22 The Volunteer and Citizenship Program for Local Government Units: Praxis of Public Administration and Civil Society Relations MARIA FAINA L. DIOLA Considered a landmark policy for volunteerism in the Philippines is the Volunteer Act of 2007 ot Republic Act (RA) 9418. Likewise, stipulated in the Philippine Development Plan (2011-2016) is President Benigno Aquino IIT’s vision of a Social Contract with the Filipino people and the call for volunteerism to be a cross-cutting strategy in pursuing inclusive growth, At the local level, the current main entry point for civil society organizations (CSOs) and volunteers to work directly with government is through the local special bodies, enshrined in the Local Government Cade of 1991. For some, legislating volunteerism is making formal what is already innate in the Filipino culture—the spirit of volunteerism, more popularly known as “bayanihan.” This inherent sense of volunteerism in the country is documented in studies by the Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy, National College of Public Administration and Governance, the University of the Philippines (2002 and 2003), and the Philippine Nonprofit Sector Project, which was later reported in aJohns Hopkins comparative study in 2003. | Meantime, in its development effort, the Philippine government has lagged in its response to the United Nations (UN) Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of halving Poverty by 2015. Although targets are currently in the process of adjustment, clearly our country’s response demands a more concerted and dynamic effort. Based on 2012 statistics on MDG achievements alone, the country is behind targets for achieving universal primary education, reducing the proportion of the population who are hunges ImProwing maternal : i sw Directions in Local Reprinted trom Local Government in the Philippines: A Book of Readings (IV), He act alan overnance, 2013, pp. 465-500, by R. D. Ocenar and P.D. Tapales (Eds). Quer? es calor venanceead eval ¢stege cf Pubic Adminisvaionané Goverare, University he Philippi vised version,0 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL health, promoting gender and equality, and combating HIV/AIDS. Moreover, with an official poverty rate of about a quarter of the population in 2012, itis evident that the Philippine Government alone cannot fulfill this enormous task of achieving the MDGs above. ‘Taking advantage of the enabling legal framework and local mechanisms available, cognizant of volunteers that abound in the country; and mindful of the exigency of achieving the MDG targets, a Volunteer and Citizenship Program (VCP) has been conceived. ‘The Program was launched by the Local Government Academy (LGA) of the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) in 2012, heeding the call for a more active citizen and volunteer participation in local government development programs and projects stipulated in the Volunteer Ad of 2007. Conceptualized by the author, through a cursory review of volunteer programs of both private and government organizations, the VCP adopts a program similar to the Bayanihang Bayan Program by the Philippine National Volunteer Service Coordinating Agency (PNVSCA), the lead government agency coordinating volunteer work in the country. "The VCP, which was launched by the LGA in March 2012, aims to establish active and dynamic Volunteer and Citizenship Desks (VCDs) at the local government unit (LGU) levels, to be managed by the LGA through its Local Government National Resource Center in cooperation with partner-volunteer organizations and key players in the voluntary sector. The VCDs ate to tap human and financial resources for volunteerism at the community level, conduct research and advocacy, and give awards and recognition to exemplary volunteers. One of the major outputs of the VCP, as part of its resources for volunteering function, is the setting up of a National Volunteering Information Database (NVID) to harmonize data on supply and demand of volunteers. To date, some 129 LGUs in Region 1 alone have already set up their own VCPs and a total of 1,049 VCPsin LGUs in the Philippines are targeted by the LGA in 2014. "The key t0 sustaining the VCP is to maintain an updated NVID, thereby apprising volunteers and ordinary citizens of the opportunities for volunteerism and advancing citizenship. The proposed yearly conference recognizing top-performing VCDs and the sharing of experiences and knowledge on volunteer management and volunteerism through LGUs will also be key to sustaining the VCP, to entice more volunteers and spur citizenship from both the business sector and the citizens in general. “This paper is an attempt to show theoretical underpinnings for the VCP, adopting a nexus of the concepts of citizenship, in particular, neorepublicanism; civil society; volunteerism; and the public sphere, It then illustrates how the Program can be considered a praxis or a practical application of public administration, using a contemporary view of citizenship and democracy. It also presents practical guidelines on how citizenship can be promoted through the VCP. The VCD iis conceived as an enabling mechanism for promoting Ses Goatiaaiy (1999) netespbianisn okies Mae Soctemetl toa through plurality of voice ane to munsform the rebice eae Se plurality form the public community into a new republic of and by citizens.VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNITS 421 EORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS FOR VOLUNTEERISM AND 7 THE PHILIPPINE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION CONTEXT eu ‘Among the more comprehensive approaches to Comparative Public Administration (CPA) eeatch is that of Pierre (1995). As Brans (2003) pointed out, Pierre's framework briny ; in three sets of variables: the intra-organizational dynamics of bureaucracy, com, sing in, structures, and behavior, politico-administratve relations; and the relationship eeween public administration and civil society. 4 Pp Public Administration and Civil Society Relations ‘This paper adopts the third variable above on relations between public administration and civil society as a take-off point towards contributing to a discourse on both a discipline- driven and a problem- or practice-driven theory for future CPA research. In the search for theories on the relations between public administration and civil society relations, Brans (2003) points out that useful frameworks can come ftom political theories, including those of citizenship, communitarianism, and discursive democracy and empirical comparative work on public-private partnerships and characteristics of the so-called third sector, among others (p. 433). Hence, this paper pursues the discourse on civil society-public administration relations further by adopting a theory of citizenship—to a large extent, taking the trajectory of Van Gunsteren’s “neorepublicanism” (1998). Within the Philippine context, the paper presents a framework on citizenship and its corollary concept, volunteerism, as basis for collecting future comparative evidence in analyzing how a theory of citizenship may be manifested across countries and possibly actoss time and different government levels, cognizant of local peculiarities. If one follows closely Van Gunsteren’s theory, the local peculiarities can be postulated as an important context for observing and measuring how citizenship unfolds and affects any development work. As regards a problem-driven theory, the paper attempts to evolve a practical new scheme for implementing more responsive poverty alleviation activities by enhancing third sector involvement in public administration through volunteerism and increased citizenship, while recognizing the plurality of approaches by different sectors of society ‘The author's own experience in engaging a relatively wide network of development players, especially civil society groups within Asia over the last few decades, has led this theoretical and pragmatic pursuit of an exploration into the public sphere as take-off for innovations in designing public administration services and relations with civil society. The Public Sphere in Public Administration-Civil Society Relations earch challenging is that public t of administrative systems is as sily characterized ina general tration and civil society, for \d cultural According to Brans (2003), what makes CPA res! administration itself is complex and the environmen Complex. Hence administrative systems, Brans says, are not ¢ Way. In the study of the relationship between public admi 1 instance, due consideration needs to be made on the historical political, an aspects ofthe public administration systems that shape how governments create SrUSN1 and processes that enlarge the space for other sectors of society f0 ParuEiPM the affairs of government, This space, considered by some sociologists and scholars as the “Public sphere,” marks the essence of democracy. Jurgen Habermas, a st006 