufual fignal was given me; and whenever this takes place, it
always prohibits me from accomplifhing what I was about to do. And in
the prefent inftance Iteemedto hear a certain voice, which would not fuffer
me to depart till I had made an expiation, as if I had offended in fome par
ticular a divine nature. I am therefore a prophet, indeed, but not fuch a one
as is perfectly worthy; but juft as thofe who know their letters in a very
indifferent manner, alone fufficient for what concerns myfelf. I clearly,
therefore, now underftand my offence: for even yet, my friend, there is
fomething prophetic in my foul, which difturbed me during my former dif.
courfe. And this caufed me to fear left, perhaps, according to Ibycus, I
fhould offend the Gods, but acquire glory among men. But now I perceive
in what I have offended.
PHJEDR. Will you not inform me what it is ?
1
For a full and every way fatisfaclory account of the diemon of Socrates, fee the note at the
beginning of the Firft Alcibiades on daemon?, from Proclus.
Soc.
$12 THE PHjEDJtVS,
And thus having compofed a poem directly contrary to what he had before
publifhed, and which is called a recantation, he immediately recovered his
3
|oft fight . I a m , therefore, in the p r e f e n t inftance wifer than both thefe :
for
1
This is the language of true philofophy and true rellgkn, that nothing can be more dire than
impiety.
* For an account of Love confidered as a Deity, fee the notes on The Banquet,
a From hence it is evident that the narration of the rape of Helen, and of the Trojan war, i$
entirely
THE PHiEDRUS.
for before I fuffer any damage through my accufation of love, I will endea
vour to prefent him with my recantation, and this with my head uncovered,
and not as before veiled through fhame.
PHJEDR. You cannot, Socrates, fay any thing which will be more plea-
ling to me than this.
Soc For, my good friend, you muft be fenfible how imprudent the ora
tion was which you repeated, and how fhamefully I myfelf alfo fpoke con
cerning a lover. For, if any one of a generous difpofition and elegant man
ners, who either loves, or had formerly loved, fuch a one as himfelf, had
heard us, when we faid that lovers often excited the greateft enmities for
the moft trifling occafions, and that they were envious of, and injurious to,
their beloved, would he not have thought that he was hearing men educated
in fhips, and who were perfectly unacquainted with liberal love ? or do you
think that he would by any means have affented to our accufation of love ?
PHJEDR. By Jupiter, Socrates, perhaps he would not.
Soc. Reverencing, therefore, fuch a man as this, and fearing Love him
felf, 1 defire, as it were with a potable oration, to wafh away that fait and
entirely mythological, concealing certain divine truths under the fymbols of fable. But as this ac
count of Stefichorus, and the fable of the Iliad, is beautifully explained by Proclus on Plato's
Republic, p. 393, I Avail prefent the reader with the following epitomized tranflation of his com
ment. " Stefichorus, who confidered the whole fable of Helen as a true narration, who approved
the confequent tranfaclions, and eftablifhed his poetry accordingly, with great propriety fufFered
the punilhrnent of his folly, that is, ignorance: but at length, through the affi fiance of mufic, he
is faid to have acknowledged,his error; and thus, through undemanding the myfteries concerning
Helen and the Trojan war, to have recovered his fight. But Homer is faid to have been blind,
not on account of his ignorance of thefe myfteries, as Stefichorus, but through a more perfecl:
habit of the foul, i e. by feparating himfelf from fenfible beauty, eftablifhing his intelligence
above all apparent harmony, and extending the intellect of his foul to unapparent and true har
mony. Hence, he is faid to have been blind, becaufe divine beauty cannot be ufurped by corpo
real eyes. On this account, fables bordering upon tragedy reprefent Homer as deprived of fighr^
on account of his accufation of Helen. But fables, in my opinion, intend to fignify by Helen all
the beauty fubfifting about generation, for which there is a perpetual battle of fouls, till the more
intellectual having vanquifhed the more irrational forms of life, return to that place from which
they originally came. But, according to fome, the period of their circulation about fenfible forms
confifts of ten thoufand years, fince a thoufand years produce one ambit as of one year. For nine
years therefore, i. e.. for nine thoufand years, fouls revolve about generation; but in the tenth
having vanquifhed all the barbaric tumult, they are faid to return to their paternal habi- •
tations."
VOL. i n . 2 s bitter
THE PfT-ffiD ft tJ3«
bitter difcourfe w h i c h w e have lately heard. A n d I would advife Lyfias
himfelf, for fimilar reafons, to w r i t e as foon as poflible that a lover ought
r a t h e r to be gratified t h a n o n e w h o is w i t h o u t love.
PHJEDR. You m a y be well aflured t h a t h e will do f o ; for, after you have
fpoken in praife of a lover, it will be neceffary that Lyfias fhould be c o m
pelled by m e to do the fame.
S o c . T h i s indeed I believe, while you r e m a i a affected as you are at
prefent.
PHJEDR. Speak then confidently.
S o c . B u t will you not permit m e to fuppofe that the fame young m a n is
prefent, to w h o m I addrefied my former difcourfe, left, in confequence of
not hearing m y recantation, he fhould rafhly gratify one w h o is not a lover?
PHJEDR. H e will always b e very nearly prefent w i t h you, when you are
wiUjrrg he fhould be fo.
S o c . In this m a n n e r then, O beautiful y o u n g m a n , underftand t h a t the
former difcourfe was that of Phaedrus the M y r r h in ufian, the offspring of P y -
t h o d e s ; but that this w h i c h 1 a m n o w about to deliver is the difcourfe of
Stefichorus the Imeraean, and the fon of E u p h e m u s . But he began his
oration a s follows:
" T h e difcourfe is n o t true which afferts t h a t , though a lover fhould be
prefent, one w h o is not a lover ought t o be gratified before h i m , becaufe the
one is agitated with fury, but the other is prudent in his conduct. F o r if it
w a s fimply true that mania is evil, this would be beautifully afferted. But
1
n o w the greateft goods are produced for us t h r o u g h mania, and are afligned
to
1
This is a moft weighty teftimony indeed in favour of the antient oracles, and prediction in
g«nerah I fhall therefore obferve, in anfwer to the followers of Van Dale, Fontenelle, and others
who have endeavoured to prove that the oracles of the antients were nothing more than the tricks
of fraudulent priefts, that to fuppofe mankind (hould have been the dupes of fuch impofitions for
the fpace of three thoufand years, would exceed the moft extravagant fiction in romance. For
l o w is it poflible, even if thefe priefts had been a thoufand times moTe cunning and deceitful than
they are fuppofed to have been, that they could have kept fuch a fccret Co impenetrable in every
«i*y and province where there weTe any oracles, as never to have given themfelves the lie in any
particular Is it poflible that there fhould never have been one man among them of fo much
worth 28 to abhor fucb irnpoftures ? that there fhould never have been any fo inconfiderate as
unluckily to difcover all the myftery for want of fome precautions ? that no man fhould ever
4 have
'to as by a divine -gift. • For the .predicting prophetefs at IMphi, and thp
prieftefles
have explored the fandtuaries, fubterraneous paffages, and caverns, where it is pretended the/
kept their machines ? that they (hould never have had occafion for workmen to repair them ?
that only they (hould have had the fec*et of compofing drugs proper to create extraordinary
dreams ? and, laftly, that they mould have perpetually fucceeded one another, and conveyed
their machines and their juggling tricks to all thofe that were to follow them in the fame employ
ments from age to age, and from generation to generation, and yet no man have been ever able
to detect the impofition t
Befides. who were thefe priefts, that, as it is pretended, were monfters of cruelty, fraud, and
malice ? They were the mod honourable men among the heathens *, and fuch as were moft
efteemed for their piety and probity. They were fometimes magrftrates and philofophers. Thus
Plutarch f informs us in one of his treatifes, that he was himfelf, to a very old age, the pried of
Apollo of Delphi, and that he prefided in this character over the oracle, the facrifices, and all the
other ceremonies of this deity for many years. Depraved as the age is, will any one be hard/
enough to aftert that a man of fuch probity, of fuch gravity of manners, of fo much penetration,
Jearning, and judgment as Plutarch, was a cheat and an impoflor by profefljon ? That he was
capable of fpeaking through a hollow image to counterfeit the voice of Apollo ? Or of fuborning
a female to act the part of one poffefled, when (he w s feated on the Tripos ? There is not furely
any onefo lofl to fhame, fo devoid of common fenfi- as to make fuch an affertion.
Again, how could thofe clear and precife o r a c - h a v e been produced by fraud, in which what
was done in one place was foretold in another, as in that famous oracle which was delivered to
the ambafladors of Crcefus. This moft ftupid of kings, and moft unfortunate of cooks, as he is
juftly called by Maximus Tyrius, in order to try the veracity of the oracles, had determined, it
feems, in a fecret part of his palace to do fomething to which no one (hould be privy but him-
ifeif, and fent to the oracle of Apollo to tell him what he was doing. His meflengers returned
with the following anfwer:
* The pontiffs and other priefts among the Greeks, as well as among the Romans, held the firft rank of
honour. They were ufually taken from noble or patrician families. Plutarch afferts that in fome partaof
Greece their dignity was equal t o that of kings. In t h e firft ages, i n d e e d , kings themfelves were often priefts,
diviners, and augurs. This we may learn from Ariftotle in the third book of his Politics, c. l o ; from Cicero,
-
d e Divin. lib. i. and de leg. 1. i. w h e r e he fjxa' of Romulus and Numa ; from Homer, Iliad vi. 1, 76. and
Virgil, JEn. 1. 3. when they fpeak of Helenus, nd from the latter alfo when he fpeaks of king Anius,
aEn. i i i . 1. 80.
Rex Anius, rex kh , hominum, Phocbique facerdos.
Who can believe that kings, princes, and pcrfons of the firft quality were capable of carrying on the trade of
jugglers, and amttfing the people by delufions and tricks of legerdemain ?
-j- Plutarch. lib. AH fcAi^crendaui Kespublica.
28 2 Ohpn
316 T H E P H J E D R U S .
Crcefus it feems was, at the very time when this oracle was delivered, boiling a lamb and tor
toife together in a brazen veflel. This ftory is firft related by Herodotus, Hilt, lib- i. c. 8. and
after him by various other writers, both heathen and chriftian, and among the reft by Bafil, who,
with the reft of the fathers, fays that the devil was the author of it. Now the fact is as certain as
any in antiquity. Befides, it is not the only one of this nature: Cicero, Valerius Maximus,
Dionyfius Halicarnafleus, Strabo, Florus, &c. relate feveral inftances of predictions having been
verified in one place of what was doing in another. Plutarch, in the life of Paulus vEmilius,
and in that of Sylla, adds others alfo; but one efpecially that happened in the reign of Domitian,
and o f the truth of which he fays no man doubted in his time. The circumftance, as related alfo
by Auguftine, lib. ii. de Civit. Dei, cap. 24. was, that a fervant of one Lucius Pontius prophe
tically exclaimed, I come a mefTenger from Bellona, the victory Sylla is thine. He afterwards
added, that the capitol would be in flames. Having faid this, he immediately left the camp, and
the next day returned more rapidly, and exclaimed that the capitol had been burnt. And the capitol
it feems had i n reality been o n fire. Auguftine adds that it was eafy for the devil to forefce this,
and moft rapidly to tell it. Indeed, fuch predictions muft have been the effect o f infpiration,
either from divinity, or from fome of the genera between divinity and man •, and hence Auguftine,
very confidently with his religion, afcribed them to an evil dxmon. The Platonic reader, how
ever, will eafily account foT moft o f them more rationally, as \\Q fientifically knows that divination
has deity for its origin ; and that, when the perfons infpired are worthy characters, and the pre,-
dictions beneficial, fuch infpiration cannot be the offspring of fraudulent fpirits.
It is very juftly indeed obferved by Plutarch, in his treatife concerning the Pythian oracles, that
with refpect to curfory predictions, fome one might foretel that a certain perfon Ihould be victo
rious in battle, and he accordingly conquered ; that fuch a city {hould be fubverted, and it was
accordingly deftroyed ; but, fays he, when not only the event is foretold, but how, and when, after
what, and by whom, it /h<.ll be efecled, this is no conjefiure of things which may perhaps take place, but
m premanifejlition of things which will absolutely happen. Toiavra rov tonSou dithGovros b Xepamw,
hxaw (t<p*) T O aiufjia irtpt tm ourusteystBovdos aopurrvs xat avunoOtruiteyofuvarti v«» nparriyu -rrpo-
j < fnrai, vnucwtr u 7toM<»$ avMpurif, cunohuhtv. O T T M fo ov f*oycv XtytTcu T O yiwiro/itvev, a**a xat nus, hm
THE PHJEDRUS. 317
mors, xat y.ira rt, xat (/.not rtvog, OVK tan cixcccpog ruv raxot yevvcrofASvuv, aWa. rm iravrxc. taoptvav
TTpodnhUO'tg.
•Should it be aflced why fuch infpiration, if it once exifted, no longer exifts at prefent, I reply
by repeating what I have faid in my Notes on Paufanias (Vol. 3. p. 261), that when thofe circu
lations take place, mentioned in a note on the eighth book of the Republic, during which the
parts of the earth fubfift: according to nature, and this is accompanied with a concurrence of
proper injlruments, times, and places, then divine illumination is abundantly and properly received.
But when parts of the earth fubfift contrary to nature as at prefent, and which has been the cafe
ever fince the oracles ceafed, then as there is no longer an aptitude of places, injlruments, and times y
V
divine influence can no longer be received, though t IE illuminations of divine natures continue
immutably the fame j juft, fays Proclus, as if a face (landing in the fame pofition, a mirror (hould
at one time receive a clear image of it, and at another, one obfeure and debile, or indeed, no
image at all. For, as the f.IME incomparable man further obferves, it is no more proper to refer
the defect of divine infpiration to the Gods, than to accufe the fun as the caufe of the moon
being eclipfed, inftead of the conical fhadow of the earth into which the moon falls. The
reader will find in the above mentioned place, the theory of oracles fcientifically unfolded.
1
Hermeas the philofopher, in hio MS. Scholia on this dialogue, gives us the following very
fatisfaclory information refpecting the oracle in dodona : Hspt fo rou Aodoovaiou fjtavruoy foafopa stat
ra laropooixtva' CJTI [AEV yap Tra^aiorarov ruiv Etowwuv (xavrtiav- teyourt h ot fxsv on tyug nv EXEI h fxav-
rzvovia- 01foon "nzpnnpxt ro fo a?,r>8e$ on yuvatxeg wav iepsiat ai yuxvrEvouaai, dpu'i ry xtQaM o~T£<po(JLtvai
t
at rv-tg £na>\cuvro 7iE}.Eixfo<,. taag ~uv x7to rou ovo/xarog rmg OT\XW8SVTES, uTronrzuouo-av mat orepiarEpag ra$
(Aavriuouo-xs- E T T E I ? ) ) fo ttxt rriv Ht<px>.rtv $pu'i xarEcrrpitpovro, taag foa rouro zipri>tai-i xat rr\v tyvv (/.avrtuuv- tart
fo Atog T O iJi.xvruov ro fo EV At^Qiig, AwoXhmog. eixorug OUV TtxpzT^atov ug auyyzvn ra pavrEta' xat yap o
ATTO}>}WV uorcupyog Aeysrai rr\g rou A<og fo M0upyixg, xat oro7\\axig, ft sfo^ev auioig
l aaaQvg etvat 6 rou AwJtt-
KUi
vatou xpWftoSf airy.o-av sig rov EV A-Apojj, xpwcnt.\oi rt (Zoulzrai 6 rou Atog xpvo~fAog* ""^"f aurtav
tfaynaaro 7C0*>.aH.ig 6 A-7ro\>.uv. tvQou<Ti<jixai fxzv ouv xai //.avrEuc/xtvat at 1 pEtat, moTCha turipyErouv roug avQpu-
vrovg nrpo'Kiycvo'at ra (/.zWovra xat Trpo&opOoufiEvai' cwQpovoucrt it o/u:ia» naav ratg a>CKa\g yuvat^iv. i. e^
" Different accounts are given of the Dodonsean oracle : for it is the moft antient of the Grecian
oracles. According to fome an oak prophefied in Dodona; but according to others, doves.
The truth however is, that prieftefTes whofe heads were crowned with oak prophefied; and thefe
women were called by fome peleiacles, or doves. Perhaps, therefore, certain perfons being deceived
by the name, fufpected that doves prophefied in Dodona ; and as the heads of thefe women were
crowned with oak, perhaps from this circumftance they faid that an oak prophefied. But this
oracle belongs to Jupiter, and that at Delphi, to Apollo. Very properly, therefore, are thefe
oracles confidered. as allied to each other. For Apollo is faid to be ininiftrant to Jupiter in the
adminiftration of things : and often when the Dodonaean oracle appeared to be obfeure, the oracle
at Dtlphi has been confulted, in order to know the meaning of that of Jupiter. Often too,
Apollo has interpreted many of the Dodontean oracles. Thefe prieftelTes, therefore, when in an
enthufiaftic
8*8 THE fc'HiBDfctJ'S.
«nthufiaftic and prophetic condition, have greatly benefited mankind by predicting and previoufly
-correcting future events; but, when in a prudent ftate, they were fimilar to other women."
* Hermeas, in his MS. Commentary on this dialogue, has the following remarkable paflTage on
the Sibyl here mentioned: Tltpi h rns Xi€u\?<n( OUTOJ tern Saufjunra tat ^tyo/xtva, U<TTE 3b|at nuOout
9
ttruu' vr&XKM (AtYxoi XiCwXXat jy&ypwwj, "naaat TOUTOV tXajxtvai 0iov' Tracrai fxtv &a riva i<ruf Xoymnv ainat
*e9&m XiCuXXau vrpwotyofWZ<rQcu' uantp &i b Tpio-fjnrytffTaf 'Epftnt Xtytrcii woXXax/j E9Tj<J»/iTj<ra{ ry AiyvTrrp,
*avt«v *nafAwr(ku t tcai rpnov *£*x*<r&ai 'EpfiW tun jpm it OpQui napa 0pa|i ytvsadar ouv Hat aunxt
motra VIM .WHuuwav, uXovro T a u r a j r a $ npoaynopuxi' VKH auin yt h £iCv*Xa n Ep'j6paia mpi i\q
ttat avapurHTiv
iw Xiyn TLpifvto apxW toyou<ri aurnv tuQut irpot*$ooffav Trpoo-u-rrtui ii ovofjurot tKajrov,
fxaxuro t£ uau
¥6V
tyfAtrpa ffaryyerBoLi, xai s\<; • &pax,uv xp° T t X c i o y uic'f avOpurrou haCeiv. i . e . "The particulars which
are reported about this Sibyl, are fo wonderful, that they have the appearance of fables. But,
indeed, ihere were many Sibyls, all of whom adopted the fame life, and all of them, perhaps
through a certain rational caufe, were called Sibyls: juft as Hermes Trifmegiftus, who often
refided in Egypt, is faid to have made mention of himfelf, and to have called himfelf the third
Hermes. Three Orpheufes alfo are faid to have exifted among the Thracians. Perhaps,
therefore, thefe Sibyls chofe thefe appellations from a certain communication and recollection;
fince this very Erythrsean Sibyl, of whom Plato now fpeaks, was from the firft called Erophile.
But they report that (he called every one by his proper name, as foon as (he was born, that (he
likewife fpoke ia verfe, and that in a fhort time {he arrived at the per feet ion. of the human
Species."
that
THE PHAEDRUS.
• See the Note on the tenth boofe of the Republic, concerning the different kiadaof poetry.
a
The difeourfe of Plato here, is as it were, analytical. Thus, fox iniUnce, the end of mail
is
320 THE PHiEDRUS.
is nothing elfe than felicity, and this is a union with the Gods ; for Plato does not place felicity
in externals. But the foul is conjoined with the Gods even in the prefent life, when, furveying
the whole of fenfible and celeftial beauty, fhe acquires a reminifcence of intelligible beauty. But
her reminifcence muft be of that which fhe once beheld : for reminifcence is of things which
fome one has cither heard of or feen. But the foul formerly beheld this beauty, when fhe
revolved in conjunction with htr proper God. She muft, therefore, be immortal: for if not,
{he would neither have revolved nor have recovered her memory. Hence he firft fpeaks con
cerning the immortality of the foul, her idea, and what follows; and afterwards he difcourfes
concerning that to which Love conducts us, viz. an intelligible effence, and divine beauty, fimple,
and unmoved.
1
This part contains one of the ftrongeft demonftrations poflible of the immortality of the foul,
as will be evident to every one whofe intellectual eye is not blinded by modern purfuits. But
when Plato fays every foul, the reader muft not fuppofe that the fouls of brutes are meant to be
included*
THE PIIJDRUS,
1
But refpecting its idea we mufl: fpeak after the following manner: To
give a perfect defcriptipn of its nature, would indeed be the employment of
included, for thefe, as is evident from the Timceus, are mortal ; but every rational foul, as well
human as divine. But this reafoning confifts of two fyllogifms, the parts of which Socrates, as
being agitated with divine fury, does not altogether difpofe into order; and thefe are as follows :
Soul is felf-motive. That which is felf-motive is always moved, becaufe it never forfakes itfelf,
nor is ever deferted by motive power. But if it is always moved with an inward motion, it always
lives. Soul, therefore, is immortal. This is the firft fyllogifm. But the fecond: foul is felf-
motive, and is therefore the principle of motion. But the principle of motion is unbegotten.
That which is unbegotten is immortal. Soul therefore is immortal.
1
By the idea of the foul we are not to underftand its fupernal exemplar, but its intimate
form, and the difpofition, and as it were figure of its power. But by the chariots of the Gods,
that is, of the mundane Gods and beneficent daemons, are to be undcrftood all the inward difcur-
five powers of their fouls, which purfue the intelligence of all things, and which can at the fame
time equally contemplate and provide for inferior concern?. And the horfes fignify the efficacy
and motive vigour of thefe powers. But the horfes and chariots of partial foul, fuch as ours
when feparated from the body, are mixed from good and evil. Our principal pa>t is intellect.
The better horfe is anger, and the worfe defire. The wings are anagogic or reduclory powers,
and particularly belong to the charioteer or intellect. An immortal animal is compofed from
foul and a celeftial body ; but a mortal animal from foul and an elementary body. For partial
fouls, fuch as ours, have three vehicles •, one ethereal, derived from the heavens; the fecond
aerial; and the third this grofs terreftrial body Jupiter here fignifies the head of that order of
Gods which fubfifts immediately above the mundane Gods, and is called airoxuros, liberated : for
the term mighty, as is well obferved by Proclus, is a fymbol of exempt fupremacy. The twelve
Gods, therefore, which are divided into four triads, are Jupiter, Neptune, Vulcan, Vefta, Mi
nerva, Mars, Ceres, Juno, Diana, Mercury, Venus, Apollo. The firft triad of thefe is Jahrica-
tive ; the fecond defttifive ; the third vivific; and the fourth reduclory. And the chariots of thefe
Gods are fupermundane fouls, in which they are proximately carried. By the heavens, to the
contemplation of which the liberated and mundane Gods proceed, cannot be meant the fenfible
heavens: for what blefTcd fpectacles do thefe contain, or how can Gods be converted to things
pofterior to themfelves ? It is evidently, therefore, the heaven which Plato in the Cratylus defines
to be o^i? tq ro avu, or fight directed to that which is above ; and forms that order of Gods which
is called by the Chaklvean oracles vorroj xai votpog, intelligible and intellectual. There is a remakable
error here in the Greek text, for inftead of oupavia afySa, celeftial arch, it fhould be read bnovpema
a^3x fubet-le/iial arch, as is evident from Proclus in Plat. Theol. p. 2 1 7 , who lays a particular
t
ftrefs upon the v/ord uTroupuvtct, as a reading univerfally acknowledged. Our courfe is faid to be
difficult and hard, becaufe the motion of the better horfe verges to intelligibles, but of the worfe
to fenfibles and generation; and becaufe our foul is unable in the prefent life equally to contem
plate, and providentially energize. By ambrofia is fignified that power which renders the Gods
feparate from generation ; but by nectar the immutable nature of their providential energies,
which extend even to the laft of things.
VOL. i n . 2 T a narration
32> THE PHJEDRUS.
a narration every way prolix and divine; hut to delcribe a certain fimilitude
o f this idea is the bufinefs of a human and fhorter difcourfe. Let it then be
fimilar to the kindred power of a winged chariot and charioteer. All the
horfes and chariots of the Gods are indeed good, and compofed from things
good ; but thofe of other natures are mixed. And, in the firft place, our
principal part governs the reins of its two-yoked car. In the next place, one
o f the horfes is good and beautiful, and is compofed from things of this kind;
but the other is of a contrary nature, and is compofed of contrary qualities :
and on this account our courfe is neceffarily difficult and hard. But we
muft endeavoiTr to explain why it is called in a certain refpecl a mortal and
immortal animal. Every foul takes care of every thing which is inanimate,
and revolves about the whole of heaven, becoming (ituated at different times
in different "forms. While it is perfect, indeed, and winged, its courfe is
fublime, and it governs the urtiverfe. But the foul whofe wings fuffer a
defluxion verges downward, till fomething folid terminates its defcent;
whence it receives a terrene body, as its deftincd receptacle, which appears
to move itfelf through the power of the foul: and the whole is called an
animal compofed from foul and body, and i s furnamed a mortal animal.
But that which is immortal is perceived by no rational deduction, except
that which is hypothetical and feigned : fince we neither fee, nor fufficiently
underftand, that a God is a certain immortal animal endued with a foul, and
poffeffing a body naturally conjoined with foul, through the whole of time.
Thefe things however are afferted, and may exift, as it pleafes divinity. But
let us now declare the caufe through which the wings were caft afide, and
fell from the foul. And this is of the following kind : There is a natural
power in the wings of the foul, to raife that which is weighty on high, where
the genus of the Gods refides. But of every thing fubfifting about body, the
foul moft participates of that which is divine. But that which is divine is
beautiful, wife, and good, and whatever can be afferted of a fimilar kind.
And with thefe indeed the winged nature of the foul is efpecially nourifhed
and increafed : but it departs from its integrity, and perifhes, through that
which is evil and bafe, and from contraries of a fimilar kind. Likewife
Jupiter, the mighty leader in the heavens, driving his winged chariot, begins
the divine proceffion, adorning and difpoling all things with providential
care. The army of Gods and daemons, diflributed into eleven parts, follows
his
THE PIIiEDRUS. 32J
his courfe: but Vefta alone remains in the habitation of ihc Gods. B u t
each of the other Gods belonging to the twelve, prefides over the office c o m
mitted to his charge. T h e r e are m a n y , therefore, and blcffed fpeclacles
and proceffions within the heavens, to w h i c h the genus of the bleffed Gods
is converted as each a c c o m p l i c e s the proper e m p l o y m e n t of his n a t u r e .
But will and power are the perpetual attendants of their proceffions : for
envy is far distant from the divine choir of Gods. But when they proceed
to the banquet, and the enjoyment of delicious food, they fublimely afcend
in their progreflion to the fub-celeftial arch. A n d , indeed, the vehicles of
the Gods being properly adapted to the guiding reins, and equally balanced,
proceed with an eafy motion : but the vehicles of other natures are attended
in their progreffions with difficulty and labour. F o r the horfe, participating
of depravity, becomes heavy ; and when he has not been properly difciplined
by the charioteers, verges and gravitates to the earth. A n d in this cafe
labour, and an extreme conteft, are propofed to the foul. But thofe w h o
are denominated immortals, when they arrive at the f u m m i t , proceeding
beyond the extremity of heaven, ftand on its back : and while they are efta-
bliihed in this e m i n e n c e , the circumference carries t h e m round, and they
behold w h a t the region beyond the h e a v e n s contains. B u t the fuperceleftial
place has not yet been celebrated by any of our poets, nor will it ever be
praifed according to its dignity and w o r t h . It fubfifts, however, in the fol
lowing m a n n e r ; for w e fhould dare to affirm the t r u t h , efpecially w h e n
fpeaking concerning the truth : without colour, without figure, and without
1
contact, fubfifting as true effence, it alone ufes contemplative intellect,
the governor of the foul; about which effence, the genus of true fcience,
refides. As the dianoetic power, therefore, of divinity revolves w i t h intel
lect and immaculate fcience, fo likewife the dianoetic p o w e r of every foul,
when it receives a condition accommodated to its n a t u r e , perceiving being
through time, it becomes enamoured w i t h it, and c o n t e m p l a t i n g t r u t h , is
nourifhed and filled with joy, till the circumference by a circular revolution
brings it back again to its priftine fituation. But in this circuit it beholds
juftice herfelf, it beholds t e m p e r a n c e , and fcience h e r i e l f : not that w i t h
which generation is prefent, nor in which one thing has a particular local
rcfidence in another, and to which we give the appellation of beings ; but
1
Sec the Additional Notes to the Timceus.
2 i" 2 that
324 THE PH^DRUS.
1
As there are principally nine ecleftial fouls, viz. the foul of the world, and the fouls of the
eight celellial fpheres, to which our fouls are at different times accommodated; hence, fouls in"
their defcent receive nine differences of character. But the philofophic genius has the firft rank*,'
becaufe it is naturally adapted to the inveftigation of every thing human and divine. And as fuch
a genius is ftudi-.us of wifdom and truth, and the firft beauty fubfifts in thefe ; hence, with great
propriety, it brings with it the purfuit of beauty. But we receive the image of beauty through the
fight and hearing j and hence Plato connects with this character a mufician and a lover: the
former on account of audible, and the latter of vifible beauty. But the next character is that of a
king, who indeed extends a univerfal providence towards mankind, but whofe contemplations are
not fo ample as thofe of the philofopher. T h e providential energies of thofe which follow, are
ftill more contracted. But when he diftributes prophets and myftics into the fifth order, we
muft not fuppofe that, he means fuch as are divine, but mercenary and vulgar prophets, who do
not operate from fcience and art, but from cuftom and chance.
1
The numbers three and ten arc called perfect ; becaufe the former is the firft complete num
ber, and the latter in a certain refpect the whole of number ; the confequent fcries of numbers
being only a repetition of the numbers which this contains. Hence, as io multiplied into itfelf
produces ioo, a plain number, and this again multiplied by io produces tooo, a folid number;
and as iooo multiplied by 3 forms 3000, and ioco by 10, ic,coo ; on this account Plato em
ploys thefe numbers as fymbols of the purgation of the foul, and her reftitution to her proper
perfection and felicity. I fay, as fymbols ; for we muft not fuppofe that this is accomplifhed in
juft fo many years, but that the foul's reftitution takes place in a perfect manner.
loved
3'26 THE P H M D R fj S.
1
conjunction w i t h fome other God ; at the fame time being initiated in
a
thofe myfteries w h i c h it is lawful to call the moft blelled of all mvfteries .
And
equal in number to the ftars, viz. as we have obferved in the Introduction to that dialogue, equal
according to analogy, and not as monadically confidered. Now, therefore, in conformity to what
is there aflerted, he fays, " w e together with Jupiter/'as knowing his proper God. Fortius
is the felicity of the human foul, to revolve in conjunction with its proper deities ; fince it is not
poflible to pafs beyond the Gods.
1
The word teXstw or initiation, fays Hermeas, was fo denominated from rendering the foul per
fect, Trapa ro TfXfav ^ u x w CUTOTEXEIV. The foul, therefore, was once perfeit. But here it is
divided, and is not able to energize wholly by itfelf. But it is neceffary to know, fays Hermeas,
that telete, muefis, and epopteia teXet*, nvr\o~i$ and tTroirTEia differ from each other. Telete, therefore,
%
is analogous to that which is preparatory to purifications. But tnuefis, which is fo called from
clofing the eyes, is more divine. For to clofe the eyes in initiation is no longer to receive by fenfe
thofe divine myfteries, but with the pure foul itfelf. And epopteia is to be tftablifhed in, and
become a fpectator of the myfteries. See more on this interefting fubject in my Dilfertation on
the Eleufinian and Bacchic Myfteries.
a
There is nothing belonging to antiquity more celebrated than the myfteries, and efpecially
the Eleufinian, though the leading particulars of this auguft infticution are perfectly unknown
to the moderns, as I have ftiown in my Differtation on the Eleufinian and Bacchic myfteries.
One circumftance in particu'ar of the laft importance, has been grofsly mifreprefented by that
moft confummate fophift Dr. Warbuiton, in his Divine Legation of Mofes. The circum
ftance I allude to belongs to that part of the myfteries which is called EiroTTTZia, or infpeflion.
For here the Gods themfelves became actually apparent in fplendid images to the eyes of the
epopta?, or initiated infpetV rs. And this, in the firft place, is evident from the following paflage
of Proclus, in MS. Comment, on the firft Alcibiades: Ev rati ayiuTaraif TUV TEXETUV, Tcpo rrjj SEOV
TTOtpooo'iaS docipovuv x ® c v i u v
TIVUV EX€O>UXI orpoQxivcvrai, xai CCTCO TUV axpot>vTuv ayatiuv ei{ t»v VMV mpoKateu-
fiEvai. i. e. " In the mod holy of the myfteries, before the God appears, the impulfions of certain
terreftrial daemons become vifible, alluring (the initiated: from un defiled goods to matter." And
that by the moft holy of myfteries he means the Heufinian, is evident from his fixth book de Plat.
Theol. p. 3 7 1 . where he exprefsly ca'ls them by this name. And ftill more exprefsly in his
Commentary on Plato's Republic, p. 3^0. Ev a-nauri Taic m s r a i ; xai rots /xuo-Tvptoii, bt Seoj woxxas
fjttv 'sauTuv irpoTtivouci ixopQas mohha fo a^r/jtaTa f&xXXarTOVTEj faivovrou' xai TOTE ynv arvnuTov airruv
vrpoGeGtoTcn f a;, TOTE fo e<$ a\Qpu7mov (JLopQnv zoxn/AaTurfJUvov, TOTE fo EI$ aXKoiov TUTTOV TrpoEM^vBuf. i. e»
"In all initiations and myfteries, the Gods exhibit many forms of theuifelves, and appear in a
variety of fhapes. And fometimes indeed an unfigured iight of themfelves is held forth to the
view; fometimes this light is figured according to a human form, and fometimes it proceeds
into a different fhape." And we are informed by Pfelius in a MS. on Demons that this
evocation of divine natures formed one part of the facerdotal office; though, fays he, thofe who
now prtfide over the myfteries, are ignorant of the incantation neceffary to evocation. AAA* bt y t
yt/v T»if tiAetmj irpoEiapxo, t»v /kev thj xXxvews CM uravv* Eitufav. Thio dothine, too, of divine
appearances in the myfteries is clearly confirmed by Plotinus, ennead. 1. lib. O.p. 5 5 . and ennead.
4 9. lib.
T H E P H i E D R U S , 320
And thefe divine orgies were celebrated by us while we were perfecl, and
free from thofe evils which awaited us in a fucceeding period of time. We
likewife were initiated in, and became fpectators of, entire «, fimple, quietly
a 3
ftable , and bleffed vifions, refident in a pure light; being ourfelves pure,
and liberated from this furrounding veftment, which we denominate body,
and to which we are now bound, like an oyfter to its fhell.
With thefe fpeculations, therefore, we fhould gratify our memory; for
the fake of which, and through a defire of thofe realities which we once be^
held, I have given fuch an extent to my difcourfe. But beauty, as we have,
faid, fhone upon us during our progreffions with the Gods ; but on our
arrival hither we poffeffed the power of perceiving it, fhining .moft perfpi-
4
cuoufly, through the cleareft of our fenfes. Forfight is the moft acute of
all our corporeal fenfes; though even through this wifdom cannot be per
ceived. If indeed it could, what vehement love would it excite, by pre-
fcnting to the eye fome perfpicuous image of itfelf! And the fame may bo
lib. 9. p. 7 7 0 . From all this we may collect how egregioufly Dr. Warburton was miftaken when,
in page 231 of his Divine Legation, he afferts that the light beheld in the myfteries was nothing
more than an illuminated image which the prieft had purified. " This," fays he, " which was
all over illuminated, and which the prieft had thoroughly purified, was ayaXptz, an image." But,
indeed, his whole account of this divine inftitution is abfurd, falfe, and ridiculous in the extreme.
I only add, that the preceding obfervations plainly fhow to what Plato alludes in this part of the
dialogue, by hisfimple and bleffed vifions refident in a pure light, and thaLwe can no longer wonder
why the initiated are reported to have been called happy.
1
Viz. perfect.
a
By this Plato indicates the firm and permanent nature of intelligibles.
3 He fays this becaufe the light here is not pure, being mingled with the air.
4
Plato now wifhes to fpeak concerning the amatory character, and to fhow how it is led back
from fenfible to intelligible beauty. What he fays, therefore, is this,—that intelligible beauty fhines
forth in an intelligible eflence, together with the fpectacles which are there, and that from this
beauty, fenfible beauty is unfolded into light. For, as the light proceeding from the fun illumi
nates the whole fenfible world, fo beauty, originating from intelligible?, pervades through the
regions of fenfe. But he calls the fight the cleareft of all the fenfes, becaufe it is more acute
than the reft. Hence, it is confidered as analogous to fire by thofe who compare the fenfes to
the elements. But its fuperior acutenefs is evident from this, that when found, and that which
is vifible, are produced together, as in the inftance of thunder and lightning, we firft fee the light
ning, and fome time after the found reaches our hearing. The reafon of this is evident: for
fight fees without time, or in an inftant j but the other fenfes require time. Sight alfo is analo
gous to intellect: for as intellect fees all things indivifibly, fo likewife fight. For it directly fees
the interval which reaches from hence as far as to the heavens.
VOL. in. 2u faid
330 THE PHiEDRUS.
faid of every thing elfe which is the object of love. But now beauty alone
is allotted the privilege of being the moft apparent and lovely of all things.
He, therefore, who has not recently defcended hither, or whofe manners are
depraved, will not very fwiftly be excited from hence thither to a furvey of
the beautiful itfelf, by beholding that among fenfible objects which receives
the fame appellation. Hence, he will not reverence it while he beholds it;
but, giving himfelf up to pleafure, he will endeavour to walk about and ge
nerate after the manner of a quadruped : and, injurioufly converting with
others, he will neither be afraid nor afhamed of purfuing pleafure contrary
to nature. But he who has been recently initiated, and who formerly was
a fpectator of many bleffed vifions, when he beholds fome deiform counte
nance, elegantly imitative of beauty, or fome incorporeal idea, at firft in
x
deed he isftruckwith horror , and feels fomething of that terror which for
merly invaded him ; but, from ail after furvey, he venerates it as a God : and
if it was not for the dread of being thought vehemently infane, he would
facrifice to his beloved *, as to aftatueand a God. But, in confequence of
furveying this beautiful object, he experiences a mutation in his feelings, a
3
perforation and unaccuftomed heat , fuch as horror produces. For, receiv
ing the influx of beauty through his eyes, he becomes hot, and this irrigates
the nature of his wings ; but when heated, whatever belongs to the germi
nating of his pinions liquefies, and which formerly being compreffed through
hardnefs reftrained the vigour of their fhoots. But an influx of nutriment
1
It is well obferved by Hermeas, that it is necefTary to confider what is here faid vitally and
intellectually. For, as we are feized with aftonifhment on beholding certain fenfible particulars,
fo likewife in the vifion of the Gods ; not that it is fuch a terror as that which arifes from the view
of enemies approaching, but a terror better than a fear of this kind, through the tranfeendent ful-
nefs of the Gods. It is necefTary, therefore, that the human foul fhould fubmit itfelf to the Gods,
and to incorporeal forms which furpafs our power, and (hould be feized with a terror better than
human fear at the view of them, not as if they were dire, and dreadful, and refifting ; for thefe
are the indications of matter and earth-born natures. Plato, therefore, fignifies by horror, an ex
citation from fenfibles to intelligibles.
a
That is, he would facrifice to intelligible beauty, of which fe? fible beauty is the reprefenta-
tion, fimilitude and image. For here, fays Hermeas, thofe who facrifice to flatues do not facri
fice to the matter itfelf, and the images, but to the Gods. K a i yap tvrauQx o. TOIS aya^aaiy Svovrtf
CVK awn u X n SVOIKTI xai raxg fiwciv, aXXa roif Stoig.
s Heat here fignifies the anagogic power of the foul, or that power which elevates her to in
telligibles.
9 taking
THE PHAEDRUS. 331
taking place, the quill of the wing fwells, and endeavours to burft forth,
through the whole form of the foul: for the whole was formerly winged.
The whole, therefore, in this cafe, becomes fervid, and leaps upward.
