CURRENT Lh AFFAIRS THE WO eS leaders m 4 'y July 27this representatives Sone 8! SA the every wowtrrgmpund the world ing mor th will meet jin London, En, and for talks to poorer Fr resolve the worldwide conomic crisis. 2 Wet interest rates, currency, dicts nothin things are A Refresher in Knowledge Revised, Updated, Second Edition wi Everything from tax, smpotlexpot agreements, deh commodity cages end private sector weallly abertne Heads of 9 from protest during this auspicious 5c their prioritie __ ject for discussion ids super powers. JWT Desk yathering of the wor for CSS, PMS... limate change & allother relevant exams Ly Also meets the needs of MCQs scycling really =arence or is Ambassador (R) i i eating |! Trfan-ur-R -ur-Rehman Raj; ja (6° CTP) 4 out by institues and he yoent weather phe- do tode eee naw ha noth- Nave? Scanned with CamScanner©ALLRIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by photostat, microfilm, or any other means, or incorporated into any information retrieval system, electronic or mechanical, without the Written permission of writer and publisher _infermation given in this book has been obtained by the publisher from qources believed to be reliable. However, because of the Possibility of human or mechanical errors on the part of the sources, publishes xe others, the publisher does not guarantee accuracy, adequacy or completences ofany information included in this work and is not responsible for any. coer, oF omissions or the results obtained from the use of such informerion Published by Adeel Niaz For suggestions and complaints please contact email: info@jworldtimes.com www,jbdpress.com Legal advisers: Chaudhary Riaz Akhtar (MA, LLB) Rana Shahzad Khalid (Advocate High Court) Title design: Usman Hassan Price Rs. 950/- JAHANGI ME Times | PUBLICATIONS RESEARCH IS THE KEY To Success Head Office : Quality Control Dept.| Lahore Outlet : * Ghazni Street, Urdu Bazaar | + 121-D, Gulberg I *2-Al-Kareem Market Lahore. Ph: 37314319 Lahore. Ph: 35757086 Urdu Bazaar, Ph:37220879 lahore : Jahangir Sons, Johar Town, Ph: 042-35290892-3 Lahore : Jahangir Sons, Gulberg, Ph: 042-35771000 Rawalpindi : Iqbal Rozd, Committee ‘Chowk. Ph: 051-5539609 Hyderabad : House No.194/8, Near Ali Mansion, Lajpat Road, Ph: 022-2780128 Karachi: Gawali Line #3, Near Mugadas Masjid, Urdu Bazaar, 021-32765086 Scanned with CamScannerThis book is for ZAIBI my partner of 38 years. Life, it seems, has just begun. Scanned with CamScannerAlso by the same author ADMINISTRATION: ITS THEORY, HISTORY & PRACTICE CONTEMPORARY WORLD AFFAIRS THE INTERVIEW GENIUS ELIXIR OF PAKISTAN AFFAIRS Scanned with CamScannerPREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION On September 29, 2020, I received a call from my very excited published informing that they were fast running out ofthe fret editing of this book. It was barely a month and a half since it was published in mid-August. At first I thought it was a Prank and he was pulling my leg, but as the conversation progressed I realized he was talking in earnest, Honestly, I was speechless; it was such a pleasant surprise, | am aware of the phrase: “selling like hot cakes” but had never imagined it would, one day, apply to one of my books. He urged me to immediately start working on the book's second, revised, edition, Thad, as a matter of habit, already started collecting relevant material for the second edition, All I needed do was sift through it, edit it, and rewrite it in a running sequence for it to become a continuation of the previous edition, Tam humbled by the very positive response from the ‘Glowing Embers’ as I lovingly call the yourlg CSS/PMS aspirants, scores of whom have been approaching me on a regular basis for guidance. Yes, they are slowing; all they need is some fanning to turn them into ‘flames’ and Prepare them for the task that lies ahead of them. This I strive to do through continuous virtual guidance and through my books. It is their love and respect that exalts me and drives me on. It is mostly they who have appreciated and endorsed the book and spread the word. So, a big thank you to you all for supporting and encouraging me in my endeavour. God bless you! In the first edition I had, at the behest of my publisher Adeel Niaz, experimented with the bullet format throughout the book. It was a novel idea that met with instant success for the readers found it easy reading and, more importantly, even easier to remember facts and figures presented in this format. I have to admit that it greatly helped in the sale of the book too. Whereas the first edition contained data up to mid-June 2020, an effort has been made here to include updates up to mid-October 2020 at least especially in chapters including Pakistan’s Domestic Affairs: Economic; Pakistan’s Relations with Saudi Arabia; Pakistan’s Relations a Scanned with CamScannerpakistan’s Relations with OIC; Internatio 3 nal. Polit cal with SAARC; and Counterterrorism; Globalizati ation, Kashmir; ang Economy; Terrorism the Palestine Issue. Tope readers will welcome this revised edition just first one. just as they did the Lahore October 2029 Scanned with CamScannerPREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This is the third book in the “A Refresher in Knowledge” series and the second in the “Elixir” series, after Elixir of Pakistan Affairs. The writing of both of these books in the “Elixir” series was undertaken after the astonishing success of the first book The Interview Genius that has been greatly appreciated by the young aspirants preparing for the CS5/PMS exams, especially those preparing for the viva voce. I have employed the word ‘astonishing’ because I was personally not prepared for the sell-out that it turned out to be. My sincere thanks to all those who obtained it, and especially to those who found it useful and benefitted from it. This book has been written keeping the requirement of the CSS syllabus in view. In fact, every effort has been made to follow the syllabus as closely as was possible. An in-depth analysis of different subjects and events has been provided with adequate comments/conclusions at the end of most chapters. In writing this book, I have adopted a novel approach, as I did with Elixir of Pakistan Affairs: The whole book has been written in the ‘bullet’ format, My publisher, Adeel Niaz agrees that this style makes it easier for the reader to understand, grasp, and remember what is being studied. Actually, it was he who wholeheartedly encouraged me to undertake the writing of both books in the “Elixir” series. I am indebted tohim. It was planned to send the manuscript to the press in March 2020. However, it got-delayed because of the outbreak of COVID-19 and the subsequent lockdowns in Lahore. Conversely, it furnished me an opportunity to update it, especially the chapter on the economy of. Pakistan, and include in it facts and figures released by the government in the Economic Survey for 2019-20 and the federal budget for 2020-21. While researching for this book, I visited scores of websites and depended on my personal notes and clippings from various newspapers collected over time, in addition to books on different topics. The websites are far too numerous for me to name but I do acknowledge that without {a Scanned with CamScanner* ible. Therefore, a access to them this book would have just not be Lenape to thelr collective, big thank you to them all for allowing ™ databanks. . 