proponent422 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL of democracy, labels his conception as “discursive democracy,” built around the ideal of a self-organizing community of free and equal citizens who use common reason to coordinate their collective affairs (Habermas, 1996, p. 7, as cited in Cohen, 1999), AAs espoused by Habermas, the public sphere is a space where people come together as citizens articulating private and independent views that are meant in a way to influence policymaking institutions. According to Habermas, it is a space between the state and society, a “network for communicating information and points of view” (Habermas, 1996, p. 360). As a spatial concept as well as a collective body by a public process, Negt and Kluge (1993) maintained the concept of a counter public, such as a public sphere for the proletariat, as a radical opposition to the dominant bourgeois public sphere espoused by Habermas. Habermas’ (1962/1989) early work, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, forebode his concern for argumentation and the institutionalization of aspects of communicative action in the political and social spheres. In a way, the focus of Habermas’ work on foundations of democracy led to his work on The Theory of Communicative Action (Habermas, 1984). He theorized that greater democratization and the reduction of barriers to participation in public discourse could unleash more open forms of social action Other scholars who reflected on Habermas’ concept of the public sphere focused on the information materiality dimension. Castells (2008) pointed out the importance of decision making in democracy when he defined the public sphere as the “space of communication of ideas and projects that emerge from society and are addressed to the decision makers in the institutions of society” (p. 78). He considers civil society as the organized expression of views of society and asserts that civil society’s relationship with the state forms the backbone of democracy. Furthermore, Hardt and Negri (2009) introduced the concept of the “commons” and suggested that this become the focal point of analyses of public relations as it allows an analysis of how the public and the private sector evolve distinctively. ‘The important role of institutions in preventing discrimination among citizens is highlighted by Catherine Neveu (2003) in her article “Gaining Access to the Public Sphere,” as she recounts the struggle some youth populations in Roubaix, France, have to go through in gaining general recognition and acceptance in their collective modes of belonging within the French society (p. 122). One of the central socio-political issues Neveu mentions regarding Roubaix, France, and probably French society as a whole, is how to reorganize a public sphere, especially examining the way some groups have been socially and institutionally categorized. Neveu argues that fundamental rethinking of the relationship between the state and the voluntary sector in France and the difficulties of organizing olen expression and action within the public sphere render access to the public cies eral i 121) Gaining access to the public sphere therefore remains a aera 7g toto political actors. In addition to Neveu’s ere an luge (1993) on the proletariat public SS een Perspectives on the public sphere portray the In gaining access to the mainstream public sphere, and Lister’s (2003) challenges faced by fractic sphere. Considering the above theoretical and emy sphere or space therefore is adopted as lens t Volunteer and Citizenship Program for LGUs pirical frameworks, the concept of public ‘© explain the conceptual framework of the and treating this public space as a possibleVOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PRO GRAM FOR LocaL GOVERNMENT UNITS 423 zene sable for fate comparative ares on histo angen {vcP) impact on public service delivery, citizenship promotion, and comma nen YP common good tha binds people together fora common action, nt ier paper adopts Van Gunsteren’s theory of citizenship as guide in pa 7 enor nor of tere republican, as this paper sometimes refers the framework and design of a mechanism to narrow the gap between Si a aon ae vl soy in he Philippines through volunteer The asm pion aime country has a democratic setting wit exigencies in its development are dar Coming vibrant civil society that, though comprising a meager portion ofthe wa por force, is feported to have produced a high rate of volunteers. Keepingin mind toa rcept ofthe public sphere where public administration and civil society meet and ir sein discourse, the VCP’ experiences wil hopefully also contibute othe body of Knowledge on an evolving concept of public sphere in this context. Theories on Citizenship “TH, Marshall’s “Citizenship and Social Class” (1950) is a classic essay where the three types of citizenship that evolved over the last three centuries are distinguished: dil Giizenship, which emphasizes the rights to individual freedom, such as property rights; politcal citizenship, which encompasses the right to participate in political affairs and power, ‘and socal tizenship whitch entails citizen’s economic and social security, especially manifested in the welfare state that developed in Western Europe. Participation is the key concept in Marshalls definition of citizenship. While Marshall considers social citizenship as the final stage, Van Steenbergen (1994a) does not. The latter emphasizes that citizenship does not only concern itself with rights and entitlements, but asserts that citizens also have duties, obligations, and responsibilities (Van Steenbergen, 1994a, p. 146). Van Steenbergen stressed that “citizenship is an office, which requires commitment on the citizen for the community” and coins the notion of global ecological citizenship. This type of citizenship according to Van Steenbergen is based on the concepts of “control” and “care.” According to him, control is the concept of the global citizen as the “environmental manager,” who regards the planet earth as a breeding ground, as habitat, and as lifeworld, which requires “care” from the citizen. This type of citizen is what Van Steenbergen calls the “earth citizen” (1994b, p. 150). In the early to late 1980s, citizenship became a significant political agenda, both in the West and in the East. In 1985, the late Nelson Mandela became leader of South Aftica, utile also the late Corazon Aquino was catapulted to power in the Philippines through @ People’s revolution in 1986, ‘The nonviolent accessions to office of both personalities demonstrated the conquest of public space, backed by larger movements of people refusing ‘© cooperate with unjust and repressive systems. According to scholars, the ate 1980s a 4 period of varying reactions towards crumbling hierarchies: 0n€ Focusing more on # e eid, while at the same time pulling energies towards rele eee Fee ont Gunsteren (1998), it was during this period when rare Ee eet I imstblished in their actual ordering and disciplining capacities; Po co politics amorance as a source of order. In Van Gunsterens opinion, Peo? S eodiee male a laws only when they saw the benefits for themsel ves Heo Commitments to religious sects, idealistic movements, or interest 8)424 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL In the Philippines, the crumbling of authoritarianism highlighted in 1986 seemed follow the same trajectory of weakening state control and the consequent mushrooming of nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and other voluntary groups. The increase a NGOs became more pronounced immediately following the EDSA revolution in 1986 The year 1986 was the pinnacle of people’s civil disobedience to President Marcos, the dictatorial political leader during that time, who was ousted by the people. Led by the middle class, people took their mounting protest of the dictatorship—ignited by the infamous fraudulent 1986 snap election—to the streets. Some citizens went into spiritual retreats before joining the historic putsch, dubbed the EDSA People Power. The Church ‘was in fact one nongovernment entity that was actively searching for truth towards good government during that time. While globally, political authorities tried to restote hierarchical order by appealing to morality, community, and nation, Van Gunsteren in his Theory of Citizenship (1998) thinks that among those who listen, a few perceive such appeals by political authorities as “empty thetoric referring to an order that no longer exists” (p. 16). The concept of citizenship around the world actually became more appealing from the 1980s onwards as it values the individual and takes it as center point for public order. Van Gunsteren contended that when put in the context of the individual, other institutions in the hierarchy can be reestablished together with their connections with interest groups, sects, and calculating individuals. He argued that cohesion and community can form and be