And as infants, during the growth of their teeth, are tormented with the
friction and pain of their gums, in the fame manner is the foul affected
with refpect to the mooting forth of its wings : for it becomes fubject to an
immoderate heat, titillation, and torment. When, therefore, it beholds
the beauty of fome human form, then imbibing the parts which flow from
thence, and which is on this account called defire, it becomes irrigated and
heated, ceafes to be in pain, and rejoices. But when it is feparated from this
vifion of beauty, and becomes dry through heat, then the orifices of the
paffages through which the feathers endeavoured to fhoot forth, being clofed,
impede the offspring of the wing. But thefe being fhut in together with
defire, and leaping about like things fubject to palpitation^ftrikeagainft the
avenues of their progreflion. Hence, the whole foul, becoming pierced on
all fides in a circle, is agitated with fury, and tormented ; but, through the
memory of the beautiful, again exults with delight. But, from the mixture
of both thefe, it is grievoufly tormented, through the novelty of the paflion,
and becomes dubious and raging; and, while it is thus furious, can neither
fleep by night, nor abide any where by day ; but runs about agitated by de
f i r e , wherever there is any probability of obtaining the vifion of beauty. But
beholding the beloved beautiful object, and deducing defire, as through a
channel, it now frees from confinement what was before inclofed ; and, by
this means enjoying the benefit of refpiration, is liberated from its incite
ments and parturitions. For the prefent, therefore, it reaps the advantage
of this moft delicious pleafure ; by which it is fo charmed, that it would
never voluntarily depart from its allurements, nor does it efteem any thing fo
#
much as this beloved beauty, but delivers over tooblivion its parents, brethren,
and friends ; and, befides this, confiders the diflipation of its poffeflions through
negligence as a thing of no confequence, and perfectly defpifes thofe legal
inftitutions and decencies in which it formerly gloried ; and is always prepared
for every kind of fervitude and fubjection, fo that it may be near to the ob
ject of its defire. For, befides reverencing that which poffefles beauty, it
finds that this alone is the phyfician of its greateft difeafes.
This paflion therefore, O beautiful youth, which is the fubject of my
2 u2 prefent
332 THE PHAEDRUS,
1
prefent difcourfe, is called* by men Love : but if you mould hear how it is
denominated by the Gods, you would probably laugh, on account of your
youth. But I think that certain Homerics aifert, from fome recondite
verfes, that there are two poems upon Love, one of which calls him per
fectly injurious, and not very elegant; but they celebrate him as follows:
By men Love's flying called ; but, forced to fly,
He's named the winged, by the powers on high.
In thefe it is partly lawful to believe, and partly not. This however is the
caufe, and the pa'flion of lovers. When any one, therefore, of the atten
1
dants upon Jupiter is taken captive, fuch a one is able to bear with greater
firmnefs the burthen of this winged God : but fuch as are fubfervient to
3
Mar's , and revolve in conjunction with that deity, when they are enfnared
by love, and think that they are in any refpect treated unjuftly by their be
loved, they are eafily incited to (laughter, and are ready to deitroy both
themfelves and the objects of their regard. And thus every one honours the
God, round whom he harmonioufly revolves, and imitates his life as much
1
Plato, fays Hermeas, withes to etymologize the name of Love, viz. the paffion which i« in-
generated in us from the beautiful. This paflion is called by men Love, from flowing inward, but
by the Gods winged, from its giving wings to the foul. But Plato, fays Hermeas, calls Homeric*
thofe that fing the verfes of Homer. He alfo denominates the above verfes recondite, wifhing to
indicate the concealed, divine, and arcane nature of the aflertion.
* For all the gifts of Jupiter, fays Hermeas, are firm, ftable, and always fubfift after the fame
manner.
3 For Mars is the fource of divifion and motion. But it is neceffary to know this unirerfally,
fays Hermeas, that whatever is imparted by any divinity is received according to the peculiar
aptitude of the recipient. Thus, for inftance, fays he, Venus beftows friendfhip and union ; but
fince the illumination imparted by the Goddefs is mingled with matter, the recipient often per
verts her gift, and friendfhip becomes adultery, from being vicioully received. For things are
imparted in one way by the Gods, and are received in another by their participants. Thus alfo,
when different fubftanees become the recipients of the folar heat, one of thefe is liquefied as wax,
and another is hardened as clay : for each receives what is given according to its proper eflence,,
though the folar light has a uniform fubfiftence.
Hermeas adds, it may alfo be faid, fpeaking more theoretically, that theflaughier which is here
afcribed to Mars, fignifies a divulfion from matter, through rapidly turning from it, and no lon
ger energizing phyfically, but intellectually. For flaughter, when applied to the Gods, may be
faid to be an apoftacy from fecondary natures, juft as flaughter here fignifies a privation of the
prefent life.
f as
THE PHiEDRUS. 333
as poffible, and as long as he remains free from corruption : and after this
manner he lives here his firfl: generation, and aflbciates with, and conducts
himfelf towards, his beloved and others. Every one, therefore, choofes
the love of beauty after his own fafhion, and, as if he confidered it with re
fpecl to himfelf a God, he fabricates and adorns it like a flatue, and as that
which is the object of his adoration and facrifice. Such, therefore, as are
the followers of Jupiter feek after a foul belonging to this God for the ob
ject of their affection. Hence, they confider whether he is naturally philo
fophic, and adapted to command ; and when they find their beloved with'
fuch difpofitions, they endeavour by all poffible means to render him com
pletely fuch. If, therefore, they have not already endeavoured to obtain
what they defire, then, through the incitements of love, they anxioufly -ft-rive
for its poffeffion ; learning by what means it may be acquired ; and invefti-
gating by themfelves how to difcover the nature of their proper deity, they
at length find it, through being con elled to look with vehemence towards
their prefiding God. But when the / become connected with him through
memory, and are agitated by a divir ; influence, they receive from him man
ners and purfuits, as far it is pofnT-c for man to participate of divinity. And
]
as they confider the object of t •> ir love as the caufe of all this, their love
becomes ftill more vehement. If, too, they draw their afflatus from Jupiter,
then, like the female priefteffcs of Bacchus, they pour their enthufiafm into
the foul of their beloved, and by this means become as much as poffible
1
moftfimilarto their ruling God. But fuch as follow Juno feek after a
royal foul; which when they have difcovered, they act in every refpect to
wards it in a mannerfimilarto the attendant on Jupiter. But the followers
of Apollo, and of each of the other Gods, imitating their feveral deities,
feek after a beloved object who is naturally affected like themfelves. This
when they have obtained, both by imitation, perfuafion, and elegant man
ners, they endeavour by all means to lead their beloved to the purfuits and
idea of their peculiar God ; not, indeed, by employing envy and illiberal
malevolence towards the objects of their affection, but by endeavouring to
conduct them to a perfect fimilitude to the God whom they particularly adore.
1
Of the two divinities, Juno and Apollo, that are here mentioned, fays Hermeas, the former
Converts all things through empire, and the latter leads all things to fymphony and union.
The
334 T H E P II JE D R U S .
T h e willing defire, therefore, and end of true lovers, if they obtain the ob
ject o f their purfuit, is fuch as I have defcribed : and thus they become
illuftrious and blefled, through the fury of love towards the beloved, when
the beloved object is once obtained.
But every one w h o is allured is captivated in the following manner. In
the beginning of this fable w e a l i g n e d a triple divifion to every foul; and
w e eftablifhcd t w o certain fpecies as belonging to the form o f the horfes,
and confidered the charioteer as the third ipecies. L e t this divifion, there
fore, remain the fame for us at prefent. But one of the horfes, \vc faid,
w a s good, and the other not. But we have not yet declared what the virtue
is of the good horfe, or the vice of the bad one ; it is therefore proper that
2
w e mould n o w declare it. T h e good horfe , therefore, fubfifts in a more
beautiful
• Socrates having fpoken concerning that love which fubfifts according to rectitude, and alfo
concerning that which fubfifts according to a deviation from rectitude, and having, therefore,
difcuffed the extremes, he now wifhes to fpeak about the media, viz. temperate and intemperate
love. As, therefore, he fpeaks of the foul confidered as aflbciating with the body, he very properly
gives to it other horfes : for, in proportion as the foul defcends into generation, and approaches
to thefe tempeftuous realms, flic receives a greater number of veftments.* Hence, he difcourfes
concerning other horfes, viz. fuch as poflefs a habitude to this body, and participate of its vital
pafhons. For the f^ul while flic lives in the intelligible world has other horfes, which are
characterized by famenefs and tlijfe) cucc. This indeed is evident, for antient theology gives
horfes even to the Gods themfelves. Now, therefore, he confidcrs other horfes, viz. anger and
defire, and calls his difcourfe concerning them afa'.-lc, which he did not before, when fpeaking
of the horfes of divine natures, and of the human foul herfelf when liberated from this terrene
body. The reafon of this, as Hermeas beautifully obferves, is, becaufe the foul is in this body
as in a ficlim. For the whole apparent body with which we are furrounded, and all the vifible
order of things, is fimilar to a fiible. Very properly, therefore, does Socrates, wifhing to fpeak
conccrring the habitude, proximity, or alliance of the foul to this body, call his difcourfe a fable.
But he did not call what he faid prior to this a fable, becaufe the foul while living on high with the
Gods had other horfes. He alio here calls the rational foul «wox»*0f> of the nature nf a (h-.victccr,
and not vvioxos, a charioteer, as in what he faid prior to this ; fignifying that the rational foul in
the prefent body only imitates a charioteer. In fpeaking of the horfes, too, he ufes the word
lv7roy.of<p'j), or having thrform of horfes, and not imrot, horfes, as before. For the energies of the
foul in conjunction with body are not fuch as when flic i^ united with intelligibles.
2
The divine Plato, fays Hermeas, diftiibules the parts of the foul into ditV rent parts of the
body. Hence, confukring intellect and the reafoning power as analogous to the ruler of a city,
he eftablifhes them in the brain : for the brain is fj herical, and man is a microcofm. He makes
the brain, therefore, analogous to the heavens. In the next place, fince anger is naturally more
noble
THE PII.EDRUS. 335
bcnutifial condition, is crcft, well-articulated, has its neck lofty, its nofe
fomewhat aqnilii.c, its colour white, and its eves black. It is likewife a
1
lover of honour , together with temperance and modefty ; is the companion
of true opinion, is not whipped, and is only to be governed by exhortation
and reafon. But the bad one is crooked , various, rafh in its motions, lYifF
a
and
noble than dcf.re, ami is analogous to thofe in a city that fight for its defence, and reprefs what
ever is difovderly and tumultuous in it, and whom he calls auxiliar'ns; fince anger alfo reproves
and oppofes defire,—hence he fixes it in the heart, that it may be in the vcflibules of reafon, being
only feparated from the brain by that interval the neck. But the defiderativc part, as being irra
tional and fimilar to the mercenary tribe and the multitude in a city, he places in the liver, as an
afs at a manger. Anger, therefore, is more noble than defire, as being nearer to reafon; and
hence it has a better Ration, for it is arranged in a better region. Pie fays, therefore, in the firft
place concerning anger, that it is more beautiful, and is imprcfted with forms, at one time from
the body, and at another fiom the manners and the foul. He calls it Jlraight, becaufe it receives
the meafures of reafon*, well-articulated, i. e. of a diftincl, and not of a mixed nature ; and hav
ing its tie'ch lofty, i. e. always extending itfelf, and defpifing things of a worfe condition. He
alfo fays that it has an aquiline rrfc, indicating by this it- royal nature : for the hooked or aqui
line, fays Hermeas, is always given by Plato to that which is royal and noble ; and the aquiline
is of a more elegant form than the flat nofe. He adds, that it is white to the view ; indicting
that it is moft fplendid and fhining with beauty ; alfo, that its eyes are black, viz. inveftigating
things profound, and wifning to furvey unapparent and intelligible natures : for he calls the un
apparent black.
1
Plato having related the prerogatives which the better of the two horfes pofTefies from the
body, now enumerates thofe which it pofTefies from the foul. Honour, then, is the greateft of
goods, as he fays in the Laws •, but nothing evil is honourable. On which account alfo we ho
nour Divinity. The good horfe, therefore, is a lover of honour ; that is, it afpires after form
and the good. But it alfo loves honour in conjunction with temperance, i . e . it pofTefies thefe
prerogatives of the foul, performs things pertaining to itfelf, and is not willing to be filled with
the contrary. It is likewife only to be governed by reafon and exhortation, as being near to rea
fon, and directing by its meafures all the meafures of its own life.
1
Plato here fpeaks concerning the worfe of the two horfes, and imitates its mingled nature.
For he no longer fpeaks firft concerning the prerogatives of the body, and afterwards concerning
thofe of the foul, but he confufes the order. In oppofition, therefore, to what he had aflerted
of the more noble horfe, he fays of this, that it is crooked, as being characleriftic of defire; for
defire is fimilar to a wild beaft : various, for this epithet alfo is accommodated to defire, which is
multiform, and the friend of niultiiule; and rafh in it! motions, as being hurried alone, by cafual
impulfe. He alfo adds, that it is Jlijf', indicating by this its refijl.ng nature: that it is Jlr,rt-
necled, as being abject, living according t- defire, and not afpiring after honour: jl<t~nofed, as
being vile, grovelling, and not royal: tf a black colour, as being dark, and not clear and finning
like the other : having its eyes gray, as being only fuperficially fplendid, and poflefling intellections
only
336 THE PH^DUUS.
and fhort-necked, flat-nofed, of a black colour, having its eyes gray, and
being full of blood ; is the companion of injury and arrogance, has its ears
hairy and deaf, and is fcarcely obedient to the w h i p and the fpur. When,
therefore, the charioteer beholds the a m a t o r y eye inflaming all the foul,
t h r o u g h fenfible perception, and filling it with the incentives of titillation and
defire, t h e n , as always, the horfe which is obedient to the charioteer, vio
lently c h e c k i n g its motions, t h r o u g h fhame r e t r a i n s itfelf from leaping on
the beloved object. B u t the other cannot be held back, either by the fpur
or w h i p of the c h a r i o t e e r ; but hurries along violently, leaping and exult
i n g , and, fully employing the charioteer and its affociate, compels both of
t h e m to rufli along w i t h it to venereal delight. Both thefe, however, rcfift
its violence from t h e beginning, and indignantly endure to be thus c o m
pelled to fuch dire and lawlefs conduct. B u t at l e n g t h , when there is no
end of the malady, in confequence of being borne along by compulfion, they
n o w give w a y , content to do w h a t they are ordered, and deliver themfelves
u p to the furvey of the fplendid afpect of the beloved. But the charioteer,
from a vifion of this kind, recovers the m e m o r y of the nature of beauty,
a n d again perceives it firmly eftablifhed, together with temperance, in a pure,
1
and holy feat. In confequence, h o w e v e r , of fuch a perception he is ter
rified, and through reverence falls fupine, and at the fame time is compelled
to d r a w back the reins with fuch v e h e m e n c e , that both the horfes fall upon
their hips ; the one indeed willingly, through his not making any refinance ;
but the other w i t h arrogant oppofition, through his e x t r e m e unwillingnefs
t o comply. But w h e n they have departed to a greater diftance in their
courfe, the o n e , t h r o u g h fhame and aftonifhment, moiftens all the foul with
A v e a t ; but the other, being liberated from the pain which he had fulfered
t h r o u g h the bridle and the fall, is fcarcely able to breathe, and, full of anger,
reviles the charioteer and his partner in the courfe, as deferting order and
only as far as to the phantafy: being full of blood, i. e. being moft allied to generation : the com
panion of injury and arrogance, as poflefling properties directly contrary to the other horfe; for that
was the affociate of temperance and modefty: has its ears hairy and deaf, as being unobedient, and
often hearing a thing without attending to it: and, laflly, is fcarcely obedient to the whip and the
fpur, as not capable of being benefited by exhortation.
1
i. e. In the intelligible; for fuch is the intelligible region, fince the beauties which arc here
are ;iot genuinely beautiful.
the
THE P H ^ D R U S . 337
the compact through effeminacy and fear; and again compelling them to
proceed, though perfectly unwilling, he fcarcely complies with them, re
queuing fome delay. But when the appointed time for which the delay
was granted arrives, and which they feign themfelves to have forgotten, then
the vicious horfe, violently urging, neighing, and hurrying them away, c o m
pels them to addrefs the beloved again in the fame language as before.
W h e n , therefore, they approach near, then bending and extending his tail,
and champing the bridle, he draws them along with importunate impu
dence. But the charioteer, being ftill more affected in this manner, and
falling down as it were from the goal, pulls back the reins with frill greater
violence from the teeth of the injurious horfe, repreffes his reviling tongue
and bloody jaws, fixes his legs and hips on the ground, and thus torments
him for his behaviour. But when the vicious horfe has often endured a
punifhment of this kind, he is at length rendered humble and fubmiffive,
and follows the providential directions of the charioteer; fo that he is loft
as it were on ^:eing a beautiful object. Hence it fometimes happens, that the
foul of a lover i Hows its beloved with reverence and fear, and that the lover
pays it every kii. 1 of obfervance and attention as if it was equal to a God ;
and this not with any diflimulation, but in confequence of being really thus
affected: fo t h a t , when the beloved happens to be naturally a friend, then
his friendfhip <v.-nfpires into one with that of his obfequious lover.
If, therefore, in fome former period of time, he has been deceived by his
affociates, or by fome other pcrfons, afferting that it was bafe to be familiar
with a lover, and has on this account rejected his lover; yet advancing age,
and the wants of nature, lead him to the converfe of love. For it was
never decreed by fate, either that the evil fhould be a friend to the evil,
or that the good fhould not be a friend to the good. W h e n , therefore, the
youth admits his lover to an intimate familiarity with him, then the bene
volence of the lover aftonifhes the beloved, in confequence of perceiving
that all other friends and affociates exhibit no portion of friendfhip which
can be compared with that of a friend divinely infpired. But when the
lover continues to act in this manner for a long fpace of time, living with
his beloved in high familiarity, frequently touching him in gymnaftics and
other affociations, then the fountain of that effluxion which Jupiter, when
enamoured with Ganymedes, denominated defire, flreaming abundantly
VOL, i n . 2 x towards
338 T H E P H A E D R U S .
place, he fubjects all the inferior powers of his foul to intellect; in the fecond place, he obtains
wifdom, in conjunction with divine fury ; and, in the third place, recovering his wings, he flies
away to his kindred flar. But if any one, through the generofity of his nature, happens to be
more propenfe to love, and yet has not been from the beginning philofophically and morally
educated, and hence, after he has been enfnared by love, gives way perhaps to venereal delights j
fuch a one, in confequence of a lapfe of this kind, cannot recover his wings entire, yet, on
account of the wonderful anagogic power of love, he will be prepared for their recovery. Hence,
when in a courfe of time he has amputated his luft, and, retaining the fublimity of love,has formed
a virtuous friendfhip, he will not after the prefent life be precipitated into the loweft region of
punifhment, but will be purified in the air, till he has philofophized in the higheft degree;
2x2 And
340 T H E PHiEDRTJS.
1
It is well obferved here by Hermeas, that Socrates ufes the word gratefully, not as if the
Gods received any favour from us, but becaufe we gratify ourfelves through worshipping the
divinities, in confequence of becoming allied to and familiar with them.
2
Should it be alked why Socrates now calls that an art which he had before denominated
enthufiajlic, we reply with Hermeas, that he fays this becaufe it is neceffary to excite the artificial
theorems which we poffefs, and thus afterwards receive the illuminations from the Gods.
PHTEDR.
THE PHiEDRUS. 341
their allurements as if they were Syrens, but failing by them to our deftined
port, perhaps they will rejoice to beftow upon us that gift which, by the
confent of the Gods, they are able to deliver to men.
PHJEDR. But what gift is this which they poflefs ? For I do not recollect
1
that I ever heard what it is .
Soc. And yet it is not proper that a man ltudious of the Mufes (hould be
ignorant of things of this kind. But it is faid that thefe infects were for
merly men *, before the Mufes had a being ; that when the Mufes made their
appearance, and had given birth to the fong, fome of thefe were fo enfnared
by the pleafure which it produced, that through finging they neglected the
proper fuftenance of the body, and, thus waiting away, at length perifhed :
but that from thefe the race of grafhoppers was produced, who received this
1
According to Jamblichus and Hermeas, daemons are fignified by the grafhoppers in this fable\
and this is by no means wonderful, fince in the preceding part of this dialogue, which is full of
allegory, fomething more divine than daemons is implied by the horfes of the Gods. Befides, the
office which i s here afligned to grafhoppers perfectly correfponds with the employment which
Plato in the Banquet attributes to benevolent daemons: for they ftand as it were over our heads,
difcourfe with each other, and in the mean time fpeculate our affairs, difapprove our evil deeds,
and commend fuch as are good-, all which is likewife confirmed by Hefiod in his Works and Days.
Befides, they receive divine gifts, and deliver them to us, approach to the Mufes, and relate our
actions to the Gods. In confequence of this correfpondence, Jamblichus and Hermeas conclude
with great probability that aerial daemons are fignified in this place by grafhoppers. For, as thefe
animals live perpetually finging, and imbibe the air through a found of this kind ; fo beneficent
aerial daemons live in the air, through perpetually celebrating divine natures.
2
According to Hermeas, the interpretation of this place by the divine Jamblichus is as follows :
Socrates calls men fouls dwelling in the intelligible world: for fouls before they live a mortal life
abide on high in the intelligible, contemplating forms themfelves together with the fupermundane
Gods. Thus then men were before the Mufes had a being, that is, before the fpheres and the fenfi
ble world ; not that the term before, fignifies here temporal precedency, but a fubfiftence • prior to
this apparent progreffion of the fpheres. For this is the generation of the Mufes, an apparent fub
fiftence, proceeding from the demiurgus into the fenfible world. The Mufes, therefore, and the
fpheres, the fenfible world, and the whole foul of the univerfe, and the partial fouls of men, had a
confubfiftent progreflion. Thefe fouls, too, as being recently born, and remembering what they had
feen in the intelligible region, were averfe to generation, and were unwilling to eat and drink,
i. e. were not willing to partake of fenfible opinion; for they pofTeffed intelligible nutriment.
Hence, wafting away, they at length perifhed, i. e. they reafcended to the intelligible.
* Viz. an unapfarer.t fubfiftence : for this is prior to an apparent fubfiftence j in the fame way as every
taufe, fo far as it is a caufe, is prior to its effect, though it may be temporally confubfiftent with it.
o-ifV
344. T H E P H A E D R U S .
1
gift from t h e M u f e s , t h a t they '/hould n e v e r w a n t n u t r i m e n t , but mould
c o n t i n u e finging w i t h o u t m e a t or d r i n k till they died ; and t h a t after death
t h e y fhould d e p a r t to t h e Mufes, and inform t h e m w h a t Mufe was honoured
by fome p a r t i c u l a r perfon a m o n g us. H e n c e t h a t , by a c q u a i n t i n g T e r p f i -
c h o r e w i t h thofe w h o reverence h e r in the dance % they r e n d e r h e r p r o
pitious to fuch. By i n f o r m i n g Erato of h e r votaries, they render her
favourable in a m a t o r y c o n c e r n s ; and the reft in a fimilar m a n n e r , accord
i n g to t h e fpecies of veneration b e l o n g i n g to each. B u t that they a n n o u n c e
t o t h e moft a n t i e n t Calliope, and after h e r to U r a n i a , thofe w h o have lived
in t h e exercife of philofophy, and h a v e cultivated the mufic over which they
p r e f i d e ; thefe Mufes more than all t h e reft being converfant w i t h the
h e a v e n s , and w i t h both divine and h u m a n difcourfe ; and fending forth the
1
He who lives according to intellect, fays Hermeas, who is a lover of the Mufes, and a phi-
lofopher, in confequence of wifhing to reafcend to the Gods, does not require the care of the
body and of a corporeal life; but confiders thefe as nothing, being defirous to be feparated from
them. For he meditates death, i. e. a departure from the prefent life, as he knows that the body
molefts and impedes the energies of intellect. But the gift which is here mentioned fignifies the
foul becoming the attendant of its proper God. Hermeas adds : It is however necefTary to know
that a divine nature is prefent to all things without a medium, but that we are incapable of being
conjoined with divinity, without the medium of a demoniacal nature; juft as we behold the light
of the fun through the miniflrant intervention of the air.
2
Dancing here muft not be understood literally, as if Terpfichore was propitious to thofe who
engage in that kind of dancing which is the object of fenfe; for this would be ridiculous. We
muft fay, therefore, as Hermeas beautifully obferves, that there are divine dances: in the firft
place, that of the Gods; in the fecond place, that of divine fouls: in the third place, the revo
lution of the celeftial divinities, viz. of the feven planets, and the inerratic fphere, is called a
dance : in the fourth place, thofe who are initiated in the myfteries* perform a certain dance:
and, in the laft place, the whole life of a philofopher is a dance. Terpfichore, therefore, is the
infpective guardian of all dancing. Who then are thofe that honour the goddefs in the dance?
Not thofe who dance well, but thofe who live well through the whole of the prefent exiltence,
elegantly arranging their life, and dancing in fymphony with the univerfe. Erato, fays Hermeas,
is denominated from Love, and from making the works of Love, lovely : for fhe cooperates with
Love. Calliope is denominated from the eye (napa rnv ona); and Urania prefides over aftronomy.
Through thefe two goddefTes we preferve our rational part from being in fubjeclion to the irra
tional nature. For, through fight furveying the order of the celeftial Gods, we properly arrange our
irrational part. And further ftill, through rhythms, philofophy, and hearing, we elegantly dif-
pofe that which we contain of the diforderly and void of rhythm.
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T H E P H U D R U S .
1
Plato here teaches how to write, and what the mode is of writing and fpeaking well or ill,
making the problem more univerfal and fcientific, after having referred the whole beginning of
the difcourfe to the Mufes and the Gods. But as that which is diftorted is judged of by a rule,
and that which is not ftraight by the ftraight, fo that which is falfe can only be accurately known
•by truth. Hence, he fays, in fpeaking or writing well, it is neceflary that truth, and a know
ledge of the fubject, (hould precede as the leaders. For he who does not know the truth of a thing
fpeaks conjedturally about it. Three things, therefore, are faid to be prefent with thofe who
fpeak or write. Firft, a knowledge of the truth. In the fecond place, an ability of making one
thing many, which is the bufinefs of the divifive method : for by this we know the various figni-
fications of the thing propofed, if it fhould happen to be many, whether it is homonymous or
fynonymous, whether genus or fpecies, and the like. There muft neceffarily, therefore, be the
divifive method. In the third place, the many muft be collected into one, which is the bufinefs of
the analytic and definitive methods : for to be able to collect many things into one fentence, is to
give the definition of a thing. Afterwards, the compofition and ornament of the difcourfe muft
fucceed. Thefe, then, as the inftruments of fpeaking and writing, ought to be known before
every thing, viz. the nature and the cfTence, or, in other words, the truth of a thing. For thus
we fhall know how we ought to proceed, whether through fuch things as are true, or through
fuch as are aflimilated to the truth. For he who does not know the truth, but only has an opinion
concerning it, like thofe who poffefs popular rhetoric, will often perfuade his hearers to the con
trary of what he wifhes.
Afterwards, the philofopher relates how many goods are derived from true rhetoric, and how
many evils happen from that which is falfely denominated.
* There are three parts of rhetoric, tb.it which counfels, (TO <7<*tCovXivn*ov), the forenfic, (TO
XtMctwtov), and the panegyric, (TO <7raw\yv^Ho\). And with refpecl to the ends of thefe three, the
juft is the end of the forenfic ; good of that which counfels ; and beauty, of the panegyric.
4
According to oppofition, likewife, the juft and the unjuft are the ends of the forenfic j good and
evil of that which confultsj and the beautiful and the bafe, of the panegyric. A certain dupli
(
city alfo appears about each of thefe : about the forenfic, accufation and defence; about that
which confults, exhortation and dehortation j and, about the panegyric, praife and blame.
VOL. i n . 2 y but
346 THE PH^DRUS.
but only that which appears fb to the multitude, who undertake to judge ;
nor, again, what is truly good or beautiful, but only what appears to be fo:
for that perfuafion is derived from thefe, and not from truth,
Soc The fayings of the wife, Phaedrus, are by no means to be defpifed,
but we mould rather confider the meaning of their affertions; and, confe
quently, we muft not pafs by what you have now faid,
PHJEDR. YOU fpeak properly.
Soc. Let us then confider this matter as follows.
PHJEDR. HOW ?
S o c Suppofe I fhould perfuade you to fight your enemies on horfeback,
but at the fame time both of us fhould be ignorant what a horfe is ; and
that I only fhould know refpecting you, that Phaedrus thinks a horfe is an
animal which has the greateft ears of all domeftic animals.
PHJEDR. This would be ridiculous indeed, Socrates.
Soc. Not yet; but when I fhould earneftly perfuade you to do this by a
difcourfe compofed in praife of an afs, calling him a horfe, and afferting that
he is a moft excellent animal, ufeful for domeftic and military purpofes, able
to carry burthens, and adapted for a variety of other employments.
PHJEDR. This, indeed, would be perfectly ridiculous.
Soc. Is it not, therefore, better that a friend fhould be ridiculous* than
that he fhould be wicked, and an enemy I
PHJEDR. It appears fo.
Soc When an orator, therefore, who is ignorant of good and evil, en
deavours to perfuade a cky in a like condition, not indeed by praifing the
fhadow of an afs, as if it was that of a horfe, but by praifing evil, as if it
was good, being anxioufly folicitous about the opinion of the multitude, and
thus perfuades them to do evil inftead of good; what crop do you think the
orator can reap after fuch a femination r
PHJEDR. Not a very good one.
Soc Have we not therefore, my friend, reviled the art of fpeaking in a*
more ruftic manner than is becoming ? For the art itfelf will, perhaps,
thus addrefs us : " What delirium, O wonderful men, has invaded you ?
For I compel no one who is ignorant of truth to learn how to fpeak: but
if any one will take my advice, he will then only employ me, when he has
acquired the pofTeffion of truth. This, then, I affert as a thing of great
confequence,
THE PH.EDRUS. 347
confequence, that without me even he who knows realities will not, for all
this, be able to procure perfuafion." Will not the art, therefore, fpeak
juftly, by making fuch a declaration ?
PHJEDR. I confefs it, if our fubfequent reafons evince that rhetoric is an
art. For I think I have heard fome arguments, which affert that it deceives,
and that it is not an art, but an unartificial exercife. But the true art of
fpeaking, fays Laco, never was, nor ever will be unaccompanied by truth.
This then is what they fay Socrates. But, bringing them hither, let us in
quire of them what they alTert, and in what manner.
Soc. Be prefent then, ye generous animals, and perfuade the beautiful
youth, Phaedrus, that unlefs he philofophizes fufficiently, he will never fuf
ficiently fpeak about any thing. But let Phaedrus anfwer to the interroga*-
tions. Is not the whole rhetorical art that which leads the foul by difcourfes,
not in judicial matters only, and other public concerns, but alfo in private
affairs, and thefe whether trifling or important? And is there any thing
more honourable than to act according to the true rules of this art, both in
important and inconfiderable affairs? Or have you not heard that this is the
cafe ?
PHJEDR. I am not, by Jupiter, perfectly acquainted with all this. But
it is fpoken of, and written about, as an art for the molt part converfant
with judicial matters and fpeeches; but I have not heard that it extends
any further.
Soc What, have you heard of the rhetorical art which Neftor and
Ulyffes exercifed at Troy, but have never heard about that of Palamedes ?
PHJEDR. I have indeed, by Jupiter, heard about the orations of Neftor:
unlefs you will prove that Gorgias is a certain Neftor, or Thrafymachus and
Theodorus a certain Ulyffes.
Soc. Perhaps they may be fo; but let us drop any further difcourfe about
thefe. And do you inform me what litigators do in judicial matters: do
they not contradict ? Or fhall we fay they do any thing elfe ?
PHJEDR. Nothing elfe.
• Hermeas here afks whether rhetoricians are philofophic ; and he fays in reply, that good rhe
toricians cannot be formed without philofophy. For the more celebrated among the antient rhe
toricians were philofophic. Thus, Pericles was the afTociate of Anaxagoras, and Demofthenes
of Plato.
2 Y 2 SOC.
THE PH^DRUS.
Soc But are not their contradictions about juft and unjuft?
PHJE-DR. Certainly.
Soc. But does not he who accomplishes this by art, caufe the fame thing
to appear to the fame perfons, whenever he pleafes, at one time juft, and at
another time vmjuft?
PHJEDR. But what then ?
Soc. And in his oration does he not caufe the fame things to appear to
the city at one time good, and at another time juft the contrary ?
PHJEDR. Certainly.
Soc. And do we not know that the Eleatic Palamedcs is reported to have
been able by his art to caufe the fame things to appear to his hearers, both
fimilar and diffimilar, one and many, abiding and borne along ?
PHJEDR. Certainly.
SoC The contradictory art, therefore, takes place, not only in judicial
matters and orations, but, as it appears, about every thing which is the
fubject of difcourfe ; fince it is one art, enabling us to affimilate every thing
to every thing, both fuch things as are capable of affimilation, and thofe to
which they are able to be affimilated; and, befides this, to lead them into
light, nothwithftanding their being affimilated and concealed by fomething
elfe.
PHJEDR. HOW do you mean r
Soc. My meaning will appear in the following inquiries: Does decep
tion fubfift in things which differ much, or but a little, from each other ?
PHJEDR. In things which differ but a little.
Soc. But, by making a tranfition according to fmall advances, you will
effect a greater concealment, while paffing on to that which is contrary, than
you will by a tranfition according to great advances.
PHJEDR. HOW fhould it not be fo ?
Soc. It is neceffary, therefore, that he who is about to deceive another
fhould accurately know the fimilitude and diflimilitude of things,
PHJEDR. It is neceffary.
Soc. Is it poflible, therefore, that he who is ignorant of the truth of every
thing can judge concerning the fimilitude, whether great or fmall, which
fubfifts in other things ?
PHJEDR. It is impoffible.
Soc.
THE PHiEDRUS. 34£
1
It was ufual with Socrates to deny that he pofTeiTed any invention of his own, and to refer all
things to the Gods. But there is, fays Hermeas, a communion between us and the Gods, our foul
being thence illuminated both without a medium, and through the middle genera of beings. Pro
vidence, therefore, fays he, is twofold; for it is either that of the fuperior Gods themfelves, or it
takes place through the more excellent genera, fuch as angels, daemons, and heroes, and the local
Gods. Socrates, therefore, afcribes fuch an order and management of words to the local Gods.
But he fignifies by the finging over his head the more excellent genera, the attendants -f the Gods.
For it is always requifite to call that which tranfeends, a daemon ; as, for inflance, the rational is
the dsemon of the irrational part, and a God is the dxmon of intellect.
have
360 T H E P H T E D R U S .
Soc. With refpecl to Love, (hall we fay that it belongs to things dubious,
or to fuch as are not fo ?
PHJEDR. T O things dubious, certainly,
Soc. Do you think he would permit you to affert that refpecling him
which you have now afferted, that he is pernicious both to the beloved and
the lover; and again, that he is the greateft of all goods ?
PHJEDR. You fpeak in the beft manner poffible.
Soc But inform me alfo of this (for, through the enthufiaftic energy, I
do not perfectly remember), whether I defined love in the beginning of my
difcourfe.
PHJEDR. By Jupiter you did, and that in a moft wonderful manner.
Soc O how much more fagacious do you declare the Nymphs of Ache-
lous, and Pan the fon of Mercury, to be, than Lyiias the fon of Cephalus*
with refpecl to orations ! Or do I fay nothing to the purpofe ? But did not
Lvfias, in the beginning of his difcourfe, compel us to conceive of love, as
a certain fomething fuch as he wifhed it to be, and, referring what followed
to this, complete in this manner the whole of his oration ? Are you willing
that we fhould again read over the beginning of his oration ?
PHJEDR. If you are fo difpofed; though you will not find what you feek
for there.
Soc. Read, however, that I may again hear it r
PHJEDR. " You are well acquainted with the ftate of my affairs, and you
have heard, I think, that it is moft conducive to my advantage for them to
fubfift in this manner. But it appears to me, that I am not unworthy to be
deprived of what I wifh to obtain, becaufe I am not one of your lovers : for
lovers, when their defires ceafe, repent themfelves of the benefits which
they have beftowed."
Soc He feems here to have been very far from accomplifhing what w e
are now feeking after; fince he endeavours to pafs through his difcourfe,
not commencing from the beginning, but from the end, after a certain con
trary and refupine mode of proceeding; and begins from what the lover r
PHJEDR. And there are many things, Socrates, which are delivered in
books about the art of fpeaking.
Soc. You have very opportunely reminded me. For I think you would
fay that the procemium ought to be called the firft part of the oration; and
that things of this kind are the ornaments of the art.
PHJEDR. Certainly.
Soc. And, in the fecond place, a certain narration ; and this accompanied
with teftimonies. In the third place, the reafoning. In the fourth, pro
bable arguments: and befides this, I think that a certain Byzantine, the beft
artificer of orations, introduces confirmation and approbation.
PHJEDR. DO you not mean the illuftrious Theodorus ?
Soc. I do. For he difcovered how confutation, both in accufation and
defence, might not only take place, but alfo be increafed. But why fhould
we not introduce the moft excellent Evenus, the Parian ? For he firft dif
covered fub-declarations, and the art of praifing: and, according to the
reports of fome perfons, he delivered his reprehenfions in verfe for the fake
1
of affifting the memory. For he is a wife man. But fhall we fuffer Tifias
and Gorgias to fleep, who placed probabilities before realities; and, through
theftrengthof their difcourfe, caufed fmall things to appear large, and the
large fmall; likewife old things new, and the new old; and who befides
this difcovered a concife method of fpeaking, and, again, an infinite prolixity
of words? All which when Prodicus once heard me relate, he laughed, and
afferted that he alone had difcovered what words this art required; and that
it required neither few nor many, but a moderate quantity.
PHJEDR. You was, therefore, moft wife, O Prodicus.
Soc. But fhall we not fpeak of Hippias? for I think that he will be of
the fame opinion with the Elean gueft.
PHJEDR. Why fhould we not?
Soc. But what fhall we fay of the mufical compofition of Polus *, who
employed the doubling of words, a collection of fentences, fimilitudes, and
elegance of appellations, in order to give fplendour to his orations, accord
ing to the inftruction which he had received from Lycimnion ?
* This Tifias is faid by Cicero to have been the inventor of rhetoric.
* Polus was a difciple of Gorgias the Leontine. See the Gorgias.
2 z 2 PHJEDR.
356 THE PHAEDRUS.
PHJEDR. But were not the orations of Protagoras, Socrates, of this kind ?
Soc. His di&ion was indeed proper, and contained befides this many other
beautiful properties : but the Chalcedonian orator excelled in exciting com-
miferation from the diftrefles of poverty, and the infirmities of old age.
He was befides moft fkilful in roufing the multitude to anger, and when
enraged appearing them, as he faid, by inchantment; and highly excelled
in framing and diffolving calumnies, from whence the greateft advantage
might be derived. But all feem to agree in opinion with refpect to the
conclufion of the oration, which fome call the repetition, but others give it
a different denomination.
PHJEDR. D O you fay that the conclufion fummarily recalls into the
memory of the auditors all that had been faid before ?
Soc. I do, and any thing elfe befides, which you may have to fay about
this art.
PHJEDR. What I have to fay is but trifling, and not worth mentioning.
Soc. Let us, therefore, difmifs trifling obfervations, and rather behold in
the clear light, in what particulars the power of this art prevails, and when
it does fo.
PHJEDR. Its power, Socrates, is moft prevalent in the affociation of the
multitude.
Soc. It is fo. But, O demoniacal man, do you alfo fee, whether their
web appears to you, as it does to me, to have its parts feparated from each
other ?
PHJEDR. Show me how you mean.
Soc. Tell me then: If any one addrefling your affociate Eryximachus/or
his father Acumenus, fhould fay, I know how to introduce certain things to
the body, by which I can heat and cool it when I pleafe; and befides this,
when I think proper I can produce vomiting, and downward ejeftion, and a
variety of other things of this kind, through the knowledge of which I profefs
myfelf a phyfician, and able to make any one elfe fo, to whom I deliver the
knowledge of thefe particulars;—what do you think he who heard him
ought to reply ?
PHJEDR. What elfe, than inquiring whether he knows to whom, when,
and how far, each of thefe ought to be applied ?
Soc.
THE PHiEDRUS. 357
would be angry, as we were through our rufticity, with thofe who wrote
about and taught fuch things as if they were the fame with rhetoric ? Or
rather, as being wifer than us, would they not thus reprove us ? It is not pro
per, Phaedrus and Socrates, to be angry with fuch characters ; but you ought
rather to pardon thofe who, being ignorant of oratory, are unable to define
what rhetoric is, and who in confequence of this paffion, from poffefiing a
knowledge of things previous to the art, think that they have difcovered rhe
toric itfelf; and, by teaching thefe to others, imagine that they teach rhetoric
in perfection : but who at the fame time leave to the proper indultry of their
difciples the art of difpofing each of thefe, fo as to produce perfuafion, and
of compofing the whole oration, as if nothing of this kind was neceffary for
them to accomplifh.
PHJEDR. Such indeed, Socrates, does that art appear to be which thefe
men teach and write about as rhetoric ; and you feem to me to have fpoken
the truth : but how and from whence fhall we be able to acquire the art of
true rhetoric and perfuafion ?
Soc. It is probable, Phaedrus, and perhaps alfo neceffary, that the perfect
may be obtained in this as in other contefts. For, if you naturally poffefs
rhetorical abilities, you will become a celebrated orator, by the afTiftance of
fcience and exercife: but if you are deftitute of any one of thefe, you will
be imperfect through this deficiency. But the method employed by Lyfias
and Thrafymachus does not appear to me to evince the magnitude of this
art.
PHJEDR. But what method then does ?
Soc. Pericles, moft excellent man, appears with great propriety to have
been the moft perfect: of all in the rhetorical art.
PHJEDR. Why ?