7 lon Thanks are also due to my spouse, Zaiba 4 eee: ae hours at the computer each day for several mont vehieve my purpose. patience without which I may not have been able to 4 Lahore June 2020. Scanned with CamScannerTI. FPSC SYLLABUS FOR CSS PAKISTAN'S DOMESTIC AFFAIRS (20 marks) QO Political O Economic QO Social PAKISTAN'S EXTERNAL AFFAIRS (40 marks) © Pakistan's relations with its neighbours (India, China, ‘Afghanistan, Russia) © Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim World (Iran, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Turkey) ©. Pakistan's relations with the United States © Pakistan’s relations with regional and _ international organizations (UN, SAARC, ECO, OIC, WTO, GCC) GLOBAL ISSUES (40 marks) OQ International security Q International political economy O Human rights © Environment: Global warming, Kyoto Protocol, Copenhagen Accord Population: world population trends, world population policies ° Terrorism and counterterrorism Global energy politics Nuélear proliferation and nuclear security Nuclear politics in South Asia International trade (Doha Development Round and Bali Package) oo0000 By Scanned with CamScannero0000 10 ; i , Indian and Co-operation and competition in Arabian Sea, Pacific oceans. Millennium Development Goals, Globalization Middle East crisis Kashmir issue current status Palestine issue Scanned with CamScannerContents O Preface to the Second Edition-------——--—---——-------------------—- 5 O Preface to the First Edition and Acknowledgements --- © FPSC Syllabus for CSS PART I PAKISTAN’S DOMESTIC AFFAIRS Chapter| 1 POLITICAL oe 425 Q Introduction ———--— OQ Civil Rule 1947-58 --------- © Ayub Khan’s Martial Law to 1970 General Elections ————----~ 28 © Bhutto’s Rise to Power until Death of Gen. Zia-—--——--—-—----34 © Benazir to End of Nawaz Sharif’s (Second) Government ~--—36 Q- Gen. Musharraf to Imran Khan ~------—-------ernnn 42 © Heads of State and Government (1947-2020) —------—-----—-—-—~ —-48 Chapter | 2 ECONOMIC... © Introduction Mid-Year 2020 Scenario © Economic Survey 2020-21 - an overview , a ae Scanned with CamScanner° 9° 12 ee) Post 2020-21 Budget Observations Comments _ —_—— Chapter | 3 SociAL.. 000000000 FOREIGN POLICY: DEFINITION AND PARAMETERS Introduction ~ Population- Poverty: eee nnn _—- Child /Bondgd Labour ~ Education Health and Sanitation ~~ Low Status of Women/Gender Discrimination PART UT PAKISTAN’S EXTERNAL AFFAIRS Chapter| 4 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH INDIA .. 92 ©00000000 Introduction -———- Partition and the Early Years Wars of 1947-48, 1965, 1971 and Kargil -—------—-——~ Summit Meetings and Lahore Declaration — Foreign Secretary Level Talks and Composite Dialogue Terrorist Attacks and Disruption of “Peace” Process Scanned with CamScanner13 Chapter| 5 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH CHINA... Development of Relationship Position on Kashmir— Co-operation in other Fields China-Pakistan Economic Corridor- eo00 oOo Conclusion -—~ PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH AFGHANISTAN. 0 Hostile Beginning - © 9/llLand its Aftermath- © Challenges in Relationship- © Conclusion — Chapter} 7_ PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA... ° Oo QO ° Chapter 8 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH IRAN 9 Introduction ——— QO . Relationship during Shah’s Time————-—~ 2 Scanned with CamScanner14 © Relationship since the Islamic Revolution ————__y4, © Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline Project~———__ 5 2 Conclusion -——— Chapter | 9 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH SAUDI ARABIA eee eases os QO Introduction Early Years—~ Closeness of Relations: Conclusion — Chapter|10 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH INDONESIA... o0o°o Background oo0o00 Chapter} 11 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH TURKEY. Chapter | 12 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES. Q Early Years Q “After the Cold War Scanned with CamScannerConclusion ~---— PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH THE UN, Background ---—------—-------------. Relationship—-----------—- Security Council Reform . Pakistan and UN Peacekeeping Effort UN and Kashmir Dispute Non-Proliferation and Disarmament--- UN in Pakistan ----— Chapter |14 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH SAARC... OQ What is SAARC-——--—— Q . Pakistan’s Role inSAARC QO SAARC Events during COVID-19 --------------—--nenn ram Q Conclusion Chapter] 15 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH ECO. oo0o00 00 Q What is ECO: = © Pakistan’s Role in ECO- Chapter | 16 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH OIC .. © Background — Q Pakistan's Involvement ——-— Scanned with CamScanner16 © OlCand Kashmir Isstue = She ge Kuala Lumpur Summit 219 Meeting of Contact Group on Jammu and Kashmir———-———399 Conclusion --———- = ———— 95 Chapter} 17 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH WTO ». QO What is WTO —-- OQ Pakistan and WTO--—~ © — Recommendations and Conclusion Chapter |18 PAKISTAN’S RELATIONS WITH THE COMMONWEALTH... © Whatis the Commonwealth Playing Hide and Seek — Pakistan and the Commonwealth Games--—~ oo 0 Achievements part IIT GLOBAL ISSUES Chapter |19 INTERNATIONAL SECURITY. OQ Introduction —~ UNDP's Definition --—- ° Q International Security: Past and Present--- o The Concept of Security Scanned with CamScanner17 trends Involving International Security —_. Top Current Global Threats ---—-... 