reformed using the citizen as axis or source of alignment. In reflecting on the once swift and massive rise and exuberance of NGOs in the Philippines in the mid-1980s during the country’s journey to redemocratization, and later, these organizations’ seemingly decelerated prominence in the last decade or so, one begins to wonder whether citizens have lost faith and interest in their government and its institutions, ‘or whether they have in general waned in their passion for service. Many individuals who contemplate on migrating outside the country have asked, where is our country heading amidst the seemingly tumultuous manner of governance in the country in the last decade or so? We note a new wave of activism among the citizens in recent years. Once again citizen action has taken to the streets in 2013 to denounce wrongdoings in government, such as the resounding abhorrence to the reported abuse of lawmakers’ Priority Development Assistance Fund. More recently, citizens’ acts of concern for victims of. natural calamities in the country, especially the major earthquake and the monstrous Typhoon Haiyan that struck Central Philippines in the same year, have been widespread. These movements show that volunteerism in the country is indeed alive. To a certain extent, these actions have initiated reforms in government systems and policies, however limited. Following Van Gunsteren’s argument, citizenship is treated as a crucial source of restoring order—an institution that can work only as part of a network of institutions. According to him, citizenship is “a public institution that needs not only personal enthusiasm but also other institutions in order to function” (Van Gunsteren, 1998, p. 16). Itis important to underscore this symbiosis of relations among different institutions with the citizen as the core, toeing the lines of Gunsteren’s new republicanism. Serena Diokno (1997), a professor from the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines, in support of the Philippine Democracy Agenda of the Third World Studies Center, conducted a study on “Democracy and Citizenship in Filipino Political Culture,” focusing on civil society as the “arena of Philippine democracy, an author of democratic ideas and approaches, and a principal actor in the implementationVOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGR) ‘AM FOR LOCAL Gi ‘OVERNMENT UNITS 425 tic strategies” (p. 2). The Philippine Democracy ct rem el ee re at other "matters of collective concern. This paper recognizes the following major with each ire ahe arena thats civil society, as presented by Diokno and her team alse fend “ rupation of volunteers for the VCP of the LGA: NGOs (private initiates ohn 2a elf taining, advocacy, research, and other services to other grou ed Frganizations (POS, representing group interests); religious institutions; cares ore; polical and social movements and partes; and basic communities (rceine families and clans) (Diokno, 1997, pp. 13-14). e Ruth Lister 2003, pp. 195-196) as mentioned earlier, offers a feminist perspective of ciazenship, stressing on “status,” which means that citizenship carries with it social and reproductive rights, as well as “practice,” which implies participation of women even in informal politics. Lister’s notion of citizenship emphasizes obligations and responsibilities fs well as involves inclusiveness, implying a multi-layered feminist reconstruction of siizenship to address tendencies of exclusion when reckoning the concept of citizenship. Weaknesses of Liberalism, Communitarianism, and Republicanism Inoffering a theory of citizenship thats significant to contemporary societies, Van Gunsteren examines the assumptions and weaknesses of classical theories. The theories of citizenship he mentions are generally derived from the prominent theories of liberalism, communitarianism, and republicanism. Their strengths, according to Van Gunsteren, have waned since the late 1980s. He believes that based on the assumptions these theories hold regarding citizenship, social order is difficult to achieve due to new political and social realities. In hberaligm, the citizen is viewed as a cunning or calculating individual with preferences and rights. This theory, in the analysis of Van Gunsteren, runs the risk that people will destroy each other through individualistic tendencies as itis presupposed that the individual isinclined towards selfish interest, maximizing the private benefit s/he derives from his/ her engagement of political institutions. In practical terms, this implies that when resources become more precious and few, as in land and water, and even air in urban areas, it is difficult for government to make citizens responsibly obey state laws governing the cavironment since each individual will look after his/her own survival, clinging 0 his/ her individual rights. Nor does the theory of the individual citizen eliminate the dilemma of conflicting individual moralities, Van Gunsteren poses, especially when ethical choices must be made by public servants. oe hing tllowing the theory of ommunitarianism, being a citizen entails belonging’ X ‘torically developed community, ‘The citizen is assumed to act responsibly when Of says wi ov nsteren YS within the bounds of what is acceptable to the community: However, Van Gunster Points out that j ty may not be presents 1s of memberships. * ; able oot ldensifjing oneself in a single community in such areas my a we Spoey aicious. However, not only is there fallacy in searching (Ore ome of tea Sed in the communitarian theory of citizenship; there is some SS TT pis Ottanic communities may tend to impose restrictions on individual426 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL attitude is especially dangerous when embraced by communitarian states, neglecting the latter's function of protecting citizens against the throttlchold of communities, according to Van Gunsteren. Republicanism takes off from communitarian thinking, A single community—the public community—is placed at the center of political life. This theory upholds the republican virtues of courage, devotion, military discipline, and statesmanship. Individuals can find falfillment and take their place in history by serving the community. Van Gunsteren cites ‘Arendt (1965) that this is probably where individuals find fulfillment and the likelihood of “public happiness” (Van Gunsteren, 1998, p. 21). Republicanism though has tendencies to view community as one and absolute, disregarding or showing little appreciation for the diversity of other communities. Considering the above weaknesses of old citizenship theories, Van Gunsteren espouses a movement that builds on classical republicanism, but which reflects realities of modern complexities, as an alternative to viewing citizenship. This is a trajectory which this paper pursues as it explores a praxis for expounding on the new theory in the search for ways that promote citizenship and voluntary action amidst the complexities of shifting boundaries of governance and institutional relations while responding urgently to local poverty issues. Organizing Plurality in Contemporary Democracies: Neorepublicanism In the olden times, citizenship in the classical Greek city-state meant the privileged status of the ruling group of the city-state. In the modern democratic state, the basis of citizenship js the capacity to participate in the exercise of political power through the electoral process. Today, national citizenship extends across society. Contemporary society is described by Van Gunsteren (1998) as “The Unknown Society” (p. 36), where important matters are determined neither by established communities (communitarianism) nor by predictably calculating individuals (libertarianism), nor solely by the public community or the republic (republicanism). These actors still exist, but they play varied roles. There are weaknesses in the old theories of citizenship wherein the sumptions on social relations and motivations by individuals no longer hold true. For one, in contemporary society, a variety of communities abound, where even the government has lost its established place and the state has become only one source of power with blurred boundaries. This shifting of spheres of governance has important implications to us Filipinos. First, political and social identities have become unstable. But while Van Gunsteren talks about this imbalance, which can be unsettling, it may also be a source of growth that can transform institutions and restore order in our country when individuals in the institutions act as good citizens and transcend their selfish motives by rediscovering the benefits of pakikipagkapwa in order to achieve the common good. This realization of a communal spirit enables different parties to complete tasks at hand that otherwise individually they may not be able to accomplish. Second and pertinent to public administration, public planning has become more difficult to manage because of the