Archaeopress

Chapter Title: Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos: Age-and
Gender-Groups on the Basis of Distinctive Funerary Gifts
Chapter Author(s): Georgia Ivou

Book Title: Mortuary Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece

Book Subtitle: Studies on Ancient Greek Death and Burial
Book Editor(s): Nikolas Dimakis, Tamara M. Dijkstra
Published by: Archaeopress. (2020)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvwh8c61.10

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Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece

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Social Identity and Treatment in Death

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 Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos:
Age- and Gender-Groups on the Basis of Distinctive Funerary Gifts

Georgia Ivou
Abstract: Burial practices in Argos during the classical period seem to be almost entirely homogenous: inhumation
was the only burial practice for adults, and usually occurred in cist graves made of poros slabs. Pit graves were
not that common. Most graves shared a common orientation and were grouped in clusters. In terms of grave gifts,
vessels were preferred. Within this burial environment, would it be possible to identify features of the deceased’s
social persona, such as the age or gender, through the grave gifts? The placement of two distinct types of offerings,
i.e. a terracotta figurine and a vase with plastic decoration, into the 4th-century BC graves under study, may to
do with the burial practices of two different social groups. The selection of these particular types of offerings to
accompany the dead is indicative of their social status and of the socio-political circumstances in mid-4th century
BC Argos.
Keywords: Argos, Classical, grave offerings, individuality, social status

Introduction In this frame, concerns arise regarding the

The study of burials is an attempt to record and
interpret symbolic actions through material remains
of just one event of a whole procedure, as a burial is
considered to be a small part of a range of actions that
start right after a person has been announced dead
and are completed with the memorial ceremonies. The
underlying question that has troubled archaeologists
the last decades is if, and to what extent, such a study
can define the identity and the social status of the
deceased, and consequently outline the structure of the
societies that they once belonged to.1
Handling death is a task for the deceased’s beloved
ones, who follow rules, intentionally or not, that are
defined by certain religious, social and customary
values which are rarely recognizable. Regarding the
material side of the procedure, the data have to do
mainly with the location and the shape of the tomb,
the type of burial (i.e. inhumation or cremation, body
positioning, attire), the kind of grave goods and their
quantity and quality, and in general with any material
remains that are associated with the burial ritual
and may yield information about the interpretation
of each choice. The abovementioned rules and their
material expression are diversified from one place to
another, and from one period to the other, depending
on the prevailing social, political, historical, financial
conditions, etc.2
1
Morris 1987: 29-43; Morris 1992; McHugh 1999: 1-18. Recently,
Chapman 2013; Dimakis 2016a: 7-8.
2
A considerable number of factors can affect burial customs: soil
morphology, the location and organization of a settlement, the
existence of a legal or moral frame, family traditions, ambitions, etc.
methodology by which the burial should be tackled.3
Although skeletal remains are the only traces of the
deceased, lack of osteological analyses for Classical and
Hellenistic burials substantially restricts deduction of
secure results for their identity.4 Recording of tangible
evidence of the burial procedure, its examination as a
whole, and its comparison to contemporary, previous,
and subsequent practices in the same area, are the
basic stages of research. Interesting conclusions
may be deduced by comparing practices adopted in
neighbouring sites, as well as their association with
written sources regarding the settlement and the
historical events that took place in the area.
In any case, the burial setting that comes into light
after the excavation process may be associated with
acts that are not easily interpreted, or others that
have left no traces and burials that remain invisible,5
rendering the research for their identity a procedure
with incomplete results.
The Burial Setting in Argos during the 4th century BC
Taking the above into consideration, two graves from
Argos dated to the 4th century BC will be examined
in this paper. These tombs stand out from the usual
burial practice attested at the city, due to the offerings
they contained.6 Since the grave goods, either personal
3
Snodgrass (2009: 99-100) argues that regarding Classical, Hellenistic
and Roman times, engagement with burial practices is in inverse
proportion to the complexity of the society in which these are
applied to.
4
For the advantages of osteological analysis, see Strutz and Tarlow
2013: 2-5. For osteological research in Classical archaeology, see
MacKinnon 2007.
5
Morris (1987: 101-9) discusses ‘invisible burials’ in regard to burials
in Athens during the Proto- to Mid-Geometric, and Archaic times.
6
The grave goods come from two cemeteries, excavated by the