256 rn 259 o UN and International Security a 264 INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY wou 267 Definition aan —_,-___ ° Post-World War IT Developments- 268 oO Traditional Approaches to IPE-———-———————————-—-----——----——---—— on New Approaches to IPE © Cold War and North-South Relations-—————————— 275 © Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries ———- © Globalization ——---—-—---—-————— 279 © Contemporary IPE: An Overview=————— 285 © Competition between the US and China = 288 0 COVID-19 and the World Economy = 292 0 Conclusion nn 297 Chapter |21 HUMAN RIGHTS... QO Definition————-—-—----—— = © Universal Declaration of Human Rights —~ Q Human Rights Watch O Amnesty International © Comparison between HRW and Ae Human Rights in Islam ———_—— 306 2 Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam——————~ 307 ° 309 Human Rights in Pakistan —————-— Scanned with CamScanner18 Chapter 22 ENVIRONMENT... BI OQ The Scourge of Global Warming ———————-----——-31 Q _ United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change—315 2 Kyoto Protocol to UNFCCC ———— 818 Q Copenhagen Accord Chapter | 23 POPULATION: WORLD POPULATION TRENDS, WORLD POPULATION POLICIES ,.. 324 © Facts and Figures-———————-— 324 © Present and Future Trends——--——— 326 OQ Urbanization----- nm 332. © Population Policies— 333 © Population Trends in Pakistan-—— 339 Chapter | 24 ‘TERRORISM AND COUNTERTERRORISM .. Definition Terrorism Explained—— Counterterrorism -----=---———-——-—-— UN and Terrorism———~ Pakistan and the War on Terror —— US War on Terror and Peace Agreement with Taliban 358 Intra-Afghan Peace Talks——~ 361 Conclusion -—— Chapter |25 NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION .. O _ Definition—-——-------—___. eoo0000000 9 © Spreading Awareness ———-————-- Scanned with CamScanner19 et) © Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime and NPT © Proliferation Threats--——-----. —_ Won nnnennenenneen 375 O The Case of Iran——----—----—-——---—____--_. aernanenenn 383 fe) Conclusion --------—----=----———---—--—. a ae re) Chapter |26 NUCLEAR SECURITY AND SAFETY... 0 Definition + © Elaboration and Interpretation——————-——--—- 391 © Nuclear Security Responsibility -—-— 396 O Threat of Terrorist Attacks 400 O Conclusion Chapter |27 NUCLEAR POLITICS IN SOUTH ASIA... India’s Quest for Nuclear Weapons — ———-—- 406 Pakistan's Tit for Tat Response — International Reaction =-----ww-———————enee ee Confidence-Building Measures oo0000 Chapter] 23 INTERNATIONAL TRADE—DOHA DEVELOPMENT ROUND AND BALI PACKAGE... +0426 What is International Trade— Doha Development Round ———————-—— Failure of the Doha Round ~~ 438 aoo0o00 Scanned with CamScanner20 4 Chapter}29 CO-OPERATION AND COMPETITION IN ARABIAN SEA, INDIAN AND. PACIFIC OCEANS A52 Q Introduction —————-______ 452 Co-operation and Competition in the Indian Ocean Region 456 Co-operation and Competition in the Pacific Ocean Region— 472 Partnerships in the Pacifi 481 Situation in the South Pacifie—— Comments and Conclusion Chapter|30 MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS... o0o0000 © Introduction 491 © Aimof the Goals——————--- a 492 © Progress at Close of 2015 aon 498 © Comments 7 © MDGs and Pakistan ————————_—a_——_—nennnnnennnennnennnennnenee 500 OQ — Sustainable Development Goals-------—--—-----—------—------=-—— 501 © SDGs and Pakistan ————_______________ ——504 Chapter |31 GLOBALIZATION .. Q Introduction —————————————-— 507 Q Globalization Explained --———--a-——------eeeeen 508 Q Pros and Cons of Globalization-—-—--—----------— ————— 511 O Comments —---——-——-----—- anne © Conclusion — : ©. Impact of COVID-19 on Globalization --_----e--------———— 518" Scanned with CamScanner s]21 Chapter | 32 MIDDLE EAST CRISIS .. *s Introduction ----—- The Key Players-~ ‘The Scourge of ISIS -en-—-neamnem nena Timeline of Crisis---—------—---------------------- Significant Developments during 2019 and 2020-- Pakistan and the Middle East Situation Comments and Conclusion — Chapter | 33 KASHMIR ISSUE.. Introduction -—~ Partition and Thereafter -—~ War of 1947-48 and UN Resolutions: War of 1965 and Tashkent Declaration War of 1971 and Simla Agreement Siachen Conflict 1984------—- Lahore Declaration 1999------------—- Kargil War 1999-—---— The Water Dispute— Revocation of Article 370-— Trump’s Offers of Mediation. New Political Map of Pakistan-—--——--— Possible Solutions (Conclusion —_mnameeannnennennennn nnn 564 Chapter | 34 PALESTINE ISSUE... © Background af ° all Scanned with CamScanner qago00000 eo0000000000000000000000 oO CSS Past PAPERS. 22 Developments since the Creation of Israel 569 ee 572 Intifadas———-— Oo 576 Issue of Settlements: Issue of Refugees — 577 Ohewatione One-State or Two-State Solution SL President Trump's Peace Plan —~ 583 Reactions and Comments 584 UAE's and Bahrain's Diplomatic Overtures towards Israel and the Abraham Accords Comments/Conclusions — S87 OL 593 Scanned with CamScannerPART I PAKISTAN’S DOMESTIC AFFAIRS LEE Scanned with CamScannerChapter} 1 POLITICAL INTRODUCTION Q Pakistan has swung between civilian and military rule since its independence in 1947, Therefore, to try and discuss the political domestic affairs of Pakistan without shedding light on the military tule in the country would be a pure exercise in futility. O _Inhis book Pakistan and World Affairs, Shamshad Ahmad points out that the story of Pakistan is one of remorseless tug and pull between the civilian and military rulers. In the process, the country failed to develop a sustainable democratic system based on constitutional supremacy and institutional integrity, The main causalities have been the rule of law, the state institutions and the process of national integration. The country’s difficulties were aggravated by repeated constitutional subversions, frequent political breakdowns, long spells of military rule, societal chaos and social discontent, weakened institutions, incessant corruption, and general aversion to the rule of law. © Between 1947 and 2012, not even once did an elected government complete its tenure and peacefully transfer power to another elected government take place. All of Pakistan's previous transitions to democracy were aborted by military coups with the military ruling the country for 32 years. It was ultimately in 2013 that a civilian government ~ led by the Pakistan Peoples Party ~ completed its full constitutional term of five years and the Pakistan Muslim League (N) took over, CIVIL RULE 1947-1958 Q Pakistan was born a fragile nation-state and was burdened with ideological and ethnic cleavages and was created amidst administrative chaos. The first decade in the life of the nascent country was a period of great political turbulence as a result of inexperience and vested interests. Scanned with CamScanner26 4 OT int ee of ee nan hs moe on the charismatic personality of } Li Bovemor general. His lieutenant in the Muslim League, Liaquat Ali Khan yt named prime minister. Pakistan’s first government had a ditigat task before it. Unlike Allama Iqbal’s earlier vision for Pakistan, ¢yt country had been formed from the two regions where Muslin were the majority. Pakistan's two wings were separated by some 1,600 kms of Indian territory. etn innah’s dynamic personality that