blurring of boundaties between and among institutions. Van Gunsteren’s (1998) theory of a new republicanism or neorepublicanism has three organizing elements: the public realm, organizing plurality, and action. He highlights ¢ following points: —_Publig realm. Citizens occupy a public realm and citizenship is considered as an institution or an office in the republic. Therefore, every citizen has a right to exercise thisVOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FoR Loca overt MENT UNITS 427 has equal political standing with other citizens Polit and office pent of citizenship. segs condona, uirement of iP since political equality is a requirement, government should the ais space where individuals can exercise their citizenship on equ; Tefore act to provide ee al footing with other a Organizing plurality. Plarality in Van Gunsteren’s theo diversities among people who share a community of fate, pee ound to “bump into each other” cannot spoid ba gtaaton whee People “iterences Its the supreme duty of the citizen, he says, to transform a von mee fae ino a republic that can be “willed by all those who ate involved” and so that cach sndividual “acquires a position of equality from which his actual voice ean be raised and his choice be revealed” (Van Gunsteren, 1998, pp. 26~27). To do so, the competence of citizens is important, or the ability, creativity, and sound judgment, to manage differences, tna narrow sense, the goal of citizenship for Van Gunsteren is political equality, though citizenship is nevertheless applied more widely to all public activities. . Van Gunsteren (1998, p. 151) cites Walzer in his 1997 study where the latter was said tohave “translated” insights on toleration to other regimes like multinational empires, the international society, and immigrant societies. The idea is that the citizens are able to settle their differences by being tolerant of others who are different. The citizen should be willing and should have an ability to start changing relations between people for the good of all involved by making better sense of contemporary complexities. In other words, citizens must act so as to reproduce citizenship. The above implies that the more voices, the mote possibility of conflict. However, the more conflict, the more opportunity will there also be for growth and transformation such that citizens transcend their selfish interests for the common good. Citizens acquire skills to become better negotiators and more sensible players who will want a better world and who will pursue the common good. Human beings rise above themselves when they know how to master themselves. For public administration, this means providing 2 public forum where citizens can express their individuality by taking part in political affairs, sharing whatever they can offer, and negotiating their interests but where the government can interfere when the common good is difficult to define. In other words, public administration provides the guideposts and the rules of the game thar citizens agree to follow. Action, Neorepublican citizens focus on the actual exercise of theircizenshi, hats the condition for citizenship is its actual exercise. What counts whether people eel ‘0 engender citizenship. New republicanism’s goal in Van Gunsteren’s eee 7 Reais ‘quality, applied to all public activities. The practice of citizenship according (1988) contributes to the “public good.” sot ‘Van Gunsteren emphasizes that there can me mana attribute of people, he says, but @ publ a (1osp, MtOush education and earning capacity oF OWT ) conception of socioeconomic security and social ri8 re Ss8ence of citizenship in neorepublicanism lies in i pul Citizens and not in the socioeconomic aspect OF WORK ongoing pa 4 rsublicanism is suengthened and most eect ern neat’ Stzens in the public sphere, however IMPETTT rence and Publicanism gives premium on improving © ry Of neorepublicanism refers hout access to it. Itis ‘ific conditions of d to T. Marshall's be no citizenship wit lic status with speci hip. As oppose ts as the core bilic realm, when people 4428 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL Tepertoire of those who have already begun to exercise citizenship. It considers the exerci Of citizenship in other diverse forms of public functions. Actual exercise of citizenship ig emphasized by Van Gunsteren, inspired by Ludwig Wittgenstein (1958, as cited in Van Gunsteren, 1998, p. 30), who insisted that concepts should not be thought of as abstract but should be studied as parts of ongoing practices. On this account, Van Gunsteren, contends that common elements of the practice can only be fully appreciated if studied in various morphologies and uses and studied locally. Social Capital and Citizenship Since local organizations are usually founded around common interests, identities, and communities by homogenous groups, it is safe to assume that social capital, defined by Coleman (1990) and Putnam (1993) as values, norms, and networks, is a natural by-product of these local organizations. Many studies have been documented to show that building social capital through increased participative structures resulted in increased efficacy, in turn increasing participation, Some of these studies worldwide are documented (as first case study) in the research on social capital formation in peace and development initiatives in selected conflict areas in the Philippines by Diola (2009) using grounded theory as analytical procedure. However, there may be differences in groups’ and networks’ ability to accumulate social capital and to convert such capital to political as well as civic action. It is possible that local power structures and intermediary organizations, such as NGOs, the Church, foundations, and other professional organizations, can facilitate or influence how local associations can organize themselves, set their agendas, and engage in social or political action, as was found in Diola’s (2009) study. At the same time, local programs by government that encourage participation increase trust and access by lo associations to whatever resources and services are available. Social capital is a reso therefore that could be tapped by local associations to develop trust and norms amot themselves and engage in local action. LEGAL CONTEXT: REVIEW OF LAWS GOVERNING CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIO! AND VOLUNTEERISM IN DEVELOPMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES? We have pointed out the multidimensionality of government-civil society relations eat As regards the political dimension of such relations in the Philippines, a cursory review! laws governing civil society reveals thatthe enabling mechanism for civil society participati in political affairs has already been ensured with the enactment of quite a number ofl and policies. Special emphasis is given to the enactment of the 1987 Philippine Constitu after more than a decade of an authoritarian rule. The 1987 Philippine Constitution is repul to be among the first, if not the first, ofits kind in the world to recognize NGOs POs as partners in development. The Philippine Constitution has explicit provisions defining NGOs and POs and their roles in society. The tole of the NGOs and POs ( U1, Sec. 23) and cooperatives (Art. XII, Sec. 1) as partners in development and in promot the welfare of the nation is institutionalized in articles of the Constitution. This docu encourages the right of the people and their organizations to effective and reasons participation at all evels of social, political, and economic decision making (Art. XITL 16).VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FOR LOCAL GOVERN IMENT UNITS 429 ational and Local Laws for People’s Participation in Development a favorable environment the Philippine Constitutios a ie avr view of other enabling mechanisins for elaine smnizason over ae SHOW: see the Philippine government has been generally supportive ep pareiatin in development The fist Philippine Corpraton tay which of ed ol private philanthropy, was pase in 1906, Likewise, Baar Pama 68 encased the Corporation Code of he Philippines expicily recognized the operation wise ous corporations, colleges and other educational institutions as non-stoek or porations ec. 88) / 1 1964, the Philippine National Volunteer Service Coordinating Agency (PNVSCA) gr ewated asa committee to concretize the Philippine Government’ commitment to the “eernent reached during the International Middle Level Manpower Conference hel in sero Rico in 1962 adopting volunteerism asa tool for socioeconomic development. The PNVSCA became an office in 1973 and then an agency on 12 December 1980 through ewe Onder 635. It is the government agency mandated to promote and coordinate ‘olunteer programs and services in the Philippines under the administrative supervision “F the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA). It works closely with vther government agencies, NGOs, the academe, the corporate group, the