Soc. All the great arts require continual meditation, and a difcourfe about
the fublime parts of nature. For an elevation of intellect, and a perfectly
efficacious power, appear in a certain refpect to proceed from hence; which
Pericles poffeffed in conjunction with his naturally good difpofition. For
meeting, I think, with Anaxagoras, who had thefe requifites, he was filled
with elevated difcourfe, and comprehended the nature of intellect and folly,
which Anaxagoras diffufely difcuffed: and from hence he transferred to the
art of difcourfe whatever could contribute to its advantage.
4 PHJEDR.
THE PH^DRUS. 359
PHJEDR. W i t h o u t doubt.
S o c . W i l l not, therefore, all the attention of fuch a one be directed to
this end, that he may produce perfuafion in the foul ?
PHJEDR. C e r t a i n l y .
S o c . It is evident, therefore, that T h r a f v m a c h u s , and any other perfon
w h o applies himfelf to the ftudy of the rhetorical art, ought f i r f t , with all
poffible accuracy, to defcribe, and caufe the foul to perceive whether fhe is
naturally one and fimilar, or multiform according to t h e form of body : for
this is w h a t w e call evincing its n a t u r e .
PHJEDR. E n t i r e l y fo.
S o c B u t , in the fecond place, he ought to fhow w h a t it is naturally ca
pable of either acting or fuffering.
PHJEDR. Certainly.
S o c . I n t h e third place, having orderly diftinguifhed the genera of dif
courfes and of the foul, and the paflions of thefe, he fhould pafs through all
t h e caufes, h a r m o n i z i n g each to each, and teaching what kind of foul will
be neceffarily perfuaded by fuch particular difcourfes, and t h r o u g h w h a t
caufe ; and again, w h a t kind of foul fuch difcourfes will be unable to per-
fuade.
PHJEDR. Such a m e t h o d of proceeding will, as it appears, be moft beau
tiful.
S o c . H e , therefore, w h o acts in a different m a n n e r will neither artifi
cially write nor difcourfe upon this or any other fubject. But writers on the
art of rhetoric of t h e prefent day ( w h o m you yourfelf have heard) are
crafty, and conceal from us that their knowledge of the foul is moft beautiful.
H o w e v e r , till they both fpeak and write according to this m e t h o d , we fhall
never be perfuaded that they write according to art.
PHJEDR. W h a t m e t h o d do you m e a n ?
S o c . It will not be eafy to mention t h e very words themfelves which
o u g h t to be employed on this occafion ; but as far as 1 am able I am willing
t o tell you h o w it is proper to w r i t e , if w e defire to write according to art.
PHJEDR. T e l l m e then.
S o c . Since the p o w e r of difcourfe is attractive of the foul, it is neceffary
t h a t the future orator fhould k n o w h o w m a n y fpecies foul contains : but
thefe are various, and fouls poffefs their variety from thefe. Souls, therefore,
o of
THE PHAEDRUS. 361
Egypt which the Greeks call Egyptian T h e b e s ; but the God himfelf t h e y
denominate A n m o n . T h e u t h , therefore, departing to T h a m u s , fhowed
him his arts, and told him that he ought to diftribute tliem amongft the
other Egyptians. But T h a m u s afked him concerning the utility of each ;
and upon his informing h i m , he approved w h a t appeared to him to be w d l
faid, but blamed that which had a contrary afpect. But T h e u t h is reported
to have fully unfolded to T h a m u s many particulars refpecting each a r t ,
which it would be too prolix to mention. But when they c a m e to difcourfe
upon letters, T h i s difcipline, O k i n g , fays T h e u t h , wiil render the E g y p
tians wifer, and increafe their powers of m e m o r y . F o r this invention is t h e
medicine of memory and wifdom. T o this T h a m u s replied, O moft artifi
cial T h e u t h , one perfon is m o r e adapted to artificial operations, but a n o t h e r
to judging w h a t detriment or advantage will arife from the ufe of thefe p r o
ductions of a r t : and now you w h o are the father of letters, through the b e n e
volence of your difpofition, have affirmed juft the contrary of w h a t letters a r e
able to effect. F o r thefe, through the negligence of recollection, will pro^
duce oblivion in the foul of the l e a r n e r ; becaufe, through trufting to t h e
external and foreign marks of w r i t i n g , they will not exercife the internal
powers of recollection. So that you have n o t difcovered t h e medicine of
m e m o r y , but of admonition. Y o u will likewife deliver to your difciples a n
opinion of wifdom, and not t r u t h . F o r , in confequence of having m a n y
readers without the inftruction of a m a t t e r , the m u l t i t u d e will appear to b e
k n o w i n g in many things of which they are at the fame time ignorant ; a n d
curial foul, and at the fame time dxmon, relate their inventions to king Thamus. And though
a man named Thamus once reigned in Egypt, yet anagogically Thamus is a Mercurial divinity
either cdcltial or fuperceleftial. But Ammon is that fuperior Jupiter who comprehends the
Mercurial gifts. Laftly, invention belongs to natural inftinc't and conception, but judgment and
d'ferimination to reafon and perfect intelligence, which are far more excellent. But each at the;
fame ti;^e belongs to Jupiter Ammon ; though, when taken feparately, invention, and as it were
the material form of art, muft be referred to a demoniacal or human Mercury; but judgment
and ufe, and th. t which leads to the end, to Thamus, who is fuperior both to a human and
dsernoniacal Mercury. Though the narration feems to comprehend Thamus and Ammon under
the fame perfon, yet accurate reafoning is able to diftinguilh them. They relate that the Kgyp-
tian ibis was fimilar to a ftoric, that it had the figure of a heart, that it walked in a very unequal
manner, and that it brought forth its eggs through its throat, juft as Mercury delivers his progeny
into light. And thefe and the other Mercurial fymbols fignify wifdom, geometry, eloquence, and
interpretation.
will
366 THE PHiEDRUS.
genuine brother of this, how legimate it is, and how much better and more
powerful it is born than this ?
PHJEDR. What is this ? and how do you fay it is produced ?
Soc. That which, in conjunction with fcience, is written in the foul of
the learner, which is able to defend itfelf, and which knows to whom it
ought to fpeak, and before whom it ought to be filent.
PHJEDR. YOU fpeak of the living and animated difcourfe of one endued
with knowledge; of which written difcourfe may be juflly called a certain
image.
Soc. Entirely fo. But anfwer me with refpect to this alfo: Will the
hufbandman, who is endued with intellect, fcatter fuch feeds as are moft dear
to him, and from which he wifhes fruit fhould arife ? Will he fcatter them in
fummer in the gardens of Adonis, with the greateft diligence and attention,
rejoicing to behold them in beautiful perfection within the fpace of eight
days ? Or rather, when he acts in this manner, will he not do fo for the fake
of fome feftive day, or fport ? But, when ferioufly applying himfelf to the
bufinefs of agriculture, will he not fow where it is proper, and be fufficiently
pleafed, if his fowing receives its confummation within the fpace of eight
months ?
PHJEDR. He would doubtlefs act in this manner, Socrates, at one time
fowing ferioufly, and at another time for diverfion.
Soc. But fhall we fay that the man who pofTefTes the fcience of things juft,
beautiful and good, is endued with lefs intellect than a hufbandman, with
refpect to the feeds which he fows ?
PHJEITR. By no means.
Soc. He will not, therefore, with anxious and hafty diligence write them in
black water, fowing them by this mean with his pen in conjunction with
difcourfes; fince it is thus impoffible to aflift them through fpeech, and im-
poffible fufficiently to exhibit the truth.
PHJEDR. This, therefore, is not proper.
Soc. Certainly not. He will, therefore, fow and write in the gardens
which letters contain for the fake of fport, as it appears ; and when he has
written, having raifed monuments as treafures to himfelf, with a view to the
oblivion of old age, if he fhould arrive to it, and for the like benefit of others
who tread in the fame fteps, he is delighted on beholding his delicate piogeny
of
T H E P H J E D R U S .
of fruits; and while other men purfue other diverfions, irrigating themfelves
with banquets, and other entertainments which are the filters of thefe, he
on the contrary paffes his time in the delights which converfation produces.
PHJEDR. You fpeak, Socrates, of a moft: beautiful diveriion, and not of a
vile amufement, as the portion of him who is able to fport with difcourfe,
and who can mythologize about juftice, and other particulars which you
fpeak of.
Soc. For it is indeed fo, my dear Phaedrus. But, in my opinion, a much
more beautifulftudywill refult from difcourfes, when fome one employing the
dialectic art, and receiving a foul properly adapted for his purpofe, plants and
lows in it difcourfes, in conjunction with fcience; difcourfes which are fuffi
ciently able to ailift both themfelves and their planter, and which are not
barren, but abound with feed ; from whence others fpringing up in different
manners, are always fufficient to extend this immortal benefit, and to render
their poffeffor bleffed in as high a degree as is poflible to man.
PHJEDR. This which you /peak of is ftill far more beautiful.
Soc. But now, Phaedrus, this being granted, are we able to diftinguifh
and judge about what follows ? ,
PHJEDR. What is that ?
Soc. Thofe particulars for the fake of knowing which we came hither;
that we might inquire into the difgrace of Lyfias in the art of writing ; and
that we might inveftigate thofe difcourfes which are either Wtittei with or
without art. To me, therefore, it appears that we have moderately evinced
that which is artificial, and that which is not fo.
PHJEDR. It appears fo.
Soc. But again we ought to remember that no one can acquire perfection
in the art of fpeaking, either with refpect to teaching or perfuading, till he
is well acquainted with the truth of the particulars about which he either
fpeaks or writes: till he is able to define the whole of a thing; and when
defined, again knows how to divide it according to fpecies, as far as to an
indivifible: and, according to this method, contemplating the foul, and dif.
covering a fpecies adapted to the nature of each, he thus difpofes and adorns
his di'courfe ; accommodating various and all-harmonious difcourfes to a foul
characterized by variety; but fuch as are fimple, to one of a fimple dif
pofition.
PHJEDR.
THE P H ^ D R U S .
writer of orations, likewife Homer, and any other who may compofe either
naked poetry, or that which is adorned with the fong; and in the third place
Solon, and all who may commit political inftitutions to writing; — that if
their compofitions refult from knowing the truth, and if they are able to
defend their writings againft the objections of adverfaries who declare that
they can evince the improbity of their difcourfes,—then, they ought not to
be denominated from works of this kind, but from what they have feiioufly
written.
P H J E D R . What appellations, then, will you affign them ?
Soc. To call them wife, Phaedrus, appears to me to be a mighty appella
tion, and adapted to a God alone ; but to denominate them philofophers, or
fomething of this kind, feems to be more convenient and proper.
PHJEDR. There is nothing indeed unbecoming in fuch an epithet.
Soc. He, therefore, who cannot exhibit any thing more honourable than
what he has written, and who turns upwards and downwards his compo
fition, for a confiderable fpace of time, adding and taking away,—may not
fuch a one be juftly called a poet, or a writer of orations or laws ?
PHJEDR. Certainly.
Soc. Relate thefe particulars, therefore, to your affociate.
PHJEDR. But what will you do ? For it is not proper that your companion
fhould be neglected.
Soc. Who is he ?
PHJEDR. The worthy Ifbcrates. What will you tell him, Socrates? and
what character fhall we allign him ?
Soc. Ifocrates as yet, Phaedrus, is but a young man ; but I a"m willing to
tell you what I prophefy concerning him.
PHJEDR. What ?
Soc. He appears to me to poffefs fuch excellent natural endowments, that
his productions ought not to be compared with the orations of Lyfias. Be
fides this, his manners are more generous ; fo that it will be by no means
wonderful, if, when he is more advanced in age, he fhould far iurpafs, in
thofe orations which are now the objects of his ftudy, all the other boys who
ever meddled with orations ; or, if he fhould not be content with a purfuit of
this kind, I think that a more divine impulfe will lead him to greater attain
ments : for there is naturally, my friend, a certain philofophy in the diano-
? etic
THE PH^DRUS, 371
etic part of this man. Tell, therefore, my beloved Ifocrates this, as a piece
of information which I have received from the Gods of this place ; and do
you likewife acquaint Lyfias with the particulars which refpect his character
and purfuits, as a perfon who is the object of your warmed attachment.
PHJEDR. Be it fo; but let us depart, fince the heat has now abated its
fervour.
Soc. But it is proper we fhould pray before we depart,
PHJEDR. Undoubtedly.
Soc O beloved Pan, and all ye other Gods, who are refidents of this
y
place , grant that I may become beautiful within, and that whatever I poffefs
externally may be friendly to my inward attainments ! Grant, alfo, that I
may confider the wife man as one who abounds in wealth ; and that I may
enjoy that portion of gold, which no other than a prudent man is able either
to bear, or properly manage ! Do we require any thing elfe, Phaedrus ? for
to me it appears that I have prayed tolerably well.
PHJEDR. Pray alfo in the fame manner for me : for the poffeffions of
friends are common.
Soc. Let us then depart.
1
By Pan, and the other Gods, underftand local deities under the moon. But Pan is denomi
nated as it were all, becaufe he pofleffes the moft ample fway in the order of local Gods. For, as
the fupermundane Gods are referred to Jupiter, and the celeftial to Bacchus, fo all the fublunary
local Gods and daemons are referred to Pan.
THE E N D OF T H E PHJEDRUS.
3 B 2 THE
THE GREATER HIPPIAS,
A DIALOGUE
CONCERNING
THE BEAUTIFUL
T h E defign of this dialogue, which has the addition of greater to its name
Hippias, in contradiftinction to another of the fame name which is fhorter,
is gradually to unfold the nature of the beautiful as fubfifting in foul. That
this is the real defign of it will be at once evident by confidering that logical
methods are adapted to whatever pertains to foul, in confequence of its
energies being naturally difcurfive, but do not accord with intellect, becaufe
its vifion is fimple, at once collected, and immediate. Hence this dialogue
1
is replete with trials and confutations, definitions and demonftrations, divifions,
com/iofitions, and analyfations ; but that part of the Phaedrus in which beauty
according to its firft fubfiftence is difcuffed, has none of thefe, becaufe its
character is enthufiaftic.
It is neceffary however to remark, that in faying the defign of the dialogue
is concerning the beautiful as fubfifting in foul, we do not merely mean the
human foul, but foul in general:—in other words, it is concerning that
beauty which firft fubfifts in the foul of the univerfe, which in Platonic
language is the monad of all fouls, and is thence imparted to all the fub-
fequent orders of fouls.
It is well obferved by Mr. Sydenham * that Plato conceals the import
f
* i. c. Among thofe which explore and obftetricatc the conceptions of the foul.
THE
THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
SOCRATES A N D HIPPIAS.
1
SCENE .—THE LYCEUM.
SOCRATES.
2
H l P P I A S , the fine and the wife! what a long time it is fince laft you
3
touched at Athens !
HIP.'
1
The fcene of this dialogue is clearly the Lyeaeum, a ftruclure of aftonifhing grandeur and
beauty, at a fmall diftance from the city, by the fide of the Ilyflus; the largeft and moft magnifi
cent of thofe three built at the public coft for the purpofe of bathing and the gymnic exercifes. The
other two were within the city, lying convenient for the ufe of the ordinary citizens and men of
bufinefa. But this was the moft frequented by men of larger fortune and more leifure ; with
many of whom Socrates was intimately acquainted. Hither, as we learn from PJato's Sympofium,
it was his ufual cuftom to refort, accompanied by his friends, and to fpend here the greateft part
of the day. That the Sophifts, whenever they came to Athens, frequented the fame place, appears
from Ifocrates in Oral. Panathen.; as indeed it is natural to fuppofe j the nobler part of the youth
being daily there afTembled: for thefe were extremely inquifitive after knowledge, and great ad
mirers of philofophy j and the Sophifts profeffed the teaching it, and the making, for a certain
ftipulated fum of money, any man a philofophcr. T o carry on this bufinefs of their profeffion,
they were continually travelling about, like the Rhapfodifts, from city to city, {rax^g TravTax*
yiyvo/jitvoi, fays Ifocrates,) wherever philofophy and knowledge were in efteem ; but vifited Athens
the ofteneft, where above all places thofe ornaments of the mind were highly valued.—S.
a
Hippias was remarkable for the finery of his apparel, as we (hall fee further on. This
ftriking the eyes of Socrates immediately on meeting him occafioned his addrefling him firft with
this epithet.—S.
3 Socrates in this fentence humoroufly makes ufe of a fea term to reprefent the life led by the
Sophifts, as rcfembling that of mariners j who are roving inceffantly from port to port, and never
V O L . in. 3 G continue
378 T H E GREATER HIPPIAS.
HIP. It is becaufe I have not had leifure *', Socrates. F o r the Elearrc, yo\*
are t o k n o w , w h e n e v e r they h a v e any public affairs to negotiate with any
of t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g cities, conftantly apply to m e , and appoint m e their am-
baffador for t h a t purpofe, in preference to all o t h e r s : becaufe they confider
m e as a perfon t h e ableft to f o r m a right j u d g m e n t of w h a t is a r g u e d a n d
alleged by every one of the cities,, and to m a k e a proper report of it t o
them. M y embaflies *, t h e r e f o r e , have been frequent to m a n y of thofe
p o w e r s ; but ofteneft, and u p o n points the moft in n u m b e r , as well as of the
higheft i m p o r t a n c e , have I g o n e to Sparta to t r e a t with the Lacedaemonians*
T h i s is t h e reafon, t h e n , in anfwer to your queftion, w h y fo feldom I vifiC
thefe p a r t s .
Soc. T h i s it is, H i p p i a s , t o be a m a n t r u l y wife and perfectly a c c o m -
3
plifhed. F o r , being t h u s qualified, you h a v e , in y o u r private capacity,.
continue long in one place. But poflibly there is a further meaning j it may be intended to pre*
j>are us for obferving that inftabiJity of Hippias himfelf, his notions and opinions, which is after
wards to appear throughout the dialogue;. an inftability arifing from his want of the fixed prince
ciples of fcience, the only fure foundation of fettled opinions. At the fame rime; there is a pro
priety in this expreffion from the mouth of an Athenian, to whom it muft have been habitual;.
Athens being feated near the fea, the Athenians the principal merchants, and their ftate the*
greateft maritime power then in the world.—S.
1
Plato acquaints us always as foon as poflible with the character of his fpeakcrs. In this
firft fpeech of Hippias, the vain and oftentatious fophift, the folemn and formal orator, both appear
in a ftrong light, and prepare us at once for all which is to follow, agreeably to thofe cha-r
rafters.—S.
* See Philoftrat p. 495. ed. Olear.—&
3 Hippias is here reprefented as being both a fophift and an orator. For the better apprehend
ing this double character of his, and the more fully understanding thofe many palTages of Plate
where thefe profeftions are mentioned, it may be ufeful to give a fummary account of their rife
and nature. T h e Grecian wifdom then, or philofophy, in the moft antient times of which any
records are left us, included phyfics, ethics, and politics, until the time of Thales the Ionian
who giving himfelf up wholly to the ftudy of Nature, of her principles and elements, with the
caufes of the feveral phenomena, became famous above all the antient fages for natural know
ledge v and led the way to a fucceflion of philofophers, from their founder and firft mafter called
Ionic. Addi&?d thus to the contemplation- of things remote from the affairs of men, thefe all
lived abftracted as much as poflible from human fociety i revealing the fecrets of nature only to a
few felect difciples, who fought them out in their retreat, and had a genius for the fame abftrufe
inquiries, together with a tafte for the fame retired kind of life. As the fame of their wifdom
fpread, the curiofity of that whole inquifitive nation, the Grecians, was at length excited. This
4 gave
THE GREATER* HIPPIAS. 379
great prefents made you by the young men of the age ; and are able to make
them ample amends by the greater advantages which they derive from you :
then, in your public character, you are able to do fervice to your country,
as a man ought who would raife himfelf above contempt, and acquire repu
tation among the multitude. But, Hippias, what fort of reafon can be
given, why thofe in former days, who are fb highly famed for wifdom,
Pittacus, and Bias, and Thales the Milefian, with his difciples, fucceffors,
and followers, down to Anaxagoras, if not all, yet moft of them, are found
to have lived the lives of private men, declining to engage in public affairs ?
HIP. What other reafon, Socrates, can you imagine befide this, that they
gave occafion to the rife of a new profeffion, or feet, very different from that of thofe fpeculative
fages. A fet of men, fmitten, not with the love of wifdom, but of fame and glory, men of great
natural abilities, notable induftry and boldnefs, appeared in Greece ; and afluming the name of
Sophifts, a name hitherto highly honourable, and given only to thofe by whom mankind in general
were fuppofed to be made wifer, to their antient poets, legillators, and the Gods themfelves,
undertook to teach, by a few leflbns, and in a fhort time, all the parts of philofophy to any
perfon, of whatever kind was his difpofition or turn of mind, and of whatever degree the
capacity of it, fo that he was but able to pay largely for his teaching. In the fame age with
Thales lived Solon the Athenian; who took the other part of philofophy to cultivate, and,
applying himfelf chiefly to moral and political fcience, became fo great a proficient in thofe
fludies, that he gave a new fyftem of excellent laws to his country. Hence arofe in Athens a
race of politicians, ftudious of the laws, and of the art of government. During this fucceflion,
through force of natural genius, good polity, commerce and riches among the Athenians, great
improvements were made in all the liberal arts: but that of oratory flouriflied above the reft, for
this reafon; becaufe the Athenians lived under a popular government, where the art of ruling is
only by perfuafion. Eloquence then being one of the principal means of perfuafion, and perfuafion
the only way to acquire and maintain power, all who were ambitious of any magiftracy or office
in the government ftudied to become eloquent orators: and the arts of rhetoric and polity were
thus united in the fame perfons. Accordingly, we learn from the Attic writers of thofe days, that,
the moft popular orators at Athens were appointed to embaffies, to magiflracies, to the command
of armies, and the fupreme adminiftration of all civil affairs. See particularly Ifocrates in Orat.
de Pace, & Panathen. In this dialogue we find that the fame fpirit prevailed at Elis. Now in
men of great abilities the predominant paffion is ambition more frequently than avarice. Thofe of
the Sophifts, therefore, who excelled in quicknefs of underftanding, ccmpafs of knowledge, and
ingenuity, fuch as Hippias was, added to their other attainments the arts of popular oratory, and
by thofe means got into the management of the ftate. Thus much for the prefent: the fequel
and the fupplement of this fhort hiftory, fo far as they are necefTary to our purpofe, will appear
<©n fit occafions.—S.
3 c 2 liad
380 T H E G R E A T E R H I P P I A S .
had not a fufficient reach of prudence for the conduct of their own private
affairs, and thofe of the public at the fame time ?
Soc. Tell me then, in the name of Jupiter, whether, as all other arts are
improved, and the workmen of former times are contemptible and mean in
companion with ours, fhall we fay that your art, that of the Sophiffs, hath
in like manner received improvement; and that fuch of the antients as ap
plied themfelves to the ftudy of wifdom were nothing, compared to you of
the prefent age ?
HIP. Perfectly right: that is the very cafe.
Soc. So that, were Bias to be reflored to life again in our days, he would
be liable to ridicule, appearing in competition with you Sophifts : your cafe
being parallel to that of our modern ftatuaries, who tell us that Dacdalus r
were he alive, and to execute fuch works as thofe to which he owed his
great name, would but expofe himfelf, and become ridiculous.
HIP. The truth of the matter, Socrates, exactly is what you fay. I my
felf, however, make it my cuftom to beltow my commendations rather upon*
the antients, and upon all fuch asflourifhedin times precedent to our own %
1
giving them the preeminence and precedence above ourfelves ; in order to
efcape the envy of the living, and for fear of incurring the refentment of
3
the dead -
Soc.
1
Adliterations, adnominations, and repetitions of the fame word, were fome of thofe pretti-
nefles of ftyle, or graces, where they are employed with judgment, which are faid to have been,
invented by the rhetorical Sophifls. Plato, therefore, frequently in his dialogues, with great pro
priety, puts them into the mouths of fuch fpeakers. On what occafions, and how differently
from the ufc made of them by thofe fophiflical orators, he introduces, them into his own flyle at
other times, will be obferved elfcwherc.—S.
2
There was a law at Athens, the author of which was Solon, ordaining /in Myuv Kaxa; rov it8~
r x / X C T a , net to revile the dead: a law made, fays Plutarch, partly from a political confideration, to
hinder the perpetuating of enmities ; partly from a motive of juuice, which forbids the attacking
thofe who are not in a capacity of defending themfelves; and partly from a principle of religion^
agreeably to which the departed ate to be looked on as facred : xai b<riov roug /xE&earcoTag hpoug vofxi-
(av. Plut. in Vit. Solon, p. 8o. E . That this fentiment was oi much earlier antiquity than the
age of Solon, appears from the following paflage of Archilochus, cited by Clemens Alex. Strom.
1. vi. p, 6 1 9 . ed. Sylburg.
Ov yap (inf. f. ra}') ecrQXa, KarQavovri xepTcneiv
Esr' a:$pa<ri.
Tor
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 381
Soc. In my opinion, Hippias, you fee the matter in a juft light, and con
fider it thoroughly well. I myfelf can witnefs the truth of what you fay.
It is indeed certain, that your art is in this refpecl: really improved, in that
you are able to manage the concerns of the public, and at the fame time
1
give attention to your own private interefts.' For Gorgias , that great
fuphift of Leontium, came hither on a public embaffy from his country, as
the ableft man among the Leontines to negotiate their affairs of ftate : and
here he acquired glory by his fine harangues in the affembly of the people;
at the fame time that by his exhibitions before private companies %
and
For this is evil, with heart biting taunt
To perfecute men dead.——
And from this of Homer ftill earlier,
1
OUK bffiov (p6t^£voio-ii/ en avtyctqiv euxiraaaQcu:
Odyff. 1. xxii. ver. 4 1 2 .
With boaftful fpeech to glory o'er the dead
Is impious.——'
This piece of antient religion arofe partly from an opinion, that fouls freed from their earthly
bodies were in a ftate of being fuperior to that of mortals, and ought, therefore, to be honoured
by them ; and partly was owing to a belief that the fhadowy ghofts, or fpirits, (which they diftin-
guifhcd from the intellectual fouls,) of dead perfons had it in their power to hurt the living, by
haunting and difturbing them at leaft, if no other way. It is on the foundation of this belief
that Virgil reprefents Dido thus threatening iEneas,
And hence likewife came to be inftituted the religious rite of offering SeXxmpicc, pacificatory
Sacrifices, to the ghofts of thofe whom they were afraid of having offended. See Eurip. Iphigen.
in- Taur, ver. 166.—S.
1
The character of Gorgias is painted by Plato at full length in a dialogue inferibed with his
name. It will he fufficient for our prefent purpofe to obferve, that Gorgias was by profeffion, like
Hippias, an orator as well as fophift; and fet up for teaching both philofophy and the art of
rhetoric: and that the price of his teaching was 100 PLVM, which is of our money 322I. 18s. 4d.
from each of his Scholars.—S.
3
The profeffion or bufinefs of a fophift confiftcd of three branches: one of which was to per
fect and accomplifh the fine gentleman, according to the idea which the Grecians had of fuch a
character in that age of fophifm : not to form him from the firft rudiments throughout, or in
any
THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
a n d his teaching our young men, he collected and raifed very confiderable
fums of money from this city. Or, if you would have another inffance,
1
there is my own friend, the famous Prodicus ; who has frequently been
fent hither on feveral public embaflies: but the laft time, not long fince,
when he came as ambaflador from Ceos, his fpeeches before the council
gained him great honour; and his private exhibitions in the mean time,
together with the tuition of our young men, piocured him an immenfe
heap of money. But not one of thofe antient fages ever thought proper to
exact money by way of fee or reward for his teaching; or ever took it into
his head to difplay his wifdom before a mixed multitude. So fimple were
they, and fo much a fecret was it to them, how valuable a thing was
any part, (for thi* taflc they thought beneath them,) but, after a courfe of liberal education had
been gone through, and the ftudies and exercifes of youth were ended, to give him then the finifh-
ing touches•, qualifying him to fpeak plaufibly upon all fubje&s, to fupport with fpecious argu
ments either fide of any queftion or debate, aRd by falfe oratory and fallacious reafoning, after
wards from them called fophiftical, to corrupt the hearers, filence the oppofers, and govern all in
all things. T o attain thefe admired accomplifhments, the young gentleman was conflantly to
attend, and follow them every where, as long as he thought fit himfelf; obfcrving in what
manner they difputed de quolibet ente on any point which offered j and learning by degrees to
y
imitate them. Hence, that which we tranflate tuition, or teaching, is every where in Plato termed
•cvmvou rois veots, the being accompanied by the young men. Another part of the fophift's occupa
tion, quite diftinct from the former, though carried on at the fame time, was to read lectures at
a certain price to each auditor, before as many as they could procure beforehand to become fubferi-
bers to them. Thefe lectures, the fubjects of which were chofen indifferently, were in the way
of declamations, diflertations, or what we commonly call effays, ready compofed and written down.
They were not contrived, however, for the purpofe of teaching or inftruclion: nor could they in
deed effectually ferve that end ; for long fpeeches and lectures are eafily forgotten : but they were
calculated merely for entertainment and oflentation ; and properly enough, therefore, entitled by
the Sophifts themfelves tm&iZuf, exhibitions. The third branch of their trade, the only one culti
vated gratuitou%, for the fake of fame, though probably with a view, befides, of gaining
cuflomers in thofe other the lucrative branches, was to anfwer all queftions propofed to them ;
like the antient oracle at Delphi, or the authors of the Athenian oracle in the laft age j allufions
to which practice of theirs we fhall meet with frequently in Plato. But in this paffage he had
occafion only to mention their other two employments, from which immediately accrued their
gain.—-S.
1
In Prodicus alfo were united the two charaders of orator and fophift: as Philoflratus (in
Vit. Sophift.) confirms. That Socrates condefcended to attend his lectures, an4 contracted an
intimacy with him, we learn from feveral of Plato's dialogues. The price paid by each of hts
auditors at thofe laft exhibitions of his, here mentioned, was 5 0 fyaxfxat, or il. 12s. 3 | d . See
Plat, in Cratyl. p. 3 8 4 . and Ariftot. Rhet. 1. iii. c. 14.—S.
money.
T H E GREATER HIPPIAS. 5(83
they fay, loft it all : fo filly was he with his wifdom. And of other antient
fcges they relate ftories of the fame kind. A clear proof, I think, therefore,
this which you exhibit, in what a wife age we live; and what difproportion
the wifdom of it bears to that of former times. Many too, I know, are
agreed in this opinion, that a wife man ought, in the firft place, to be wife
to himfelf. Now theftandardof this kind of wifdom is, it feems, he who can
get the moft money. But fo much for this. And now tell me, as to your
own gains, from which of the cities whither you have travelled did you col
lect the largeft fums ? Undoubtedly it muft have been from Sparta, whither
you have gone the ofteneft.
HIP. Not from thence, Socrates, by Jupiter.
Soc. How fay you ? What, the leaft fum from thence ?
HIP. Never any thing at all.
Soc. It is a prodigy what yob relate : and I am amazed at it, Hippias.
But tell me, as to that wifdom of yours, has it not the power to improve in
virtuous excellence all your followers who are converfant with it, and will
learn ?
HIP. In the higheft degree, Socrates.
Soc. Were you able then to improve the fons of the Inycians, yet wanted
fuch ability with regard to the fons of Sparta ?
HIP. Far from it.
Soc. The Sicilians then, I warrant, have a defire of virtuous improve
ment ; but the Spartans not fo.
HIP. Strongly fo, Socrates, have the Spartans.
Soc. Was their want of money then the reafon why they followed you not ?
HIP. By no means; for of money they have plenty.
Soc. What account then can be given in fuch a cafe as this, when they
•were defirous of improvement, and in no want of money to purchafe it; and
you able to furnifh them with the higheft degrees of it; why they did not
fend you away loaded with riches ? What; certainly the reafon of it cannot
.be this, that the Spartans can educate their fons in a better manner than you
could educate them ? Or fhall we fay they can? and do you admit this to be
irue ?
HIP. By no means in the world.
Soc. Were yon not able then to perfuade the young men at Sparta that,
by
THE GREATER HIPPIAS; 385
No doubt, they muft be the fame in which you have fo much excellent
knowledge; thofe which relate to the ftars and the phenomena of the Iky.
x
HIP. They by no means endure to hear a word upon thefe fubjects .
S o c But they take pleafure in hearing a lecture upon the fubject of
geometry.
HIP, Not at all: for many of the Spartans know not even the common
rules of arithmetic ; nay, fcarcely, I may fay, how to reckon.
Soe. They are far from enduring then to hear you difcourfe on the nature
of numbers and accounts.
HIP. Very far from that, by Jupiter.
Soe. The fubjects, then, I warrant you, are thofe upon which you are
able to differt, divide, and diftinguifh, with the greateft accuracy of all men;,
a
concerning the power of letters and fyllables^ of harmonies and rhythms .
HIP. What harmonies, or what letters, my good man, do they concern,
themfelves about r
Soc. Well; what are the fubjects, then, upon which they attend to you ;
wholly excluded. Many pafTages from the antients in proof of this are collected by the anno-
tatort. on jElian. Var. Hift. 1. xii. c. 5 0 . and by N"ic. Craig, in his treatife before cited, l.iii. Per
haps, however, it was only fo in appearance. It may be worth while to examine and confider
well what Plato fays on this fubjecT in his Protagoras.—S.
a
The Spartans were not more remarkable for a contempt of grammar and mathematics, tharii
was Hippias for his fkill in thofe fciences, as appears from the fhorter dialogue called by his name.
This part of the Introduction, the third and laft, receives much grace from both thefe circum-
ftances. For the mention of the fciences here in this manner, with a mixture of compliment and'
humour, feems to arife naturally from the chara&er of the perfon with whom Socrates is conver-
frng, and from that of the people who are the prefent fubject of this part of their converfation..
Plato ufes fuch exquifite art in the ceconomy of his dialogues, that whatever is brought upon the
carpet appears to fall in naturally: at the fame time that all the circumftances of it harmonize
together; and every particular contributes to carry on his defigns, either the principal'or fubor
dinate \ being, indeed purpofely introduced for the fake of thefe.—S.
concerning
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 3SJ>
and obfolete » with many, new ones of their own invention j all, in fhort, which any way ferved
to pleafe the fenfe, or amufe the fancy, without informing the underftanding. Inftances of all
which are recorded in the antient critics, and may be feen. collected, many of them by Crefojlius
in Theat. Rhet. 1. iii. c. 2 3 . As to the diction of Hippias in particular, it is represented by Max-
imus Tyrius, c. 2 3 . to have been empty and upmcaping, and his eloquence void of folidity.
1
This boalted di/Tertation of Hippias was intitled T^Vapj, as we learn from Philoflrafus, in
whofe time it appears to have been extant. The plan of manners whjch it laid down, if we may
conjecture from the title, was taken from the characters of the heroes in Homer's Iliad, chiefly
from that of Achilles, Hippias's favourite. See the fhprter dialogue called by his name,—S.
1
This certain perfon was no other than the dianoetic part or power of the foul of Socrates:
i o r i t U this part which invsitigates truth, deriving its principles, from intellect.—rT.
pily
tUt GUIATER H I PPT AS. 391
* This is levelled againft thofe who maintained that mind and the objects of mind have no
(t on
real being ; attributing reality to nothing but that which they are able anptt rxiv x P >&Gto-8at,
fays Plato, (Theaetet. p. 155.) ** to take faft hold of with their hands j'' or, at leaft, which is the
object of one or other of their fenfes.—S.
a
The Greek, as it is printed, is bfAut—aOptt. But the fenfe, as we apprehend, not admitting an
adverfative adverb, the true reading probably is btxoo-t or c / x c v — a f y c i , that is, " Look clofe, or near:"
for the Attic writers ufcd the word o/*ou to fignify the fame with tyyvj. See Harpocrat. p. 130,
131. ed. Gwnov.—S.
Soc.
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 393
1
Soc. A n excellent anfwer, by t h e d o g , H i p p i a s ; and fuch a one a s
cannot fail of being applauded. Shall I t h e n , in a n f w e r i n g t h u s , have a n -
fwered t h e queftion afked m e ? a n d t h a t fo w e l l as not to be refuted ?
HIP. HOW mould you be refuted, Socrates, in a v o w i n g t h a t w h i c h is t h e
opinion of all the w o r l d ; a n d t h e t r u t h of w h i c h all w h o h e a r you w i l l
atteft ?
Soc. Be it fo t h e n , by all m e a n s . B u t n o w , H i p p i a s , let m e alone to
refume the queftion, w i t h y o u r anfwer to it, by myfelf. T h e man will
interrogate m e after this m a n n e r : " A n f w e r m e , Socrates, and tell m e , if
there be any fuch thing as the beautiful itfelf*, to whofe prefence is o w i n g
3
the beauty of all thofe things which you call beautiful ?" T h e n (hall I a n
fwer
1
Plato has in his dialogues drawn the picture of his hero with an exactnefs fo minute, that he
feems not to have omitted the lead peculiarity in the ordinary converfation of that great man.
Of this we have here an inftance very remarkable. Socrates, it feems, in common difcourfe
ufcd frequently to fwear by brute animals. The different reafons which have been affigned for
his fo doing, and the various cenfures pafTed on him, may be feen collected by Menage in Not.
ad Laert. p. 92, 93.; M. Maffieu in the firfl tome of Les Mem. de 1'Acad. des Infcript. & Belles
Lett. p. 205. ; and by M. du Soul in Not. ad Lucian. vol. i. p. 556. ed. Hemfterhus. Thus much
is evident, that the Cretans had a law or cuftom, introduced amongft them by Rhadamanthus, to
ufe that very kind of oaths •, on purpofe to avoid naming on every trivial occafion the Gods in
whom they believed. See the authors cited by Olearius in Not. ad Philoftrat. p. 257. n. 2 2 .
That the great Athenian philofopher followed in this the example of the old Cretan judge and
lawgiver, is the opinion of Porphyry, in 1. iii. de Abftinent. § 16. and indeed is in the higheft
degree probable; becaufe we find Socrates fvvearing by the very fame fpecies of animals adjured
commonly by the Cretans. The dog is named the moft frequently in the oaths of both •, probably
becaufe domeftic, and the moft frequently in fight when they were talking. See the Scholiaft on
Arifloph. Av. ver. 52 1. and Suidas in voce 'Fa$a(xav8vos bpnog.—S.
a
The Greek is, u rt tariv avro ro xat.cv. Among the Attic writers et has often the force of an
adverb of interrogation, fignifying " whether like theEnglifh particle " if." This is one of the
many idioms of our language, correfponding with thofe of the antient Attic Greek. But this idiom
feems not to have been well known, or at leaft not here obferved, by any of the tranflators : for
they all interpret this part of the fentence in a conditional fenfe, making et a conditional con
junction. Nor does it indeed appear to have been better known to thofe old tranferibers of the
original, from whofe copies are printed the editions we have of Plato. For their ignorance in this
point feems to have occafioncd thofe corruptions of the text taken notice of in the two following
notes.—S.
3
The whole fentence in the prefent editions ftands thus : 10; /uoi, w TuKparsg, airoxfivat' ravra
oravra a. <py$ xaha ttvai, EI rt zanv avro ro K « > O V , TXVT av tin xa.xa; In the latter part of this fentence
there is undoubtedly an omiffion j which we ought to fupply thus•>AI 'O T O U T ' ay cm xaXa, as we
V O L . in. 3E read
304 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
Tead in the fentence following, where Socrates repeats the terms of the queftion : or rather, ft *.
T the dative cafe having been ufed by Socrates juft before, when he dated the queftion f i r f t . — S .
1
The Greek is printed thus : Eyw 3n tpu,'onti vrapStvos aoxov tart Ji* b ravr' av uv xa*a~
But the fenfe evidently requires us to expunge the word ti before vapOwoc., and to read on napOtvos
xaXn xaAov £<rn, x . T. X. The author of this interpolation, no doubt, intended to make this fentence
anfwer to the former •, and thus completed the feries of blunders, which arofe gradually from that
ignorance of the Attic idiom, ufed in the former fentence, of which we accufed the tranferibers in
2
note , p. 393* This laft blunder has been the fource of another, a moft ridiculous one, made by
Auguftinus Niphus in a Latin treatife De Pulchro. His intention, in the former part of that
work, is to illuftrate the Greater Hippias of Plato. In purfuance of which he thinks it incum
bent on him, in the firft place, to prove the excellence of fome particular beauty; fuch as may beft
-{how, we prefume he means, the perfection of the ideal pattern. Tor this purpofe, he politely
and gallantly urges the following argument, manifeftiy borrowed from the error complained of in
M
this note ; If the princefs Joan of Arragon be beautiful without a fault, then there muft be fome
thing abfolutely beautiful in the nature of things : But none can deny the faultlefs beauty of the
princefs Joan : Therefore, & c " And in proof of this laft pofition,he gives us a long detail of the
charms of that princefs \ fuch as, b e f i d e 3 the beauties of her mind and fweetnefs of her manners,
ber golden locks, blue eyes, dimpled chin, & c &c. &c. from head to foot.—S.
a
The oracle here meant is recorded at large by Jo. Tzetzes, chil. ix. cap. 2 9 1 . of which only
the following verfe relates to the prefent fubjecl—
Out of this the Grecians, with a little alteration, made a proverb, current amongft them,
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 305
Hence it arofe in time, that the words of the oracle itfelf fufTered a change; and inftead of
® f m * < a i was fubftituted (dtacaUxai: with which alteration we find the oracle cited again by the
fame Tzetzes, chil. x. c. 330. That the former word is the true reading, and the latter a cor
ruption, rather than the reverfe of this, is probable from the authority of a writer, the moft antient
of thofe who cite this oracle, Eufebius, in Praep. Ev. 1. v. c. xxvii. pag. 132. ed. R. Steph.—S.