s © count ° during he ‘lfcalt frst rronths. His emia Presence, ey though weakened by illness, loomed large over the polity, and th, other members of government were totally subordinate to pi, wishes. Thus, although Pakistan commenced its independen, existence as a democratic entity with a parliamentary system, the representative aspects of the political system were muted by the tule of the Quaid. But to add to the country’s problems, Quaid-e-Azam passed away in September 1948, only 13 months after the birth of Pakistan leaving behind an enduring political vacuum that his successors in the Muslim League had great difficulty filling. Khawaja Nazimuddin, the chief minister of East Bengal, was called on to take up "the office of governor general. Known for his mild manner, it was assumed that Nazimuddin would not interfere with the parliamentary process and would permit the prime minister to govern the country. © Unfortunately, Liaquat Ali Khan lacked the authority of the Quaid, nor did he possess Jinnah’s strength of personality. He was, therefore, hard put to cope with entrenched and vested interests, particularly in regions where local leaders dominated. OQ He was eager to give the country a new constitution, but this was delayed becausc of controversies, particularly over the, distribution $f provincial powers and over representation. Not being able to come up with a constitution proved tbe a great setback to political stability. Nevertheless, Liaquat Ali fell to an assassin’s bullet in October 1951, Nazimuddin assumed the premiership on Liaquat Ali’s death and Ghulam Muhammad, an experienced and successful civil servant who was Jinnah’s choice to serve as Pakistan’ first finance ministet ‘ook his place as governor general. Nazimuddin was a weak head of 8overnment while Ghulam Muhammad became a strong head of state. The death of two top leaders so soon after independence frealed a vacuum and the patigrn of ‘paternalistic’ executive set¥? by the Quaid came to an endl ° Scanned with CamScanner27 The country saw six prime ministers during the next few years; Khawaja Nazimuddin was held responsible for disorder in Lahore in early 1953 - when the Ahrars, a hardliner political group, tried to ostracize the heterodox Ahmadiyyas who were accused of violating a fundamental tenet of Islam by portraying their spiritual leader as a prophet - especially for his inability to quell it and was dismissed in April 1953 by Ghulam Muhammad who had given himself overriding powers and seemed to control the destiny of Pakistan. This signalled the fragility of parliamentary democracy. The appointment of Muhammad Ali Bogra, who had replaced Nazimuddin as prime minister and who was a non-representative Bengali, did not pacify the Bengalis, As a result, the Muslim League provincial elections, But before Haq could convene his cabinet, riots erupted in some factories near Dacca (now Dhaka) giving the central government the opportunity to establish “governor's rule” in the province and overturn the United Front’s victory. Fazlul Haq was sent home and Iskander Mirza, a former defence secretary, and minister in the central government, was sent to rule over the province. OQ Emboldened by Nazimuddin’s removal, Governor General Ghulam Muhammad dissolved the Constituent Assembly in October 1954 after it moved to curtail his powers. Established at the time of independence, this Assembly had been unable to frame a constitution. And now when they did agree to a draft of the constitution, it stood dissolved. Q Muhammad Ali Bogra, who had tried to curtail the powers of the governor general, {00 was eased gut of office in August 1955. The new prime minister, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, who was basically-a bureaucrat, supported the merger of the four provinces of West Pakistan, a move orchestrated by the bureaucrats who had taken control of the Muslim League, into One-Unit in October 1955. It was he who became the first prime minister to give the country a constitution on February 29, 1956. © The Constitution embodied objectives regarding religion and politics that had been set out in the Basic Principles Report published in 1950, one of which was to declare the country an Islamic republic. The national parliament was to comprise one house_of 300 members, equally representing East and West Pakistan. Ten additional seats were reserved for women, with half coming from each region. © The prime minister and cabinet were to govern according to the will of the parliament, with the president exercising only reserve powers. Pakistan's first president was its last governor general, eg v Scanned with CamScannerIskander Mirza but at no time did he consi of the parliament. QO By the start of the second quarter of 1958 conditions jn country, bath political and economic, had deteriorated to Such extent that one columnist described these thus: “Pakisan op much like Hobbes’ _state_of_nature_where every politica, 7 Provitcial group fought against every other group, Tt yas" ceaseless and ruthless struggle for power. Most of the leadet thought of themselves, their families, oF at best their provingst Broups and did not give a second thought to Pakistan, Pakigtay needed a desperate remedy for this malady.” OQ On September 20, 1958, Abdul Hakim, the Speaker of the Bast Pakistan Assembly, was physically expelled trom The Homsrayest loud allegations that he was insane, Three days later, the de * speaker, Shahed Ali ~ who had to preside over the proceedings died as a result of violence in the Assembly. OQ Such incidents, coupled _with allegations that Kalat was Preparing to secede, created alarm. On October 7, 1958 President Iskander Mirza dismissed the country’s serving prime minister, Sir Feroz. Khan Noon (he had been in office for nine months only), abrogated the 1956 Constitution, dissolved the assemblies, and banned all political activity, Q He declared that the country was under martial law and that General Ayub Khan had been made chief martial law administrator, On October 24, he swore in a new cabinet and named Ayub Khan prime minister. der bowing to the Wishes Q Ayub Khan was not contended to be named prime minister for he knew that his military career would come to an end; nor was he willing to work with Iskander Mirza. Therefore, on October 27, his senior generals presented Mirza with an ultimatum of facing, permanent exile or prosecution by a military tribunal. Mirza chose the former and left for London never again to return to Pakistan. AYUB KHAN’S MARTIAL LAW TO 1970 GENERAL ELECTIONS Q Military take-over and the declaration of martial law was completed in two phases. The first phase began on the night of October 7 when President Iskander Mirza