media, and vther partners in converging and linking the different volunteering efforts and resources eo that they are aligned with national priorities and assist especially the marginalized sectors and communities. The PNVSCA takes the lead in advocating and recognizing the contibutions of volunteers to nation-building and international cooperation. ty and voluntary NGO Participation Mandated in Poverty Alleviation There are other legislations that provide the legal basis for the various types of NGOs recognized in the Philippines. The Social Reform Agenda (SRA) instituted in September 1994 during the presidency of Fidel V, Ramos, through consultations between government and basic sectors, formed part of the Updates of the Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan of 1996~1998., In 1997, the Social Reform and Poverty Alleviation Actinstitutionalized the basic sectoral and NGO participation in effective planning, decision making, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of the SRA at all levels (ec. 5). Basic sector ‘epresentatives are included in the National Anti-Poverty Commission. Mandating NGOs as Channels for Sectoral Agendas Thete are also laws which contain significant provisions in fostering CSOs. Such laws sre Benerally seen as postive potty instruments for pushing, sectoral agendas and strengthening nonprofit sector in the Philippines, particularly in program formulation and delivery. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of 1988 recognized NGOS, farmers’ organlai-oos worbetatves, and rural workers’ associations for both their uzaiional service delivery a 4s public interest groups. The government recognizes the right of a es : Norkers and landowners, as well as cooperatives and other independent frmers a Stations, to participate inthe planning, organization, and management progam and oe Provide support to agriculture through appropriate technology lequate financial, production, marketing and other support services Gee. 2).430 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL In the realm of housing, NGO participation is also fostered. The role of housing is ecognized as a catalyst of economic growth and development. Many LGUs have created Jocal housing boards. People’s participation is encouraged under the Urban Development and Housing Act of 1992 wherein they are provided an opportunity to be heard and to participate in the decision-making process (Sec. 2c). The Home Guaranty Corporation Ae of 2000 declared the policy of the State to undertake, in cooperation with the private sector, a continuin nationwide housing program that will make available decent housing at affordable cost. ‘The government shall increase the private sectots’ participation in the investment of their funds into the mainstream of housing finance for developmental and end-user financing requirements (Art. 4). Legislation towards Empowerment of Other Citizens Groups Other forms of citizen empowerment in the country ate through the promotion of cooperatives. The Cooperative Code of the Philippines of 1990 declared as policy to foster the creation and growth of cooperatives as a practical vehicle for promoting self-reliance and hamessing people power towards the attainment of economic development and social justice (ec. 2). A cooperative is a duly registered association of persons, with a common bond of interest, who have voluntarily joined together to achieve a lawful common social or economic end (Sec. 3). In the furtherance of this Code, the law creating the Cooperative Development Authority was passed to promote the growth and expansion of cooperatives as.a major and indispensable component of national development plans. For a strengthened ‘and more comprehensive law on the promotion and development of the country’s cooperatives, a new law, the Philippine Cosperative Code of 2008 was enacted. Under this new Code, cooperatives are expected to play important roles in the country’s social justice and sustanable economic development programs and as partners of government (Art. 2) Volunteerism: Legislation and Policy Statements “Memorandum Order 45, mandating all government agencies to implement the Bayanihang Bayan Program, was signed in December 2001. The Program is concretized in all government agencies and instrumentalities through the setting up of Bayanihang Bayan desks. Likewise, the efforts to establish a legislative framework to harness the rich and diverse voluntary initiatives among various sectors into an effective and integrative partnership and channeling the energies of the voluntary sector in support of national development were institutionalized through R44 9418 or the Volunteer Act of 2007. Itis an ‘Act Institutionalizing a Strategy for Rural Development, Strengthening Volunteerism and for Other Purposes. The passage of R41 9418 on 10 April 2007 marked a major milestone in the history of volunteerism in the Philippines. Republic Ad 9418 defines volunteerism as: an act involving a wide range of activities, including traditional forms of mutual aid and developmental interventions that provides an enabling and empowering environment both on the part of the volunteer rendering the act, undertaken for reasons arising from socio-developmental, business or corporate orientation, commitment or conviction for the attainment of the public good and where monetary and other incentives or reward are not the primary motivating favors. (Sec. 4a)VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FOR LOCAL Goves RNMENT UNITS 431 FRA 9418 is th oe ee th eriona en rating ofa Road Map fo Voluntary Sector in the Philippines, with regional as well as sectoral consulta ip for jl ne Rod ey instrument is the Philippine Disaster Risk R “ Azote et of 2010, which mandates CSOs, the pate sector, and LGUs ton and sagen Gyganize voluntce in the delivery of disaster sk reduction pr ee i go, Exe Orde 468 was issued in 2005, which provided fo the revalissgos sco olunteer Probation Aide Program of the Parole and Probation Administration. ge recent landmark policy is the Phillpine Derdopment Plan 2011-2016 (NEDA putt, which specified volunteerism as a cross-cutting strategy in pursuing the vision of ani geowh and Pres. Benigno Aquino IITs vision of « Socal Contact with the Filipino people. Specifically, Chapter 8 on Social Development of the PDP provides that: ‘Te goveenment shall reinforce the practice of volunteerism in the delivery of social cijees, provision of technical assistance, responding to disasters and undertaking humanitarian efforts, especially in remote and unserved areas. The sector shall mobilize amajents, expertise, time and energies of volunteers from the academe, NGOs and fovernment and foreign volunteer Organizations. (p. 262) Following suit, a number of Regional Development Plans (2011~2016) in the country have specified volunteerism in their policy statements and strategies, specifically in the Gupters on good governance and the rule of law; peace and order, sustaining development, tducation and youth empowerment, and social protection. Furthermore, on 10 January 2011, President Aquino issued Proclamation 92, “Declaring Yer 2011 as the 10" Anniversary Celebration of the International Year of Volunteers {YV#10) in the Philippines, in support of the Global Theme, ‘Volunteering for the MDGs” This Proclamation encourages greater voluntary pasticipation and active commitment from the public, private, business, and civil society sectors to promote volunteetism for the MDGs including peace and development in the country. Also, the House of Representatives issued on 11 October 2011 Resaltion 83 expressing the appreciation for the role of volunteers in nation-building and supporting IYV+ 10. Meanwhile, House Resoltion 1725uwas passed by the 15# Congress of the Republic of the Philippines directing the Special Committee on MDGs to conduct an inquiry in aid of legislation, on the status of the implementation of the Volunteer Act, and on the various ‘olunterism efforts undertaken by national government agencies, LGUs, and other takcholders with special focus on the achievement of the eight MDGs.