1
We learn from Plutarch, vol. ii. p. 303. that the people of Elis carried their mares into other
countries to be covered. It is probable, therefore, that they encouraged only the female breed
of that animal at home : efpecially if it be true, what Pliny and Servius write, that mares are better
for a long race. See the annotators on Virgil, Georg. i. ver. 5 9 . The Eleans were undoubtedly
thus curious about the breed, on account of the chariot-races in the Olympic games j which wero
celebrated in their country, and from which they derived the advantage of being fuffered to enjoy a
conftant peace, with liberty and honour—
fmooth and round, and well-baked ; like fome of our handfome foup-pan3
with two handles, thofe which hold fix coas ', exceedingly beautiful in
truth; if he mean fuch a pan as thefe are, the pan muft mull: be confeffed
beautiful. For how, indeed, could we deny that to be beautiful which has
real beauty ?
HIP. By no means, Socrates.
Soc. " Is not a beautiful foup-pan, then," he will fay, " a thing beautiful ?
Anfwer."
HIP. Well then, Socrates, my opinion of the cafe is this: Even this veffel,
if well and handfomely made, is a beautiful thing likewife. But nothing of
this kind deferves to be mentioned as beautiful, when we are fpeaking of a
mare, and a maiden, or any other thing thus admirable for its beauty.
Soc. So; now I apprehend you, Hippias. When the man aiks fuch a
queftion as that, we are thus, it feems, to anfwer him :—" Honeft man ! are
you ignorant how it was faid well by Heraclitus, * that the moft beautiful
2
ape, in comparifon with the human kind, is a creature far from beautiful?'
Juft fo, the moft beautiful foup-pan is a thing far from beautiful in compa
rifon with the maiden kind; as it is faid by Hippias the wife." Is it not
thus, Hippias, that we muft anfwer ?
HIP. By all means, Socrates : your anfwer is perfectly right.
Soc. Mind me now : for upon this, I am well alfured, he will fay to me
thus ^" But fuppofe, Socrates, the maiden kind were to be fet in compa
rifon with the Goddefs kind ; would not the fame accident befall the maidens
in that cafe, which happened to the foup-pans compared with them ? Would
1
According to the accurate Dr. Arbuthnot's computation, the Attic x°us, or xoa, was a mea
fure containing three quarts. So that the fine tureens here mentioned held 4 ^ gallons.—S.
a
In the Greek we read aXAa ysvu. But, that we ought to read av6pairivc$ yzvet, there is no
occafion, we prefume, for any arguments to prove. It will fufficiently appear from what is quoted
prefently after from the fame Heraclitus. For, however dark or myjlerious his writings might
have been, as we are told they were, yet there is no reafon to think he wrote abfurdly. But the
abfurdity was eafily committed by the tranfcribers of Plato; who probably fometimes did not well
underftand his meaning, certainly were not always very attentive to it. For we learn from thofe
who are much converfant with antient manufcripts, that a^www often, and avOpamvu fometimes, is
written in this concife manner, dvZ' And no error is more common in the editions of Greek
authors, than fuch as are occafioned by this very abbreviation.—S.
not
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 397
not the faireft maiden appear far from being beautiful ? Does not Hera-
clitus further teach this very doctrine, which you yourfelf mult, needs infer
to be true that the wifefl of men, compared with a God, will appear an
2
ape in wifdom and beauty and every other excellence ?" Shall we own,
Hippias, the faired: maiden far from beautiful, in comparifon with a Goddefs?.
HIP. Who, Socrates, would prefume to call this in queftion ?
Soc No fooner then fhall I have agreed with him in this, than he will
44
laugh at me, and fay, Do you remember, Socrates, what queftion you was
afked ?"—" I do," I mail tell him ; " it was this : What kind of thing was
the beautiful itfelf?"—" When the queftion then," he will fay, " concerned
the beautiful itfelf, your anfwer was concerning that which happens to be far
frombeautiful, according to your own confeffion, as beautiful as it is."—" So
it feems," fhall I fay ? Or what other reply, my friend, do you advife me to
make him ?
3
HIP. I think, for my part, you muit. reply in thofe very words. For ,
when
1
The Greek is thus printed, ov <ro fTrayji; and by all the tranflators interpreted after this man
ner: " That Heraclitus, whofe teftimony you cite as if the word fjuxprupa was tacitly underflood
after ETrayn. Whether this interpretation be agreeable to the words of Plato, or not; we fee it
plainly repugnant to the matter of fact: for it was not Hippias, but Socrates himfelf, who had
juft before cited Heraclitus. Suppofing, however, that the writings of this philofopher were
u
cited frequently by Hippias; and that poflibly, therefore, the meaning might be this : He whofe
teftimony you are ufed to c i t e y e t the alteration of the word ov into 'O AN will, we prefume, to
every attentive and judicious reader, appear to make better fenfe and reafoning. For the faying of
Heraclitus, which follows, as this philofopher inferred the truth of it, by analogy, from his com
parifon between apes and men, is no lefs a proper inference, in the fame way of reafoning, from
what Hippias had juft before admitted to be his own meaning, and the amount of what he had
faid concerning the foup-pan compared with a beautiful maiden. Our learned readers will alfo ob-
ferve the conftruclion to be much eafier, and more natural, when the fentence is read thus : H
cu xat 'HpaxXtnos ravrov TOVTO \tyti 6 av cu eorayn.— S.
y
* In this quotation from Heraclitus every one will difcern the original of that thought in Mr.
Pope's EfTay on Man—•
Superior beings, when of late they faw
A mortal man unfold all nature's law,
Admired fuch wifdom in an earthly fhape,
And fhowed a Newton, as we fhow an ape.—S.
3 W e entirely agree with Monf. Maucroy, in afligning the following fentence to Hippias;
though all the other tranflations, with the printed editions of the Greek, attribute it to Socrates.
The
308 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
when he fays that the human kind compared with the divine is far from
beautiful, without doubt he will have the truth on his fide.
Soc. "But were I to have afked you at firft this queftion," will he fay,
4
What is beautiful, and at the fame time far from beautiful ?' and you
were to have anfwered me in the manner you did ; would not you in that
cafe have anfwered rightly ? And does the beautiful then itfelf, by which
every other thing is ornamented, and looks beautiful, whenever this form of
beauty fupervenes and invefts it, imparting thus the virtue of its prefence,—
does this ftill appear to you to be a maiden, or a mare, or a lyre ?"
HIP. Truly, Socrates, if this be the queftion which he afks, it is the eafieft
thing imaginable to anfwer it ; and to tell him what that beautiful thing is,
by which other things are ornamented; and which, by fupervening and in
verting them, makes them look beautiful. So that he muft be a very fimple
fellow, and entirely aftrangerto things elegant and fine. For, if you only
anfwer him thus, " that the beautiful, which he inquires after, is nothing
elfe than gold," he will have no more to fay, nor attempt ever to refute
fuch an anfwer. Becaufe none of us can be infenfible that, wherever gold
be applied or fuperinduced, let the thing have looked ever fo vile and fordid
before, yet then it will look beautiful, when it is invefted or ornamented
with gold.
Soc. You have no experience of the man, Hippias, how unyielding he is,
and how hard in admitting any aflertion.
T
HIP. W hat fignifies that, Socrates ? He muft of neceflity admit what is
rightly afferted; or, in not admitting it, expofe himfelf to ridicule.
Soc. And yet will he be fo far from admitting this anfwer, my friend, that
he will treat me with open derifion, and fay to me, " You that are fo puffed
up with the opinion of your own fkill and knowledge, do you think Phidias
was a bad workman ?" And I believe I fhall anfwer, that he was far from
being fo.
HIP. YOU will anfwer rightly, Socrates.
Soc. Rightly, without difpute. But he, when I have agreed with him that
Phidias was a good workman, will fay, " Do you imagine, then, that Phidias
The error feems to have arifen from want of obferving, that the particle uat in Plato has frequently
the force of yecp ; and that KM 3TJ, though oftener xai /m&i, anfwers to the Latin enimvero.—S.
3 was
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 3 9 9
was ignorant of that which you call the beautiful ?"—" To what purpofe do
you afk this ?" I fhall fay.—" Becaufe Minerva's eyes," will he reply, "Phidias
made not of gold, nor yet the reft of her face ; nor the feet, nor the hands
neither: though fhe would have looked handfomeft, it feems, had fhe been
a golden Goddefs : but he made thefe all of ivory *. It is evident that he
committed this error through ignorance ; not knowing that gold it was
which beautified all things, wherever it was applied." When he talks after
this manner, what anfwer fhall we make him, Hippias ?
HIP. There is no difficulty at all in the matter. We fhall anfwer, " Phi
dias was in the right; for things made of ivory are alfo, as I prefume, beau
tiful."
Soc. " What was the reafon, then," will he fay, " why Phidias made not
the pupil of the eyes out of ivory, but out of ftone rather r choofing for that
purpofe fuch ftone as (in colour) moft refembled ivory. Is a beautiful
ftone then a thing beautiful too ?" Shall we admit it fo to be, Hippias ?
HIP. We will; in a place where the ftone is becoming.
Soc. But, where it is unbecoming, fhall I allow it to be unhandfome, or
not ?
HIP. Allow it; where the ftone becomes not the place*
Soc. " Well now ; and is it not the fame with ivory and gold, you wife
man you ?" will he fay. " Do not thefe, where they are becoming, make
things appear handfome £ but far otherwife where they are unbecoming ?"
Shall we deny this or acknowledge the man to be in the right ?
r
whether i s a golden fpoon the moft becoming and proper for it, or a fyca-
more fpoon ?"
HIP. Hercules! what a ftrange fort of man, Socrates, is he whom you
are talking of! Will you not tell me who he is ?
Soc. Should 1 tell you his name, you would not know him.
HIP. But I know already that he is fome ignorant filly fellow.
Soc. He is a very troublefome queftioner indeed, Hippias. But, how
ever, what fhall we anfwer ? Which of the two fpoons fhall we fay is moft
becoming, and proper for the foup and for the pan ? Is it not clearly the
1
fycamore fpoon ? For this gives a better fcent and flavour to the foup; and
at the fame time, my friend, it would not break the pan, and fpill the foup,
and put out the fire, and, when the guefts were come prepared for feafting,
rob them of an excellent difh. But all thefe mifchiefs would be done by that
golden fpoon. We muft, I think, therefore, anfwer, that the fycamore
fpoon is more becoming and proper in this cafe than the golden fpoon :
unlefs you fay otherwife.
HIP. Well, Socrates; more becoming and proper be it then: but, for
ingredients, and confounding the order of others, were, many of them, fcrved up to table in the
very ftewing-pans in which they were made. See Ariftoph. Eq. att. iv. fee. i. j Athenccus, 1. ix.
p. 4 0 6 . •, and Cafaubon. in Athen. p. 6 9 3 . For this reafon, that elegant people was very curious
about the beauty of thefe pans or dimes. The matter of them feems to have been a kind of porce
lain, and the form not unlike our tureens. If the curiofity of any of our readers fhould lead
them to inquire into the compofition of thefe foups, they may fatisfy it in fome meafure by looking
into Athenaeus and Apicius CseJius, I. v. c 3 . — S .
1
In the Greek C U X I V I J . But that we ought to read truxapuvn, there is great reafon to fufpe£t.
For the wood of the fig-tree was found fo unfit a material in the making any domeftic utenfils,
& c that the Grecians in common fpeech metaphorically called whatever was ufelefs, o-uxtvov, a fig-
tree thing, this or that. Upon which account Horace gives that wood the epithet of " inutile," 1. i.
fat. 8. "Whereas the wood of the fycamore-tree, avxa^ivog, is by Theophraflus faid to be IwXov
vrpoefl-o\Xaxpwipov, Hift. Plant. 1. iv. c. 2 . Not to infill on the extreme bitternefs of fig-tree wood
to the tafte; and the ofFenfivenefs of its fmoke, when burning, beyond that of any other tree :
(fee Plutarch, vol. ii. p. 684.) qualities -which feem to indicate the fcent and flavour of it not
to be very agreeable. The alteration of this word is eafily accounted for. The avxafxivoq, or
cvxtuofcs, being the fame with the cvxm AtyuTrria, it is probable that the Alexandiian Platonifts, to
illuflrate the word o-vxa/xivn, wrote in the margin of their books OUHIM: which afterwards the more
eafily took place of the other, becaufe the fig-tree was well known to be the moft common of any
tree in Attica.—S.
my
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 401
my part, I would not hold difcourfe with a fellow who afked fuch fort of
queftions.
Soc. Right, my dear friend. For it would not be becoming or proper
1
for you to be befpattered with fuch vile dirty words, fo finely dreffed as
you are from top to toe, and fo illuffrious for wifdom through all Greece.
But for me—it is nothing to dirty * myfelf againft the man. Give me my
leffon, therefore, what I am to fay ; and anfwer in my name. For the man
now will fay thus : " If the fycamore fpoon then be more becoming and
proper than the golden one, muff it not be handfomer ?"
HIP. Yes. Since the proper and becoming, Socrates, you have granted
to be handfomer than the improper and unbecoming.
Soc. What, Hippias; and fhall we grant him too, that the fycamore
fpoon has more beauty in it than the golden fpoon ?
HIP. Shall I tell you, Socrates, what you fhall fay the beautiful is, fo a s
to prevent him from all further cavilling and difputing ?
Soc. By all means : but not before you tell me whether of the two
fpoons we have been talking of is the mofl beautiful, as well as the moft
proper and becoming.
HIP. Well then ; if it plcafes you, anfwer him, " It is that made of the
fycamore tree."
Soc. Now fay what you was juft going to lay. For this anfwer, in
which I pronounce gold to be the beautiful, will be refuted ; and gold will be
demonftrated, I find, not to be at all more beautiful than fycamore wood.
But what, fay you, is the beautiful now ?
HIP. I will tell you. For when you afk me, " What is the beautiful ?"
you would have me, I perceive, give you for anfwer fomething which fhall
never, in any place, or to any perfon, appear otherwife than beautiful.
Soc. By all means, Hippias. And now you apprehend me perfectly
well. But oblerve what I fay : Be affured, that if any man fhall be able to
' The fine drefs in which Hippias appeared at the Olympic games, is related by Plato in the
lefllr dialogue of his name ; and more at large by Apuleius, Florid. 1. ii. JElhn alfo tells us, that
the oi ( i ary attire of that fophift, whenever he appeared abroad, was of a fcarlet colour, fuch as
in thofe days peculiarly belonged to pet fons of high dignity. V a r . Hift. 1. xii, c. 3 2 — S .
* Meaning, that he was accuftomed to fubmit his fancies and paftions to the fevere difcipline
and roi:gh treatment of his higher principle.—S.
VOL. in. 3F controvert
402 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
controvert our new anfwer, I fhall vow never more to praife any thing for
its beauty. Now in the name of the Gods proceed, and tell it me without
delay.
HIP. I fay then, that always, and to every perfon, and in every place it
will appear the moft beautiful, lovely, and defirable thing in the world, to
be rich, healthy, honoured by his country, to arrive at a good old age, to
give his parents an honourable burial, and at length to have the I aft offices
performed for himfelf honourably and magnificently by his own iffue.
Soc. O brave! O rare ! How admirable, how great, and how worthy of
yourfelf, Hippias, is the fpeech you have now fpoken ! By Juno, I receive
with much pleafure that hearty willingnefs of yours to give me all the affift-
ance in your power. But we reach not the point yet. For now will the
man laugh at us more than ever, you may be affured.
HIP. An ill-timed laugh, Socrates. For in laughing, when he has nothing
to obje6l, he will in reality laugh only at himfelf; and be the ridicule of all
who happen to be prefent.
Soc. Perhaps fo. But perhaps, alfo, as foon as I have thus anfwered,
I fhall be in danger, if I propriety aright, of fomething befides the being
laught at.
HIP. What befides ?
Soc. That, if he happens to have a cane in his hand, unlefs I run away
and efcape him, he will aim fome very ferious ftrokes at me.
HIP. HOW fay you ? What, is the man fome mafter of yours then ? for,
otherwife, would he not be punifhed for the injury done you ? Or, is there no
juftice in your city ? but the citizens are permitted to affault and beat one
another injurioufly.
Soc. By no means are they permitted to do any fuch thing.
HIP. Will he not, therefore, be condemned to punifhment, as having beaten
you injurioufly ?
Soc. 1 fhould think he would not, Hippias ; not having beaten me injuri
oufly if I had made him fuch an anfwer; but very defervedly, as it feems to me.
HIP. It feems fo then to me, Socrates ; if you are of that opinion yourfelf.
Soc Shall I tell you, why, in my own opinion, I fhould have deferved a
beating, if I had fo anfwered ?—Will you condemn me too without trying the
caufe ? or will you hear what I have to fay ?
8 HIP.
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 403
HIP. Tt would be a hard cafe indeed, Socrates, mould I deny you a hearings
Bit What have you to fay then ?
Soc. I will tell you ; but in the fame way as I talked with you juft now,
affuming his character, whilft you perfoliate me. I fhall do this, to avoid
treating you in your own perfon with fuch language as he will ufe in repri
manding me, with harfh and out-of-the-way terms. For I affure you that
he will fay thus:—" Tell me, Socrates; think you not that you deferve a
beating, for having fung that pompous ftrain, fo foreign to the defign of
the mufic; fpoiling thus the harmony, and wandering wide of the point
propofed to you ?"—" How fo ?" I fhall afk him.—" How ?" he will reply :
" can you not remember that I afked you concerning the beautiful itfelf,
that which makes every thing beautiful, wherever it comes and imparts the
virtue of its prefence ; whether it communicates it to ftone or wood, to man
or God, to actions and manners, or to any part of fcience. Beauty itfelf,
man, I afk you what it is: and I can no more beat into your head what
I fay, than if you were a ftone lying by my fide, nay a mill-ftone too, with
out ears or brains." Now, Hippias, would not you be angry with me, if I,
frightened with this reprimand, fhould fay to him thus :—" Why, Hippias
faid, this was the beautiful; and I afked him, jufl as you afk me, what was
beautiful to all perfons, and at all times."—What fay you ? will you not be
angry if I tell him thus ?
HIP. That which I defcribed, Socrates, is beautiful, I am very pofitive, in
the eyes of all men
Soc. "And always will it be fo ?" he will fay : " for the beautiful itfelf
muft be always beautiful."
HIP. TO be fure.
Soc. " And always was it fo in former times ?" he will fay.
HIP. It always was fo.
Soc. " What ? and to Achilles too," he will fay, " did the Elean
ftranger affirm it was a beautiful and defirable thing to furvive his progeni
tors ? and that it was the fame to his grandfather ./Eacus, and the reft
1
At the end of this fentence, in the Greek, are added the words xat dblii. Thefe we have
omitted to tranflate; on a prefumption that they were at firft but a marginal various reading of
the words which follow, xai tavaiy fpoken by Socrates. For the difference between real and
apparent beauty falls not under confideration in this part of the argument.—S.
3 F 2 of
404 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
of thofe who were the progeny of the Gods ? nay, that it was fo even to the
Gods themfelvesr"
1
H I P . What a fellow is this ! Away with him ! Such queftions as thefe
are profane, and improper to be alked.
Soc. But is it not much more profane for any man, when thefe queftions
are afked him, to anfwer in the affirmative, and to maintain fuch proportions?
H I P . Perhaps it is.
Soc. " Perhaps then you are this man," will he fay, " who affirm it to be a
thing always, and to every perfon, beautiful arid defirable, to be buried by his
defcendents, and to bury his parents. Was not Hercules one of thefe very
perfons ? and thofe whom we juft now mentioned, are not they alfo to be
included in the number ?"
HIP. But I did not affirm it was fo to the Gods.
Soc. Nor to the heroes, I prefume.
HIP. Not to fuch as were children of the Gods.
Soc. But to fuch only as were not fo.
H I P . Right.
Soc. Amongft the number of heroes then, it feems, according to your
account, to Tantalus, and Dardanus, and Zethus, it would have been a fad
thing, a horrible profanation of deity, to fuppofe it, and a fatal blow to their
own honour; but to Pelops, and others born of men like him, it was a
glorious thing, beautiful and defirable.
HIP. SO I think it to be.
Soc. "You think this then to be true, the contrary of which you main
tained juft now," will he fay, " that to furvive their anceftors, and to be buried
1
The Greek is, /Saxx' t; /xaxxfixv. Various explications of this proverb are given us< by
^imaeus, (in Lexic. Platonic.) Hefychius, Suidas, and others. But to us none of them are fatis-
mu8 w t n m s u ua
fa&ory. L.{2f > ^ ^ ^ acuteneCs and fagacity, was the firl\, fo far as we know, who
ifcovered the mod prC]?^h]e origin of it: though with his ufual Socratic modefty he only fays,
It feems to be fo; and after the account* ufually given of it, offers his own, which is this: that
the particular fpot of ground, where a great part of the Perfian forces perifhed in the battle of
Marathon, a deep marfh in which they funk and were overwhelmed, being, as he obferves from
Paufanias, called Maxafia, the Grecians ufed this proverbial fpeech by way of delegation, when
they curfed any man, "Throw him into Macaria! " the place where our detefted enemies lie
perifhed. See Erafm. Adag. chil. ii. cent. i. n. 9 8 . Schottus gives the fame interpretation, in
the very words of Erafmus; but, like many other learned commentators, without acknowledging
his author, Schol. in Zenobium, p. 4 2 . — S .
B
7
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 40i»
x
by their d e f e n d a n t s , is, in fome cafes , and to fome perfons % a dishonour
able and a horrible thing : nay m o r e , it feems not poffible that fuch a t h i n g
mould be, or ever become, beautiful and defirable to all. So that this which
you now hold to be the beautiful, happens to be in the fame cafe with thofe
your former favourites, the maiden and the gold ; fometimes it is beautiful,
and fometimes otherwife : but a circumftance ftill m o r e ridiculous attends this;
it is beautiful only to fome perfons, whilft to others it is quite the c o n t r a r y .
A n d not y e t , " will he lay, " not all this day long, are you able, Socrates,
to anfwer the queftion which you w e r e a f k e d , — W h a t the beautiful i s . " In
t e r m s fuch as thefe will he reproach m e juftly, fhould I anfwer h i m as you
direcled m e . Much after the m a n n e r , Hippias, which I have n o w reprefented
to you, proceed the c o n v e r s i o n s ufually held b e t w e e n the m a n and m e . But
now and then, as if in pity t< my ignorance and w a n t of learning, he pro-
pofes to me himfelf fome particular m a t t e r of i n q u i r y ; and afks m e w h e
ther I think fuch or fuch a th',ig to be the b e a u t i f u l ; or whatever elfe be the
general fubjecl of the quef Ion w h i c h he has been pleafed to put to m e , OF
upon which t h e converfation happens at that t i m e to t u r n .
HIP. HOW mean you, Socrates?
Soc. I will explain m y meaning to you by an inftance in the prefent fub
j e c l . — " Friend Socrates," fays h e , " let us have done w i t h difputing in tliis.
way : give m e n o more anfwers of this f o r t ; for they are very filly, and
eafily confuted. But confider n e w , w h e t h e r the beautiful be fomething of
this kind ; fuch as in our difpute juft n o w we touched u p o n , w h e n w e faid
that gold, w h e r e it was proper and becoming, was beautiful ; but otherwife,
w h e r e it was improper and u n b e c o m i n g : and that the beauty of all other things
depended on the fame p r i n c i p l e ; that is, they were beautiful only w h e r e
they were becoming. N o w this very t h i n g , the proper and becoming,
effential propriety and decorum itfelf, fee w h e t h e r this may not happen to
be the beautiful." N o w , for my part, I a m ufed to give my affent, in fuch
matters, to every thing propofed to m e . F o r I find in myfelf nothing to
objecl. But what think you of it ? are you of opinion that the becoming is
the beautiful ?
HIP. Entirely a m I, Socrates, of that opinion.
Soc. Let ns confider it, however; for fear we mould be guilty of fome
miftake in this point.
HIP. I agree we ought fo to do.
Soc. Obferve then. That which we call the becoming, is it not either
fomething whofe prefence, wherever it comes, gives all things a beautiful
appearance ; or fomething which gives them the reality of beauty ; or fome
thing which beftows both and caufes them not only to appear beautiful,
but really fo to be ?
HIP. I think it muff be one or other of thefe.
Soc. Whether of thefe then is the becoming ? Is it that which only
gives a beautiful appearance ? as a man whofe body is of a deformed make,
when he has put on clothes or fhoes which fit him, looks handfomer than he
really is. Now, if the becoming caufes every thing to look handfomer than it
really is, the becoming muft then be a kind of fraud or impofition with regard
to beauty, and cannot be that which we are in fearch of, Hippias. For we
were inquiring what that was by which all beautiful things are beautiful.
As *, if we were afked what that was, by which all great things are great,
we fhould anfwer, " it was by furpaffing other things of the fame kind V*
For thus it is, that all things are great: and though they may not all appear
great to us, yet, in as much as they furpafs others, great of neceffity they muft
be. So is it, we fay, with the beautiful; it muft be fomething by which
things are beautiful, whether they appear to be fo or not. Now this cannot
be the becoming: for the becoming caufes things to appear more beautiful
than they really are, according to your account of it; concealing the truth
1
A moft egregious and grofs blunder has corrupted the Greek text in this place; where we
read ovtitrepa : inftead of which we ought to read apQorepa: as will appear clearly in the courfe
of the argument. Yet, grofs as the b'under is, all the tranflators have given into it.—S.
* In the Greek we read wairsp u navra ra n?ya*a can /xEyaXa, T U 'vntptxovru Stephens in lis
Annotations fays, he had rather the word « was omitted. Parallel places might be found in Plato,
to juftify in fome meafure the expreflion as it ftands. But were it neceffary to make any altir-
ation, we fhould make no doubt of fuppofmg the error lay in the laft words; nor fcruple to lead
them thus, ro bmtf,e%cv TI. For, in the fentence prefently after, where this fimilitude a> to the
manner of defining) is applied, Plato ufes the fame way of exprefhng himtelf, thus: 'CUTU fa <^cc(xsi
tcai T O *a*cv, a xaKa Travra tan,—TI av hy.—S.
3
Magnitude itfelf, as we have fhown in the Notes on the Parmenides, is, according to Plato,
he caufe of tvanfendency to all things.—T.
of
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 407
of things, and not fufFering this ever to appear. But that which caufes
them to be really beautiful, as 1 juft now laid, whether they appear to be to
or not, this it is our bufinefs to find out, and declare the nature of it: for this
it is which is the fubjecl: of our fearch, if we are fearching for the beautiful.
HIP. But the becoming, Socrates, caufes things both to be, and to ap
pear beautiful, by virtue of its prefence.
Soc If fo, then it is impoffible for things really beautiful to appear other-
wife ; inafmuch as there is prefent with them the caufe of beautiful appear
ance.
HIP. Admit it impoffible.
Soc. Shail we admit this then, Hippias, that all laws, and rules of aclion,
manners, or behaviour, truly beautiful, are beautiful in common eftimation,
and appear fo always to all men ? Or fhall we not rather fay quite the re-
verfe, that men are ignorant of their beauty, and that above all things thefe
are the fubjecls of controverfy and contention, not only private but public,
not only between man and man, but between different communities and civil
1
ftates ?
1
For a full explication of this paflage we refer our readers to Plato's Firft Alcibiades, Vol. I.
But more particularly we recommend to their perufal, upon this occafion, a converfation
between Socrates and Hippias, related by Xenophon in his Memoirs of Socrates: becaufe it
confirms the truth of many circumftances in this dialogue •, and, in particular, not only proves that
Plato drew the character of Hippias fuch as it really was, but that he attributed to Socrates thofe
fentimcnts which were truly his. Xenophon introduces it thus, with his ufual fimplicity:
" I remember Socrates upon a certain time holding difcourfe with Hippias of Elis concerning the
rule or ftandard of right. The occafion of it was this : Hippias, on his arrival at Athens, where
he had not been for a long time before, happened to meet Socrates, at a time when he wa« in
conference with fome other perfons," &c. The whole converfation is too long to be here in-
ferted. But the following pafTage in it agrees with and illuftrates this of PLito now before us.
It follows a boaft made by Hippias, that concerning the rule, by which to judge of right and
wrong, he had fome new things to deliver, which it was impoflible for Socrates or any other per
fon ever to controvert. N»j TM 'Hpav, s<py, /xeyateyetsayadov tbpvixevai, ei mavo-owax fiev otdtKavrai fo%a
•^>y[<p^outvoi. 7rav70VTCci J' ol T r o M r a t <nepi roov fouatcov avTiXtyovres re nat avrtfoxovMreg xai <rra<Tia£ovr£S9 TTXU-
Hi p..
408 THE GREATER HIPPIAS;
HIP. Thus indeed rather, Socrates, that in thofe points men are ignorant
of the beautiful.
Soc. But this would not be the cafe if thofe beautiful things had the appear
ance of beauty, added to the reality : and this appearance would they have,
if the becoming were the beautiful, and caufed things, as you fay it does, both
to be and to appear beautiful, beftowing on them real and apparent beauty
at the fame time. Hence it follows, that if the becoming mould be that by
which things are made truly beautiful, then the becoming muff be the beau
tiful which we are in fearch of, not that by which things are only made
beautiful in appearance. But if the becoming fhould be that by which
things are made beautiful only in appearance, it cannot be the beautiful
which we are in fearch of; for this beftows the reality of beauty. Nor is
it in the power of the fame thing to caufe the appearance and the reality,
both, not only in the cafe of beauty, but neither in any other inflance what
ever. Let us choofe now, whether of thefe two we fhall take for the be
coming, that which caufes the appearance of beauty, or that which caufes
the reality.
HIP. The becoming, Socrates, I take it, muff be that which caufes the
appearance.
Soc. Fie upon it, Hippias ! Our difcovery of the beautiful is fled away,
and hath efcaped us. For the becoming has turned out to be a thing different
from the beautiful.
H i P. So it feems; and very unaccountably too.
Soc. But however, my friend, we muff not give it up for loft. I have
ftill fome hope left, that the nature of the beautiful may come forth into
light, ::nd fhow itfelf.
H I P . With great clearnefs, Socrates, beyond doubt: for it is by no means
difficult to find. 1 am pofitive that, if I were to go aiide for a little while,
and confider by myfelf, I fhould defcribe it to you with an accuracy beyond
that of any thing ever fo accurate.
Soc. Ah ! talk not, Hippias, in fo high a tone. You fee what trouble it
has given us already ; and I fear left it fhould grow angry with us, and run
away ftill further than before. But I talk idly : for you, 1 prefume, will eafily
find it out, when you come to be alone. Yet, in the name of tl:e Gods, I
conjure you, make the difcovery while I am with you : and, if it be agree
able
THE GREATER HIPPIAS, 400
able to you, admit me, as you did before, your companion in the fearch. If
we find it together, it will be beft of all: and, if we mifs it in this way of
joint inquiry, I fhall be contented, I hope, with my difappointment, and you
will depart and find better fuccefs without any difficulty. Befides, if we now
find it, I (hall not, you know, be troublefome afterwards, teafing you to tell
me what was the event of that inquiry by yourfelf, and what was the great
difcovery which you had made. Now therefore confider, if you think this
to be the beautiful. I fay then, that it is. But pray obferve, and give mc
all your attention, for fear I fhould fay any thing foolifh, or foreign to the
purpofe. Let this then be in our account the beautiful, that which is ufcful.
I was Induced to think it might be fo by thefe confiderations. Beautiful, we
fay, are eyes; not thofe which look as if they had not the faculty of fight;
but fuch as appear to have that faculty flrong, and to be. ufcful for the pur
pofe of feeing. Do we not ?
HIP. We do.
Soc And the whole body alfo, do we not call it beautiful with a view to
its utility; one for the race, another for wreftling ? So further, through all
the animal kind, as a beautiful horfe, cock, and quail: in the fame manner
all forts of domefliG utenfils, and all the conveniencies for carriage abroad, be
they land vehicles, or fhips and barges for the fea ; inftruments of mufic like-
wife, with the tools and inftruments fubfervient to the other arts : to thefe
you may pleafe to add moral rules and laws. Every thing almoft of any of
thefe kinds we call beautiful upon the fame account; refpecting the end for
which it was born, or framed, or inftituted. In whatever way it be ufeful,
to whatever purpofe, and upon whatever occafion ; agreeably to thefe cir-
cumftances we pronounce it beautiful. But that which is in every refpecl: ufe-
lefs, we declare totally void of beauty. Are not you of this opinion, Hippias ?
HIP. I am.
Soc We are right, therefore, now in faying, that above all things the
ufeful proves to be the beautiful.
HIP. Moft certainly right, Socrates.
Soc. Now that which is able to operate or erfecl any thing, is it not ufe
ful fo far as it has power, and is able ? But that which is powerlefs and un
able, is it not ufelcfs ?
VOL. in. 3 G H l P «
410 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
Soc. And all men do many more wrong things than right; and commit
errors frcm their infancy, without intending to do wrong, or to err.
H I P . The fact is fo.
S o c Well then : thofe abilities, and thofe means or inftruments, which
help and arc ufefui in the doing or executing any thing wrong, whether
mail we fay they are beautiful? or are they not rather far from being fo?
H I P . Far from it, in my opinion, Socrates.
Soc The able and ufefui, therefore, Hippias, in our opinion, it feems, no
longer is the beautiful.
HIP. Slill it is fo, Socrates, if it has power to do what is right, or is ufe
fui to a good purpofe.
Soc That account is then rejected, that the able and ufefui fimply and
abfolutely is the beautiful. But the thought, Hippias, which our mind la
boured with, and wanted to exprefs, was this, that the ufefui and able for
the producing of any good, that is the beautiful.
HIP. This indeed feems to be the cafe.
Soc. But the thing thus defcribed is the profitable. Is it not ?
HIP. It is.
Soc From hence then is derived the beauty of bodies, the beauty of moral
precepts, of knowledge and wifdom, and of all thofe things juft now enume
rated ; they are beautiful, becaufe profitable.
HIP. Evidently fo.
Soc. The profitable, therefore, Hippias, fhould feem to be our beautiful.
HIP. Beyond all doubt, Socrates.
S o c But the profitable is that which effects or produces good.
HIP. True.
S o c And the efficient is no other thing than the caufe. Is it ?
H I P . Nothing elfe.
Soc. The caufe of good, therefore, is the beautiful
HIP. Right.
Soc. Now the caufe, Hippias, is a thing different from that which it
caufes. For the caufe can by no means be the caufe of itfelf. Confider it
thus: Did not the caufe appear to be the efficient ?
HIP. Clearly.
J G 2 SOC.
412 THE GREATER HIPPIAS,
Soc. And by the efficient no other thing is effected than that which is
produced or generated ; but this is not the efficient itfelf.
HIP. You are in the right.
Soc. Is not that then which is produced or generated one thing, and the
efficient a thing different ?
H I P . It is.
Soc. The caufe, therefore, is not the caufe of itfelf; but of that which
is generated or produced by it.
HIP. Without doubt.
S o c If the beautiful be then the caufe of good, good itfelf mud: be pro
duced or generated by the beautiful. And for this reafon, it fhould feem.,
we cultivate and ft udy prudence, and every other fair virtue, becaufe their
production and their iffue are well worth ourftudyand our care, as being good
itfelf. Thus are we likely to find from our inquiries, that the beautiful, as
it ftands related to good, has the nature of a kind of father.
HIP. The very cafe, Socrates. You are perfectly right in what you fay.
Soc Am I not right alfo in this, that neither is the father the fon, nor i&
the fon the father ?
HIP. Right in that alfo.
Soc Nor is the caufe the production, nor the production, on the other
hand, the caufe.
HIP. Very right.
Soc. By Jupiter then, my friend, neither is the beautiful good, nor is the
good beautiful. Do you think it is poffible it fhould be fo ? Is it confiftent
with what we have faid, and are agreed in ?
HIP. By Jupiter, I think not.
Soc. Would this opinion pleafe us then, and fhould we choofe to abide by
it, that the beautiful is not good, nor the good beautiful ?
HIP. By Jupiter, no; it would not pleafe me at all.
S o c Well faid *, by Jupiter, Hippias: and me it pleafes the leaft of
any
1
As the fubject of this dialogue is, as we have obferved in the Introduction to it. the beauty
which fubfifts in foul, and as fuch beauty is confubfiftent with the good which alfo fubfifts in the
foul, hence it follows, that every thing which is beautiful in the foul is good, and every thing
there
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 413
any of thofe defcriptions or accounts which we have hitherto given of the
beautiful.
HIP. SO I perceive.
Soc That definition of it, therefore, which we thought juft now the moft
excellent of all, that the profitable, the ufefui and able to produce fome good
or other, was that beautiful, is in danger of lofing all its credit with us; and
of appearing, if poffible, more ridiculous than our former accounts of it,
where we reckoned the maiden to be the beautiful, or any other particular
whofe defect we have before difcovered.
HIP. It feems fo, indeed.
Soc. And for my own part, Hippias, I fee no way where to turn myfelf
any more, but am abfolutely at a lofs. Have you any thing to fay I
HIP. Not at prefent. But, as I faid juft now, after a little confidering
I am certain I fhall find it out.
Soc But I fear, fo extreme is my defire of knowing it, that I fhall not
be able to wait your time. Befides, I have juft met with, as I imagine, a
fair kind of opening to the difcovery. For confider that which gives ufr
delight and joy, (I fpeak not of all kinds of pleafure but of that only which
r
arifes in us through the hearing and the fight,) whether we fhould not call
1
this the beautiful. And how, indeed, could we difpute it ? feeing that
it is the beautiful of our own fpecies, Hippias, with the fight of whom we
are fo delighted: that we take pleafure in viewing all beautiful works of
the loom or needle; and whatever is well painted, carved, or moulded.-
It is the fame with the hearing: for well-meafured founds and all mufical
harmony, the beauties of profaic compofition alfo, with pretty fables and
well-framed ftories, have the like effecV upon us, to be agreeable, to be
there which is good is beautiful. This reciprocation, however, does not take place between the
good, the ineffable principle of things, and the beautiful itfelf, the fource of every kind of beauty :
for the former is fupereffential, but the latter is an intelligible idea. See the fixth book of the Re
public, and p. 5 1 6 of the Additional Notes on the Firft Alcibiades. The affertion of Mr. Syden
:
ham, therefore, in his note on this part, is very erroneous,that,- according to Socrates and
Plato, the fovereign beauty is the fource of ////good."— T.
1
In the Greek we read thus, flwj T J ap''ccv ayuviioi/isOa But, fince we know of no precedent
in Plato for the ufe of two interrogatives in this manner, that is, without the conjunction »j (or)
between them; we fuppofe it ought to be read either Tlug TAP av ay«wC«'/*«A»i or IIPOX ri TAP'
*. T. A. " To what purpofe fhould we contend about it ?"—S.
6 delightful,.
414 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
Soc. " So neither, on the other hand, does the pleafure produced in u$
through the fenfe of hearing derive its beauty from any circumftance whicfy
l
peculiarly attends the hearing . For, in that cafe, the pleafure produced
through feeing would npt be beautiful, as not partaking qf that which is
peculiar to the fenfe of hearing V Shall we ajjow, Hippias, that the man
is in the right when he fays this ?
HIP. Allow it.
Soc " But both thefe pleafures now are beautiful, you fay." For fo we
fay : do we not r • •
H I P . We do.
Soc. " There is fomething in them, therefpre, the fame jn both, to which
they owe their beauty, a beauty common to them both. There is fome
thing, I fay, which they have belonging to them both in common, and alfo
in particular to each. For otherwife they would not, both and each of them,
be beautiful." Anfwer now, as if you were fpeaking to him.
3
HIP. I anfwer then, that, in my opinion , you give a true account of
the matter.
S o c Should there be any circumftance, therefore, attending on both thefe
pleafures of the light and hearing taken together; yet if the fame circum-
1
That is, not from found, but from its juft degree and proper tone; from the concord of
founds and their orderly fuccellion j from thofe numbers and proportions by which found is mea-
fured.—S.
* The Greek of this paflage is thus printed, ovxwv trt yt fo axons hfovn*
y
So, in the fpeech of
Socrates, immediately preceding, where the reafoning is the fame, only the terms inverted, we
read WHOM t n ye fo* o^tcos hfov*. In both paflages the fenfe is thus very lame. Stephens propofes
this reading, OUKOUV ean y i * . r , X. which is found, he fays, in fome old manufcript. But the fenfe
is very little amended by this alteration. Cornarius, whether from that manufcript in the HafTen-
ftein library which he was favoured with the ufe of, or from his own fagacity, has recovered a
part, at leaft, of the true reading j thus, ovx ovo-a tit yt x. T . K. For, that we ought to read oyx ov<ra,
there can be no doubt; the argumentation (hows it fufficiently: but this amendment may,
we imagine, be improved by reading oux ovaa nye 3*' axons (and in the former paflage fo* o^wg)
TJcJW-—S.