abrogated the Constitution; dissolved tht central and provincial assemblies; dismissed the central and Provincial cabinets and banned political 5 Gen. Ayub was appointed supreme commander of the arme and martial law was declared throughout Pakistan, O Explaining this move, Mirza said that pathetic political conditions and growing corruption in the society, and the inability of ! Politicians to change their ways had left him with no alternative b™ to take this step, d fore Scanned with CamScanner° 29 On October 27, 1958, the second phase started with the banishment to London of Mirza and occupation of office of the president by Gen. Ayub. He also assumed the rank of field marshal, Ayub's martial law lasted 44 months, During that time the military authorities did not face opposition In consolidating their Position; a number of army officers took over vital clvil service posts; many politicians were excluded from public life under an Electoral Bodies (Disqualification) Order (BDO); a similar purge took place among civil servants, ~ Ayub argued that Pakistan was not yet ready fora full-blown tutelage and honest government before a new constitutional system could be established. He, therefore, initiated a plan for “basic democracies,” consisting of rural and urban councils directly elected by the people that would be concerned with local governance and would assist in Programmes of grassroots development. Basic democracies was a Hered system inextricably linked to the bureaucracy, and the Basic Democrats occupied the lowest rung of a ladder that was connected to the country’s ehsils, districts, and divisions, Justifying the concept of basic democracies, Ayub Khan writes in his book Friends Not Masters, that he had two broad objectives in mind: one was to organize people to take care of the problems of their areas and to inculcate in them the spirit of self-help; the other, to find a meaningful electoral system for the election of the president and the members of the assemblies. In support of indirect elections, he wrote, “I want to give people democracy, but I want to give them the type of democracy they can understand.” Elections took place in January 1960, and the Basic Democrats, as the members of the electoral college became-known, were at once asked to endorse and thus legitimize Ayub Khan’s presidency. Of the 80,000 Basic Democrats, 75,283 affirmed their support. During these years Pakistan’s was a society in which the political, social and economic life was dominated by the landed aristocracy, The feudal leadership of political parties was not capable of dealing with the multifarious problems faced by the country. It depended heavily on the civil and military bureaucracy. The result was that the bureaucratic elite became disproportionately assertive, steadily increasing their power at the expense of the political elite, Those political personalities who were to steer the ship of the state were predominantly unscrupulous, corrupt and power hungry. None of them could rise to the level of a statesman. They remained self-centred petty politicians. The inevitable result was extreme Political instability, palace intrigues, the ever-growing influence of the bureaucracy and the military in politics. Scanned with CamScanner30 d another constitution. Mili In 1962 Ayub Khan promulgated f itary ou was brought to an end, but political power emained concentrates in the hands of Ayub Khan who formes his own party, the Convention Musi Tague, The Constitution introduced ven of government with the roles of head of state president system (on combined in the president who wo indirectly elected by the Basic Democrats. Central ministers, Proving, governors and their ministers were all responsible to the president, jernors were to be nominated by the president “tg t would prevail in the provinces. Without this the “whole edifice would crumble. There should be a full measure of delegation of subjects to the provinces to give them adequate responsibility, autonomy, and flexibility,” Ayub wrote in his book, ‘The Constitution changed the state’s designation from the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan” to the “Republic of Pakistan,” and all references fo the Quran and the Sunnah in the 1956 Constitution were deleted, ‘Amendments to the Constitution required a two-thirds majority in Parliament and presidential occurrence. The judiciary was stripped of powers to question any law passed by the legislature | Ayub Khan won another formal term as president in January 1965 in an election in which only the Basic Democrats cast ballots. He won from Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Quaid-e-Azam in a closely- contested election. ‘Things changed for Ayub Khan after the September 1965 War with India especially following the Tashkent Declaration which came as a shock to the nation. People felt they had won the war on the battlefield but lost it on the table. Students riots took place starting from Rawalpindi that had nothing to do with politics, but after the death of one student following police & firing, these spread to other cities of Pakistan, fanned of course by disgruntled politicians in the forefront of whom was Bhutto. There was rising opposition led by Bhutto in West Pakistan and Sheikh Mujib in East Pakistan, Ayub arrested them both as well as some other prominent politicians including Khan Abdul Wali Khan. Protests followed and strikes started to paralyze the economy and attempts to restore tranquillity started to prove futile. By the end of January 1969, Ayub came to realize that continued use of force would not solve the problem as by then people from all walks of life were up against his regime. To pacify feelings Ayub announced that he would not contest the 1970 elections. But perhaps that was too little, oo late. He had stayed in power too long and it was time for him to go. The provincial gov ensure that his writ of Carrent attaies” pakistn’s second martial law was imposed on March 25, 1969 when ub announced his resignation in an address to the nation a Scanned with CamScanner31 named Gen. Agha Muhammad Yah i Constitution of 1962 was abrogated, an oe eccrine Democracies was abolished, SST the system of Basic The irony is that whereas opposition political leaders succeeded in forcing Ayub out of office they failed fo produce an-allemate leaders p. The reason is that they were not only fighting against the Ayub regime but also amongst themselves, And once again conditions were created where, except the armed forces, the society was fragmented and all the political issues since 1947 were re-opened. The martial law brought the military back to power unimpeded by any constitutional or popular check. The transfer of