* This last Reselution behooves the rationalization of a Volunteer Developme! *ogram for LGUs as a response to the call for reporting on the status of the Volunteer At implementatios will ho mn, focusing on the MDGs. This proposed Volunteer and Citizenship oe vind Aly also serve the goal of mandating LGUs to harness the voluntary levelopment, with special focus on the attainment of the MDGS ig Famrikevise, volunteerism has been included in the United Nation: Deneopment Assi ‘work for the Philippines 2012-2018 as a strategy in supporns inclusive, sustaina0' and reg tsilient development.432 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL Safeguarding Democratic Spaces at the Local Level ‘The return to democracy of the Philippine government after the nonviolent people power revolution of 1986 further opened up democratic spaces at the lower echelons of government. To advance the Philippine Constitution's aims of people empowerment and Citizen’s participation in local government, the passage of the Local Government Cade of 1991 farther highlighted the role of NGOs at the local level and provided for NGO/PO participation in local special bodies, development projects, sectoral representation, and local legislative bodies. Under the Code, at least one-fourth of the seats of the Local Development Council (LDO) are allocated for civil society or the private sector (Sec. 107). The Code mandates the creation of special bodies, which are the Local Pre- qualification Bids and Awards Committee (Sec. 37), the Local Health Board (Sec. 102), the Local School Board (Sec. 98), and the Local Peace and Order Council (Sec. 116). ‘At the moment, the only formal mechanism for people’s participation in local governments’ development activities is through the local special bodies. ‘A past study by the DILG in collaboration with the Urban Resources and the Evelio B. Javier Foundation Inc. on people’s participation in the LDCs in 2001 showed the following general agreements between nongovernment and government participants of the study on the assessment of people's participation in LDCs: «There is widespread desire for both LGUs and NGOs to cooperate in LDC activities; Both groups wish to work together in planning, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of development projects that would lead to improved local conditions; There is a genuine desire among the majority of both bodies to expand the role of LDC activities and to share responsibility in dealing with new issues; and Inmost provinces and urban areas, there sa high degree of mutual respect of NGO members for LGU personnel and vice-versa. However, the general areas of concern identified by the 2001 DILG research as requiring attention to achieve the full potential of people’s participation in the LDCs are as follows: Dissemination of information, both about the LDC as an institution and about its activities, powers, and procedures; Improving the possibility for people’s participation in local government decision making by increasing the proportion of functional LDCs; Improvements on the method by which members are appointed; + A consideration of the issue of size of the LDC; ~The relationship between the LDC and the Sanggunian (local councils); and ‘The problem of political interference, ‘The strengths mentioned above augur for a more dynamic relationship and readiness and willingness on the part of both the government and civil society organizations should new joint undertakings between the LDC and civil society groups be evolved. However, the report also cautions us on a critical factor that may impede an expansion of people's participation in the local development councils—political interference.VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FoR Local Gover INMENT UNITS 433, youunTEERISM AND CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS the nongovernment sector in the Philippines has been vi Bae SCE 8 Johns Hopkins comparative study on the no Sows & List 2003) ies shown that the Philippines had one of the lowest na Seis workforce 10 its abor force among the 35 countries studied by the Umvogee 5 2003 While the figures need updating, in fact, the study showed that the Philiy a inanked at the bottom percentile (1.9%) in terms of the cil society organisadon bat ore’ share in the economically active population (or in the Philippine statistics ‘his wnt be equated to the labor force). The highest rate of civil society to workforce pepuladon ratio went to the Netherlands with about 144 % of its active population Pking in CSOs in 2003. ‘This is not to say that the Philippines lacks its share of helping hands. Quite on the contrary, while the country had a relatively lower ratio of civil society workforce to the tedve population, the country ranked third in the number of volunteers in their CSOs tong the 35 countries studied by Salamon etal. in 2003, with 63.8% reliance on volunteers sworkforce in CSOs. The Philippines followed Sweden, the top country with the greatest share (75.9%) of volunteer workforce in CSOs, and Tanzania, the second country in terms of share (75.2%) of volunteers in its civil society workforce. Salamon and his team explained in their 2003 study that many of these countries have strong traditions of familial, clan, or village networks that perform many of the same functions as civil society institutions. We see the same kind of situation in the Philippines of having strong-knit families and the presence of village community associations. iewed as a vibrant Sector aver 3 profit sector (Salamon, Cultural Dimension of Civil Society-Public Administration Relations The positive report above may not come as a surprise. The cultural dimension of civil socity-public administration relations is worth exploring as a possible wellspring of volunteerism in the country, In their Country Report on the State of Volunteerism in the Philipines (2001-2011), the Philippine National Volunteer Service Coordinating Agency PNVSCA), the government's main coordinating agency for volunteerism in the country listed a number of Filipino nurturing values inherent in our culture, which may explain the preponderance of volunteers in the country as reported by Johns Hopkins Universics Among these values are bayanihan (volunteerism), pagttulimgan (pelping one another), >akiipapkapna (self in elation to others), Ausang-loob(ititive), kapatiran (oeothertood), ‘ama-sama all together), pakikiramay (sympathy), buseal sa loob (Glowing from the bottom of one’s heart), among others. — Dalsay 2004) has ikewise extensively reviewed te soos of volunteering ia PhP culture and society in her study. Dalisay and her colleagues traced the roots of voluneesing in Philippine culture and society, and their study extensively examined and 0" Pyppit® the cultural dimensions and expressions of volunteering, especialy of Pa re a Re Filipino personhood), /aob (inside or inner self and wii) a a m3 ‘apa (shared identity ot shared inner self), a | pakikipagkapm rs who are treated as fellow human beings). a thigh tle Volunteerism in the country has been legislated, some arate fore = com, this is merely formalizing what is already entrenched in the a oaeeris i Passionate and always ready to help. Providing the venue for this434 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL government will therefore most likely unleash a major potential for a more humane and sustained development work for the poor. STATUS OF CSO CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEVELOPMENT Yet, with the existence of enabling mechanisms for CSOs, such as NGOs and POs, and the presence of helping hands through volunteers, the overall contribution of CSOs to development may be difficult to measure at the moment. Do CSOs contribute significantly to development? If so, what has been the impact of their work on the beneficiaries or to development as a whole in the country? One parameter for evaluating the extent of civil society engagement with government and their contribution to the economy and development as a whole could be their impact on poverty alleviation in the country, considering the urgency of speeding up MDG achievements in the country and considering further that a quarter of the population are considered poor (25.2 % of the population in 2012) according to statistics of the National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB). The bleak poverty situation in the country would merit the involvement of other sectors of society. The NCSB particularly notes in 2009 the sorry poverty rates for basic sectors in the country, i.e, women, youth, children, farmers, fisherfolk, poor self-employed and unpaid workers, migrant workers, unemployed population, and the like), which illustrates indeed the need for government to tap more aggressively additional human resources outside the government sector, i.c., the civil society, to further promote volunteerism for development work. Important to recognize is the NSCB as one government agency that has attempted to measure contributions of the nonprofit sector to the economy. As the highest policymaking body on statistical matters in the country, the NSCB lays the groundwork for a system of generating information on volunteerism, according to NSCB's former secretary-general (Virola & Reyes, 2010). In 2008, the NSCB undertook a collaborative project with Johns Hopkins University on the measurement of the economic contribution of nonprofit institutions and volunteer work in the Philippine economy. The project aimed to formulate a statistical framework for measuring the contribution of volunteer work via a satellite ‘account on nonprofit institutions within the context of the Philippine System of National Accounts. ‘Although it is not the object of this paper to assess the impact of CSOs on development, itis noteworthy to point out that their contribution to state and society has been extensively studied by the Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy (CLCD) of the University of the Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance (UP NCPAG) as part of the Johns Hopkins Center for Nonprofit Sector Project (CNSP). Carifio and Gaffud (2007) studied nine nonprofit organizations and their contribution to state and society as an attempt to assess the impact of nonprofit organizations and volunteers. Their study offered a glimpse of the complexity of civil society activities and the impact of their contribution to society. Catifio and Gaffud (2007) identified contributions of the nonprofit sector and civil society to the Philippine economy, politics, and society in five impact areas as follows: services, innovation, advocacy of causes and social change, leadership development, and community building, and democratization. ‘Also, the study by Dalisay (2004) has specifically affirmed the significant contribution of Filipino volunteers to nation-building and development, although no actual measures were indicated (p. 45).VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FOR LOCAL Gove RNMENT UNITS 435 similarly, jin a recent publication by the Civil Society Research Inst vg contributions to the economy were cited.