* In the edition of Plato by Stephens we read the Greek of this pafTige thus, ttioi foxtt tx > »ff(iv
btyu j and by a marginal note we find, that it was fo printed by defign. But the editions of Aldus
;
and of Walder give us the lalt word, Xeyits, which is certainly ri^ht: for, in reading Hipp as
is made to fpeak of the man, not to him, contrary to the intention of Plato exprefled in the pre
ceding fentence.—S.
VOL. in. 3H fiance
418 THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
fiance attend not on each taken feparately; or fhould any attend on each
feparately *, yet not on both together ; they cannot derive their beauty from
this circumftance.
HIP. HOW is it poffible, Socrates, that any circumftance whatever, which
attends on neither of them, •fhould ever attend on both ?
Soc. Do you think this impoffible ?
HIP. I muft be quite ignorant, I own, in things of this fort; as I am quite
unufed to fuch kind of difputes.
Soc. You jeft, Hippias. But I am in danger, perhaps, of fancying that I
fee fomething, fo circumftanced, as you aver to be impoffible.
HIP. YOU are in no danger of any fuch fancy, Socrates; but are pleated to
look afquint purpofely : that is all.
Soc. Many things, I affure you, of that kind appear to me very evident.
But I give no credit to them ; becaufe they are not evident to you, who have
raifed a larger fortune than any man living, by the profeffion of philofophy;
and becaufe they appear only to me, who have never in that way earned a
farthing. I have fome fufpicion, however, that poffibly you are not in earneft
with me, but defign to impofe upon me: fo many things of that kind do I
perceive fo plainly.
HIP. NO one will know better than yourfelf, Socrates, whether I am in
earneft with you or not, if you will but begin and tell me, what thofe things
are which you perceive fo plainly. You will foon fee that you talk idly. For
you will never find a circumftance attending us both together, which attends
feparately neither you nor me.
Soc. How fay you, Hippias ? But perhaps you have reafon on your fide r
and I may not apprehend it. Let me, therefore, explain to you my meaning
more diftinclly. To me then it appears, that fome circumftance of being,
which attends not my individual perfon, nor yours, fomething which belongs
neither to me, nor to you, may yet poffibly belong to both of us, and attend
both our perfons taken together : and, on the other hand *, that certain cir-
cum fiances
1
In the Greek text, after this firft part of the fentence, E» apa TI ainat al hfovat afiiportpai TCTTOV-
tao-iVy luartpa fo fin, there is a manifeft omiflion of the following words, h Uartpa ptv, a^o-rtpai fo
f/aiy as will appear afterwards, where Socrates refers to this very fentence.—S.
The Greek of this paflage is thus printed : htpa av, u a^fortpoi untQ^a^vt mat, rawa oufo-
3 TJ/HW
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 41p
cumftances of being, not attending us both taken together, may attend each
of our feparate and fingle perfons.
HIP. You tell me of prodigies ftill greater, I think, now Socrates, than
thofe which you told me of juft before. For confider : if both of us are honeft,
man, muft not each of us be honeft ? or, fuppofing each of us difhoneft, muft
we not both be fo ? If both are found and well, is not each alfo ? Or, fhould
each of us now be tired of any thing *, or come off ill in fome combat be
tween us, or be amazed and confounded, or be affecled any other way,
would not both of us be in the fame plight ? To go further; in cafe that
we had, both of us, images of ourfelves made of gold, or filver, or ivory ; or
that both of us, if you will give me leave to fay it, were generous, or wife*
or honourable ; did both of us happen to be old or young; or to be pofTeffed
of any other human quality ; or to be in any condition whatever incident to
human life ; muft not each of us be, of abfolute neceffity, that very fame
kind of man, and in thofe very fame circumffances ?
Soc. Beyond all doubt.
HIP. But you, Socrates, with your companions and fellow difputants;
confider not things univerfally, or in the whole. Thus you take the beau-
• T ^ O V tivai
ypw. By which the fenfe of this part of the fentence is made exactly t h e fame with
that of the former part. But the words irtpx F au plainly indicate, that fomething different is
intended. And what this precifely is, will appear in the beginning of page 431 ; where this fen
tence of Socrates is repeated in other words, and ridiculed by Hippias. In conformity with
which undoubted meaning of this paflage, we are obliged to make an alteration here in the Greek
4
text, and to read it thus, ijtpa, au> a MH oqi.<portpot 7r[7rov6afx£v uvai ravra 'EKATEPON iura
y
tlfXUV.—-S.
1
Inftead of av, we prefume that we ought here to read vw, as oppofed to ohiyw irporspov at the
end of the fentence.—S.
* Whoever has any tafte for humour cannot fail of obferving the drollery with which Hippias
is here made to confefs in what condition he finds himfelf; tired of the converfation upon a fub
ject, the tendency of which he is ignorant of, confuted over and over, and at length quite puz
zled with a feeming paradox. His fly infinuation alfo here, that Socrates was in the fame condition
with himfrlf; and his other, juft before, that Socrates reafoned unfairly, like himfelf and his bro
ther fophifts ; thefe ftrokes of humour will be obvious to all who are acquainted with Plato's artful
and humorous way of writing. Hut thofe who have a delicacy of tafte to difcern the f e v e T a l
kinds of humour, will have an additional pleafure in diftinguifhing the coarfe farcafms a n d buf
foon manner of Hippias, both in this fpeech and before in page 4 0 2 , from t h e genteel and fine
raillery always ufed by Socrates.—S.
3 H 2 tiful
4*20 T ^ t t J n E A T t n H I P P I A S .
tiful and chop it into pieces : and every thing in nature, which happens to
be the fubjeft of your difcourfe, you ferve in the fame manner, fplitting and
x
dividing it . Hence you are unacquainted with the greatncfs of things',
with
1
It was the manner of Socrates in converfa'tion, whatever was fhe fubjec"t of it, to afcend to
the confideration of the thing in general •, to divide it into its feveral fpecies ; and to diliinguifh
each fpecies from the reft by fome peculiar character, in order to come at the definite and precife
nature of the very thing in queftion.—S.
* All rhm£s in nature, diftinguifhed toto their feveral kinds, general and fpecific, are, according
$o the 'Platonic doftrine, the unfolding of univerfal form and beauty. That this principle, which
«Very where bounds every part of nature, may appear in a brighter light \ that oppofite principle,
infinitude or the infinite, is here exhibited to view: and amongft the various reprefentations
given of it by the antient phyfiologifts, that of Anaxagoras is fingled out from the reft; probably
for this reafon, becaufe it affords the ftrongeft contrail: the infinite, according to his doctrine,
being, if the expreflion may be allowed us, infinite the moft of all; or, as Simplicius ftyles it,
aneipaxtf cnreipov, infinitely infinite. A Yommary account of which may be neceflary to a full com-
prehenfion of the paflage before us.—Down to the time of Anaxagoras, all the philofophers
agreed in the doctrine of one infinite, material, principle of things. This was held by Pythagoras
and his fo'lowers to be nothing elfe than a common fubje£t-matter of the four elements, or
primary forms of nature : from the various combinations of which four, in various proportions,
are made all other natural bodies. By the difciples of Anaximander it was fuppofed to have
!form, though indiftinct: and indeterminate ; out of wbich all contrarieties arofe through fepara
tion. Others imagined the infinite'to have fome determinate and diflin£t, form : and thefe again
•were divided. 'For fome, at the head of whom wasThales, thought it a watery fluid, or moiflure,
deplete witVthe feeds of all things ; every thing being produced from fome feminal principle by
-evolution and d i l a t i o n , through the a&ion of the moid fluid. In the opinion of others, of Anaxi-
fnenes and his fchooi, it was a kind of air j from the rarefaction and condenfation of which were
produced other great and uniform kinds of body throughout the univerfe, by mixture making the
leffer the compofite. Such were the moft antient accounts of the material caufe of things, and
their origin out of the one infinite. But Anaxagoras ftruck out a new road to the knowledge of
i
tiature. For, denying the origin of things from any infinite one, whether determinate or indeter
minate, formed or unformed ; denying the exiftence of any primary or elementary bodies *, deny
ing all eflential change in nature, even any alteration in any thing, except fuch as arofe from
local motion, or the fhifting of parts from one body to another; he taught, that the corpufcula,
or component parts of things, were always what they are at'prefent: for that the forms of nature,
innumerable in their kinds, were compofed of fimilar and homogeneous parts. Further he taught
that each of thefe minute bodies, though homogeneous with that whole of which it was a part,
Vas itfelf compofed of parts diflimilar and heterogeneous, infinite in number j there being no
'bounds in nature to minutenefs : that thefe heterogeneous bodies, infinitely minute, were of all
kinds i fo that all things, in fome meafure, were together every where j and each of thofe cor
pufcula, apparently fo uniform, contained all the various principles of things j that the predo-
5 uainance
THE GREATER HIPPIAS. 421
xat £*a<rw, ov TW irhrfiti povov «x>a Kai ru (xtyeOei, amtipaKtg antipov etrrai From the account nr>w41
given it is eafy to conceive, that if every thing is made out of every thing by feparation, and all
things are in all, not only the univerfe, but every kind of things therein, is infinitely infinite, not
only in the number of its parts, but alfo in magnitude." See Ariftot. Phyfic.l. i. c. 4 . and 1. iii.
c. 4 . Simplic. Com. fol. 6. and 105. b. 106. a.—S.
confideration,
THE GREATER H T P P I A S,
To venture for once, however; tell me—Is not each of us one ? and is not
the being one a circumftance attendant upon our being ?
HIP. Without doubt.
Soc. If each of us then be one, each of us muft be alfo odd. Or think
you that one is not an odd number ?
HIP. I think it is.
Soc. Are we odd both together then, notwithftanding that we are two ?
HIP. That is abfurd, Socrates.
Soc. But both together, we are even. Is it not fo ?
HIP. Certainly.
Soc. Now, becaufe both of us together we are even, does it follow from
thence that each of us fingly too is even ?
HIP. Certainly not.
Soc. There is not, therefore, fuch an abfolute neceflity, as you faid juft
now there was, that, whatever both of us were, each fhould be the fame;
and that, whatever each of us was, the fame muft we be both.
HIP. Not in fuch cafes as thefe, I acknowledge; but ftill it holds true in
fuch as I enumerated before.
S o c That fuffices, Hippias. I am contented with this acknowledgment,
that it appears to be fo in fome cafes, but in others otherwife. For, if you
remember from whence the prefent difpute arofe, I faid, that the pleafures
of fight and hearing could not derive their beauty from any circumftance
which attended on each, yet not on both ; neither from any which attended
on both, yet not on each : but that the beauty of them was derived from
fomething which they had belonging to both of them in common, and in
particular to each. And this I faid, becaufe you had admitted the beauty of
them both together, and of each feparately. From which I drew this con
fequence, that they were indebted for their beauty to fome being, whofe
prefence ftill followed and attended on them both 5 and not to fuch as fell
fhort of either. And I continue ftill in the fame mind. But anfwer me^ as
if we were now beginning this laft inquiry afrefh. Pleafure through the
fight and pleafure through the hearing, then, being fuppofed beautiful, both
of them and each; tell me, does not the caufe of their beauty follow
and attend on both of them taken together, and upon each alfo confidered
feparate ?
HIP.
THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
each In any of the cafes put by you. Do you agree with, me then in rank
ing the beautiful among thefe, or do you refer it to the oppofite clafs of
things ?
HIP. I entirely agree with you, Socrates.
S o c YOU do well, Hippias: becaufe we fhall thus be freed from any
further inquiry upon this article. For, if the beautiful be in that clafs of
things where we agree to place it, the pleafant then, which arifes in us
through fight and hearing, can no longer be fuppofed the beautiful. Becaufe
that which comes through both thofe fenfes jointly, may make the pleafures
which arife from thence beautiful indeed both taken together; but cannot,
make either of them fo, confidered as feparate from the other. But that
the beautiful fhould have fuch an effect, or communicate itfelf in this manner,
is abfurd to fuppofe ; as you and I have agreed, Hippias.
HIP. We agreed it was fo, I own.
Soc. It is impoffible, therefore, that the pleafant, arifing in us through
fight and hearing, fhould be the beautiful; becaufe from this hypothefis an
abfurdity would follow.
HIP. You have reafon on your fide.
Soc. " Begin again then, and tell me," will he fay, " for you have miffed
it now, what is that beautiful, the affociate of both thefe pleafures, for the
fake of which you give them the preference to all others, by honouring
them with the name of beautiful?" It appears to me, Hippias, neceffary
for us to anfwer thus ; that " thefe are of all pleafures the moff innocent
and good, as well both of them taken together, as each taken fingly '." Or
can you tell me of airy circumftance befide, in which they differ from other
pleafures ?
HIP. I know of none befide : for they are indeed the beft of all;
S o c "This then," he will fay, "do you now maintain to be the beau
tiful, pleafure profitable ?"—" It is fo in my opinion," I fhall anfwer.—What
anfwer would you make?
H I P . The fame,
S o c " Well then," will he fay: "the profitable, you know, is that which
is the efficient of good. And the efficient, as we agreed lately, is a thing
1
See the latter part of the Philebus.
different
THE GREATER HIPPIAS.
different from the effect. Our reafoning, therefore, has brought us round
to the fame point again : for thus neither would the good be beautiful, not
would the beautiful be good ; each of thefe being, upon this hypothefis, dif
ferent from the other.** " Moft evidently fo is the anfwer we muff make,
Hippias, if we are of found mind. For the facrednefs of truth will never
fuffer us to oppofe the man who has truth with him on his fide.
HIP. But now, Socrates, what think you all thefe matters are which we
have been difputing about ? They are the fhreds and tatters of an argument,
cut and torn, as I faid before, into a thoufand pieces. But the thing which
is beautiful, as well as highly valuable, is this : to be able to exhibit a fine
fpeech, in a becoming and handfome manner, before the council, or court
of juftice, or any other affembly or perfon in authority, to whom the fpeech
is addreffed ; fuch a fpeech as hath the power of perfuafion ; and having
ended to depart, not with mean and infignificant trophies of victory, but
with a prize the nobleff, the prefervation of ourfelves, our fortunes, and
our friends. This you ought to be ambitious of, and bid adieu to fuch petty,
and paltry difputes; or you will appear as if you had quite loft your fenfes,
playing withftrawsand trifles, as you have been now doing.
Soc. O friend Hippias! you are happy that you know what courfe of life
it is beft for a man to follow, and have followed it, according to your own
account, fo fuccefsfully yourfelf. But I feem fated to be under the power of
a daemoniacal nature, who keeps me wandering continually in fearch of
truth, andftillat a lofs where to find it. And whenever I lay my difficul
ties and perplexities before you wife men, I meet with no other anfwer from
you than contumely and reproach. For you all tell me the fame thing
which you tell me now, " That I bufy myfelf about filly, minute, and infig
nificant matters." On the other hand, when, upon giving credit to what
you all tell me, I fay, as you do, " That to be able to exhibit a fine fpeech iti
a court of juftice, or any other affembly, and to go through it in a proper and
handfome manner, is the fineft thing in the world ; and that no employment
is fo beautiful, or fo well becomes a man; I then meet with cenfure and ob
loquy from fome who are here prefent *, but efpecially from that man who
is always reproving me. For he is my neareft of kin, and lives with me i n
1
Meaning his philofophic friends.
3 i 2 the
THE GREATER HIPPIAS,
the fame houfe. So, whenever I return home, and am entered in, as fbon
as he hears me talking in this flrain, he afks me if I am not afhamed to pro
nounce, with fb much confidence, what profeffions and employments are
fine, or beautiful, or becoming ; when I have plainly fhown myfelf fo igno
rant with regard to things beautiful, as not to know wherein the nature of
<c
beauty confifts.— And how can you judge," fays he, " who has fpoken a
beautiful or fine fpeech, or done any thing elfe in a handfome manner, and
who not, ignorant as you are what the beautiful and handfome is ? Such
then being the difpofition of your mind, is it poflible that you can think life
more eligible to you than death ?" Thus have I had the ill fortune, as I told
you, to fuffer obloquy and reproach from you, to fuffer obloquy alfo and re
proach from him. But, perhaps, it is neceffary to endure all this. Jf I
have received benefit or improvement from it, there is no harm done. And
I feem to myfelf, Hippias, improved and benefited by the converfation of
you both. For the meaning of the proverb, " Things of beauty are things
of difficulty," if I am not miftaken in myfelf, I know.
THE
T H E B A N Q U E T ,
A DIALOGUE
CONCERNING
L O V E.
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE BANQUET.
x
T h E compofition, fays Mr. Sydenham , of this dialogue is of a lingular
calf, and different from that of any other. For the principal part of it
confifts of oratorical fpeeches, fpoken at a certain banquet or entertainment,
by fome of the company in their turns, upon a fubject propofed by one of
their number.—The fpcakers are thefe fix, Phaedrus, Paufanias, Eryxima-
chus, Ariftophanes, Agatho, and Socrates. Their feveral fpeeches are finely
diftinguifhed by different ffyles of oratory, and with great propriety difplay
the peculiar character of each fpeaker.—The firft of them, Phaedrus, was
a young gentleman of the moft ingenuous difpofition, modeft, candid, and a
lover of truth; refined, elevated, and heroic in his fentiments ; the fame
perfon whofe character Plato has thus drawn at large in a dialogue infcribed
with his name. From thence alfo we learn that he was a great admirer
of Lyfias the orator : accordingly, the fpeech made by him in this Banquet
favours much of the ftyle of Lyiias, fuch as it is characterized by Plato * him
felf ; the diction being pure and elegant; the periods round and well turned ;
but exprefflng the fame fentiments over and over again in variety of lan
guage ; and where the fentiments are various, void of all method or order in
the ranging them.—The next fpeech, reported in the dialogue, is that of
Paufanias; who appears to have been aftatefmanor politician, a great admirer
1
Nearly the whole of this Introduction is extracted from Mr. Sydenham's argument to this'
dialogue. As he is miftaken in certain parts of his argument, from the want of a more profound •»
knowledge of Plato's philofophy, I found it impoflible to give it entire.*—T,
x
See the Phcedrus.
3 of'
432 I N T R O D U C T I O N T O
of both the Spartan and the Athenian laws, and an enemy to all other fyftems
of government and manners. Theftyleof his oratory correfponds exactly with
the character which Hcrmogenes gives us of the ftyle ufed by Ifocrates:
for he is clear and diftinct, and divides his fubject properly ; is profufc in
ornaments, and rather too nice and accurate ; difFufe and ample in his fenti-
ments, though not in his expreflion ; and taking a large compafs of argu
ment in the coming to his point. We find him however free from thofe
faults for which that critic juftly reprehends Ifocrates : for in the fpeech
of Paufanias there is no languor nor tedioufncfs ; nor is he guilty of preach
ing, or of being didactic ; vices in oratory which are the ufual concomitants
of old age, and in Ifocrates perhaps were principally owing to that caufe:
certain it is, that moft of his orations now extant were compofed in the
decline of his life, and that in the lateft of them thofe blemifhes are the
moft confpicuous. But at the time when the fpeeches, reported in this
dialogue, were fuppofed to have been fpoken, Ifocrates was in the flower
both of his age and of his eloquence. Add to this, that Paufanias here
immoderately affects fome of thofe little graces of ftyle for which Ifocrates
1
was remarkable in his younger years moft ; fuch as am9s<ret$ or oppofitions;
9
had the fame view in introducing the mention of Ifbcrates near the con
clufion of his dialogue named Phaedrus.—The next fpeaker to Paufanias is
Eryximachus; whofe profeflion was that of medicine : and his fpeech is fuit-
able to his profeffion; for he conliders the fubjedt in a more extenfive view ;
and, beginning from the human body, both in its found and morbid ftate,
goes on like a thorough naturalift, and purfues his inftances through every
part of nature, through earth, air and iky, up to that which is divine. His
oratory, to the bell: of our little judgment in thefe matters, agrees with what
1
Hermogenes reports of Pericles, that of all the antient orators, meaning
before the time of Demofthenes, he had in appearance, as well as in
reality, the moft of the htvorw, that is, weight with his hearers, and power
over their paftions. For, according to that critic* the real of an
hivoTvjg
ments, are profound, curious, and out of the common road, yet ftriking and
forcible. Now the real and the apparent as thus defcribed, are both
hivoTvjg,
piece of hk writing extant; but it is highly probable that the fpeech here
attributed to him gives a juft reprefentation of his ftyle: for the language
of it is extremely poetical, florid, and abounding with metaphors; and the
fentiments are wonderfully elegant, ingenious, and full of fancy, but have
not fo much as an appearance of truth for their foundation.—The laft
fpeaker on the fubject is Socrates: and his fpeech is in every refpecl: worthy
of the man. For in his whole conduct he was modeft, and careful to avoid
the leaft degree of oftentation ; in all his difcourfe he was folicitous above all
things for the truth in every fubjecV, and propofed to himfelf that as the
principle end in all his difputes, inquiries, and refearches ; and whenever he
took the lead in converfation, he began from things eafy, common, and
obvious, but gradually role to fpeculations the moft difficult, fublime, and
excellent. Agreeably to this character, he delivers in his fpeech nothing as
from himfelf; but introduces ariother perfon, affuming the magifterial airs
of a teacher, yet condefcending, gentle, and affable. This perfon is Dio-
tima, a lady at that time in high reputation for her intercourfe with the
Gods, and her predictions of future events. The fpeech of Socrates con
tains the recital of a converfation between himfelf and this prophetic lady ;
into whofe mouth he puts what he has a mind to teach, on purpofe to
infinuate that his fpeech was indifputably true, was worthy of being thought
divinely infpired, and conveyed the knowledge of divine things. The elo
quence of it exemplifies that doctrine taught by Plato in his Phaedrus and
his Gorgias, that the man who beft knows the truth in every fubject he
treats of, and intends the good of thofe whom he endeavours to perfuade f
he who has the moft knowledge of human nature, and of the various dif-
pofitions of men, and confequently can adapt his fpeech to the temper of
his audience, he is likely to make the ableft and beft fpeaker; the other
qualifications requifite to form an orator being comparatively mean, and,
fo far as art is concerned in them, eafily attainable. The truth of this
doctrine was foon after abundantly confirmed in Demofthenes, who, form
ing himfelf upon the rules laid down by Plato, became at once the moft
perfect patriot, politician, and orator of his (I had almoft faid of any) age.—
After thefe fix fpeeches are ended, a new character is brought upon the
* See the Greater Hippias.
ftage,
THE BANQUET. 435
tal, every fuch being, prompted by nature, feeks to continue itfelf, and its
enjoyment of good, in the only way poflible, the propagation of its fpecies,
and the production of fome being refembling itfelf, another felf, to fucceed,
and to continue as it were the enjoyment of the fame good. Hence, the
love of that beauty, with which every animal is moft fmitten in the beauti
ful of its own kind, is accompanied with an inftinct, or natural defire, to mix
and unite with it, and thus to generate another animal of the fame kind.
From corporeal beauty, and that lower fpecies of love regarding it, man, as
his mind opens more and is improved, naturally proceeds further; attaining
the fight of that beauty which is feen only by the eye of intellect, in the temper
and difpofition of fome fellow-mind; and fired with that love which attends
the fight of mental beauty. To this love alfo is annexed, fays Socrates, the
defire of generating, offtampingupon that other mind its own thoughts, and
of raifing up and nurturing between them an intellectual progeny, of gene
rous fentiments and fair ideas. By means of this mixture and this enjoy
ment, that is, by converfe, fuch as improves the undeiftanding, the mind,
he obferves, rifes higher, and attains to view beauty in thofe things them
felves, the fubjects of their converfation ; firft, in virtuous purfuits, ftudies,
and employments; next, in the fciences, and every branch of knowledge.
In the embraces of thefe beauties the mind generates an offspring of the
faireft kind and the moft durable ; the poet, his immortal writings; the
hero, through the force of his example, continual copies of his virtue; the
founder of civil polities, through his inftitutions, a long fucceffion of patriot
actions ; and the legiflator, wife and beneficial laws, to blefs the lateft pofte-
rity. But if the foul be endowed with a genius of the higheft kind, fhe refts
not here, nor fixes her attachment on any one of thefe mental excellencies
or beauties in particular: the genuine lover of truth rifes from hence to the
furvey of that univerfal, original, and exemplar beauty from which every
thing beautiful, both in the intelligible and fenfible world, proceeds. The
love and the purfuit of this fuprcme beauty Plato calls philofophy ; and to the
embraces or enjoyment of it, and to no other caufe, does he here afcribe the
generation and the growth of true virtue.
With refpect to the fpeech of Alcibiades, it has been already obferved, that
it is one of the moft effential parts of the dialogue. This will be at once
evident, when it is confidered that the intention of Plato in it was to exemplify
5 m
438 INTRODUCTION TO T H E BANQUET.
in the character of Socrates, as one who had been initiated in the myfteries of
love, that perfection of virtue which fuch an initiation is capable of effecting.
Mr. Sydenham, therefore, was very unfortunately perfuaded to abandon the
defign of publifhing his tranflation of this fpeech; and much was he miflaekn in
thinking that fome part of it is fo grofsly indecent that it may offend the vir-
tuousand encourage the vicious. For it will appear in our notes, that this appa
rent indecency is introduced conformably to the machinery of the myfteries,
with no other view than to purify the reader from every thing indecent, and
to liberate him, in fhort, from vulgar love, by exciting the amatory eye of
intellect to the vifion of objects ineffably beautiful and truly divine.
The antients, not without reafon, generally rank this dialogue among
1
thofe of the ethic clafs ; but the character of it is of the mixed kind, that is,
partly narrative and partly dramatic : and the genius of it takes its colour
from the didactic part, the fpeech of Socrates; the reafoning of which is
wholly analytical, refolving all love into its principles, and tracing all beauty
upward to that fource from whence it is derived to every order of being.
* Modern interpreters, with a view to the fublimer part of the fpeech of SocTates, but without
regarding the drift of it, call this dialogue metaphyfical or theological. And among the antient
J latonifls, Albinus, as if he was attentive chiefly to the fpeech of Paufanias, and referred all the
other fpceches to that, calls it political.—S.
THE
T H E B A N Q U E T .
1
PERSONS OF THE DIALOG UE.
APOLLODORUS *, PAUSANIAS,
FRIEND 3 OF APOLLODORUS, ARISTOPHANES,
4
GLAUCO , ERYXIMACHUS,
A RISTODEM US *, PHAEDRUS,
SOCRATES", DIOTIMA,
AGATHO, ALCIBIADES.
1
The readers of Plato will obferve, that before each of his dialogues the names of the fpeakers
in it are recited, not in the order either of their real dignity, or of their importance to the dia
logue, as the manner is of modern poets before their tragedies and comedies ; but according to
the order in which hey feverally make their firft appearance ; and, fince in every fcene of con*
verfation two or more mull appear at the fame time together, thefe are named according to the
order in which they firft fpeak : after the manner we find the perfons of the drama enumerated
before all the dramatic uritiigs of the antients.
3
Apollodorus was a difciple of Socrates, but of no long ftanding at this time. His character,
therefore, in the dialogue is properly marked by the vehemence of his attachment to philofophy,
and admiration of his mafter.
3
This friend is not mentioned by name: a circumftance which alone feems to have induced
fome to imagine, that by the friend of Apollodorus Plato here meant himfelf.
4
If this be the fame Glauco who was brother to Plato, and Plato be the friend here introduced,
it feems ftrange that Apollodorus (hould fpeak of Plato's brother to Plato himfelf, as of one utterly
unknown to Plato, mentioning his name, afterwards, only as it were by accident.
s Ariftodemus was a conftant, humble follower of Socrates.
6
For the characters of all the following perfons we refer to the firft part of the preceding Irr-
troduction.
* The fcene of converfation between Apollodorus and his friend, the only dramatic part of the
dialogue, and where all the reft of it is introduced in the way of narrative, appears to be the houfc
of this friend j as proper a place as any for fo long a recital as Apollodorus had to make him ; and
the moft proper where to come to him with that intention. The way from Phalenrs to Athens'
a long walk, is, with no lefs propriety, made the fcene of the converfation related by Apollodoru$
between himfelf and Glauco ; to whom, he fays, he then made the fame long recital. The fcene
of the (hort difcourfe next related between Ariftodemus and Socrates is made the ftreer; by
which piece of conduct, the breaking it off fo abruptly is fuitable to the decorum of place. And
Agatho's houfe is the grand fcene of the principal part, the fpeeches at the entertainment.—S.
7 APOL-
446 THE BANQUET.
APOLLODORUS.
* The word irpuw, which the older editions give us in this place, is, carelefsly as it feems,
omitted in that of Stephens: which error, as well as many others, we the rather take notice of,
to prevent a repetition of the fame in any future edition of Plato where the text of Stephens is
likely to be made the ftandard.—S.
1
Phalerus was a fea-port town, between four and five miles from the city of Athens; where
frequently were furnifhed out, by way of fpec"tacles of entertainment to the people, pompous caval
cades, ifluing probably from thence, and marching to the city. See Xenophon in Hipparchic.
p. 5 6 0 . ed. 2da Steph.—S.
3 What the joke is, will eafily be difcerned by help of the preceding note. For it lies in a hu
morous oppofition between the hafte with which Apollodorus feems to have been walking, agree
ably to his character, and the flownefs ufual in cavalcades of pomp, with the frequent flopping
oi thofe who arc foremoft, till the more dilatory train behind them is come up.—S.
Glauco f
THE BANQUET. 441
Glauco? D o you not k n o w that Agatho has not been at Athens for thefe
many years ? whereas it is not yet three fince I firif became a follower o f
Socrates, and began, as I have continued ever fince, daily to obferve and
fludy all his fayings and actions. Before that time, running about here and
there, wherever chance led m e , and fancying myfelf all the while well e m
ployed, no mortal was in fo wretched a condition as 1: it was fuch as you
are in at prefent, w h o give every ftudy and every purfuit the preference to
that of philofophy.—Leave off railing, faid he, and tell me w h e n that conver
fation happened.—Before w e wrote ourfelves m e n , replied L It was at the
time when Agatho brought his firft tragedy upon the flage, and w o n the prize
1
with it. It was the very next day after that himfelf and his chrous-fingers
had offered the ufual thankfgiving-facriflce for his victory.—It is then, laid
he, a long time fince, it feems. But w h o was it, continued he, that related
the converfation to you? W a s it Socrates h i m f e l f ? — N o t Socrates, by J u
piter, replied I ; but the fame perfon w h o related it to Phoenix. It was one
J
Ariftodemus, a Cydathenian % a man of remarkably l o w ftature , w h o al
ways
* Thofe who acted and fung the chorus parts in his play.—S.
* In all the editions of the Greek we here read KudaQnvev;: but it ought certainly to be printed
Kvtiatkvotitus; as appears from Stephanus de Urb. and from an old infcription on a pillar at Athens
publifhed in Spon. de Pagis Attie. voce KutitxOvvatoy. See alfo Meurfius de Pop. Attic, in eadem
•oce.—S.
3
Xenophon informs us, that Ariftodemus was furnamed the Little. This circumftance, there
fore, ferves to afcertain the man. From the fame author we learn, that this little man was alfo
one of the minute philofophcrs of that age, till better taught by Socrates. For Xenophon repre
sents him as OI/TE Suovra TOJJ SEOJJ ywxtxvwiAtvov, OUTE ncwnm xpufAWov, a X A a * a i tm votouvruv ravra xaraye-
TiWKTa. W e quote the very words of this paflage, for the fake of propofing to our learned readers
an emendation of the word /^xavw/xevov. For we are not fatisfied with JAWS EVXO^EVOV, the conjec
ture of H. Stephens, nor with the curt EOXO^EVOV of Leunclavius; becaufe facrifice to the Gods,
we apprehend, always implied either petition or thanfgiving : nor can we acquiefce in retaining
the word nnx/zmtmov, making it to fignify, when he undertook any thing, and accordingly fuppofing,
with Erneilus, the word n to be tacitly underftood; becaufe the fuppofition feems not agreeable
to any idiom of the Greek language. W e approve rather the prudence of Beffarion, who, in his
Latin transition of this paffage, took no notice at all of the word pnxaMpwov. But, as we muft
not make fo bold with the original, we propofe, inftead of that word, to be read as in a pareu-
thefis, w IHOVTCI ixtv ovt: by which alteration the fenfe will be this, that Ariftodemus offered no
facrificcs to the Gods, m voluntary ones at leijl, but in compliance only with cuftom, or in obedi-
VOL. i n . 3 L encc
A41 THE BANQUET.
ways went barefoot*. He was of the party ; being one of thofe who
at that time were the moft: attached to the perfon and company of Socrates,
Not but that I afked Socrates himfelf concerning fome of the particulars re
ported by Ariflodemus; and he allowed they were reported juftly.—Why
then, faid Glauco, fhould not you favour me witih that relation? The way
to the city is perfectly convenient for people to converfe together, as they go
along.—Upon which we refumed our walk, and entered into the relation
which my friend defired. So that I am now, as I faid, not quite unprepared
upon the fubject. If then I am to relate that affair over again to you, fo it
muft be. Befides, I muft own, that when I am difcourfing myfelf, or hear
ing the difcourfe of others, upon philofophical fubjects, abftracled from the
confideration of improvement, I am beyond meafure delighted. But when
I hear converfation of any other kind, efpecially the ufual difcourfe between
you rich people, who are ftill contriving to heap up money, I feel atediouk
nefs in myfelf, and a concern for you my friends, who imagine you are em
ploying your time to good purpofe, while you are only trifling. On the
other hand, it is poffible you may think that I lead an unhappy life ; and I
believe thofe thoughts of yours are juft: but as to you, I do not fay that I
believe, for I know, the ftate which you are in to be unhappy.
FRIEND. You are always the fame man, Apollodorus, always railing at
yourfelf and the whole world. You feem to me as if you abfolutely thought
all men wretched, and yourfelf in the firft place; excepting none but So
crates. Whence you acquired the furname of the madman *, for my part I
know
ence to the laws. And this may appear to be the true meaning, when we confider that atheifts
in all ages are ready enough to join in public acts of divine worfhip; and, therefore, not the
neglect of thefe, but of fuch as were voluntary, could be any indication to Socrates of the real
fentiments of Ariflodemus. See Xenophon in MemoTabil. 1. i. c. 4.—S.
1
By this circumflance Ariflodemus was diflinguifhed, it feems, as much as by his littlenefs. It
is probable that, like his fellow difciple Antifthenes the cynic, he imitated what appeared the
moft rigid and fevere in his matter's way of life, as being beft fuited to the natural roughnefs of
his own temper, and the rudenefs of his manners; which led him to entertain atheiftical notions
of the caufes of things, and to ridicule thofe who paid real worfhip to what was divine in nature.
This circumflance recalls to our mind thofe epithets of rough, hard, and unyielding, tpaxua xai av~
nruwof, given to atheifm by .Plutarch at the end of his treatife nipi XttadatfAov—S.
a
Xenophon in his Apology, and Piato in his Phsedo, near the beginning, and again toward the
5 conclufion
THE BANQUET. 443
conclufion of it, rcprefent Apollodorus as a man fimple and fincere, but with fuch a kind of
weaknefs in his mind, as made him remarkably hafty, negligent of decorum, and apt to* fpeak in-
confiderately and without difcretion.—S.
* Socrates, in his ordinary way oflife, accuftomed himfelf to endure voluntary hardfhips: from
which he drew this advantage, that he fuffered lefs than other men when called to bear hardfhips
that were neceffary. In like manner the Cynics and Stoics, in imitation probably of Socrates, did
many things amnvtui htna, that is, for the fake of habituating, through exercife, their minds and
bodies to endurance. But Socrates, unlike the Cynics, made all this confiftent with a regard to
the decencies of civil and focial life, a due compliance with cuftom, and conformity to fafhion.
For he always readily relaxed from his feverity, whenever, as on the prefent occafion, he deemed
the practice of it unfeafonable. This civility diftinguifhes the manners of Socrates from the
favage rufticity of Ariftodemus before mentioned. And we cannot help thinking, that thefe two
feemingly flight circumftances, in the description of thefe two perfons, were mentioned by Plato
fo near together, on purpofe to make that diftinction the more eafy to be noted. W e learn from
JElian, in Var. Hift. 1. iv. c. 18. that Socrates was charged, probably by the Cynics, with being
curious and nice about his houfe, and his bed, and his fine flippers. Which confirms the truth of
our obfervation in this note.—S»
3 L 2 think
444 THE BANQUET.
That is, when they are pleafed to honour with their prefence fuch as could not prefume to invite
them.—S.
3
Ma*0*xov aixjuimwi* Menelaus is fo called in the 17th book of the Iliad, ver. 5 8 8 . Athenaeus is
very angry with Plato for receiving this character of Menelaus as true ; and for not confidering
that Homer puts it into the mouth of Apollo, a partial friend to the Trojans, and of confequence
enemy to Menelaus. He, therefore, ftands up very ftoutly againft Apollo and Plato, to prove,by
many inftances in Homer, that Menelaus was no coward. But in reality he only proves himfelf fo
inveterate an enemy to Plato, as, for the fake of abufing him, to mifinterpret Homer; who, by the
word [xa^ctkov, meant no more in that paflage than, as the old fcholiaft rightly explains it, <mi/*e-
vov m iTxuiy aafow\ and juft fo much Athenaeus himfelf confefles true of Menelaus, that he was
T»J pcofiv HxTafoeo-Tspos, fomewhat deficient in ftrength. Thus much may ferve to vindicate Plato
in this place againft Athenaeus. But a better critic than Athenaeus, unlefs he were well verfed
in Plato's peculiar manner of writing, would, with more fhow of juftice, reprehend him here for
the feemingly cold and infipid length of this digreflion about the proverb. And, indeed, were this
part merely a digreflion, the criticifm would in reality be juft. But Plato intended it for a part
highly
THE BANQUET. 415
demus,. you are come very opportunely to (up with us. But if any other pur
pofe brings you hither, defer it to another time. I was looking about for you
in the temple yeflerday, with intention to defire your company, and could not
fee you. But how came you not to bring us Socrates wilh you ? Upon
which I looked back, faid he, but could no where fee Socrates following me,
as I had imagined. However, I declared I came along with Socrates, upon
his invitation hither to fupper.—You did well, faid Agatho; but where is
he then himfelf?—He was following me in but juft now, faid 1 ; and for my
part, I wonder where he can be.—Boy, laid Agatho to one of his fervants,
will you go and fee if you can find Socrates, and conduct: him in ?—Then,
turning to me, Do you, Ariffodemus, faid he, take your place next to
Eryximachus. And immediately he ordered a fervant to come and wafh
my feet clean *, that I might take my place upou the couch *. Jufl then the
boy
* Thus in the original: Km s/xt tfvt aTrovifav rot <rrai$a> hat *rot» nxrtateotro. The remarkable
enallage, or tranfition here, in fpeaking of himfelf, from the firft perfon to the third, is no unufual
thing in Plato; but is too bold, and would be a folecifm in Englifh. For, tranflated as literally
as poflible, the fentence runs in this manner: " Immediately he bid the [proper] fervant to wafh
off [the dirt") from me, that [fays he] he may lie down fomewhere." The words included
within hooks, we have added to complete the fenfe. The firft part of the fentence, we fee, is
merely narrative, and the latter part reprefents Agatho fpeaking. But the word t<pn, having been
ufed juft before, though in a different fenfe, is here omitted, probably to avoid a repetition of it.
Harry Stephens, not aware of this tranfition, has raifed doubts about the right reading of this
paflage •, and has endeavoured, without any neceffity, to amend it, by altering Haraxiotro into
Moraxsotftw, The fame learned printer and editor has, in a paflage of the Euthyphro, where
there is a like tranfition, propofed altering the text in the fame manner, from want of obfeiving
this peculiarity in Plato's ftyle, as Dr. Forfter has judicioufly remarked in his notes on thofe five
dialogues, publifhed by him, pag. 3 2 8 . — S .
* In that polite age, luxury and too great a delicacy and foftnefs of manners had fo far pre*
vailed even amongft the brave Grecians, that when they made their evening meal, or fupper,
which was with them the principal meal of the day, as dinner is with us, they ufed not to fit on
chairs, ftools, or benches, at the table, like the modern Europeans j nor to fit or lie upon mats or
carpets laid over the floor, like fome of the Eaftern nations; but their cuftom was to recline
themfeves on fofas, couches, or day-beds; the heads of which being placed at the fides of the
table, an oblong fquare, were covered with cufhions ; and on thefe they leaned their elbows. It
was neceflary, therefore, that Ariftodemus fhould have his dirty feet wafhed before he was fit
to lie on one of thofe fofas. This little incident feems thrown in by Plato, to confirm the account
before given of the manners of Ariftodemue, and to exhibit them in a ftronger light, as oppofire in
this particular to thofe of Socrates, about whom we fee no fuch ceremony ufed, becaufe unnecefTary.