power did not shift political power from the hands of the military and the bureaucracy. On the contrary, it provided another opportunity to exercise political power without any popular and constitutional restrictions. The response of the politically active circles was generally positive as most were happy to get rid of Ayub Khan. They viewed this change as a transitional arrangement that would lead to the establishment of a participatory political process. Though Yahya was an incompetent person, yet he started considering himself as the ‘natural heir’ of Ayub Khan. He designated himself as the chief martial law administrator and assumed the office of president as well. Unlike Ayub Khan, he did not quit the command the Army, combining three offices - CMLA, C-in-C of the Army and President in one. The new military regime drew heavily on the previous martial law. Martial law regulations were reintroduced with necessary modifications and the administrative arrangements as set out in the abrogated 1962 Constitution were kept, subject to the overriding power of the president/CMLA to make changes as he deemed it. Initially, no provincial governors were appointed, and the martial law administrators of West and East Pakistan were authorized to exercise their powers. In September 1969, Nur Khan and S. M. Ahsan were appointed governors of West and East Pakistan, respectively and retired from service. Real power was wielded by the army generals. No attempt was made to frame a constitution, ‘Acceding to popular demand, Yahya Khan abolished the One-Unit system in West Pakistan and reconstituted the original four provinces and announced free elections. In March 1970, he also proclaimed a Legal Framework Order stipulating that the future National Assembly would have 313 seats, 169 of which would go to East Pakistan, thereby giving it a majority, and that the provinces would enjoy greater autonomy. Yahya believed that he was taking a calculated risk but Scanned with CamScanner32 intelligence agencies had assured him that Mujibur Rehman’ Awami League would not win any more than 80 seats, He ordered general elections s_for December 7, 1970. The ma dilemma was that in breaking up the One-Unit system, distribution of seats in the National assembly 80t apportioned among the provinces on the basis of Population. This meant that East Pakistan, with its larger population, would be allotted more seats than all the provinces of West Pakistan combined, By any criteria, elections were free and fair and there Was ng interference from the government which maintained strict neutrality showing no favour or discrimination for or against any Political party. There were no allegations of rigging in the elections, The results were disastrous from the standpoint of national ‘unit and betrayed the failure, political acumen and sagacity jy upholding the imperative of national unity and integration. Fighting on the basis of Sheikh Mujib’s Six Point Formula, hig Awami League won 160 of the 162 seats in East Pakistan and a near. absolute majority in the 313-seat National Assembly, against the Pakistan People’s Party that managed to bag only 81 seats out of 138 in West Pakistan (169 from East Pakistan and 144 from West Pakistan, including 13 reserved seats for women — six from West Pakistan and seven from East Pakistan). Neither of these two major Parties could secure even a single seat in the other wing. The National Awami Party (NAP), together with its political ally, Jam‘ix: Ulema-i-Islam (JUD), got clear majorities in Baluchistan and the NWEP. ‘The results of the election truly reflected the ugly political reality: the division of the Pakistani electorate along regional lines and | Political polarization of the country between the two wings. In Political terms, Pakistan as a nation stood divided as a result of the very first general elections in 23 years of its existence. An impartial analysis of the events that followed showed that Bhutto was more interested in getting power, no matter whether in a united or divided Pakistan Perhaps he reclioet ae in a united Pakistan, he had little chance of forming the government The election result was not honoured and Mujib was not asked to form the federal government, Insiead it was suggested that the two Instead of inviting Mujib to having two prime ministers and one in the Eastern form the government there was talk of for the country ~ one in West Pakistan wing. Negotiations were held betwee Scanned with CamScanner33 January and March 1971 between Mujb and Bh military government under Yahya, but these tri were a dismal and total failure. However, by mid-February the difference betw. . partie had erystallized and when President Gen. Yahya oe aH the nelle National Assembly fo met on March in Dl, Bhutto declared that his party will not attend its session unless ther, was ‘some amount of reciprocity’ from the Awami League. He is on record as having’proclaimed during a public 28, 1971 that “a majority alone does not count. 'utto and the ruling ipartite negotiations ting on February In his autobiography In the Line of Fire, former president Gen. Pervez Musharraf writes that Bhutto threatened the newly-elected members of the National Assembly from West Pakistan that if they went to Dhaka to participate in the Assembly session “they should buy one-way tickets because if they returned he would break their legs.” It was Bhutto, again, who later uttered words that led to one journalist coining the famed headline: ‘ugar tum, idhar hun’. During all this time, Sheikh Mujib made no attempt to reach out to the people of West Pakistan, nor did he do anything to neutralize the manoeuvres of Bhutto. In frustration, on March 1, 1971, Yahya announced the postponement of the National Assembly session causing a shattering disillusionment to the Awami League and their supporters throughout East Pakistan, In reaction, Mujib called for general strikes that eventually shut down the government and led to open rebellion and escalation of violence ending in the all-out war between India and Pakistan. “On March 26, 1971, Major Zia-ur-Rehman of Pakistan Army (He is the same Major Zia whose spouse Khalida Zia later became the prime minister of Bangladesh) declared the independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Sheikh Mujib and in April, the exiled ‘Awami League leaders formed a government-in-exile in Calcutta. Gen. Musharraf has clearly accused Bhutto for the breakdown of talks between East and West Pakistan, and of collusion with Yahya Khan against Sheikh Mujib when he writes: “It was a nexus between Bhutto and a small coterie of military rulers that destroyed Pakistan.” Not sparing Mujib in the process he adds, “the myopic and rigid