* Strengths of CSO. to ae tit contributions to society Taafo 2011) ces kl ee ibution by civil society sector to Philippine society is the i wwe political, economic, and social norms and value: stitute (SRN), civil 's Mentioned in the Alegre (1996) thata a institutionalization of 1d s. In fact, Tua ped ar popular sclopes and atchwords suchas "pope ee op : ‘eelopment,” and “women’s empowerment,” coe CSRT pots out that measuring actual impact and outcomes ofthe wore ews for many NGOS. Toafio (2011, p. 23) further cites studies (Abella & Dimalane,, wa aa, 200; Cari & Gaffod, 2002; Gonzales; 2005 that mention NGOs "weak 2m ping srctral measuest0 measure performance and impact of the polis inept with no sfotematcassessment/audit ofthe changes inthe welfe of thei aad pries brought about by the programs and projects that they implement.” Based on bervjews, none of the studies mentioned above have prescribed clear yardsticks for an ing the impact of volunteer wosk on development, although qualitatively impact «f their work have been described. ‘This paper proposes to start exploring measures by which volunteerism and citizenship acion a the local level could be generated, increased, and assessed in terms of their sibution to poverty reduction through the Volunteer and Citizenship Program, aside fom probably adopting the five impact areas used by the Johns Hopkins CNSP and as spplied by UP NCPAG. An area that needs to be further assessed aside from the impact of CSOs on development is how the country’s public administration systems have nurtured an promoted the sustainable growth of civil society over the years, especially starting from their heyday in the so-called People Power era. Furthermore, how government has uilized the space for more formal citizen participation in the government’ several reform and development programs remain ambiguous. This is probably again because there are no clear prescribed indicators for measuring citizen participation and engagement, or because there has been no mandate at al for a sustainable national program on citizen participation ingovernment programs and projects. Again, this paper does not also dwell on measuring the way government has been supportive or nurturing of CSOs and volunteers’ growth. TR VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM FOR LGUs: ‘AXIS FOR NEOREPUBLICANISM ibeseateh for solutions to problems and in the attempt to organize different plies, me apkcontext for mutual action canbe a source of messing ‘As Var, Gursteen 1998 Howser te ints out, citizens take whatever is available as context in onder see cing: vat Gunsteren also cites Match and Olsen (1989) and Douglas (1 0 ohighliht and Cane OF institutions as providing patterns of and fr interactions The Von! bisa SP Program presented in this paper is designed taking stock ofthe COUNT Of eng Politea, social and cultural coatext. To review our eset accounts he prs ren legal structures, the councry’s inherent ‘caleural tendencies for volumes joe fa Pesially the urgency of the country’s current development challenges © to 08S that putinto context this paper’s motivation for Philippine public admins their strategies with regard to sustaining its engagement with civilsoce: ble adn nistray ‘Ors might need to be more dynamic in tapping the reported large436 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL volunteers in the country mentioned above as well as invoking the inherent tendencies for Filipinos to care for their apna or the other. For example, the probability of achieving the MDGs, as far as achieving universal ptimary education, reducing proportion of people who ate hungry, promoting gender and equality, improving maternal health and reversing the spread of HIV/AIDS in out country ate concerned, is still low (ce., the pace of progress is less than 0.5%) as of September 2012 (NSCB, 2012). These are areas where government can seek out the aid of helping hands by setting up volunteer desks in LGUs. The features of the newly launched VCP of the DILG ate described below and the elements of neorepublicanism are highlighted as guide in its operation.® Philosophy of the VCP Aside from enabling legal mechanisms for volunteerism in the country, the successes of academic volunteer programs in the country serve as guideposts for the VCP of local YCP is part of the third component of governments recently launched by the LGA. The the LGA’s “Vigilance to Volunteerism: A Program Intensifying People’s Engagement in Local Governance” or V2V PIPELOG. The model volunteer programs reviewed as basis for the VCP include the University of the Philippines’ Volunteer Program, the Usnayan ng Pabinungod: the Atenco de Manila’s volunteer programs; PNVSCA-managed volunteer programs; as well as other foreign volunteer programs in developed countries including the Philippines that have commitments to volunteerism, These volunteer programs have been spurred by the innate nurturing spirit of Filipinos in general. The following vision is crafted for the new Volunteer and Citizenship Program: To enable local governments to create more caring local communities bound together by a commitment to the empowerment of people, spurring innovativeness and competitiveness, and a selfless service to the nation. ‘The VCP is intended to bind the participants together in a common philosophy and set of principles with the following as overarching themes: First, adopting volunteerism as an approach and strategy must be an integral part of the mission of the institutions offering voluntary service, which promote the spirit of volunteerism. These organizations should also imbibe ideals of citizenship, which means taking one’s responsibility as a citizen of the country and living the values of cooperation, patriotism, hard work, respect for others, respect for the law and government, truth, freedom, love, equality, and peace (LGA, 2005). The management of the volunteer service program must in itself be consultative and democratic. Second, the VCP is geared towards skills development and competency, both at the level of the expert/volunteer and the development of the host organization/institution at the LGU level. Aside from learning new skills that are geared towards poverty alleviation and increase in incomes, the art of negotiation and settling of differences must be mastered by each volunteer or citizen who is willing to work with other citizens. Finally, volunteerism has to be viewed within the context of people’s empowerment and the pursuit of social transformation towards innovation and competitiveness. Volunteerism must help people help themselves because, in the end, it is they who will determine their future, >y «ot the WEP Program of the LGA/DILG VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGR, 1AM FOR LOCAL g OVERNMENT UNITS 43 7 pe sxatees 10 be adopted Dy the VCP is collaborating wih veeament worunrect organizations, and other countries which have cxsingpropen, weg eco of volunteering actives inthe Philippines nd witha whereas orth 10% Mindful ofthe existing Bayanihang Bayan Program for a tety the PNVSCA and its current need to promote the ae a coarijgUs (Es Sarmago, personal communication, October 10, 2012), the re som er to eae the rlaonship between lel governments ang members of sre society. According to its legal mandate, DILG Memorandum Circular (MC) 2013.27, see poses of the VCP att , 1 astute a policy framework that will guide the implementation of the VCP ‘of the LGA-DILG in support of the Volunter Ac of 2007; » Provide directions to implementing structures within the LGA, DILG ough the Local Governance Resource Centers (LGRC3) and LGUs; and 5, Contribute in enhancing the relationships