Different
THE BANQUET. 447
boy w h o had been fent out returned, and told us, that Socrates had w i t h
drawn himfelf into the porch of fome neighbouring houfe, and was there
ftanding; and w h e n I called to h i m , faid the boy, he refufed to c o m e . —
Abfurd ! faid Agatho : go and call him again ; and do not leave him in that
manner.—But Ariflodemus told m e , that he himfelf oppofed it, and defired
that Socrates might be let alone, for that it w a s ufual with him fo to do. As
he goes along he will fometimes flop, faid he, without regarding where, and
ftand frill a while. I make no doubt but he will be here prefently. Let me
entreat yon, therefore, not to difturb h i m , but leave him at q u i e t . — B e it fo
then, if you think it beft, faid Agatho ; but let the reft of us, however, pro*
teed to fupper.—Then, turning to his fervants, Boys, faid he, ferve us up
fomething or other; it is left to you what, for there is nobody to give you
any particular directions : you k n o w it is not m y way on thefe occafions.—
Y o u are now to fuppofe me and thefe g e n t l e m e n , my friends here, invited
by you to fupper: entertain us handfomely, therefore, that you may have
our commendations.—Immediately upon this, he faid, they w e n t to fupper;
but Socrates was ft ill miffing. Agatho therefore, would every now and
then
Different from either of thefe is the cafe of Alcibi-ules, further on in the dialogue. For, as he
comes in drunk and dirty, in the midfl: of his rakehelly rambles about the town, flippers are or
dered to be brought him, and not his feet to be wafhed, as he wore fhoes. So minute is Plato in
his detail of every circumflance that may contribute to throw light on the characters of thofe per
fons he introduces. Whatever weight there is in this obfervation, be it great or little, fo much
of importance is there in the blunder committed by all the Latin tranflators, and by the Italian
after them, in making Agatho order water to wafh the hands of Ariftodemus inftead of his feet:
and in the fame degree is praife due to the judgment and accuracy of Monf. Racine, who, in his
tranflation of this dialogue into French, corrects this error •, and though he might juftly be fup
pofed prejudiced in favour of wafhing the hands before meals, after the modern French fafhion-,
as well as the antient Grecian, yet explains rightly the orders of Agatho; as being fenfible, no
doubt, that wafhing the feet of Ariftodemus, not his hands, was a proper preparative for his lay
ing up his legs on the fofa. But he omits this reafon of Agatho's for giving thofe orders, though
exprefsly mentioned by Plato; probably becaufe he was at a lofs how to tranftate the words, being
puzzled by the doubts raifed about them by Stephens, as mentioned in the preceding note.—S.
1
There is none of Plato's dialogues in which Socrates is uihered in with fo much ceremony
as in this. In the firft place, that recital of the converfation paffed between Apollodorus and
Glauco, with which the piece fets out, feems introduced only for the fake of giving the reader a
high opinion of the character of Socrates. To this purpofe tend the reflections made by Apollo
dorus upon the fingular wifdom of his mafter. To the fame end is direded his account of the
alteration
448 THE BANQUET.
then be giving orders to his people to call Socrates in ; but I, faid he, con-
ftantly oppofed it. At length Socrates, having flaid away, as ufual,,not very
long, entered ; about the time, at furtheft, when fupper was half over.
Agatho then, who lay on the couch at the lower end of the table, alone,
faid, Come hither, Socrates, and lay yourfelf down by me ; that, by being
clofe to you, I may have the benefit of that piece of wifdom *, which you
made a new acquifition of in the porch. For it is plain that you found it, and
are in poffeffion ; otherwife you would never have defifted from the purfuit.—•
Socrates then, fitting down on the couch, faid, It would be well, Agatho,
if wifdom were a thing of fuch a nature, as to pafs from thofe who abound
with it into fuch as want it, when they fit clofe to one another, and are in
contacl; like water running through the wool * out of the fuller veffel into
the
alteration produced in him by ftudying that wifdom. And for the fame reafon is mention made
of the many admirers of that truly admirable man. But all thefe circumftances are made to appear
fimple and artlefs, the more irrefiftibly to operate their intended efTe£l upon the reader's mind.
The fhort converfation which follows, between Apollodorus and his friend, carries on the fame
intention; but goes greater lengths of praife in the character there given of Socrates. Then
comes a narration of fome little circumftances, immediately previous to the celebrated banquet,
ferving to prejudice the reader's mind with an idea of the excellence of the company aflembled at
Agatho's: of this kind is the extraordinary care which Socrates we fee has taken of his perfon
and drefs, as a proper mark of refpecl to that aflembly ; and another of the fame kind is the
argument which he politely urges to Ariftodemus, when he is perfuading him to be of the party.
The circumftances fubfequent, the profound meditation of Socrates in his way to Agatho's, his
ftealing afide immediately on his coming there, plainly with defign to finifli his fpeculations, his
fraying away till fupper was half over, and, during that flay, the converfation turning on Socrates,
as the principal perfon wanting, together with the impatience of Agatho at his ablence, are all
contrived on purpofe to raife the expectation of that great figure Socrates is foon to make, and of
that high part he is to bear in a converfation where all the fpeakers fhine in their feveral charac
ters, upon the fineft and moft interefting fu'bjecl in human life.—S.
1
In the Greek l <roi vpo<reo-rn- Perhaps it (hould be wpocrtTiQt}. Whether Cornarius found it
fo written in the Heflenftein manufcript, he has not told us; but he here translates, as if he had,
qua tibi accejftt.—S.
2
Atcc TOW tpiov. It is poflible this may mean a woollen bag, made in the manner of our flannel
jelly-bags, to ftrain and purify the liquor running through. Or perhaps it means a firing of
wool lightly twilled, fattened at one end about the mouth of the cock, in a ewer, or other veflel
out of which the water is to run, and hanging down into fome bafon, or other receptacle; that
the water, as it runs along, may leave behind it in the nnppinefs of the wool any dirt or impure
particles wiih which it may be loaded. This Utter conjecture is made the more probable by the
information
THE BANQUET. 44$
the emptier. If this quality attend wifdom, I (hall fet a high value npori
partaking of your couch : for I fhall expect to have Wifdom flow into me from
you in great quantity, and of a kind which appears the faireft. As for the
little which I have, it muft be mean and trivial*, doubtful and queftionable,
3
feeming but a dream \ But the wifdom you are mafter of is fplendid, and
promifes a future great indreafe of brightnefs, having already in the morn
ing of your age fhone out with fo much glory; as more than thirty thou
4
fand Grecians, before whom it appeared the other day, can witnefs.—You
are a joker, Socrates, faid Agatho. But this controverfy between us about
our wifdoms fhall be tried by and by, and Bacchus fhall decide the caufe. At
prefent, turn your thoughts to the table.—Upon this", he told me, Socrates
information we have from a certain friend, a man of credit and veracity, that in fome part? of
Wihfhirc the like method is practifed of purifying water, by letting it run down in the manned
we have defcribed, along twitted wool, which they there call accordingly the twijl. Cornarius
fays in his Eclogae, that he cannot conceive what wool could have to do in the affair; and there
fore he fuppofes, that inftead of the word tptou (hould be read opyxvov, meaning, he fays, a conduit-
pipe to convey water out of one ciftern, when full, into another. But by this alteration of the'
word a very humorous part of the fimilitude is loft j that which reprefents wifdom dreaming out
of one man into another, as it were, by a ftrong tranfpiration, through their woollen or cloth
garments being in contact together.—S.
* See the Greater Hippias.
* Socrates taught that outward things, the objects of fenfe,- were the images only of thofe
general ideas which are the objects of mind or intellect; though, like images in dreams, they
fcemed the very things themfelves. The fophifts of his time, on the other hand, agreed with
the multitude in maintaining that objects of fenfe were the only realities, and that thofe ideal
things which Socrates cried up for real and true were at beft but Ihadows, outlines, or faint
images of the former. So that each feemed to the other to be as it were in a dream, raking the
image for the fubftance. Accordingly, it was queftioned between them, who Was tHe dreamer,
and who had the perception of a man whofe mind was truly awake* See a paflage to this pur
pofe in the Theaetetus. See alfo the fifth book of the Republic.—S.
a Plato has in his writings ufed the word wifdom ** in two very different general ftmfes : the
one was the philofophical fenfe of it, as it fignified the knowledge of nature, and of theprincip.es
of things, the' ffciefice of mind, or fcience univerfal j the other was the vulgar onej the Word
being at that time commonly ufed, as it is in this place* to fignify excellence in evtry particular
fcience or art, any knowledge or ikill beyond vulgar attainment. See the former part of Plato's
Theages, and Ariftotle's Nicomach'ean Ethics, 1. vi. c 7. After this obfervation made, it w»U
every where be eafy to determine, which meaning is intended.—S.
* Thofe who were fpectators at the acting of his tragedy.
VOL. in. 3M reclined
150 THE BANQUET.
reclined, himfelf, and made his fupper. After he and the reft of them had
done, performed their libations, fung the praifes of the God, and gone
through the other ufual ceremonies, they were beginning to fit-in to drink
ing ; when Paufanias, he faid, opened the converfation thus :—Well,.gentle
men, faid he, what method fhall we take to find moft pleafure in ouj*
bottles to-night ? For my own part, 1 confefs to you that laft night's de
bauch tits very heavy upon me, and I want a little refpjte. I imagine too
that many more of us are in the fame condition, fuch as were here at the
entertainment yefterday. Confider, therefore, what way is the beft to make
drinking agreeable and eafy to us.—Ariftophanes then faid, It is a good
propofal of yours, Paufanias, in my opinion, this, that we fhould by all
means procure ourfelves an eafy drinking-bout. For I am one of thofe who
were well foaked yefterday.—Upon hearing this, Eryximachus the fon of
Acumenus faid, Both of you fay well. But I fhould be glad to be informed
about one other perfon, and that is Agatho; in what condition of ftrength
he finds himfelf with regard to drinking.—I am by no means veryftrongat
prefent myfelf neither, faid Agatho.—It is lucky for us, faid Eryximachus,
for me, and Ariftodemus, and Phaedrus, and the reft of us here, if you fail
and are difabled, you ftout men at the bottle. For we are at all times weak
in that refpect. Socrates, indeed, I except; for he is equally well qualified
to drink, or to let it alone. So that he will be fatisfied, and ready to comply,
whichever courfe we take. Since none of the company, therefore, feem in
clined to drink hard, I may be the lefs difpleafing, perhaps, if I fpeak the
truth about this matter in plain terms. For I have been convinced myfelf,
from the experience,acquired in our profeffion, that hard drinking is ufually
attended with ill confequences. For which reafon, I fhould neither choofe
to venture far in drinking myfelf, nor advife it to any other>perfbh, efpecially
when oppreffed with the load of the laft night's debauch.—As for me, faid
Phaedrus, addrefling himfelf to Eryximachus, I am accuftomed "to hearken
r
to your advice in every thing, efpecially in what relates to your, own pro
feffion : but now I find all the reft of the company are in the fame comply
ing difpofition.—-This they all affented to, and agreed not to make the pre
fent meeting a debauch ; but to drink, every man, juft as much as might be
agreeable to him.—This point then being determined, faid Eryximachus,
THE BANQUET. 451
1
It was cuftomary with the antients, at or after their feafts and banquets, to entertain their
minds, without the laborious exercife of thinking, through thofe nobler fenfes which have a near
affinity with the mind ; regaling their ears with vocal and inftrumental mufic, and their eyes with
fpectacles either beautiful or wonderful. The performers, therefore, and exhibiters in thefe
feveral ways ufed to attend on thefe occafions. Accordingly in the banquet of Xenophon one
of each kind is introduced ; and after they have all performed their parts the converfation
begin?.—Plato has been accufed of want of elegance and politenefs in not taking the fame method
in his banquet, but difmifling the female mufician fo roughly. Thofe who make this objection
feem not to difcem the difference between the banquets defcribed by thefe two excellent writers;
nor to be fenfible that they framed thefe, as well as other of their works,' on different plans, though
on the fame fubjeds. The guefts at the entertainment given by Callias, and defcribed by Xeno
phon, were a mixed company, compofed partly of Autolycus and his friends, who either them
felves excelled in bodily exercifes, or admired moft the excellencies of that kind in others; and
partly of Socrates and his friends, whofe abilities and excellencies lay rather another way, in the
exercifes of the mind. Such a promifcuous affembly it was proper to entertain in the ufual man
ner. But the guefts .of Agatho were a felect party, who had all a high relifh for the rational
pleafures of converfation, good fenfe, wit and humour; and every one of whom probably ex
pected the enjoyment of thofe pleafurc9 only that evening, and to be able afterward to lay to
each other, like our poet Cowley to his friend Harvey,
It feems alfo as if Agatho had affembled them for that very purpofe; for he had the day before
made his grand feaft,(as it wasthecuftom to do after a thankfgiving facrifice,) to which hot only his
friends and intimates, but a crowd of acquaintance, all fuch as were known to him, had been in
vited ; and where, as it appears, they had drunk hard, and confequently converfed little. Further;
at Callias^s entertainment, in order to furnifti matter for fome little taik, a propofal was made,
that each of the company {hould declare, on what he mbft valued himfelf, and'why. ' This gave
occafion to much pleafantry, to many ingenious and fhrewd fayings and repartees, on "various fub-
jects, in few words: after which, Socrates alone'made a'difcouffe/of no'cb'nffderabfe length, on
the fubject of Love ; to give time for fome fhort preparations, maBng without, for playing an in
terlude of Bacchus and Ariadne. The whole is fhdrt, and'ends •eaVly enbugh for fome of the com
pany to take their accuftomed evening walk. But the converfation at Agatho's had an air of
folemnity and formality ; as it confifted of oratorical'fpeeches ort one fubject, but fo ample and
diverfified in matter, fo prolix, and protracted to fo late an hour of the night,- that a variety of
other entertainments of a-different kind would have been incbnfiftent, unne'eeffary, improper and
abfurd.—S.
3 M 2 juft
432 THE BANQUET.
juft entered the room, may be difmiffed, to pipe to herfelf, or, if (he pleafes,
fo the women in the inner rooms; and that we enjoy one another this
evening in the way of converfation. The manner and the fubjecl, I am
feady, if you permit me, to propofe.—To this they all unanimoufly gave
confent, and defired him to propofe accordingly.—Eryximachus then faid,
I fhall begin my propofal after the manner of Euripides in his prologue
tp the Melanippe, for
1
T h e tale I have to tell is not my o w n j
phanes in Qto-pwpop. that Euripides incurred the difpleafure of the fair by no plays more than by
thefe two. When his Melanippe, therefore, wa£ to. be brought upon the ftage, his bufinefs was
tq ward off this blow, as well as he waft able, by an apology beforehand. Accordingly, as in his
prologue to the Hippolytus, he had artfully made Venus take upon herfelf the whole blame of
Phaedra's
THE BANQUET, 453
that the poets have made hymns and odes in honour o f fome other of the
Deities; and yet not one poet, amongft fo many in every age, has ever
compofed a panegyric upon Love; but the praifes of a God fo powerful, and
of fo excellent a nature, to this day remain unfung ? The fame complaint
I have to make againft the fophifts: the beft of whom, as you will find,
have, in their profaic compoiitions, made encomiums on Hercules, and
x
other great and illuftrious perfons ; as the celebrated Prodicus has done,
for inftance. This, however, is not greatly to be wondered at. But I
have lately met with a treatife, written by one of thofe wife men, contain
ing a high panegyric upon fait on account o f its utility And many
other
Phaedra's unhappy conduct, fo in his prologue to the Melanrppe, as appears by the line here
quoted, (for the prologue and the play are both loft,) he humoroufly excufes and exculpates him
felf, by declaring, with an air of fimplicity, that the plot of the play was ready made to his hands,
and that he had no finger in i t ; from whence it was to be concluded, that if Melanippe was a bad
woman, he could not help it. The verfe of Euripides feems to have been this, ,
Or, if the yctp be added by Plato, to weave it into his own ftyle, the verfe probably was this,
The intended application of this paflage out ©f the poet is<as followsEryximachus, being of a
grave profeflidn, thought it incumbent on a man of his character to apologize in the fame way
for introducing fuch a propofal as this,—that Love (hould be >the fubject of difcourfe that evening ;
a propofal. which would feem much more decent to be made by the youthful and handfome
Phaedrus; to whom, therefore, he is pleafed to attribute it. That is, in fine, Plato himfelf with
infinite addrefsj as ufual, apologizes in this manner for making Love the fubject of his dialogue*
For, as he always exhibits his fubject in every light which it can poffibly be viewed in, and
thoroughly fifts the nature of it, he could not avoid introducing here, amongft the reft of the
fpeeches, thofe which feemed the moft exceptionable. At the fame time, alfo, by beginning like
one of the prologues of Euripides, and with a verfe taken from thence, he fignifies (to fuch as
are acquainted with his manner) his intention, that this firft fpeech of Eryximachus (hould be, or
be taken for, the prologue to the following dramatic entertainment.—S.
* Plato here means the diflertation of Prodicus, intitled 'ftfai, fo often exhibited, and fo much
admired; as we learn from Philoftratus in his Lives of the Sophifts, and from Xenophon in his M e
moirs of Socrates. The allegorical ftory, or fable, of the judgment of Hercules, related in that difler
tation, is recorded by the laft-mentioned excellent writer, though, as he tells us himfelf, not in
the pompous words of the original author, but in his own fimplicity of ftyle, much more elegant.
Concerning Prodicus, fee notes to the Greater Hippias.—S.
* T h e Greek of this paflage runs t h u s , — U U nwav aXt;, tveuvov Saujtaauv tx,ovrt§ vpos
454 THE BANQUET.
Qthef things of as little worth you may fee fet off with great encomiums *.
That fo much pains mould be beflowed upon fubjecls fo mean, and yet that
no man fhould ever to this day have undertaken to give Love his due praifes,
but that fo great a God has been neglected to fuch a degree, is it not afto-
ni thing ? Now Phaedrus, in all this, which I have repeated from his mouth,
feems to me to plead well. I fhould be glad, therefore, to have him gra
tified, and to contribute my fhare to his gratification. Befides that I think
it highly becoming this affembly to decorate with all poflible honours the
Deity of Love. If all of you then are of the fame opinion with me, we may
fpend our time agreeably enough to-night in difcourfing. For my propofal
is, that every man of us fhould deliver an oration in praife of Love*, as
proper and handfome a one as he is able, the right hand way down ; and
that Phaedrus fhould take the lead, as he is at the upper end, and is, befides,
the father and founder of the'argument.—You may be affured, Eryxima-
utpaeiav. In tranflating which words into Engliih, we have thought it moft advifable to follow
all the tranflators before us into other languages, juft as they feem to have followed one another,
down from Ficinus; not becaufe we approve their interpretation, for the Greek words will by no
means bear fuch a o n e ; but becaufe we are at a lofs for the true meaning, ourfelves; the text in
this place being apparently fo much corrupted, as to require an abler critic than we deem ourfelves
to be, for the amendment of it.—S.
1
Erafmus, in a long lift, enumerates many fuch, fome as antient as the time when Plato lived;
which he cites as precedents, in the fame manner, and for the fame reafon, that Plato fpeaks of
fome fuch here j that is, to introduce with the better grace, or perhaps to apologize for, a diiTer-
tation of his own of the like kind, A Panegyric on Folly : as may be feen in tha.t incomparable
piece of humour, near the beginning, and in his Epiftle to Sir Thomas More prefixed to it.—S.
* I c T T f o v , o n %avra li Ex**iV£f, a $uva/juv ex,ovra iupuv, ovu avtv c7no~rarias $£<ur mv dwapuv auruv tvtpyttv
know that the Greeks held an opinion, that every thing in nature, in which they faw any
power (force, or virtue) inherent, exercifed not its power without the fuperintendence of the
*Gods: and alfo, that they called by one and the fame name that thing which had the power and
that Deity who prefided over it." This fentence, with which Mofcopulus begins his commentary
on Hefiod, will ferve very properly inftead of a preliminary note to all the following fpeeches
concerning Love.—S.
Jt will be necefTary to add in explanation of the above fentence from Mofcopulus, that, as
according to the Grecian theologifts every Deity is the leader of a feries which pofTeiTes his cha-
ra&eriftic properties, in confequence of originating from him, and which extends to the la,ft of
things, every link of this feries (the golden chain of Homer) was very properly denominated by
ihem after the fame manner as its monad, or leader. This obfervation, when properly underftood,
| s , as I have obferved in my Notes on Paufanias, the true key to antient mythology.—T.
14
chus,
THE BANQUET. 455
chus, faid Socrates, that none of us will put a negative on your propofal.
For by no means ever fhould I, who pretend not to the knowledge of any
1
other matters than thofe which belong to Love : neither would Agatho, nor
Paufanias: no more will Ariftophanes, without difpute; for his whole
time is taken up about Bacchus and Venus: nor indeed will any other
perfon whom I fee prefent. We indeed, who fit loweft, and are to fpeak
laft, fhall have the difadvantage. However, if the prior fpeakers fpeak well
and fully to the point, we fhall defire nothing more. Let Phaedrus then,
with our beft wifhes to attend him, begin, and make his panegyric upon
Love.—To this all the reft of the company confented, and joined with
Socrates in the encouraging Pbsedrus to begin. Now what was faid by-
each of the feveral fpeakers Ariftodemus did not perfectly remember ;
neither can I, indeed, all that he told me : but the fpeeches of thofe whom
I looked on as the moft confiderable perfons, and every thing which I thought
moft worth remembering, I will endeavour to relate to you diftincldy.
He told me then, that Phaedrus, in compliance with the requeft made:
him, fpoke firft; and began fomewhat in this way, with faying—.
Here the poet tells us, that next after Chaos were born thefe two, Earth and
Love. Parmenides relates the generation thus,
Firft from th' eternal council forth came Love,
Firft of the Gods.
1
Acuiilaus fays the fame thing with Hefiod. On fb many different hands is
it agreed, that Love is among the moft antient of the Gods. And as he is
thus of higheft antiquity in the nature of things, fo is he the caufe of the
greateft good to human kind. For to young perfons, at their firft fetting
out 111 life, 1 know 110 greater good than love; to the party beloved, if fhe
1
has a worthy lover; or to the lover himfelf, if his miftrefs be worthy:
becaufe that, which fhould be our leading principle in order to right conduct
in every circumftance of life, confanguinity has not the power to excite iu
us, neither have honours, nor riches, nor aught elfe, £b effectually as love.
The principle I mean is the fenfe of fhame attending a bafe conduct, to
gether with a fenfe of honour in the doing what is honourable. For, with
out fuch a principle, no civil community nor private perfon can execute
any thing great or noble. In confirmation of this, I take upon me to affert
that if a man in love be found committing a bafe action, or fuffering bafe
ufage from any, through cowardice, or without taking his revenge, he is not
in fo much pain at being feen by his father, by his intimates, or by any
the Cratylus; but he derives his fubfiftence from the firft and fecond monads of the intelligible
triad, and prior to thefe from the ineffable principle of all things. For a full account of Love fee
the notes on the fpeech of Socrates.—-T.
* This expreflion may feem ftrange, when only three writers have been cited. But each of
them, on account of his excellence, ftands as at the head of a numerous tribe; and may, there
fore, juftly be fuppofed, and taken for, the reprefentative of that tribe to which he belongs.
Hefiod is fingled out from amongft all the poets, to be cited, as being the beft of thofe who
compofed poems Trtpi Stoyoviaf, or concerning the generation of the Gods. His beautiful poem
on that fubject, from whence the quotation here is made, is ftill extant—Parmenides, a philo
fopher of the Italic feet, wrote in verfe, as did alfo moft of the difciples of the fame fchool 5 but,
on account of his fuperior reputation, is chofen to reprefent all his brother philosophers who
taught the principles of things.—And Acufilaus, a writer unfortunately loft, treated of the firft
or moft remote antiquities, and the genealogies of the Gods and Heroes.—S.
c other
THE BANQUET. 4~7
® a v u v TTpO XitVOU———
had both a father and a mother then living. But Love wrought in her
heart an affeclion for him fo far furpaffing theirs, that fhe proved them to
be, in comparifon.with herfelf, ftrangers to his blood, and in name only his
relations. When, therefore, fhe had executed her undertaking, the Gods
themfelves, as well as men, deemed the achievement fo fingularly noble,
that out of many perfons, eminent for many virtues, fhe was added to the
number of thofe felecl few diftinguimed by being reftored to life again after
death as a reward for their diftinguimed excellence : for to her alfo was
her departed foul fent back again by the Gods, admiring at the heroic
greatnefs of her refolution. So much do they encourage us to make love
our care, by beftowing fuperior honours on all fuch as exercife upon that
fubjecl in particular fuperior virtue, But Orpheus the fon of Oeager the
Gods difmifTed from thofe invifible regions, without granting him to fucceed
in the purpofe of his journey thither ; (bowing him only the phantom of
his wife, but not reftoring to him the reality: for that he appeared effemi
nate and cowardly, fuitable to his profeffion, that of a mere fidler; not
daring to die for the fake of love, like Alceftis; but contriving actually to
go alive to the other world. For this did the Gods affign him an adequate
punifhment, ordaining his death to be by women. In a very different way
difpofed they of Achilles, the fon of Thetis, in fending him to the iflands
of the bleft: becaufe, though he had heard from the goddefs his mother *,
that he muft foon die himfelf after he hadflainHecW—but that, if he flew
not He&or, he fhould return home and live to a good old age,—he dared to
make death his choice; not only hazarding his life in aid of his friend Patroclus,
as ready to die that he might fave him, but afterwards avenging his death
at the expence of his own life, as refolute not to furvive him. This exalted
Virtue of his the Gods paid a fmgular regard t o ; and rewarded with their
choiceft favours the regard which he had fhown to friendfhip, in fetting fo
high a value on the man who admired and loved him. For -^Efchylus talks
idly, when he fays that Achilles was the admirer of Patroclus; Achilles,
whofe excellence, though he was but in the dawn of manhood, furpaffed
not only Patroclus, but all the other Grecian heroes. True it is, that the
Gods confer fuperior honours on all virtue, to the exercife of which love
and friendfhip minifter occafion : but they more wonder, more approve, and
beftow greater rewards, where the perfon admired feels all the force of friend
fhip and affection for the admirer, than where the nobleft offices of friend
fhip are performed by the other party. For the admirer has more of divinity
in him than the perfon admired, as being full of the God who infpires and
poffeffes him. For this caufe did the Gods reward Achilles with a higher
degree of happinefs than they did Alceftis; for to her they gave only a fe
cond life on earth, but to the hero they afTigned his manfion in the iflands of
the bleft. Thus have I performed my part, in afferting Love to be the eldeft
in age and of higheft dignity amongft the Gods; and to be in a peculiar
manner the author of virtue and happinefs to all of human kind, whilft they
continue in life, and when departed.
Such, Ariftodemus told me, was the difcourfe made by Phaedrus. After
Phaedrus, fpoke fome others, whofe fpeeches, he faid, he did not well re
member : omiiiing thefe, therefore, he repeated next that of Paufanias, who
began t h u s -
T H E SPEECH OF PAUSANIAS.
IN my opinion, Phaedrus, the fubject was not fairly and diftinctly let be
fore us, when it was propofed in general terms, that we fhould make enco
miums upon Love. This, indeed, would have been right, were there but one
Love, or if Love were but of one kind. But fince the truth is otherwife, the
better way is to declare firft, which Love it is our prefent bufinefs to praife.
To put this matter, therefore, on a right footing, I fhall, in the firft place,
diftinguifh that Love whofe praifes we ought to celebrate ; and then do my
beft to celebrate them myfelf, in a manner worthy of his Deity. We all
know that it is the office of Love to attend always upon Venus. If then there
3 N 2 were
THE BANQUET.
were only one Venus, there had been no occafion for more tfian one
Love. But fince there are two Venuses, there mull: of neceffity be two
Loves. For it is undeniable ,that two different Goddeffes * there are, each of
whom is a Venus: one of them elder, who had no mother, and was born
only from Uranus, or Heaven, her father ; fhe is called the celeftial Venus:
the other, younger, daughter of Jupiter and Dione ; and to her we give the
name of the vulgar Venus. Agreeably to this account, it is proper to call
that Love who attends on the latter Venus by the name of the vulgar Love,
the other by the name of the celeff ial. All the Gods, indeed, it is our duty
to honour with our praifes: but we ought to diftinguifh, as well as we are
able, each by his peculiar attributes ; that we may give to each his due
praife. For every action or operation is attended with this condition : the
doing it, confidered fimply in itfelf, is neither bafe nor honourable : as for in-
ftance, every one of the things* we are now doing, drinking, finging, or
difcourfing, is in itfelf a matter of indifference ; but the manner of doing it
determines the nature of the thing. Rightly performed, it is right and ho
nourable ; performed in a wrong manner, it is wrong and difhonourable. So
1
This diftinction between the two Venuses, laid clown by Paufanias as the foundation of his
argument throughout his fpeech, is not a fanciful one of his own ; but is a part of antient mytho
logy. It is fufHciently confirmed and illuftrated by the following paffage in-Xenophon's Sympo-
fium ; a fentence which he puts into the mouth of Socrates. E« HEV OM pua E<TTIV Afyo3iT*i, ri & T T « J ,
cvpavia rtxai -rravfafAOi, ovx oida' [xai yap Z M J , b avrog tioxcov m a t , woXXaj E7ruvvfA.ia; £%£<•) on ys pinot
%upii ixaripa fHupoi re tun xai vaoi xai §u<rtat, rri pev vravfafAU pahovpyorepai, ry ovpavia ayvorepai, oiJa.
tixa<rais av xai rov; fparag mv (JLEV wavJw/xov ruv o-uparuv ETriTTEfiTreiv, mv ovpaviav r*s -^vy^i re xai Trjj
Qiiiai xai TUV xa^av tpym. " Now, whether in reality there be one Venus only, or whether there be
two, a celeftial Venus and a vulgar one, I know not: (for Jupiter alfo, whom 1 prefume to be
but one and the fame being, has many furnames given him:) but this I know, that altars are
raifed, temples built, and facrifices offered to each of thefe two Venuses diftintlly; to the vulgar
one, fuch as are common, trivial, and of little worth j to the celeftial one, fuch as are more valu
able, pure, and holy. Agreeably to this, it may be fuppofed of the different Loves, that thofe or*
the corporeal or fenfual kind are infpired by the vulgar Venus ; but that love of the mind, and
friendfhip, a delight in fair and comely deeds, and a defire of performing fuch ourfelves, are in
fpired by Venus the celeftial."—S. For a theological account of thefe two Venuses, fee the
notes on the Cratylus.—T.
* In the Greek, inftead of o»o», b vuv h/xtif WOIOVPEV, we fuppofe it ought to be read, cicv wv vuv
y
A. tr' For the fentence thus proceeds, rt myEiv, * a&iv, ri 3iaX£yE<r9ai, (in every one of which verb.s
the article TOV feems to be implied,) GVH ZO-TI TQVTWV avro K«0' amo xaXov ovfcv.—S.
likewife,
THE BANQUET. 401
this a law: but upon thofe vulgar lovers we mould put a public reftraint of
this kind-; in the fame manner as we reftrain them, as much as poffible,
from entering into amorous intrigues with any women above the rank of
fervitude. For they are of this fort of lovers, they who bring upon their
miftreffes reproach and fhame; and have given occafion to that verfe of one
of the poets, in which he has dared to vilify the power of Love, by pro
nouncing,
*Tis lofs of honour to the fair
To yield, and grant the lover's prayer.
But he faid this only with a view to lovers of this kind, from feeing their un
timely hafte and eagernefs, their ingratitude and injuftice. For certainly no
action governed by the rules of juftice. and of decency can any way merit
blame. Now, the rules concerning love eftablifhed in other ftates are eafy
to be underftood, as being plain and fimple ; but our own laws, and thofe of
1
Sparta upon this head, are complex and intricate. For in Elis , and amongft
the Boeotians, and in every other Grecian ftate where the arts of fpeaking
flourifh not, the law * in fuch places abfolutely makes it honourable to gra
tify the lover ; nor can any perfon there, whether young or old, ftain fuch a
piece of conduct: with difhonour: the reafon of which law, 1 prefume, is to
prevent the great trouble they would otherwife have in courting the fair, and
trying to win them by the arts of oratory, arts in which they have no abili-
1
It is remarkable that Xenophon, in his Banquet, where he diftinguifhes between the virtuous
friendfhip eftablifhed among the Spartans, and the libidinous commerce authorized by fafhion and
common pra<6Vice amongft the Boeotians and Eleans, cites this Paufanias as one who had con
founded them together, and given them equal praifes. He there likewife attributes to Paufanias
fome of the fame fentiments, and thofe of the moft ftriking kind, which Plato records as delivered
by Phaedrus in his fpeech. W e cannot help imagining that Xenophon, in citing Paufanias, alludes
to what was faid at Agatho's entertainment: and if our conjecture be true, that little circumftan-
tial difference confirms the account given by Plato in the main, and argues it to have fome foun
dation at leaft in real fa£t,—S.
a
The word l a w here, and wherever elfe it occurs in this fpeech, from hence to the end of it,
means not a written law, a pofitive precept or prohibition in exprefs terms, but cuftom and
fafhion. For the general acceptance of any rule of conduct, whether rational or not, obtains by
length of time the authority of law with the people who follow it j as it receives the eflence of
law in a civil fenfe, from the common confent which firft eftablifhed it.—S.
ties.
THE BANQUET. 463
ties. But in Ionia, and many other places *, and in a l l barbarian countries
univerfally, the fame conduct is ordained and held to be difhonourable. For
the tyrannical governments under which the people of thofe countries live,
difcountenance that way of mutual love, and bring it into difrepute. But the
fame fate in thofe countries attends philofophy, or the love of wifdom; as it
does no lefs the love of manly exercifes. And the reafon, I prefume, in a l l
thefe cafes is the fame; it is not the intereft of the rulers there to have their
fubjefts high-fpirited or high-minded; nor to fuffer ftrong friendfhips to be
formed amongft them, or any other ties of a common or joint intereft : and
thefe are the ufual and natural effects of love, as well as of thofe other ftudies
and practices prohibited by tyrants. Thofe who formerly tyrannized over
Athens experienced this to be true. For the firm and ftable friendfhip be
2
tween Ariftogiton and Harmodius was the deftruction of their tyranny.
Thus we find, that wherever the ftricter ties of love and friendfhip are for
bidden or difcouraged, it is owing to vice, to luft of power, and of whatever
is the private intereft of the governor; to want of fpirit and courage, and
every other virtue, in the governed : and that wherever they are enjoined or
encouraged fimply and without reftriction, it is owing to a littlenefs and lazi-
nefs of foul in thofe who have the making of the laws. But in our own
ftate the laws relating to this point are put upon a better footing; though,
as I laid before, it is not obvious or eafy to comprehend their meaning.
For, when we confider, that with us it is reputed honourable for men openly
to profefs love, rather than to make a fecret of it; and to fix their beft af
fections on fuch as excel in the accomplifhments of mind, though inferior to
others of their fex in outward beauty ; that every one highly favours and
1
The Greek text in this place is greatly corrupted. Stephens has tried to amend it by fome
alterations, but without fuccefs: for it ?s probable that more than a few words are wanting. W e
have, therefore, contented ourfelves with the fenfe of this paflage; which we think mifreprefented
by the former tranflators. For, by the " many other places," we imagine that Plato means, be
sides Sicily, (where in thofe days tyranny or arbitrary (way commonly prevailed,) all thofe northern
parts of Greece likewife, where the government was abfolutely monarchical. For Ionia, Sicily,
and all places where the Greek language was fpoken by the people, Plato would certainly diftin-
guifh from thofe countries where the vulgar language was different; thefe laft being by the
Grecians termed barbarians.—S.
* The ftory is told by Thucydidcs, and many other antient writers \ but in a manner the moft
agreeable to the mind of our author in this place by Herodotus.—S.
applauds
464. THE BANQUET.
applauds the lover, as not thinking him engaged in any defigns which are bafe
or unbecoming a man ; that fuccefs in love is held an honour to.the lover;
difappointment, a difhonour ; and that the law allows the lover liberty to
do his utmoft for the accomplifhing his end ; and permits fuchftrange actions
to be commended in him, fuch, as were a man to be guilty of in any other
purfuit than that of love, and as the means of fucceeding in any other defign,
he would be fure of meeting with the higheft reproaches from philofophy.
For if, with a view either of getting money out of any perfon, or of attaining
to any mare in the government, or of acquiring power of any other kind, a
man fhould fubmit to do fuch things as lovers ordinarily pra&ife to gain their
miftreffes, fupplicating and begging in the humbleft manner, making vows
and oaths, keeping nightly vigils at their doors, and voluntarilyftoopingto
fuch flavery as no Have would undergo, both his friends and his enemies
would prevent him from fo doing ; his enemies reproaching him for his fer-
vility and illiberality; his friends admonifhing him and afhamed for him.
But in a lover all this is graceful; and the law grants him free leave to do it
uncenfured, as a bufinefs highly commendable for him to undertake and ex
ecute. But that which is more than all the reft prodigious is, that the Gods,
though they pardon not the crime of perjury in any befides, yet excufe in a
lover the violation of his oath, if the opinion of the multitude be true; for
oaths in love, they fay, are not binding. Thus the Gods, as well as men,
give all kinds of licence to the lover ; as fays the law eftablifhed in our
ftate. Viewing now the affair in this light, a man would imagine that
among us not only love in the lover, but a grateful return likewife from the
beloved party, was reputed honourable. But when we fee the parents of the
youthful fair appointing governeffes and guardians over them, who have it
in their inftruclions not to fuffer them to hold difcourfe in private with their
lovers; when we fee their acquaintance, and their equals in age, and other
people befides, cenfuring them, if they are guilty of fuch a piece of impru
dence, and the old folks not oppofing the cenfurers, nor reprehending them
as guilty of unjuft cenfurcs ; in this view, a man would be apt to think that,
on the contrary, we condemned thofe very things which he might otherwife
fuppofe we had approved of. But, upon the whole, the cafe, I believe,
ftands thus: The affair of love, as I faid at firft, confidered limply and gene
rally, is neither right nor wrong ; but, carried on and accomplished with
honour,
THE BANQUET. 465
of his miftrefs is not by our law deemed adulation, nor accounted a matter
of difgrace ; fo, on the other part, there is left only one other fervitude or
compliance not difgraceful in the fair; and this is that which is for the fake
of virtue. For it is a fettled rule with us, that whoever pays any court or
attendance, whoever yields any fervice or compliance to another, in expecta
tion of receiving by his means improvement in wifdom, or in any other
branch of virtue, is not by fuch voluntary fubjection guilty of fervility or bafe
adulation. Now thefe two rules are to correfpond one with the other, and
mult concur to the fame end, the rule relating to lovers, and this which con
cerns philofophy and every other part of virtue, in order to make it honour
able in the fair one to comply with her lover's paflion. For, when the lover
and his miftrefs meet together, bringing with them their refpective rules,
each of them ; the lover, his—that it is right to minifter any way to the fer
v
vice of his miftrefs ; the fair one, hers—that it is right to yield any fervice or
compliance to the perfon who improves her in wifdom and in virtue ; the one
alfo, with abilities to teach and to make better; the other, with a defire of
inftruction and the being bettered ;—then, both thofe rules thus correfponding
and confpiring, in thefe circumftances only, and in no other, it falls out, by
a concurrence of all the neceflary requifites, to be honourable in the fair one
to gratify her lover. Befides, in this cafe it is no difhonour to her to be de
ceived : but, in the cafe of compliance on any other terms, fhe incurs fhame
equally, whether fhe be deceived or not. For if, on a fuppofition of her
lover's being wealthy, fhe yields to him with a view of enriching herfelf,
but is difappointed, and gets nothing from her paramour, whom at length
fhe difcovers to be poor, it is not at all the lefs difhonourable to her: becaufe
fuch a woman difcovers openly her own heart, and makes it appear, that for
the fake of wealth fhe would yield any thing to any perfon : and this is highly
difhonourable and bafe. But if, imagining her lover to be a good man, and
with a view to her own improvement in virtue through the friendfhip of her
lover, fhe yields to him, and is deceived,findinghim a bad man, unpoffeffed
of virtue, her difappointment, however, is ftill honourable to her: for a dis
covery has been alfo made of her aims; and it has appeared evident, that as
a means to acquire virtue, and to be made better, fhe was ready to refign to
any man her all : and this is of all things the moft generous and noble. So
entirely and abfolutely honourable is it in the fair one to comply for the fake
of
THE BANQUET.
T H E SPEECH OF ERYXIMACHUS.
ing comes upon a man in a fit of the hiccups, it puts an end to the diforder." Upon this general
rule, no doubt, was founded the prefent prefcription of Eryximachus. Dr. G. E. Stahl, however,
r
ufed to tell his pupils, as appears from his Collegium minus, ca . 53. that the rule indeed was true,
where the fneezing was fpontaneous, or the work of nature •, but that a fneezing procured by art,
or forced, was never recommended. " Sternutationes," fays he, " fpome fingultui fupervenientes,
folvunt quidem fingultum j fed arte produclsc non commendantur." But we muft remark, that
this great modern is here putting rhe cafe, not of the hiccups when they are the only diforder j
but of a malignant fever, and thofe fymptomatic hiccups which are often the concomitants of
that and other dangerous difeafes.—S.
9 denotes
THE BANQUET. 46$
J
denotes him truly a phyfician . But to gratify that which is difeafedand
1
bad, is blameable ; and the phyfician, w h o would practife agreeably to the
3
rules of art, muft deny it the gratification which it demands . For medical
fcience, to give a fummary and brief account of it, is the knowledge o f
4
thofe amorous paflions of the body, which tend to filling and emptying .