attitude of Mujib didn’t help matters, and he piayed into Bhuito’s and Yahya’s hands by remaining rooted in East Pakistan, forgetting that now he was prime minister-elect of the whole of Pakistan and needed to tour the four provinces of the western wing in order to reassure the people there and allay their fears.” Scanned with CamScanner34 BHUTTO'S RisE TO POWER UNTIL DEATH OF GEN. ZIA © Given the disturbances in the country and the loss of East Paki following the December 1971 war and surrender, Yahya was ins weidency to still. another “general, "Op position to pass the pre Pecember 20, 1971 he resigned and handed over power to Bhutts who became the president. The Yahya era is considered to be the most turbulent period in the history of Pakistan. He seaumed the office of president as the head of a caretaker government, but his inept handling of the Political situation exposed his inability (© understand the gravity of the political situation in the country. He presumed that he had the ‘guy in his hand, and he would achieve the solution of the East Pakistan problem, if need arose, by the use of brute force. The emergence of Bhutto a5 Pakistan's president to replace Yahya was a logical outcome of the defeat in the war with India and the Joss of East Pakistan. ‘The very next day of taking over, Bhutto imposed selective martial law in some areas such as Balochistan and became the first civilian chief martial law administrator. OQ The first session of the National Assembly was held on April 14, 1972. Within three days, an Interim Constitution was adopted. OQ. 1n1973anew Constitution was adopted that restored parliamentary government. Bhutto stepped down from the presidency, which he Seemed ceremonial in the new constitutional system, and assumed the more dynamic premiership. . © As Bhutto's tenure progressed, he began facing considerable ctiicism and increasing unpopularity; the democratic socialists’ Stliance that had previously allied itself with him began to diminish Wali Khan and his National Awami with time. He sare are eR Party, also a sdcialist party. Their clash became increasingly fierce jeading to the banning of the party and arrest of much of its leadership after the Tek ofa close Tieutenant of Bhutto, Hayat ant of Bhutto, Flay” Sherpao, in a bomb blast near Peshawar. © Disgruntlement also increased within the PPP, leading dissident Ahmed Rava Kasur father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as an accusing, finger was pointed at Bhutto himself. PPP stalwarts such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar started t© openly conden Bhutto and called for protests against his regime, tical crisis ir: some parts of the country including the NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 5 vkhwa)y and Ba fan intensifie i liberties remained suspended. slochistan intensified as civil , and the murder of om eae ean large number of opposition political parties evel {0 form te Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Despite the Ren y being five years’as per the Constitution he president to dissolve the National Assembly and called Scanned with CamScanner eI35 fresh elections before time. Accordingly, elections Seer were held on The opposition, spearheaded by PNA, faced defeat and did t accept the results, alleging that the election was rigged; ae discontent degenerated into violent street demonstrations, The opposition boycotted provincial elections and declared the newly- 8 illegitimate. And since the elected ‘ot accepted the National Assembly election results, they did not take oath, my Political and civil disorder intensifi ied, which led to severe unrest with the opposition calling for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime. On Apa 21, 1977, Bhutto imposed martial law in the major cities of Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad. The army intervened, arrested Bhutto and dissolved his governmei nt, In this backdrop, the Bhutto era came to an end and the army take- over, dubbed Operation Fai in the early hours of July 5, 1977 and Gen. Zia-ul-Haq, ersonal choice to head the i i mment. Zia informed Bhutto that he was sorry that hi n forced to perform such an e had beet “anpleasant task.” After deposing Bhutto, Zia declared martial law in the whole country, “suspended” the Constit tution and appointed himself chief martial law administrator. Bhutto was shocked because he had earlier elevated the then three- Star rank lieutenant-general to four-star rank and appointed him chief of army staff. The promotion was ahead of a number of more senior officers; it was highly controversial but had political motives for Bhutto, who saw Zia ‘eligious_and_an_ apolitical military figure who had distaste of politics. (This was the same motive and move made by future Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif who Fromoted Pervez. Musharraf based on his political ambitions, chief of army staff, but met the same fate as Bhutto in 1999). i i thorising Starting October 1977, Bhutto was tried and eae nr a sentence the murder of a political opponent. Zia up! eet ea eee and despite many appeals for clemency aA eed Tequesting him to commute the death See vontroversiaT ond 5 , idere : or-Aprl 4, 1979. The trial was considered highly contioves A Bhutto's hanging was condemned by the i and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan. that amended the As president, Zia issued several decrees the presidency and Constitution so that power was shifted to a Revival of izati ignificantly, the Revival of Promoted a policy of Islamization. niet SE Aca gwer to dissolve ra the Constitution of 1973 Order the National Assembly virtually at will. Scanned with CamScannero o o ° 36 Zia first announced that neve elections would by held within 99 days but later qeneged on his promise, subjected the country to VW years of an extremely representative miliiry regime, though not without periodically announe ing, that elections would soon be held, ‘Ziv pressed the poliey that Pakistan's survival and progress were dependent on building an Islante state, Accordingly, # number of imeawures were taken to implement this policy, including, the Introduction of the Hederal Shari'at Court, On December 24, 1981, a Federal Council (Majlive-Shoora) was constituted by the president whoe members were nominated by him, ‘The first session of the convened on January 1, 1982, mannet, limited and controlled political activities were med, asa renult of which general elections were later held for the National and Provincial avemblies on February 25, 1985, on arty Davis, Muharumad Khan Junejo was nominated as the minister; he received a vole of confidence on March 24, 1985, Harlier, a referendum wa