and partnerships within the ‘voluntary and civil society sector with that of the local governments and other sectors of society. Managing the Activities of LGA’s VCP ‘The Voluntees and Citizenship Program (VCP) is managed by the LGA through its Local Government National Resource Centet. Based on MC 2013-27, managing the VCP shall dwell on the following main activities: Establishment of Volunteer Database Management. According to MC 2013-27, the VCP secks to set up a mechanism to establish and sustain a volunteer database management gystem built up from walk-in or online applications as well as coordination with the various volunteer networks, Capacity building. The Program will also provide competency-based capacity development interventions to LGA, DILG-LGNRC, and LGU focal persons to implement the various aspects of the VCP. Strategies of implementation at devised to ensure the conduct of capacity-building programs at the national and local levels. Information and education campaign. Information dissemination as well as educational campaigns is to be done mostly by using and developing both print and online materials, as well as other forms of media to ensure maxirmum exposure of the Program, Establishment of a Volunteer Help Desk. In each LGU 8 Volunteer and Citizenship as will be set up, which is now currently ongoing, and 2 ‘coordinator shall be in charge the VCP at the LGU level. The mechanics and requirements for the exablshment of ed by th ' h desk shall be incorporated in the Implementation Guidelines © be develop nd onttoring and implementation. ‘The VCP shall utilize Results Based Nowitonng TL ton System to gauge the effectiveness of the program alts ipa Axes roceses, services, and of course on the Benet ped sckag tats and recognition. An awards and reeogei® cyte hl roregpieate emplary LGUs and volunteers wo were able (0 mike 2 A With the meee Services provided through the VCP. This would be dos « PNVSCA of NEDA.438 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL Figure 1 (next page) shows the overall de the VCP under the management of the LGA’ Local Governane Center. __ To implement the VCP, the LGA throug! points at its regional provincial, and municipal Regional Resource Center (LGRRC) at the region: local VCD for the National Vol recognition and awards; with the Provincial VCD and to update the NVID; and with the NVID. The LGRRCs are responsible for trai sign and implementation framework of -¢ National Resource bh its LGNRC shall coordinate with focal /city nodes: with the Local Government al level to train trainers and monitor the Junteering Information Database (NVID) and for furure focal points to assist in setting up the Provincial ‘Municipal/City VCD for updating the ning of mentors and advocates of "VID at the Provincial Level, while the .d updating of the N the municipal/city VCDs in addition volunteerism and citizenship anc Provincial VCDs will be responsible for setting up to both training trainers and updating the NVID. The framework for the coordination between and among the local nodes is shown in Figure 1. all possible sources of The NVID is a consolidated databas| database from all possible sourc format for the d: ‘on the access and use of the datal ‘The capacity building or training activi depending on the level of capa and education campaign prograt evel of current awareness, ‘At the end of each year, awarding incentive to volunteers. ‘An easy-to-follow templat monitoring system, will be adop individuals/ institutions’ programs, responsible centers. The use of "Among the criteria for eval «+ Indicator of effectiveness. Quai volunteers fielded, number Qualitative me! holders. + Contribution to (local) developm 1s in their initial study on the economic contributions of volunteering indicator to development. latabase is to be established by knowledge and skills of the volunteers and pat ¢ management from es of data from different VCDs established. The standard the LGNRC and its partners. The protocols base shall also be set in place. ties of the VCDs may be done in phases, tners involved. Appropriate information hall also be conducted, according t0 the tners involved. city of the part ms or activities s ‘of the most outstanding volunteer shall be held as based on a results-based ted by the VCD. At the same time, a system for evaluating / projects/ individuals shall also be set up by the different score cards may be adopted. luating the success of the VCDs are the following: .¢ for monitoring and reporting, intitative measures may include: number of 1 of activities facilitated, and number of beneficiaries. asures could include testimonial of volunteers and project yent; can be measured initially using the NSCB’ + Impact on citizenship: measures whether volunteering has generated a berter sense of citizenship on the volunteers. political equality. Effect on political culture: measurements of provisions for fulfilling justice andVOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM F OR LOCAL GOVERN IMENT UNITS 439 ure 1. Implementation Framework of the Volunteerism and Citizenship Prograi m Figl DILG Creation (LGA-LGNRC) and Updating of NVID Monitoring and Recognition Program Partners raining of Trainers/Mentors NATIONAL REGIONAL seco Te —J Training of Trainers/Mentors Provincial PROVINCIAL veo (Ud Setting-up of VoDs Training of Trainers/Mentors (Ganvanaccel City/Municipa CITYMUNICIPAL, veo Sout Do ore Note vip. National Vok me /olunteering Information Database; VCO = ‘vacalCty Municipal Volunteerism and Citizenship Desk440 GOVERNANCE AT THE LOCAL LeveL ILLUSTRATING THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF NEOREPUBLICANISM IN THE VOLUNTEER AND CITIZENSHIP PROGRAM Elements of Features of the Vol Neorepublicanism Correspor iter and Citizenship Program(VcP) 19 to Neorepublicanism 1. Public Realm The VOP's vision as intended: “To enable local governments to create more caring local ‘communities bound together by a commitment to the empowerment of people, spurring innovativeness and competitiveness, and a selfless service to the nation.” ‘= The VCP is open to the public and not just to a select few. To ensure tis, the Program becomes a government-managed program. + The local government units (LGUs) manage and coordinate the Volunteer and Citzenship Desks (VCDs). giving more formal “public-ness” of the desk. Overall, LGADILG has the supervisory and accountability task forthe VCP. + The aims of the VCP are located in the public realm: 1. Institute @ policy framework that will quide the implementation of the VCP of the LGA-DILG in support of the Volunteer Act of 2007, 2. Provide directions to implementing structures within the LGA, DILG through the Local Governance Resource Centers (L6RCs) and LGUs; and 3. Contribute in enhancing the relationships and partnerships within the voluntary and civil society sector with that ofthe local governments and other sectors of society At the same time, the Volunteer Desks shall aim to provide a space for public dialogue and discussion, especially for problem-solving sessions on matters concerning local development issues that require the attention of volunteers in the area, ‘+ The National Volunteering Information Database is to be open to the public (could be posted in the website or maintained as a public record) to bring wider participation to the VCP. The announcements and advertisements on specific programs, projects, and activities that require volunteers and the lst of volunteers and other resources to be donated are also to be made public + The identification of priority programs, projects, and activites are derived from the list of priorities in the local government's development plan or ther local investment pan. + One ofthe main activities ofthe VCP isthe drafting of memoranda, policy circulars, and other legal instruments to facilitate the creation of the VCDs in each LGU, adopting the ‘Bayaninang Bayan Programs of the PNVSCA, and to ensure smooth implementation and coordination of local voluntary activities in partnership with LGUs. To this end, the DILG has already issued Memorandum Circular 2013-27 entitled “Volunteer and citizenship program” that has directed Provincial Governors, City Mayors, Municipal Mayors, and DILG Directors and others concerned to tap volunteers in different community service areas. 2. Organizing Plurality + There are three different types of programs offered by the VCDs to suit the various sectors of society who might have different interests and needs. This is anchored on the principle of Partnership. ‘The Volunteer Program is geared towards skills and competency development: both at the level ofthe expert/volunteer and the development of the host organization/insttution at the LGU level. Negotiation and mediation skills are also expected to be honed among the participants * Conduct of fora to discuss issues affecting volunteerism and citizen's involvement in local development activities, especially in acting as service delivery mechanisms in