Accordingly, the man w h o in thefe paffions or appetites can diftinguifh the
right love from that which is wron<x, he has moft of all men the fcience
belonging t o a phyfician. And the man w h o is able to effect a change, fo
as in the place of one of thole loves to introduce the o t h e r ; and knows
how to infufe love into thofe bodies which have it n o t , vet ought t o have
i t ; and how to expell a love with which they are but ought n o t to be
1
The words ufed by Plato, in this place, are ftill ftronger, and fignify—" denominates him a
phyfician." For the prefervation of health, through a right ufe of the non-naturals, that is, fuch a
one as is agreeable to nature, refpecting the difference of fex, age, temperament of body, climate,
feafon of the year, and other circumftances, was accounted in the days of Plato not only a part,
but the principal one too, of the art of medicine ; and was by the old Greek phyficians carried to
a degree of accuracy and perfection abfolutely unknown or totally neglected in after-ages.—S.
2
This paffage is iiiuftrated by that of Hippocrates, near the end of his treatife de Morbo Sacro.
Xpi—y-n au£uvra vovanfxaia, a X X a antutitiv rpu^Eiv, irpcatpfpcvras TY, VOUCU T O TroM^uorarov IKXTTYI, fin ro
QI\Q* xai <rw»9ts' isvo utv yap T X ; ovvvQetas Sa*A« xai avfaraiy LTTO as rev Trohs/xtcu tpdivei Kai auavpovrai.
Having lpoken of nourishment, he fays, that "the phyfician {hould take care not to nourifh and
incrcafe difeafes, but as foon as poffible to exhauft and wear them out; applying to every difeafe
that which is hoftile and repugnant to it the moft, not that which is friendly, of the fame temper
with it, or habitual to it: for by the latter it acquires growth and vigour ; by the former it decays
and is extinguished." 'i his, by the way, is the foundation of an excellent practic rule ; and that
is, in chronical difeafes fometimes to change the medicines, though at firft found ever fo beneficial,
when they arc become too familiar, and the difeafe is habituated to bear them ; for they would
then by degrees lofe their efficacy.—S.
1
To adminifter proper remedies, fays our great mafter, is to counteract the genius or nature
of the difeafe ; and never to concur or corrrefpond with it. \ w i t avnvsov, [f. xai] pn O/UOVOMV TO
naQtt. Hippoc. Epidem. 1. vi. (\ $. n. 7.—S.
4
What follows, when ftript of the metaphor neceffary on the occafion, is the fame thing with
this of Hippocrates, Ta tvavna rov tvavriuv trr.iv inpara. larpixn yap EVTI 7Tpoo-&so-ts xai aipaipEcir
aQaiftffif fiEv ruv i^rfpoaXAevTCJV, TrpoG-Qtiris 3e ruv EWVEITTOVTWV. 0 fo xateta-ra rouro nouuvy aptcrrog tnrpoi..
Lib. de Flatibus, not far from the beginning. " Contraries are a cure one for the other. For the
practice of the urt of medicine confifts of two operations, adding and fubtracting; or fupplying
and drawing off; a drawing off of that which is over-abundant, a fupplying of that which is
deficient. Whoever can perform thefe in the beft manner, he is the belt phyfician."—S.
pofleffed ;
470 THE BANQUET.
pofleffed; he is a fkilful practifer o f his art. For thofe things in the body
x
w h i c h are moft at variance muft he be able to reconcile to each other ,
and t o conciliate amity between them and mutual love. T h e things moft at
variance are fuch a6 are the moft contrary one to the o t h e r ; as the cold is
t o the hot, the bitter to the fweet, the dry to the moift, and all others of
that f o r t * . Into thefe things, thus at variance, our anceftor ^Efculapius
had power to infpire a fpirit of love and c6ncord; and, as our friends here
the poets tell us, and as I believe, framing into a fyftem the rules for fo
d o i n g , was properly the author of our art. So that medicine, in the manner
I have defcribed, is all under the direction and management of L o v e . So is
3 +
t h e gymnaftic art in like manner ; and fo is the art of agriculture . And
that mufic is fo too, is evident to every man w h o confiders the nature of
this art w i t h the leaft a t t e n t i o n ; and is perhaps the very thing which H e r a
clitus meant to f a y : for his w a y of expreffing himfelf is inaccurate and
s
obfcure. " The one " fays he, " difagreeing with itfelf, yet proceeds in
amicable concord ; like the harmony made by the bow and lyre." N o w it
1
See Hippocrates, throughout his treatife de Natura Hominis.—S.
* That is, all fuch contrary qualities in the humours of the body as are diftinguifhable by fenfe.—S.
s The end of the medical art is health j that of the gymnaftic is ftrengih, or an athletic habit
of body. But in the means they make ufe of to gain their feveral ends, favouring and indulging
the difpofition of body which is right, counteracting and correcting fuch as are wrong, thefe arts
are exactly analogous one to the other.—S.
4
The genius and condition of the foil bear an analogy to the temperament and prefent ftate
of the body ; the different kinds of manure and other cultivation are analogous to food and medi
cine. A good foil is improved by a manure homogeneous to i t ; a bad foil meliorated by an
oppofite method of cultivation, altering its nature and condition. As to the metaphor, the fame
has been always ufed in agriculture to this day. W e fay, that fuch a foil loves fuch a manure ;
*nd that fuch a tree, plant, or other vegetable, loves and delights in fuch a foil j when they are
correfpondent, when the nature of the one is fitted to that of the other, and is favourable to it in
making it thrive and flourifh.—S.
5 T h e author of the treatife Xltpi xwyuou, Concerning the world, printed among the works of
Ariftotle, and ufually afcribed to him, though not from any decifive authority, cites the following
faffage from the fame Heraclitus, which may ferve to illuftrate the prefent: trwa^etai cvtexxi ovyi
&u\a, cufipspofitvov x%(tiiaQepo/xwov,<n/ra3cv xai titatw, xat ex iravrav ev, xai i£ ivo; irayra. i. e. " You
muft connect the perfect and the imperfect, the agreeing and the difagreeing, the confonant and
the difibnant, and from all things one, and from one all things." In which paflage, by the one from
MII thingshe means the univerfe ; and by all things from one, he infi uates the fubfiftence of all things
ixomthetne, the ineffable principle of all.—T.
6 is
THE BANQUET. 471
gratify, for the fake of preferving their love, and of improving fuch as are
yet deficient in virtue. The L o v e by whom thefe are infpired is the noble,
the celeftial; that Love w h o attends the celeftial mufe. But the attendant
of Polyhymnia, and the follower of every mufe at random, is the other Love,
he of the vulgar kind : w h o m w e ought cautioufly to indulge, whenever we
indulge him ; that he may enjoy his o w n pleafures without introducing
diforder and debauchery. And this is an affair of no lefs difficulty than in
our art it is to manage prudently the appetites which regard the table ; fo
as to permit them the enjoyment of their proper pleafures, without danger
o f difeafes. T h u s , in the practice of mufic, and of medicine, and in every
other employment, whether human or divine, we are to preferve, as far as
x
confiftently we may, both Loves : for both are to be found in all things .
Full of both is the conftitution of the annual feafons. And when thofe
contraries in nature before mentioned, the hot and the cold, the dry and
the moift, under the influence of the modeft L o v e , admit a fober correfpond-
ence together, and temperate commixture; they bring along with them,
w h e n they come, fair feafons, fine weather, and health to men, brute ani
mals, and plants, doing injury to none. But when that Love who infpires
lawlefs and ungoverned paflion prevails in the conftitution of the feafon, he
corrupts, injures and ruins many of the fair forms of nature. For the ufual
fruits of this L o v e are plagues, and other preter-natural difeafes, which come
upon animals, and vegetables t o o ; mildews, hail-ftorms, and blights being
generated from the irregular ftate of the amorous affections in thofe elemen
tary beings, and the want of temperance in their conjunctions : the know
ledge of which their amorous affections, and confequent conjunctions, con
fidered as owing to the afpects of the heavenly bodies, and as refpecting the
feafons of the year, is called aftronomy. Further, all kinds of facrifice, and
all the fubjects of the diviner's art % thofe agents employed in carrying on
the greateft philofophers, who framed models of government according to ideal perfection, or
laid down maxims tit to be obferved by every wife ftate, treat it as a fubject of higheft import
ance ; and accordingly are very exact and particular in explaining the natural effects of every
fpecies of mufic, or mufical poetry, on the mind. See Plato's Republic, b. ii. and iii. his Laws,
b. ii. and vii. and Ariitotle's Politics, b. viii.—S.
1
That is, the rational, the regular, and the fober, together with the fenfual, the lawlefs, and
the wild or infinite. See Plato's Philebus, throughout.
%
Such as dreams, omens, the flight of birds, &c.
a reciprocal
THE BANQUET. 4/3
a reciprocal intercourfe between the Gods and mortals, are employed with
no other view than to prefcrve the right love, and cure that which is
wrong. For every fpecies of impiety is the ufual confequence of not yield
ing to and gratifying the better Love, the regular; and of not paying to
him, but to the other Love our principal regards, in every thing we do
relating to our parents, whether living or deceafed, and in every thing re
lating to the Gods. In all fuch cafes, to fuperintend the Loves, to cherifh
the right, and cure the wrong, is the bufinefs of divination. And thus
Divination is an artift, fkilled in procuring and promoting friendlinefs and
good correfpondence between the Gods and men, through her knowledge of
what amorous affections in men tend to piety and juftice, and what are
oppofite to thefe, and lead the contrary way. So widely extenfive, fo highly
predominant, or rather all-prevailing, is the power of Love. Of all love in
general this is true; but efpecially, and the moft true is it, of that Love who
attains his ends in the attainment of good things, and enjoys them without
ever exceeding the bounds of temperance, or violating the laws of juftice.
For it is this Love who bears the chief fway both in the human nature and
the divine; it is this Love who procures for us every kind of happinefs;
enabling us to live in focial con verfe one with another, and in friendfhip
with beings fo much fuperior to ourfelves, the Gods. It is poflible now
after all, that, in the panegyric I have made on Love, I may have omitted,
•as wejl as Paufanias, many topics of his due praife: it has not, however,
been done defignedly; and if I have left aught unfaid, it is your bufinefs,
Ariftophanes, to fupply that deficiency: or, if your intentions are to celebrate
the God in a different way, now that your hiccups are over, you may begin.
To this Ariftophanes replied, I am now indeed no longer troubled with
my hiccups: but they would not be eafy before I brought the fneezings to
them. I wonder that a modeft and decent part of the body fhould be in
Jove with and long for thefe ticklings, or be pleafed with fuch boifterous
1
In the Greek text fome corruption has here crept in. Stephens has endeavoured to amend
it in a manner agreeable to Plato's ftyle in other places, it muft be confefled. Yet we muft pre
fer the omifiion of the word mpt before rov htpov, becaufe the fentence is made much eaficr by this
alteration ; and becaufe the accidental infertion of the word vrepi may eafily be accouned for ; as
will appear to any good critic in tliis way, who will be,pleafed to confaluhc original,—S.
VOL. in. 3P roaring
474 THE BANQUET.
T H E SPEECH OF ARISTOPHANES.
to you, and you fhall teach it to others. But you muft firft be informed
what the human nature is, and what changes it has undergone. For our
nature of old was different from what it is at prefent. In the firft place,
1
larpoi jovruvy that is, MCUWV, not avfyuirov, as Racine, and all the former translators except
Cornarius, erroneoufly imagined. Their miftake was owing plainly to the wrong punctuation in
all editions of the original in this place.—S.
there
THE BANQUET. 475
for the m,oon, you know, partakes of both the others, the fun and the earth.
The bodies, therefore, of each kind were round, and the manner of their
running was circular, in refemblahce of their firft parents. Their force and
ftrength were prodigious ; their minds elevated and haughty ; fo they under
took to invade heaven. And of them is related the fame fa6t which Homer
relates of Ephialtus and Otus, that they fet about railing an afcent up to the
Ikies, with intention to attack the Gods. Upon which Jupiter and the other
1
Deities confulted together what they mould do to thefe rebels ; but coukl
come to no determination about the punifhment proper to be inflicted on them.
They could not refolve upon deftroying them by thunder, as they did the
giants; far thus the whole human race would be extinct; and then the ho
nours paid them by that race would be extinct together with it, and their
temples come to ruin. Nor yet could they fuffer thofe mortals to continue
in their infoience. At length Jupiter, after much consideration of fo difficult
a cafe,, faid, I have a device, by which the race of men may be preferved, and
yet an end put to their infoience ; as my device will much diminifh the great-
nefs of their flrength. For I intend, you muft know, to divide every one of
them into, two : by which means theirftrengthwill be much abated, and at
the fame time their number much increafed, to our advantage and the in-
creafe of our honour. They fhall walk upright upon two legs ; and if any
remains of infoience fhall ever appear in them, and they refolve not to be at
quiet, I will again divide them, each into two; and they fhall go upon one
leg, hopping. As he faid, fo did he ; he cut all the human race in twain, as
people cut eggs * to j(alt them for keeping. The face, together with th$
half-
1
Human fouls, though in a more excellent condition of being whon living in the air than when
inhabitants of the earth, yet when they are descending, or gravitating to earth, they may be juftly
called rebels, becaufe they not only abandon their true country, but are hoftiie to its manners and
laws. Hence, as they no longer cherifh, but oppofe, legitimate conceptions of divine natures, they
may be juftly faid to be hoftiie to the Gods.—T.
a
The Greek original in this place ftands at full length thus: ua-Trtp oi ra ua rspwrts K*I (U\*OV-
l
r t i rapix*u* h ol ra, aa rati fyi£iv. N o w the abfurdity of fuppofing eggs ever to have been
cut with hairs, when knives, much better inftruments for that purpofe, were at hand, firft led us
to imagine that the paflage might be corrupt. On a little examination, it appeared probable to us,
from the repetition of the words a<x7ctp oi ra aa, that the latter part of this fentence was nothing
more than a various reading in the margin of fome antient copy. Trying, then, the two laft words,
T<z<;
THE BANQUET. 477
half-neck o f every half-body, he ordered Apollo to turn half round, and fix
it on that fide where the other half of the body was cut off; with intention
that all people, viewing themfelves on that fide where they had fuffered the
lofs of half themfelves, might be brought to a fober way of thinking, and
learn to behave with more modefty. For what remained neceffary to be
done, he bid him exercife his o w n healing art.—Accordingly, Apollo turned
the face of every one about to the revcrfe of its former fituation : and draw
ing the fkin together, like a purfe, from all parts of the body, over that which
is now called the belly, up to one orifice or opening, he tied up at the middle
of the belly this orifice, now called the navel. H e then fmoothed moft part
of the wrinkles of the fkin, after having framed the bones of the breaft under
i t ; in the fame manner as fhoemakers fmooth the wrinkles o f the leather,
when they have ftretched it upon the laft. But a few wrinkles, thofe on the
belly and navel, he let remain, for a memorial of their old crime and punifh-
ment. N o w , w h e n all the human race were thus bifected, every fectiou
longed for its fellow half. And when thefe happened to meet together, they
mutually embraced, folded in each other's arms, and wifhing they could
grow together and be united. T h e confequence of this w a s , that they both
died, through famine, and the other evils naturally brought on by idlenefs. A n d
if one of thefe halves died, and left the other behind, the furviving half w a s
immediately employed in looking about for another partner ; and whether it
happened to meet with the half of a whole w o m a n , (which half w e n o w call
a woman,) or with the half of a whole man, they were continually embra
cing. After all, Jupiter, feeing them thus in danger of deftruclion, took pity
on them, and contrived another device ; which was, to place the diftindtion
of fex before : for till then this had ftill remained on the other fide; and
raig fy&v, by the abbreviations common in old manufcripts, we made our conjecture flill more
probable (to ourfelves at leaft) by reading the latter part of the fentence thus :—ri, uo-irtp ra ua
repvovrsi u$ raptxEuo-tv, which words we fuppofe written in the margin after this manner, >j uawep
hi i a aa r . eij tapi^nv. the initial letter of repvovrts being put for the whole word, as ufual in fuch
cafes. Thus the laft words, being read (as it was common to do for the greater expedition) by
fome ignorant librarian to the new copyiit, literally as they were written, were eafily miftaken by
a writer unattentive to the fenfe, and made raig $pi&v. That it was cuftomary with the antients
to fait and pickle eggs for keeping, after boiling them hard, (it is to be fuppofed,; and cutting them
in two, we learn from Alexis the comic poet, as cited by Athenseus, pag. 5 7 and 6c, as alfo from
Columella : which lad-mentioned author tells us further, that fometimes they were hardened for
that purpofe in a pickle heated over the fire.—S.
478 THE BANQUET.
they had engendered, not one with another, but with the earth, like grafs-
hoppers. This fcheme Jupiter carried into execution ; and thus made the
work of generation to be thenceforth carried on by both fexes jointly, the
female conceiving from the male. Now, in making this the fole way of
generating, Jupiter had thefe ends in view : that, if a man fhould meet with
a woman, they might, in the embrace, generate together, and the human
kind be thus continued ; but if he met with another man, that then both
might be furfeited with fuch commixture ; and that, immediately ceafing
from their embraces, they might apply themfelves to bufinefs, and turn their
ftudies and purfuits to the other affairs of life. From all this it appears how
deeply mutual love is implanted by nature in all of the human race ; bringing
them again to their priftine form; coupling them together; endeavouring
out of two to make one, and thus to remedy the evils introduced into the
human nature. So that every one of us at prefent is but the tally of a human
1
creature; which has been cut like a polypus , and out of one made
two. Hence it comes, that we are all in continual fearch of our feveral
counterparts, to tally with us. As many men, accordingly, as are fections
of that double form called the hermaphrodite, are lovers of women : and of
this fpecies are the multitude of rakes. So, on the other hand, as many
women as are addicted to the love of men are fprung from the fame am
phibious race. But fuch women as are fections of the female form are not
much inclined to men ; their affections tend rather to their own fex : and of
this kind are the Sapphic lovers. Men, in like manner, fuch as arefections
of the male form, follow the males : and whilft they are children, being
originally fragments of men, it is men they love, and it is in men's company
and careffes they are molt delighted. Thofe children and thofe youths who
are of this fort are the beft, as being the molt manly in their temper and
difpofition. Some people, I know, fay, they are fhamelefs and impudent:
but in this they wrong them ; for it is not impudence and want of modefty,
but it is manly affurance, with a manly temper and turn of mind, by which
1
All learned naturalifls know the great uncertainty we are in now-a-days concerning the
rarer animals of all kinds mentioned by the antients. Under this difhculty of afecrtaining what
animal is meant by the $vrra mentioned here by Plato, we have tranflatcd it a polypus, becaufe
the wonderful property afcribed here to the ^ r r a is the fame with that in the polypus, which
a few years Gnce afforded great entertainment to the virtuofi in many parts of Europe.—S,
THE BANQUET. 479
they are led to afiociate with thofe w h o m they refemble. A fhrewd c o n
jecture may hence be formed, from what race they originally fpring; a c o n
jecture juftified by their conduct afterwards. For only boys of this manly kind,
1
when they arrive at the age of maturity, apply themfelves to political affairs :
and as they advance further in the age of manhood, they delight to encourage
and forward the youth of their o w n fex in manly ftudies and employments ;
but have naturally no inclination to marry and beget children : they do it
only in conformity to the laws, and would choofe to live unmarried, in a ftate
of friendfhip. Such perfons as thefe are indeed by nature formed for friend
fhip folely, and to embrace always whatever is congenial with themfelves.
N o w , whenever it fortunes that a man meets with that very counterpart of
himfelf, his other half, they are both fmitten with love in a wondrous man
ner ; they recognife their antient intimacy ; they are ftrongly attra&ed toge
ther by a confcioufnefs that they belong to each other; and are unwilling to
be parted, or become feparate again, though for ever fo fhort a time. Thofe
pairs who of free choice live together throughout life, are fuch as have met
with this good fortune. Yet are none of them able to tell what it is they
would have one from the other. For it does not feem to be the venereal
congrefs. In all appearance, it is not merely for the fake of this that they
feel fuch extreme delight in the company of each other; and feek it, when
they have it not, with fo eager a defire. It is evident, that their fouls long
for fome other thing, which neither can explain ; fomething which they can
only give obfeure hints of* in the way of aenigmas ; and each party can only
guefs at in the other, as it were, by divination. But when they are toge
ther, and careffing each other, were Vulcan to ftand by with his tools in his
hand, and fay, " Mortals ! what is it ye want, and would have, one from the
other ?"—and finding them at a lofs what to anfwer, were he to demand o f
them again, and fay, " Is this what ye long for ; to be united together with
the moft entire union, fo as never, either by night or day, to be feparate from
each other? If ye long for this, I will melt you d o w n , both of you toge
ther, and together form you both again ;. that, inftead of t w o , ye may be
come o n e ; whilft ye live, living a joint life,, as one perfon ; and when ye
1
Ariftophanes in this fentence hints at Paufanias : but for fear his hint fhould not be appre
hended by the company, he takes care to explain it to them himfelf, near the conclufion of his
fpeech, by an ironical and affected caution in guarding againft the being fo underftood.—S.
come
480 THE BANQUET.
come to die, dying at once one death ; and afterwards, in theftateof fouls
departed, continuing ftill undivided. Confider now within yourfelves, whe
ther ye like the propofal, and whether ye would be glad to have it carried
into execution/'—I am certain, that not a fingle mortal to whom Vulcan
fhould make this offer would reject it. It would appear that none had any
other wifh ; and every man would be confcious to himfelf, that the fecret
defire which he had of old conceived in his heart, was at length brought to
light and expreffed in clear language, that is, to be mingled and melted in
with his beloved, and out of two to be made one. The caufe of which
defire in us all is this, that our priftine nature was fuch as I have defcribed
it; we were once whole. The defire and purfuit of this wholenefs of our
nature, our becoming whole again, is called Love. For, as I faid, we were
antiently one: but now, as a punifhment for our breach of the laws of
juftice, the Gods have compelled us to live afunder in feparate bodies : juft
as the people of Arcady are treated by the Spartans If, therefore, we be
have not to the Gods with reverence and decency, there is reafon to fear we
fhall be again cleft in funder, and go about with our guilt delineated in our
figure, like thofe who have their crimes engraven on pillars, our nofes flit,
and our bodies fplit in two. The confideration of this fhould engage every
man to promote the univerfal practice of piety toward the Gods; that we
may efcape this misfortune, and attain to that betterftate,as it fhall pleafe
Love to guide and lead us. Above all, let none of us act in oppofition to
this benign Deity ; whom none oppofe but fuch as are at enmity with the
Gods. For, if we are reconciled to Love, and gain his favour, we fhall find
out and meet with our naturally beloved, the other half of ourfelves; which
1
As Arcadia confifted chiefly of plains and pallirrc lands, the people, of that country had
for many ages led a paftoral kind of life, difperfed in fmall villages; and lived in the enjoyment
©f perfect peace and liberty. But in procefs of time, when they were in danger of falling under
the yoke of the Spartans, their neighbours, whom they obferved a warlike people, growing in
greatnefs, and afpiring to the dominion of all the Peloponnefus, they began to build and fortify
cities, where they aflembled and confulted together for their common intercfts. This union gave
them courage, not only to be auxiliaries in war to the enemies of the Spartans, but at length, as
principals themfelves, to make frequent inroads into the Spartan territories. The Spartan*, there
fore,-carrying the war into the country of the Arcadians, compelled them to demolifh the fortifi
cations of their chief cities, and even to quit their habitations there, and return to their anient
maunear of living in villages.—S.
6 at
THE BANQUET. 481
at prefent is the good fortune but of few. Eryximachus now muft not carp
at what I fay, on a fufpicion that I mean Paufanias and Agatho: though
perhaps they may be of the fortunate few: but I fay it of all in general,
whether men or women, through the whole human race, that every one of
us might be happy, had we the perfection of Love, and were to meet with
our own proper paramours, recovering thus the fimilitude of our priftine
nature. If this fortune then be the beft abfolutely, it follows, that the beft
in our prefent circumftances muft be that which approaches to it the
neareft; and that is, to meet with partners in love, whofe temper and dif
pofition are the moft agreeable and fimilar to our own. In giving glory to
the divine caufe of this fimilarity and mutual fitnefs, we celebrate in a
proper manner the praife of Love; a deity who gives us in our prefent
condition fo much relief and confolation, by leading us to our own again;
and further, gives us the faireft hopes, that, if we pay due regard and reve
rence to the Gods, he will hereafter, in recovering to us our antient nature,
and curing the evils we now endure, make us bleft and happy.
Thus, Eryximachus, you have my fpeech concerning Love, a fpeech of
a different kind from yours, and no way interfering with what you have
faid. Therefore, as I defired of you before, do not, I pray you, make a
jeft of it; that we may hear, peaceably and quietly, all the fpeeches which
remain to be fpoken; or rather both the fpeeches; for I think only thole
of Agatho and Socrates are yet behind.—Well ; I fhall not difobey you,
faid Eryximachus: for I muft acknowledge that I have been highly enter
tained and pleafed with your fpeech. If I was not perfectly well affured
that Socrates and Agatho were deeply verfed in the fcience of Love, I fhould
much fear they would be at a lofs for fomething to fay, fo copioufly and fo
varioufly has the fubject been already handled. But now, notwithstanding
this, I am under no concern about the fuccefs of thofe great matters.—I do
not wonder, faid Socrates, that you are free from all concern, Eryximachus,
about the matter; fince you have come off fo honourably yourfelf, and are
out of all danger. But if you were in the circumftances I am in, much
more in thofe which I fhall be in when Agatho fhall have made his fpeech,
your fears would be not a few, and your diftreffes, like mine at prefent, no
trifles.—1 fee, faid Agatho, you have a mind, Socrates, by fuch fuggeftions,
to do as enchanters do'with their drugs, that is, to diforder and difturb my
VOL. m. 3Q thoughts,
AS2 THE BANQUET.
T h e poet here produces a fair proof, 1 think, of her tendernefs, her going-
on the foft place rather than the hard.. T h e fame argument fhall I make
jafe of, to prove the tendernefs of L o v e . Far he neither walks on the
ground, nor g o e s upon human heads (which in truth are places not alto
gether foft); but the fofteft places poflible to be found does L o v e make the
places of his range, and of bis dwelling t o e For in the manners and in the
fouls of Gods and men he fixes his. abode : not in all fouls indifcriminately ;
for, if he lights on any whofe manners are rough, away he marches, and
takes up his refidence in tender fouls, whofe manners are the fofteft. Since,,
therefore, with his feet,, and all over his fine frame, he endures not to touch,
any but the fofteft perfons, nor in any but their fofteft parts, he cannot but
be extremely delicate and tender. T h u s have w e feen that Love is full of
1
For the proper manner in which thefe things are to be underflood, fee the apology foe
the fables of Homer, in Vol. I. of this- work.—T..
uth
5 'y° >
THE BANQUET. 485
youth, delicacy and tendernefs. He is, befides, of a foft and yielding fub
ftance. For it would be impoffible for him to diifufe himfelf through every
part of us, and penetrate into our inmoft foul, or to make his firft entry
and his final exit unperceived by us, if his fubftance were hard and refifting
to the touch. But a clear proof of his yielding, eafy and pliant form is that
gracefulnefs of perfon, which it is certain belongs to him in the higheft
degree by the acknowledgment of all: for Ungracefulnefs and Love never
agree, but are always vifibly at variance. That he excels in beauty of
colour, is evident from his way of life, in that he is continually converfant
with flowers, his own likenefs. For Love refides not in a body, or in a
foul, or any other place, where flowers never fprung; or, if they did, where
they are all fallen, and the place quite deflowered. But wherever a fpot
is to be found flowery and fragrant, he there feats himfelf and fettles his
1
abode. Concerning the beauty of this deity thus much is fufficient ; though
much ftill remains unfaid. I am to fpeak next on the fubject of his virtue *.
And here the higheft praife which can be attributed to any being is juftly
due to Love ; that he does no injury to God or man ; nor by God or man
can he be injured- He never acts through compulfion or force himfelf;
for compulfionL or force cannot reach Love: nor ever forces he or compels
others; for every being obeys freely and willingly every dictate and com
mand of Love : where both parties then are willing, and each is freely
confenting to the other, thofe in the city who are kings, the laws, fay there
is no injuftice done. But not only the perfection of juftice belongs to
Love; he is equally endued with confummate temperance. For to be
fuperior to pleafure, and to govern the defires of it, is every where called
temperance. Now it is univerfally agreed, that no pleafure is fuperior to
Love ; but, on the contrary, that all pleafures are his inferiors. If fb, they
muft be fubjects and fervants, all of them, to Love; and he muft rule, and
be the mafter. Having dominion thus over all pleafures and all defires, in .
* Thus far Agatho has confounded the object of Love, the amiable, with the paflion itfelf, con
fidered as refmed, and peculiarly belonging to the human fpecies.—S.
* From allegory, and metaphor, and true wit, Agatho defcends to pun and quibble, and play
ing on words, with fcarce a femblance of juft thought. In this next part of his defeription he
means, by Love, that grofier part of the paflion, common to all animals: and this too he con
founds with the fatisfaction of it through enjoyment.—S.
the
4S6 THE BANQUET.
other that which itfelf knows not. In the other kind of the creative power,
the making of animals, it is undeniably to the wifdom of this deity that all
living things owe their generation and production. T h e n , for the works of
the mechanic arts, know we not that every artift who hath Love for his teacher
becomes eminent and illuftrious ; but that the artift w h o m L o v e infpires not
and animates never riles from obfcurity? T h e bowman's art, the art of heal
ing, and that of divination, were the inventions of Apollo, under the guidance
o f Love, and the influence of his aufpicious power. So that the God of Wif
dom himfelf, we fee, was the difciple of the God of Love. Prompted by L o v e ,
the Mufes invented the art of mufic, Vulcan the art of working metals, Minerva
the art of weaving, and Jupiter the art of well governing the Gods and mortals.
From the beginning of that aera were the affairs of the Gods well fettled ;
from the time when Love arofe and interpofed among them,—the L o v e cer
tainly of beauty ; for diforder and deformity are by no means the objects of
L o v e . Antecedent to that time it was, as I obferved before, that thofe many
fad and ftrange accidents, they tell us, befell the Gods : it was when Neceffity
reigned and ruled in all things. But as foon as the charms of beauty gave
birth to the God whom w e celebrate, with him rofe every good which bleffes
either Gods or mortals.—Thus, Phaedrus, in the firfl place Love, as he a p
pears to m e , is moft excellent himfelf in beauty and in virtue; in the next
place, he is the caufe of the like excellencies in other beings. I feel within
me an inclination to make a verfe or two on this fubject, on the effects
which Love produces;—
fenfes than one. For the Greek word growi;, which we have tranflated creative power, fignifies
not only making or creation, but poetry too : as the word 9ro»jT>i? fignifies both creator and poet.
Taking advantage of thefe different meanings, Agatho attributes 7 r m w or creation, to each of
9
the three kinds of Love mentioned in note 2, p. 4 8 6 , as the work or effect of each. T o the firfl; he
attributes poetry, an art which creates, as it were, or makes out of nothing real, out of the mere
imagination of the poet, its own fubject. To the next he juftly afcribes the making or generating
of animals in a way peculiar to Nature ; who, beginningfrom the fmalleft materials, and collect
ing all the rclt by infenfible degrees from all neighbouring quarters, forming all the while, and
animating whillt fhe forms, feems to create out of nothing too. And Love, in the fenfe in which
he ufes the word lad, he no lefs juftly fuppofes to have the principal hand in making the moft
excellent works of every art, where the artift hath his fubject-mattcr ready created, and lying all
at once before him, and apparently, therefore, creates nothing but the form.—S.
468 THE BANQUET.
faid Socrates, fhould I avoid being at a lofs, and diftrelied for fomething to
fay ? or how, indeed, could any other perfon, who was to fpeak, after a
fpeech on the fame fubjeft fo full of beauty and variety ? It was not, I muft
acknowledge, in all refpe&s, and in all the parts of it, equally admirable : but
who, that heard the conclufion, could help being aftonifhed at the elegant
choice of words, and beauty of the di&ion ? For my part, when I confider
how little I fhall be able to fay any thing that will not fall far fhort of it, I
fhould be tempted to run away for very fhame, had I any poffibility of mak
ing my efcape. For, whilft he was fpeaking, he put me in mind of Gorgias;
and, to fay the truth, that which Homer relatesftruckme at that time very
fenlibly. Now, thought I, what if Agatho fhould at the laft fend forth the
;
head of that formidable fpeaker Gorgias to affault my imagination; and
thus
1
This pafTage in the Greek runs this :—JL<po€ou(At}V fxn pu>i re\tura>v b Ay<x9av Topyiou ttefatov Shvoy
teyuv BV TW Xoya im rov tpov hoyov mnifya.^ H. T . X. In this, as alfo in the preceding fentence, where
Gorgias is mentioned, Cornarius would have us read Topyouc, inftead of Fopyiov, and conse
quently, in this laft, Jbvoj inftead of fcivou, referring this attribute to Agatho; and quite infen-
fible, as it feems, to the many ftrokes of humour in this paffage : for he gravely gives this notable
reafon for his alteration,—that the head of Gorgias, truly, had no fuch power as is here attributed
to it. But he has forgotten to clear up a fmall difficulty which attends his alteration ; and that
is, how Agatho the Handfome, for fo he was commonly called, or Agatho's handfome fpeech,
lhould immediately put Socrates in mind of the Gorgon's head. The train of thought here is
evidently this : Agatho put Socrates in mind of Gorgias, through the fimilitude of their ftyles ;
the thought of Gorgias put him in mind of Gorgon, through the fimilitude.of their names; and,
perhaps, becaufe he thought them both alike Trs^copcc, prodigies ; and the thought of Gorgon,
brought to bis mind the following paflage in Homer's Odyfley, 1. xi.
£
' '• ' epic 3e x*®pw % °S *V'>
e
It is eafy to obferve, that Socrates not only alludes humoroufly to Homer's thought in this pafTage,
but, to heighten the humour, has ufed feveral of Homer's words. We have followed him in fo
doing, where it was poflible for us; adapting thefe pafiages one to the other in the tranflation.
V O L . in. 3 R. But
THE BANQUET.
thus (hould, by the conclufion of his fpeech, flop my fpeech, and turn into
ftone my fpeaking faculties !—I confidered, how ridiculous it was in me to
profefs myfelf a great mailer in love matters, and confent to bear a part with
you in making panegyrics on Love, when at the fame time I was entirely
ignorant of the affair we undertook, and knew not the right way to celebrate
1
the praife of any thing. For I was fofilly as to imagine that we ought
never to fay any thing but what was true in our encomiums on any fubject
whatever; that the real properties of it were the materials which lay before
us, as it were, to work on ; and that the bufinefs of a panegyrifl was no
thing more than out of thefe materials to felect the handfomefl and beft,
and frame them together in the moft fkilful and the beft manner. Prepof-
feffed with this imagination, I had entertained aftrongopinion that I fhould
fpeak well on the fubject propofed, becaufe I well knew what praifes were
with truth to be afcribed to Love. Whereas I now find that this is not
the right way of making a panegyric; but that, when we praife, we are to
attribute to our fubject all qualities which are great and good, whether they
truly belong to it or not. Should our encomiums happen to be falfe, the
doing, where it was poflible for u s ; adapting thefe paflages one to the other in the tranflation.
But in one of the words, an important one to the humour, we found it fcarcely poflible. For the
word fcivo;, here in Homer, fignifies terrible, or frightful; and the fame word as ufed here by
Plato fignifies great, weighty, or powerful. Now in Englifh both thefe meanings are not to be
expreiTed fully and exactly by the fame word. The word " formidable," however, though it
would weaken the fenfe in Homer, may ferve to exprefs the allufion in Plato to Homer's " terrific."
This double meaning of the word hivof, and the fimilitude of found between Gorgon and Gorgias,
or between Topynn [*t<paA»] and Topymm, feem to be humorous imitations of the ftyle of Agatho
and Gorgias, who were, both of them, fond of fuch puns a n d puerilities. It is neceffary to take
notice of fome other words in this paflage, becaufe Stephens has thrown in a fufpicion of their not
being genuine, the words sv rut *oyw,—probably imagining them to be a marginal glofs on the word
teyttv: whereas they are in truth abfolutely necefTary to the fenfe; Xoya here being oppofed to tpyu,
to the actual fending forth, and prefenting vifibly, the head of Gorgias. Befides that the omiflion
of thofe words would much diminifh the glare of another Gorgiafm, which feems intended in
*rytiv, \oya
t and *oyov, the repetition of the words " fpeak" a n d " fpeech."—S.
1
Socrates, having fatirized Agatho's ftyle, with regard to the affected ornaments of it, and its
want of fimplicity; but doing it with that delicate and fine humour in which he led the way to
all the politer fatirifts, particularly to the Roman poet Horace, and our own Addifon; proceeds
now, in that ironical way peculiar to himfelf, to fatirize the fentiments in Agatho's fpeech, with
jegard to their want of truth, juftnefs of thought, and pertinence to the fubject.—S.
9 falfehood
THE BANQUET. 401
is in himfelf, and afterward to mow his effects, and what he operates in:
others. This introduction of yours I much approve of. Now, then, tell
me further concerning Love : and fince you have fo fairly and amply di-
fplayed the other parts of his nature and character, anfwer me alfo to this
1
queftion, whether Love is a being of fuch a kind as to be of fomething ; or
whether he is of nothing ? I afk you not, whether he is of fome father or
mother; for the queftion, whether Love is the love of father or mother,
would be ridiculous; but I mean it in the fame fenfe as if the fubject of my
queftion was the very thing now mentioned, that is, a father; and the quef
tion itfelf was, whether a father was the father of fomething, or not: in
this cafe you would certainly anfwer, if you anfwered rightly, that a father
was the father of a fon or of a daughter:—would you not ?—-Certainly I
" fhould, faid Agatho.—And an anfwer of the fame kind you would give me,
faid Socrates, if I afked you concerning a mother.—Agatho again affented;
—Anfwer me now, faid Socrates, to a queftion or two more, that you majr
the better apprehend my meaning. Suppofe I were to afk you concerning
a brother, with regard to that very circumftance, his being a brother, is he
brother to fome perfon or not ?—Agatho anfwered in the affirmative.—i^nd
is not this perfon, faid Socrates, either a brother or a fifter ?—To which when
Agatho had affented, Try then, faid Socrates, to tell me concerning Love;
is it the love of nothing, or of fomething ?—Of fomething, by all means, re^
plied Agatho.—Whatever you think that fomething to be, faid Socrates, for
the prefent keep your thought to yourfelf; only remember it. And let me
afk y this queftion further, relating to Love: Does Love defire that
fomething of which it is the love, or does it not ?—Defires it, anfwered
Agatho, without doubt.—Whether, when poffeffed of that which it defires,
of that which it is in love with, does it then defire it ? or only when not pof.
feffed of it ?—Only when not poffeffed of it, it is probable, replied Agatho.
—Inftead of being probable, faid Socrates, confider if it be not neceffary that
every being which feels any defire fhould defire only that which it is in
want of; and that as far as any being is free from want, fo far it muft be
free alfo from defire. Now to me, Agatho, this appears in the higheft
* That is, whether his nature is abfolute, not of neceflity inferring the coexiftence of any other
being ; or whether it is relative, in which the being of fome correlative is implied.—S.
degree
THE BANQUET, 493
degree neceflary. But how does it appear to you ?—To me in the fame
manner, replied Agatho.—You fay well, faid Socrates. I afk you then,
Gaii a man whofe fize is large wifh to be a man of large fize ? or a man
who is ftrong, can he wifh to beftrong?—The impoflibility of this, replied
Agatho, follows from what we have juft now agreed in. For the man who
is-what he would wifh to be, muft in that refpect, and fo far, be free from
want. —True, faid Socrates: for, if it were poflible that theftrongcould
wifh to beftrong,the fwift wifh to be fwift, and the healthy wifh to be
healthy, one might then perhaps imagine it equally poflible in all cafes of
the like kind, that fuch as are poffeffed of any thing good or advantageous
could defire that which they already have. I mention this in general, to-
prevent our being impofed upon. For the perfon who enjoys any of thefe
advantages, if you confider, Agatho, muft appear to you to have of neceffity
at prefent that which he has, whether he wills it, or not: and how can this
ever be the object of his defire ? Should any man, therefore, fay thus : I, who
am now in health, defire to be healthy ; or, I, who now have riches, defire
to be rich, and long for thofe very things which I have ; we fhould make
him this reply You mean, friend, you that are at prefent poffeffed of riches,
or health, orftrength,would be glad to continue in pofleflion of them al-.
ways: for at this prefent you poffefs them, whether you will or not. When
you fay, therefore, that you defire what is prefent with you, confider, whe
ther you mean any other thing than this ; you would be glad that what i»
prefent with you now might be prefent with you for the time to come.