held in 1984 that confirmed Zia’s policy of lolamization, bn this referendum, a “yes” vole agreeing with Zia’s Iulamization policy, wan alvo to be interpreted as a vote for Zia to remain in office a» president for another five y« Zia took refuge in Article 56(2)(b) of the Constitution and dismi: Junejo’s government on May 29, 1988 on charges of incompetency and economic stagflation, Bul Wie major factors responsible for his removal were said to be his decision to sign the Geneva Accords on April 14, 1988 on the settlement of the situation relating to Afghanistan and allowing, the Russian retreat from Afghanistan, and his open declaration of removing, any military personnel found responsible for the explosis mmmunition dump_at_Ojhri Camp in Rawalpindi. - 1, BENAZIR TO END OF NAWAZ SHARIF’S (SECOND) GOVERNMENT ° oO a Zia him: elf did not complete his full term because of his death, along with 31 other notable personalities, in a mysterious plane crash neaf Bahawalpur on August 17, 1988. Still, he was the longest serving head of state of Pakistan a the most critical time in the history of Pakistan, many observers that the country. s amazed many c y stayed calm followin the president’s death. Many had expected the military to ake over and to continue to run the country, as it had done on a number of occasions in the of uccasions ¢ past. Others say this as i opportunity for democracy in Pakistan. Y this asthe Fit wea aemeaee death, the chairman of the Senate, Chulam Isl ie Baa acting president. His first official act was to declare ections scheduled for November 1988 would be held ‘as Scanned with CamScanner37 planned. Accordingly, another transition towards democracy took place. The PPP under the leadership of Benazir Bhutto won the election held gn_November 16. Though the PPP emerged as the single largest party in the elecHons it was not a clear winner in the centre and had garnered only 92 seats out of the 207 in the National Assembly. Therefore/it required the oapee ae Political party to form the government. Nevertheless, with the support of smaller parties, Benazir was clected prime minister on December 2, 1988, becoming the country’s first female prime minister. She was also able to form governments in Sindh and NWFP. Ishag Khan was formally elected president. In Punjab, the PPP secured only 94 seats while the Islamic Democratic Alliance, led by Nawaz Sharif, enjoyed 111 seats, but the latter too did not have a clear majority. Nevertheless, Nawaz Sharif managed to form the government in the Punjab with the help of smaller parties. According to the Constitution as Zia, Benazir was compelled to share power with the president, in this case Ghulare Ishaq Khan who was the chairman of the Senate but by virtue of an article in the Constitution, became president. The Sth Amendment gave him discretionary powers including the authority to dissolve the National Assembly amended by Gen. Zia had carved this power to strengthen his own position more so by dint of Article )(b) of the Constitution. Now, because of the same power, Ghulam Ishag Khan was unwilling to relinquish it. Benazir’s tenure was marred by political confrontation because, lacking the requisite two-thirds majority, she could not de away the 8th Amendment that was eroding her power. She had also started faeug charges of ineptitude and corruption and demands for her Femoval were heard throughout the country. The tension between the [Jl and PPP resulted in the initiation of a Reconfidence motion against Benazir in the National Assembly. This did not succeed. But Ishaq Khan took advantage of the situation and ruled that the PPP administration had lost See ef the people. On August 6, 19: issolved the government an Sent Benazir packing after just 20 months in office. Another round of elections was scheduiled for October. th a i resi A state of emergency was declared ee eres ara to suspend fundamental citizen rights eae ony Mustafa Jatoi, a former stalwart of the P, ition parties, People’s Party (NPP) and leader of the combined opposition ps i ime minister. Was sworn in as caretaker prime minis to the media, the fe ae PP government the [ E the dismissal of the PPE bly had lost caer that the National Assembly had _T Scanned with CamScanner38 i on 1 confidence of the people since it had become fractured by “internal dissensions and frictions, persistent and scandalous horse-trading for political gain and furtherance of personal interes : one practices and inducement.” He also accused the ae government for not being able to “protect the province oo against internal disturbance.” The situation in SO cihnic sti Pa proved a pickle for the PPP government: ‘The flames Cee had spread from Karachi to iyderabad and the violen signs of abating. > oe © Some quarters also held Benazir’s relationship with her _ law, Hakim Ali Zardari, and husband, Asif, a8 reasons for her downfall. It was alleged that the Za daris had a fortune in Jand dealings while misusing their position in authority. " Sy ‘Another allegation w4 ism: The PPP manifesto had promised uU ° jobs to the unemployed but most of these jobs landed in the hands of party supporters. Zz It is said that serie fhe Amend ent was taken as a personal affront by Ghulam Ishaq KRan. Their confrontation came a eerscant on the issue of retirement of Chairman Joint Chiefs of att Committee (CSS) Admiral Iftikhar Ahmed Sirohey. The PPP government issue the notification of his retirement while_the © Yet’another reason given for Benazir being sent home was her earlier dismissal of Lt. Gen. Hamid Gul, the powerful head of ISI Ff cada close associate of President Ishaq Khan. A view was developed that the upper echelons in the Pakistan army had a hand in her dismissal. © General elections for the 9th National Assembly were held on Cctgber 24, 1990. The Muslim League (N), led by Nawaz Sharif won and he took oath of prime minister on November 1, 1990. © In 1991 Nawaz Sharif took the step of replacing the COAS Mirza Aslam Baig with General Asif Nawaz and when Asif Nawaz died suddenly two years later, Ishaq Khan took it upon himself to appoint Lt, Gen. Abdul Waheed Kakar_his successor, without consulting the prime minister. Resultantly, a struggle ensued between Nawaz Sharif and Ishaq Khan, with Sharif arguing the need to curtail the powers of the president. ° a a Nawaz Sharif could act, the president, using his const tional powers under Article 58(2)(b) and _ citing paerinistation, corruption, and nepotism” and espousal of 8 1558. rence, dismissed Nawaz Sharif’s government on April 7 ane ie National Assembly was again dissolved. - lawaz Shari i Sener sree ridden to power on a wave of anti-PPP ‘as weak and he had to form a coalition. Scanned with CamScanner