Would he not acknowledge, think you, that this was his only meaning * ?—
Agatho agreed that he would.—This then, faid Socrates, is to love and
defire that from which he is now at fome diftance, neither as yet has he; and
that is, the preferving of what he pofleffes at the prefent, and his continuing
in poffeffion of it for the future.—It certainly is fo, replied Agatho.—This
man, therefore, faid Socrates, and every one who feels defire, defires that
which lies not ready for his enjoyment, that which is not prefent with him,
1
In Stephens's edition of the original we here read, axxo n b^oXoyoC av, as if the confeflion was
demanded from Agatho in his own perfon. In all the former editions, however, it is rightly-
printed, bfioXoyoir at. But we prefume they r.re ail wrong in giving us a X A o Ti .[ha &/C<J>] inftead
of ateori \jSC hoi] whether ; milled probably by the preceding fentence, where a * t o ri fignifies any
other thing,and is therefore rightly there divided into two words.—S. ,
that.t
4Q4 THE BANQUET.
that which he has not, that which he himfelf is not, and that which he is in
want of; fuch things only being the objects of love and of defire.—Agatho to
this entirely affented.—Come the.n, faid Socrates, let us agree upon thefe
conclufions : Is not Love, in the firft place, love of fomething ? in the next
place, is it not love of that which is wanting?—Clearly fo, replied Aga
tho.—Now then, faid Socrates, recollect what it was you told us in your fpeech
was the proper object of Love. But I, if you pleafe, will remind you of it.
I think you faid fomething like this, " that the affairs of the Gods were put
in good order, and well eftablifhed, through love of things beautiful : for
that things of oppofite kind to thefe could never be the objects of love."
Did you not tell us fome fuch thing ?—I own it, anfwered Agatho.—You
own the truth, my good friend, replied Socrates. Now, if this be as you
fay, muft not Love be love of beauty, and not of deformity ?—I agree, faid
Agatho.—And have you not agreed too, faid Socrates, that Love is love of
fomething which is wanting, and not of any thing poffeffed already ?—True,
replied Agatho.—It follows then, faid Socrates, that Love is not in poffeffion,
but in want, of beauty.—It follows of neceffity, faid Agatho.—Well then,
faid Socrates, that to which beauty is abfolutely wanting, that which is
totally unpoffeffed of beauty, do you call that beautiful ?—Certainly not, re
plied Agatho.—Are you ftill then, faid Socrates, of the fame opinion, that
Love is beautiful, if we have reafoned rightly ?—Agatho then made anfwer:
I am in danger, Socrates, of being found ignorant in the fubject I undertook
to praife.—You have honeftly and fairly fpoken, faid Socrates. And
now anfwer me to this little queftion more: Think you not that every
thing good is alfo fair and beautiful ?—I do, replied Agatho.—If then, faid
Socrates, Love be in want of beauty, and if every thing good be fair and
beautiful, Love muft be in want of good too.—I am not able, replied Aga
tho, to argue againft you, Socrates ; and therefore I admit it to be true what
you fay.—You are not able, my beloved Agatho, faid Socrates, to argue
againft the truth : for to argue againft Socrates is nothing difficult. And
here fhall I difmifs you from being further queftioned. But the difcourfe
concerning Love, which I heard formerly from Diotima the prophctefs, a
woman wife and knowing in thefe and many other fubjects ; fo profoundly
knowing, that when the plague feemed to be approaching Athens, and when
the people offered facrifice to avert it, fhe caufed the coming of that diftemper
to.
THE BANQUET.
to be delayed for the fpace of ten years; (me it was who inftructed me i n
the knowledge of all tilings that appertain to Love;) a difcourfe, I fay, on
this fubject, which I once heard from her, I will try if I can relate again to
you ; laying down, for the foundation of it, thofe points agreed on juft now
between me and Agatho; but purpofing, however, to relate the whole of this
by myfelf, as well as I am able.
RIGHT and proper is it, Agatho, to follow the method marked out by
you ; in the firft place, to declare what kind of a being Love is, and after
wards to fhow what are the effects produced by him. Now I think the
eafieft way that I can take, in executing this plan, will be to lay before you
the whole of this doctrine in the very manner and order in which I myfelf
was examined and lectured on the fubject by Diotima. She began with me,
on my faying to her much the fame things that were afferted juft now by
Agatho ; that Love was a deity excellent in goodnefs, and was alfo one of
thofe who were fair and beautiful. And fhe refuted me with the fame
arguments I have made ufe of to refute Agatho; proving to me that Love,
according to my own account of him, was neither beautiful nor good.
How fay you, Diotima ? then faid I. Is Love an ugly and an evil being?—
Soft, replied fhe ; no abufive language : do you imagine that every being who
is not beautiful, muft of courfe be ugly ?—Without doubt, anfwered I.—And
every being who is not wife, faid fhe, do you conclude it muft be ignorant ?
1
Do you not fee there is fomething between wifdom and ignorance ?—I
afked her, what that could be.—To think of things rightly, as being what
they really are, without being able to affign a reafon why they are fuch.
Do you not perceive, faid fhe, that this is not to have the fcience or true
knowledge of them ? For, where the caufe or reafon of a thing remains un
known % how can there be fcience? Nor yet is it ignorance: for that
which
1
See the Meno near the conclufion, and the fifth and feventh books of the Republic. It
may fuflice for the prefent to obferve, that true opinion is a medium between wifdom properly
fo called, i. e. an intellectual knowledge of the caufes and principles of things, and igno
rance .— I*.
* We have here taken the liberty to paraphrafe a little, for the fake of rendering this pafTage
more
49& THE BANQUET.
which errs not from the truth, how mould that be ignorance ? Such then is
right opinion, fomething between wifdom and ignorance.—You are cer
tainly in the right, faid I.—Deem it not neceflary then, faid fhe, that what
is not beautiful fhould be ugly ; or that what is not good muff of confe
quence be evil. To apply this to the cafe of Love ; though you have agreed,
he is neither good nor beautiful, yet imagine not he muft ever the more on
that account be ugly and evil; but fomething between thofe oppofites.—
Well, faid I, but he is acknowledged by all to be a powerful God, however.—-
By all who know him, do you mean, faid fhe, or by all who know him not ?—
By all univerfally, replied I.—Upon which fhe fmiled, and faid, How,
Socrates, fhould he be acknowledged a powerful God by thofe who abfo-
lutely deny his divinity ?—Who are they ? faid 1.—You yourfelf, replied
fhe, are one of them, and I am another.—Explain your meaning, faid I.—
My meaning, faid fhe, is eafy to be explained. For anfwer me to this
queftion : Say you not that the Gods are, all of them, bleft and happy ?
or would you offer to fay of any one of the Gods, that he was not a bleft
and happy being ?—Not I, for my part, faid I, by Jupiter.—By a happy
being, faid fhe, do you not mean a being poffeffed of things fair* beautiful
and good ?—It is granted, anfwered I.—And you granted before, faid fhe,
that Love, from his indigence and want of things good and'beautiful, defired
thofe things of which he was deftitute.—I allowed it.—How then, faid fhe,
can he be a God, he who is deftitute of things fair, beautiful and good ?—
.It appears, faid I, that he by no means can.—You fee then, faid fhe, that,
even in your own judgment, Love is no God.—What! faid I, muft Love
then be a mortal ?—Far from that, replied fhe.—Of what nature was he
then? I afked her.—Of like kind, anfwered fhe, with thofe natures we have
juft now been fpeaking of, an intermediate one, between the mortal and
more eafy to be under flood. In the Greek it runs thus, a X o y o v yap irpaypa <zra>{ ay u>j tTTicrrrtfin;
Ariftotle expreffes the fajne meaning in the fame concife way, thus, fura xoyou yap r) tvicrr^.
Ethic. Nicomach. lib. vi. cap. 6. where Xoyc is the fame thing with that which Plato in his
Meno calls icyta-pos ama?, that is, the rational account of a thing, deriving it from its caufe.
For the caufe [the formal caufe] of every particular truth is fome general truth, in which that
particular is virtually included. Accordingly, in a per ft ft fyllogifm we may fee the truth of the
conclufion virtually included in the truth of the major propofition. Nor can we properly be faid
to know any one truth, till we fee the whole of that higher truth, in which the particular one is
^contained .^-*S.
5 the
THE BANQUET. 4Q7
r
the immortal.—But what in particular, O Diotima r—A great daemon ,
replied
1
The following admirable account of Love, in which it is fhown why he is called by Plato a
great daemon, is from the MS. commentary of Proclus on the Firfl: Alcibiadcs :
There are different properties of different Gods : for fome are artificers of wholes, of the form
of beings, and of their efTential ornament: but others are the fuppliers of life, and are the fources
of its various genera: but others preferve the unchangeable order, and guard the indiflbluble con
nection of things: and others, laftly, who are allotted a different power, preferve all things by
their beneficent energies. In like manner every amatory order is the caufe to all things of con
verfion to divine beauty, leading back, conjoining, and eftablifhing all fecondary natures in the
beautiful, rcplenifhing them.from thence, and irradiating all things with the gifts of its light. On
this account it is afferted in The Banquet that Love is a great daemon, becaufe Love firfl demon
ftrates in itfelf a power of this kind, and is the medium between the object of defire and the
defiring nature, and is the caufe of the converfion of fubfequent to prior natures. The whole
amatory feries, therefore, being eftablifhed in the veftibule of the caufe of beauty, calls upwards
all things to this caufe, and forms a middle progreflion between the object of Love and the
natures which are recalled by Love. Hence it pre-eftablifhes in itfelf the exemplar of the whole
daemoniacal order, obtaining the fame middle fituation among the Gods as daemons between
divine and mortal natures. Since, therefore, every amatory feries poffefles this property among
the Gods, we muft confider its uniform and occult fummit as ineffably eftablifhed in the firft
orders of the Gods, and conjoined with the firft and intelligible beauty ; but its middle procefs
as fhining forth among the fupermundane Gods, with an intellectual condition ; but its third
progreflion as pofleffing an exempt power among the liberated Gods; and its fourth as mul-
tifarioufly diftributed about the world, producing many orders and powers from itfelf, and diftri-
buting gifts of this kind to the different parts of the world. But after the unific and firft prin
ciple of Love, and after the tripartite effence perfected from thence, a various multitude of Loves
(nines forth with divine light, from whence the choirs of angels are filled with Love; and the
herds of daemons full of this God attend on the Gods who are recalled to intelligible beauty.
Add too, that the army of heroes, together with daemons and angels, are agitated about the partici
pation of the beautiful with divine bacchanalian fury. Laftly, all things are excited, revive and
flourifli, through the influx of the beautiful. But the fouls of fuch men as receive an infpiration
of this kind, and are naturally allied to the God, affiduoufly move about beauty, and fall into the
realms of generation, for the purpofe of benefiting more imperfect fouls, and providing for thofe
natures which require to be faved. The Gods indeed and the attendants on the Gods, abiding in
their proper habits, benefit all following natures, and convert them to themfelves: but the fouls of
men defcending, and touching on the coaft of generation, imitate the beneficent providence of the
Gods. As, therefore, fouls eftablifhed according to fome other God defcend with purity into the
regions of mortality, and benefit fouls that revolve in it; and fome indeed benefit more imperfect
fouls by prophecy, others by my flic ceremonies, and others by divine medicinal fkill: fo likewife fouls
that choofe an amatory life are moved about the deity who prefides over beautiful natures, for
the purpofe of taking care of well-born fouls. But from apparent beauty they are led back to
divine beauty, and together with themfelves elevate thofe who are the objects of their love.
VOL. m. 3 s And
498 THE BANQUET.
1
replied me. For the daemon-kind is of an intermediate nature between
the divine and the human.—What is the power and virtue, faid I, of this
intermediate
And this alfo divine Love primarily effects in intelligibles: for he unites hjmfelf to the
object of love, extends to it the participants of his power, and inferts in all things one
bond, and one indiflbluble friendfhip with each other, and with the beautiful itfelf. Souls,
therefore, poffefTed with love, and participating the infpiration thence derived, in confe
quence of ufing an undented vehicle, are led from apparent to intelligible beauty, and make
this the end of their energy. Likewife enkindling a light in more imperfect fouls, they alfo lead
thefe back to a divine nature, and are divinely agitated together with them about the fountain of
all-perfect beauty.
But fuch fouls as from a perverfe education fall from the gift which is thence derived, but are
allotted an amatory nature, thefe, through their ignorance of true beauty, are bufily employed about
that which is material and divifible, at which alfo they are aftonifhed in confequence of not
knowing the paflion which they fuffer. ^ Hence they abandon every thing divine, and gradually
decline into impiety and the darknefs of matter. They appear indeed to haftcn to a union with
the beautiful, in the fame manner as perfectly amatory fouls j but they are ignorant of the union,
and tend to a diflipated condition of life, and to the fea of diflimilitude. They are alfo conjoined
with the bafe itfelf, and material privation of form. For where are material natures able to per
vade through each other ? Or where is apparent beauty, putt and genuine, being thus mingled
with matter, and replete with the deformity of its fubject ? Some fouls, therefore, genuinely
participate the gifts of Love, and by others thefe gifts are perverted. For as according to Plo*
tinus the defluxion of intellect produces craft, and an erroneous participation of wifdom fophiftryj
fo likewife the illumination of Love, when it meets with a depraved recipient, produces a tyrannic
and intemperate life.
After this, in another part of the fame admirable commentary, he prefents us, as he fays, with
fome of the more arcane affertions concerning Love ; and thefe are as follow:
Love is neither to be placed in the firft nor among the laft of beings. Not in the firft, becaufe
the object of Love is fuperior to Love : nor yet among the laft, becaufe the lover participates
of Love. It is requifite, therefore, that Love Ihould be eftablifhcd between the object of love
and the lover, and that it Ihould be pofterior to the beautiful, but prior to every nature endued
with love. Where then does it firft fubfift ? How does it extend itfelf through the univerfej
and with what monads does it leap forth ?
There are three hypoftafes, therefore, among the intelligible and occult Gods ; and the firft
indeed is characterized by the gcod, underftanding the good itfelf) and refiding in that place where
according to the oracle the paternal monad abides: but the fecond is characterized by wifdonr,
where the firft intelligence flourifhes; and the third by the beautiful, where, as Timaeus fays, the moft
beautiful of intelligibles abides. But there are three monads according to thefe intelligible caufes
fubfifting uniformly according to caufe in intelligibles, but firft unfolding themfelves into light
in
1
For a copious account of daemons, their nature, fpecies, and employments, fee the fecond
Note on the Fit ft Alcibiades.
THE BANQUET.
intermediate kind of being ?—To tranfmit and to interpret to the Gods, faid
(he,
in the Ineffable order * of the Gods, I mean/////;, t r u t h , and love. And faith indeed eftablifhes
all things in good ; but truth unfolds all the knowledge in beings; and laftly, love converts all
things, and congregates them into the nature of the beautiful. This triad indeed thence proceeds
through all the orders of the Gods, and imparts to all things by its light a union with intelligible
itfelf. It alfo unfolds itfelf differently in different orders, every where combining its powers with
the idioms of the Gods. And among fome it fubfifts ineffably, incomprehenfibly, and uni-
fically; but among others, as the caufe of connecting and binding ; and among others, as endued
with a perfective and forming power. Here again it fubfifts intellectually and paternally; there,
in a manner entirely motive, vivific, and effective: here, as governing and affimilating ; there, in
a liberated and undefiled manner; and elfewhere, according to a multiplied and divifive mode.
Love, therefore, fupernally defcends from intelligibles to mundane concerns, calling all things
upwards to divine beauty. Truth alfo proceeds through all things, illuminating all things with
knowledge. And laftly, faith proceeds through the univerfe, eftablifhing all things unically in
good. Hence the oracles affert that all things are governed by, and abide in, thefe. And on this
account they order Theurgifts to conjoin themfelves to divinity through this triad. Intelligible*
themfelves, indeed, do not require the amatory medium, on account of their ineffable union. But
where there is a union and feparation of beings, there alfo Love abides. For it is the binder and
conciliator of natures pofterior and prior to itfelf; but the convenor of fubfequent into prior, and
the anagogic and perfecting caufe of imperfect natures.
The oracles, therefore, fpeak of Love as binding, and refiding in all things: and hence, if it
connects all things, it alfo copulates us with the governments of daemons. But Diotima calls
Love a great daemon, becaufe it every where fills up the medium between defiring and defirable
-natures. And, indeed, that which is the object of Love vindicates to itfelf the firft order, but
that which loves is in the third order from the beloved object. Laftly, Love ufurps a middle fitua-
tion between each, congregating and collecting together that which defires and that which is
defired, and filling fubordinate from better natures. But among the intelligible and occult Gods
it unites intelligible intellect to the firft and fecret beauty by a certain life better than intelli
gence. Hence, the theologift of the Greeks calls this Love blind; for he fays " feeding in his
breaft blind, rapid Love :" noifjuxivuv nrpaiti^taoiv avo/xparoi uxuv epura. But in natures pofterior
to intelligibles, it imparts by illumination an indiffoluble bond to all things perfected by itfelf: for
a bond is a certain union, but accompanied with much feparation. On this account the oracles
are accuftomed to call the fire of this Love a copulator : for, proceeding from intelligible intellect,
it binds all following natures with each other, and with itfelf. Hence, it conjoins all the Gods
with intelligible beauty, and daemons with Gods; but it conjoins us with both Gods and daemons.
In the Gods, indeed, it has a primary fubfiftence, in daemons a fecondary one, and in partial
fouls a fubfiftence through a certain third proceffion from principles. Again, in the Gods it
fubfifts above effence: for every genus of Gods is fupereffential. But in daemons it fubfifts accord
ing to effence; and in fouls according to illumination. And this triple order appears fimilar to
* \. t. In the fummit of that order which is called intelligible and at the fame time intellectual.
3 s 2 the
5C0 THE BANQUET.
fhe, what comes from men; and to men, in like manner, what comes from the
Gods ; from men their petitions and their facrifices; from the Gods, in return,
the revelation of their will. Thus thefe beings, /landing in the middle rank
between divine and human, fill up the vacant fpace, and link together all in
telligent nature. Through their intervention proceeds every kind of divination,
and the prieflly art relating to facrifices, and the myfteries and incantations,
with the whole of divination and magic. For divinity is not mingled with man;
but by means of that middle nature is carried on allconverfe and communica
tion between the Gods and mortals, whether in fleep or waking. Whoever has
wifdom and ikill in things of this kind is a daemoniacal man: the knowing and
fkilful in any other thing, whether in the arts, or certain manual operations,,
are illiberal and fordid. Thefe daemons are many and various. One of
them is Love.—But, faid I, from what parents was he born?—The hiftory
of his parentage, replied fhe, is fome what long to relate : however, I will
give you the relation. At the birth of Venus, the Gods, to celebrate that
f
event, made a feaft; at which was prefent, amongft the reft, Plenty , the
fon
the triple power of intellect. For one intellect fubfifts as imparticipable, being exempt from all-
partial genera ; but another as participated, of which alfo the fouls of the Gods participate as of
a better nature; and another is from this ingenerated in fouls, and which is, indeed, their per
fection. And thefe three diftinctions of intellect Timaeus himfelf fignifies. That Love, there
fore, which fubfifts in the Gods muft be confidered as analogous to imparticipable intellect: for
this is exempt from all the beings which receive and are illuminated by its nature. But demoni
acal Love is analogous to participated intellect: for this is eflential, and is perfected from itfelf,.
in the fame manner as participated intellect is proximately refident in fouls. And the third
Love is analogous to intellect which fubfifts as a habit, and which inferts an illumination in fouls.
Nor is it unjuflly that we confider Love as coordinate with this intellectual difference : for in in
telligible intellect it poflefles its firft and occult hypoftafis: and if it thence leaps forth, it is alfo
eftabliftied there according to caufe. And it appears to me that Plato, finding that intelligible
intellect was called by Orpheus both Love and a great Daemon, was himfelf pleafed to celebrate
Love in a fimilar manner. Very properly, therefore, does Diotima call it a great daemon ; and
Socrates conjoins the difcourfe about Love with that concerning Daemons. For, as every thing
demoniacal is fufpended from the amatory medium, fo alio the difcourfe concerning a demoniacal
nature is conjoined with that concerning Love, and is allied to it. For Love is a medium between
the object of love and the lover; and a daemon is a medium between man and divinity.—T.
1
By Plenty, the fon of Counfel, we muft underftand that divine caufe of abundance which fub
fifts in Jupiter the demiurgus of the world. For Jupiter is called Mnng, or Counfel, by Orpheus,
as. we are informed by Proclus in Tim. p. 1 0 2 . Poverty is Matter, which in itfelf is deftitute of
8 all
THE BANQUET. 501
fon of Counfel. After they had fupped, Poverty came a-begging, an abun
dance of dainties being there, and loitered about the door. Juft then Plenty,
1
intoxicated with nectar *, (for as yet wine was not) went out into the
gardens of Jupiter; and oppreifed with the load of liquor that he had drunk,
3
fellafleep . Poverty, therefore, defiring through her indigence to have a
child from Plenty, artfully lay down by him, and became with child of Love.
Hence it is that Love is the conftant follower and attendant of Venus, as
having been begotten on the birth-day of that Goddefs : being alfo, by his
natural difpofition, fond of all beauty, he is the more attached to Venus her
felf on account of her being beautiful. Now, as Love is the fon of Plenty
and of Poverty, the condition of his life and fortune is as follows : In the
firft place, he is always poor; and is far from being either fair or tender, as
the multitude imagine him ; for he is rough, and hard, and dry, without
fhoes to his feet, and without a houfe or awy covering to his head; always
grovelling on the earth, and lying on the bare ground, at doors, and in the
ftreets, in the open air ; partaking thus of his mother's difpofition, and living
in perpetual want. On the other hand, he derives from his father's fide
qualities very different from thofe others : for hence it is that he is full of
deligns upon the good and the fair : hence it is that he is courageous,,
fprightly, and prompt to action ; a mighty fportfman, always contriving
fome new device to entrap his game : much addicted to thought, and fruit
ful in expedients ; all his life philofophizing ; powerful in magic and enchant
ment, nor lefs fo in fophiftry. His nature is not mortal, in the common.
all things, hut is filled as far as it can be filled from Plenty, whofe overflowing fullnefs terminates
rn its dark and rebounding feat. Plato, therefore, in Calling Love the offspring of Plenty and
Poverty, appears to comprehend its whole feries. For Love, confidered as the fame with Defire,
is, according to its fubfiftence in Jupiter, the fon of Plenty ; but, according to its ultimate fubfift
ence, it is the offspring of Matter: for Matter alfo delires good, though her defire is moft debile
and evanefecnt. But by Poverty being pregnant with Love at the birth of Venus, Plato occultly
intimates that the divine abundance in the demiurgus of the world proceeds into matter in con*
junction with the illuminations of divine beauty.—T.
1
Intoxication with nectar fignifies that dcific energy through which divine natures are enabled
to provide immutably for all things.—T.
This fignifies nothing more than that wine belongs to the fenfible, and not to the intelligible
world. By the gardens of Jupiter, we may conceive that the fplendour, grace, and empyrxan
beauty of the demiurgic illuminations of the maker of the univerfe are fignified.—T.
3 Sleep, when applied to divine natures, fignifies an energy feparate from fenfibles.—T.
way
502 THE BANQUET.
way of mortality, nor yet is it immortal, after the manner of the immortal
Gods ; for fometimes, in one and the fame day, he lives andflourifhes,when
he happens to fare well; and prefently afterwards he dies; and foon after
that revives again, as partaking of his father's nature. Whatever abundance
flows in upon him is continuallyftealingaway from him : fo that Love is
never abfolutely in aftateeither of affluence or of indigence. Again, he is
feated in the midft between Wifdom and Ignorance. For the cafe is this
with regard to wifdom :—None of the Gods philofophize, or defire to become
wife ; for they are fo ; and if there be any other being befide the Gods who
is truly wife, neither does fuch a being philofophize. Nor yet does philo-
fophy, or the fearch of Wifdom, belong to the Ignorant *. For on this very
account is the condition of Ignorance fo wretched, that notwithstanding fhe
is neither fair, good, nor wife, yet fhe thinks fhe has no need of any kind of
amendment or improvement. So that the ignorant, not imagining them
felves in need, neither feek nor defire that which they think they want not.
—Who are they then, O Diotima, faid I, who philofophize, if they are nei
ther the wife nor the ignorant ?—That is evident, faid fhe : even a child
may now difcover that they muft be fuch asftandin the middle rank of being;
in the number of whom is Love. For wifdom is among the things of higheft
beauty; and all beauty is the object of love. It follows therefore of ne
ceffity, that Love is a philofopher, or a lover of wifdom ; and that, as fuch,
heftandsbetween the adept in wifdom and the wholly ignorant. This, as
well as all the reft of his condition, is owing to his parentage; as he derives
his birth from a father wife and rich in all things, and from a mother un-
wife and in want of all things. Such, dear Socrates, is the nature of this
daemon. But that you had other thoughts of that being, whom you took for
"Love, is not at all furprifing. For, if I may guefs from the defci iption you
gave of him yourfelf, you feem to have taken for Love that which is beloved,
not that which loves: and from this miftake it arofe, as I imagine, that
Love appeared to you in all refpedls fo beauteous. For the object of love,
the amiable, is truly beauteous and delicate, is perfect: and completely bleft.
But to the fubject of love, the lover, belongs a different nature, fuch a
1
This paflage in the Greek original is thus printed: auro yap icuro ttrn xaXtitoM apaliiai but
we ^refume that either the laft word of thefe fhould be printed a/xaOia, figuratively meaning
ofAaQiif or ehe, that the firft words fhould be thus printed, avru yap TOVTW.—S.
one
THE BANQUET. 503
I, cannot you produce fome other cafe parallel to this ?—T can, faid fhe.
The following cafe is parallel: Making or creating, you know, comprehends
many kinds of operation. For all caufe by which any thing proceeds out
1
of non-being into being is creation. So that all the operations and all
the works executed through any of the arts, are indeed fo many creations:
and all the artilfs and the workmen are real creators, makers, or poets.—
True, faid I.—And yet you know, continued fhe, they are not all of them
called poets or makers, but are diftinguifhed by different names: whilft one.
particular kind of creation, that which is performed in metre through the
Mufe's art, is fingled out from the other kinds ; and the name, to which
they have all an equal right, is given to that alone. For that alone is called
poefy or making: and the artifts in this fpecies of creation only are pecu
liarly diftinguifhed by the name of poets or makers.—Perfe£tly right, faid I.
—Juft fo is it then in the cafe of Love, faid fhe. Univerfally all defire o£
things good, and all that longing after happinefs, which is in every individual
of human kind, is the mighty Deity of Love, who by fecret ways and ftra-
tagems fubdues and governs the hearts of all. His votaries in many various
ways, fuch as thofe engaged in the purfuit of wealth, or ftrength of body, or
wifdom, are not faid to be in love ; nor is the name of lover allowed to
any fuch. But to thofe only who are devoted to Love in one particular way,
and addict themfelves to one certain fpecies of love, we appropriate thofe
terms of love, and lovers, and the being in love, which ought to be con
fidered as general terms, applicable in common to all the different kinds.—
In all appearance, faid I, you are entirely in the right.—She proceeded, how
ever, to confirm the truth of what fhe had faid, in the following manner :—
There is a faying, continued fhe, that lovers are in fearch of the other half
of themfelves. But my doctrine is, that we love neither the half, nor even
the whole of ourfelves, if it happen not, my friend, fome way or other to be
1
Being does not here fignify being or entity in general, but the particular form or eflence of
any thing, the being what it is. So non-being, juft before, does not fignify abfolute non-entity, but
the non-being of fome particular thing, or the want of fome form, which is afterwards introduced
into cxiftence. Accordingly creation, immediately after, fignifits not what is now-a-days gene
rally underftood by that term, a making of fomething out of mere nothing; for Plato feems to
have had no notion of the poflibility of this; but here is to be underftood the making fome form
or being, in the fenfe juft now mentioned, newly to exift, a particular one, which exiftcd not
before.—S.
good,
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good. For we are willing to have our feet and our hands cut off, though
our own, if we deem them incurably and abfolutcly evil. It is not to what
is their own that men have foftrongan attachment, nor do they treat it fo
tenderly on that account, unlefs there be a man who thinks good to be his
own, and properly belonging to him, but evil to be foreign to his nature.
80 true is it, that there is no other object of love to man than good alone.
Or do you think there is?—By Jupiter, faid I, there appears to me no other.—
Is this now fufficient for us? faid fhe : and have we done juftice to our ar
gument if we finifli it with this fimple and {lender conclufion, that all men
love what is good?—Why not? faid I.—What ? faid fhe; muft we not add
this, that they long to have pofTeffion of the loved good ?—This, faid I, muft
be added.—And not only now to have pofTeffion of it, faid fhe again, but
to have pofTeffion of it for ever too ; muft not this be added further?—This
further, faid I.—Love then, in fine, faid fhe, is the defire of having good in
perpetual pofTeffion.— Moft true, faid I ; in every tittle you are right.—Since
then, faid fhe, this general defire is found always to fubfift and to operate in all,
can you tell me in what particular way it operates on thofe who are com
monly faid to be in love? what the aim is of fuch lovers, and what the
work or effect of this kind of love ?—Were I able to tell, O Diotima, re^
plied I, I fhould not have been fo full of admiration at your wifdom ; nor
fhould I have applied myfelf to you to be taught thefe very things, if I already
knew them.—Well, faid fhe, I will teach you then. The aim of thefe
lovers, and the work of this love, is to generate upon the beautiful as well
in a mental uay as in that which is corporeal.—Your words, faid I, have
need of fome diviner to interpret them : I confefs I do not apprehend their
meaning.—I will exprefs myfelf then, faid fhe, in plainer language. All of
human race, O Socrates, are full of the feeds of generation, both in their bodies
and in their minds : and when they arrive at maturity of age, they naturally
•long to generate. But generate they cannot upon the ugly or uncomely, and
only upon the fair and the agreeable. For the work of generation is carried on,
vou know, by means of the natural commerce between the two fcxes : and
this is a work above human art, it is divine. For to conceive and to impreg
nate is to imortalize the kind : it is producing immortality out of an animal
which is mortal. In each of the fcxes, therefore, is fome immortal and
divine principle, the caufe of conception in the one, and of impregnation in
VOL. HI. 3 T the
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the other. But in neither of them can this principle operate effectually, un«*
lefs the fubject on which it operates be fuitable to it and correfponding.
Now deformity and uglinefs but ill fuit with aught which is divine. Beauty
-
alone agrees with it and correfponds. For Beauty is that celeftial influence
which favours, and that goddefs who patronizes, the work of generation*
Hence, whenever that which teems with generative power approaches that
which is beautiful, it fmiles benignly; and through the delight it feels,
opening and diffufing itfelf abroad, breeds or generates. But whenever it
meets with that which is deformed or ugly, it grows morofe, faddens, and
contracts itfelf; it turns away, retires back, and generates not; but, reftrain*
ing the fwollen power within, which is ready to burft forth, it bears the
burthen with uneafinefi. Hence it is that they who are full of this, and
long to generate, employ much of their creative power upon that which is
beautiful: it is becaufe the beautiful frees them from thofe generative
throes with which they labour. But, Socrates, this is not, as you imagined*
the love of beauty.—What is it then ? faid I.—It is the love, replied fhe, of
generating and begetting ilTue, there where wefindbeauty.—Be it fo, faid L
—It certainly is fo, fhe replied.-—But, faid I, what has Love to do with gene
rating ?—Becaufe generating, anfwered fhe, perpetuates and in fome manner
immortalizes that which is mortal. Now, that the defire of immortality
muft always accompany the love of good, follows from what we before
agreed in, that love was the defire of having good in perpetual poffeffion.
For the neceffary confequence of that pofition is this, that Love defires
immortality.
All thefe things learned I formerly in a converfation with Diotima, dif*-
courfing upon Love. At another time fhe thus queftioned me : What do
you imagine, Socrates, to be the caufe of that love, and that defire which
lately was the fubject of converfation between you and me ? Do you not
1
obferve, how vehement are the paflions of all brute animals when the fcafon
comes
1
The following account of the generation of animals and their fucceflion in a continued fcries
of individuals, by which the kind is for ever kept up in exiftence, gives us a juft reprefentation
of all outward nature: for it is in the fame manner that the world itfelf, though continually
pafling away, and changing in every part, yet remains for ever the fame in its whole and entire
form; life continually arifing, and repairing the ruins made by death in every kind of things;
and
THE BANQUET. 507
comes in which they couple ? Birds as well as beads, you may perceive
them all lick with love : fo intenfe is their defire, in .the firft place, to
generate and breed. Nor is their ardour lefs afterwards in the rearing of
their young. In defence of thefe, you fee them ready to engage in fight,
the weakeft animals with the ftrongeft. To fupport thefe, you fee them
willingly themfelves perifh ing with famine; in fhort, doing and fuffering
for their fakes the utmoft poffible. Thofe indeed of human kind, continued
fhe, one might imagine acted thus from a motive of reafon in themfelves :
but, in brute animals, can you aflign the caufe why the affections of love
fhould be fodeep andftrong?—I told her, I was at a lofs to account for it.—
And do you think, faid fhe, ever to become a thorough adept in the fcience
of love, if you are at a lofs in a cafe fo eafy ?-rrIt is for this very reafon, faid
I, Diotima, as I lately told you, that I come to you for inftruction : it is
becaufe I am fenfible how much I want it. Do you, therefore, teach me
what the caufe is of thofe vehement affections you mentioned juft now, and
of every other fentiment and paflion incident to love.—Upon which fhe
faid, If you believe that love is, what you have often owned it to be, the
defire of having good in perpetual poffeflion, you will be at no lofs to con
ceive what the caufe is of thofe affections. For the cafe of brute animals
and that of the human kind are in this refpect exactly the fame; in both
the fame principle prevails ; the mortal nature feeks to be perpetuated, and,
as far as poffible, immortalized. Now this is poffible in one only way, that
is, by generation; in which fome new living thing is conftantly produced
to fupply the place of the deceafed old one. And in no other manner than
this is life continued to any individual being, of which we fay that it lives
ftill, and pronounce it to be the fame being. Thus every man, for inftance,
from his infancy on to old age, is called the farrre perfon ; though he never
has anything in him which abides with him, and is continually a new
man ; having loft the man he was in his hair, in his flefh, in his bones, in
his blood, in fine in his whole body. Nor in his body only, but in his foul
and the frclh growth keeping pace with the decay. To preferve this living beauty in fuch its
immortality and unfading youth, animals have thofe affections, impulfes or inftincts. here de-
fcribed, given to them, as imparted from the mundane foul: analogous to which are the powers of
gravitation., attraction, mixture, cohefion, and others of like kind, which are indeed fo many
vital powers given to the infenfible parts of the univerfe, as partaking of the life of nature.—S.
3 r 2 too,
SOS THE BANQUET.
too, does he undergo inceflant change. His ways, his manners, his opinions,
his defires and pleafures; his fears and forrows ; none of thefe ever continue
in any man the fame ; but new ones are generated and fpring up in hinv
whilft the former fade and die away. But a paradox much greater than*
any yet mentioned is with regard to knowledge : not only fome new por-
tions of knowledge we acquire whilft we lofe others,, of which we had
before been matters ; and never continue long the fame perfons as to the fum
of our prefent knowledge; but we fuffer alfo the like change in every
particular article of that knowledge. For what we call meditation fuppofes
fome knowledge to have actually, as it were, left us ; and indeed oblivion;
is the departure of this knowledge ; meditation then, raifing up in the room
of this departed knowledge a frefh remembrance in. our minds, preferves>
in fome manner and continues to us that which we had loft; fo as to make
1
the memory of it, the likenefs, feem the very fame thing. Indeed every;
thing mortal is preferved in this only way, not by the abfolute famenefs of
it for ever, like things divine, but by leaving behind it, when it departs, dies,
or vanifhes, another in its room, a new being, bearing its refemblance. By
this contrivance in nature, Socrates, does body, and every other thing naturally,
mortal, partake of immortality.- Immortal after a different manner is>
that which naturally is immortal. Wonder not, therefore, that all beings*
are by nature lovingly affected towards their offspring. For this affectionate
regard, this love, follows every being for the fake of immortality.—Thefe
things, faid I, O Diotima, wifeft of women ! undoubtedly are fo.—To
which fhe, in the language of the moft accomplifhed fophifts, replied, You?
may be allured, Socrates, it is the truth. Nor is it lefs plain, from inftances*
of a different kind, that immortality is the great aim and end of all. For, if
you obferve how the love of fame and glory operates on men, and what
effect it has upon their conduct, you muft wonder at their folly in labouring
fo much and fuffering fo greatly in the purfuit of it, unlefs you confider the
mighty power of that paffion which poffeffes them, a zeal to become
illuftrious in after-ages, and to acquire a fame that may laft for ever and be
immortal. For this, more than for the fake of their families or friends, are
1
All this necefTarily follows from the nature of the human foul; all her energies being temporal^
though her ejfence is eternal. She is however able to energize fuper-temporally through a union
with an intellect fuperio: to her own.—T.
they
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fow them in the fouls of others, and thus to propagate wifdom. In this
fituation of his mind, his whole employment, I fuppofe, is to look about and
fearch for beauty, where he may generate; for never can he generate on
aught which is ugly or uncomely. Meeting firft then with outward beauty,
that of the body, he welcomes and embraces it; but turns away from where
he fees deformity in the body ; for his foul is full of love. But if, in his
further and deeper fearch, he has the good fortune to meet with the inward
and hidden beauty of a well-natured and generous foul, he then entirely
attaches himfelf, and adheres clofely to the whole perfon in whom it is found,
the compound of foul and body. He now finds in himfelf a facility and a
copioufnefs of expreffion when he entertains this partner of his foul with
difcourfes concerning virtue; by what means it is acquired; what is a
character completely good ; what ftudies fhould be purfued; what arts be
learnt; and how time fhould be employed in order to the forming fuch a
character. Defirous, therefore, thus to form and perfect the object of his
love, he undertakes the office of preceptor. Indeed, whilft he is converfing
intimately with that which is fair, thofe feeds of wifdom, which he was
before big with, burft forth fpontaneous, and he generates. From this
time, whether in the prefence or abfence of his miftrefs, his mind and
memory become prompt and active; and he readily produces all his mental
{tore. Both the parents then join in cherifhing, rearing up, and cultivating
the fruits of their love and amorous converfe. Hence it is that a friend
fhip of the flrmelt kind cements fuch a pair; and they are held together
by a much ftricter band of union than by an offspring of their bodies;
having a common and joint intereft in an offspring from themfelves more
beautiful and more immortal. Who would not choofe to be the father of
fuch children, rather than of mortals fprung from his body ? Who that
confiders Homer, Hefiod, and other excellent poets, with the admiration
they deferve, would not w ifh for fuch an iffue as they left behind them, au
ifiue of this mental kind, fuch as perpetuates their memory with the higheft
honour, and procures for them an immortality of fame ? Or fuch a pofle-
rity, faid flic, as that whofe foundation Lycurgus laid at Lacedamion, a race
of which himfelf was the firft father, the preiervers of their country and of
all Greece ? Amongft yourfelves, what honours are paid to the memory of
Solon, who begat the Laws J And abroad as well as at home how illuftrious
arc
THE BANQUET. 511
are the names of many others, Barbarians as well as Grecians, who have ex
hibited to the world many noble actions, and have thus begotten all kinds
of virtue ! T o men like thefe have temples often been erected, on account
of fuch their progeny : but never was any man thus honoured on account of
his mortal merely human offspring. In the myfteries of Love thus far per
1
haps, Socrates, you may be initiated and advanced. But to be perfected,
and to attain the intuition of what is fecret and inmoft*, introductory
to which is all the reft, if undertaken and performed with a mind rightly
difpofed, I doubt whether you may.be able. However, faid fhe, not to
be wanting in a readinefs to give you thorough information, I will do my
beft to conduct you till we have reached the end. Do but you your beft
to follow me. Whoever then enters upon this great affair in a proper man
ner, and begins according to a right method, muft have been from his ear-
lieft youth converfant with bodies that are beautiful. Prepared by this ac
3
quaintance with beauty, he muft, in the firft place, if his leader lead aright,
fall in love with fome one particular perfon, fair and beauteous; and on her
beget fine fentiments and fair difcourfe. He muft afterwards confider, that
the beauty of outward form, that which he admires fo highly in his favourite
fair one, is fifter to a beauty of the fame kind, which he cannot but fee in
fome other fair. If he can then purfue this corporeal beauty, and trace it
wherever it is to be found, throughout the human fpecies, he muft want
1
We have here a paufe, or hrcalc, more folemn and awful than any to be met with elfewhere
in Plato. But it has great propriety in this place, as it becomes the fublime and mylterious cha
racter of Diotima ; and as it is necefTary, befides, for ufhering in with the greater folemnity thofe
very fublime and myflerious fpeculations which follow it.—S.
3
Great decorum of character is here obferved in putting into the mouth of the prophetefs a
metaphor, taken from the method of initiation into thofe religious myfteries which at that time
were held in the higheft reverence. For, to make this initiation perfect, three orderly fteps or
degrees were to be taken. The firft was called purgation, the fecond illumination, and the third
intuition j to which laft but few perfons were ever deemed worthy to be rajfed.—Agreeable to this
gradation is the method obferved by Diotima in her initiation of Socrates into the myfteries of
wifdom. Her confutation of his pretended former notions, bur, in reality, of the preceding
fpeeches in this dialogue, anfwers to the purgative part of initiation into the religious myfteries.
Her fucceeding pofitive inftructions in the true doctrine of Love anfwer to the illuminative part.
And what remains of her difcourfe, as (he herfelf here plainly gives us to underftand, allu