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Mortuary Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece
possessions of the dead or offerings by their family,
are visible during the burial ceremony, it is reasonable
to assume that at least some of them symbolize and
indicate part of their identity that was considered
important at the given time and place. The question
to be answered is under which circumstances the
symbolic character of the objects selected was formed.7
In the case study of Argos, is it possible to connect the
deceased who received special offerings with certain
qualities? Consequently, how is the choice of the
distinctive marking in a seemingly homogenous burial
environment interpreted, taking into consideration the
social-political situation in the city of the 4th century?8
In Argos during the 4th century BC, inhumation was
the only practice used for adult burials. Adults were
buried mainly in cist graves, made of poros slabs. Tile
graves and simple pits covered by stones were less
common. Children were often found in the same graves
with adults. Infants were placed in clay tubs-larnakes.9
The graves were grouped in clusters, arranged usually
in parallel rows, with the same orientation. This
arrangement probably reflects some sort of connection
between the deceased of the same cluster, more or less
tight.10
In terms of grave offerings during the Classical period,
vases, especially drinking vases, such as kotylai, kylikes,
skyphoi, and bolsals, were preferred. At the first
decades of the 4th century BC, following the tradition
of the previous century, Corinthian type pyxides and
lekanides are also found, vases that are conventionally
connected with the world of women.11 Black glazed and
Ephorate of Antiquities of the Argolid at G. Kostakis and M. Katsanos
plots, during the period 2006-2012. These cemeteries were briefly
presented at the 1st International Conference ‘The Archaeological
Work in Peloponnese’, held at Tripolis, November 7-11, 2012 (Ivou
2018).
7
For the meaning of grave goods, see Ekengren 2013 and Dimakis
2016a: 53-4, 61-2. On identity, see Fowler 2013: 512-13; Dimakis 2016a:
7.
8
The general presentation of the features of the Classical and
Hellenistic cemeteries in the Argolid, with special references for
Argos in Dimakis 2016a: 18-22. For the planning of the city during
these periods, see Barakari-Gléni and Pariente 1998. For the historical
and social-political data of the period, see Mitsos 1945 and Tomlinson
1972: 126-51.
9
The age of infants, children and adolescents is usually concluded by
the size of the grave or the type of the offerings. For the special
treatment of infants/young children, who were placed into clay
tubs-larnakes, see Dimakis 2016a: 23-4. Clay tubs-larnakes have
also been found inside graves of adults, e.g. at G. Papadopoulos plot
(Alexandropoulou 2016) and the grave no. 16 at Katsanos plot (Ivou
2018: 286-7). The presence of clay tubs-larnakes with a fair number
of grave offerings during the Classical period is briefly mentioned at
Barakari-Gleni 1996-1997: 518-19.
10
For the internal planning of Classical cemeteries at Argos, see
Dimakis 2009: 34-9, where it is proposed that the intra muros clusters
function also as territorial markers; Dimakis (2016a: 17) supposes
that the placing of groups of graves outside the inhabited area is an
indication of social differentiation. For intramural adult burials, see
Snodgrass 2009: 100.
11
Risser 2001: 43-8, for the pyxis and Blegen et al. 1964: 146-8 and
McPhee and Pemberton 2012: 217-19, for the lekanis. For the local
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white ground lebetes gamikoi may belong to the same
category. In general, white ground vases comprise a
distinctive group that seems to have a special place in
burial pottery production.12
The presence of terracotta figurines increases at the
end of the 5th century BC. Female standing and seated
figures are the largest group,13 while less common are
the standing young men, temple boys, and other types
of the classical repertoire. Jewellery (earrings, rings,
pins, etc.), other metal objects, and coins were rare
until the late 4th century BC.
During the Hellenistic period, things change:14 grave
forms vary, the proportion between cist and tile
graves is reversed, and burial monuments coexist with
plain graves that are placed without specific order.15
Regarding the grave offerings, vases that are connected
with grooming and rituals replace the drinking vases,
while the number of jewellery and metal objects in
general is increased.
The graves under study from Argos dating to the 4th
century do not differ from the above described general
typological and spatial rules. However, two terracotta
objects found among the otherwise common offerings
of the graves are both characterized by elements
that mark them out from the ordinary types of the
coroplastic and pottery production. Furthermore, they
are rather rare. These facts necessitate their special
treatment.
White Ground Lebes Gamikos with Plastic Decoration
of Female Busts on the Shoulder
A cemetery of 81 graves, dating from Classical to Roman
times, was excavated at Kostakis plot in the northeast
sector of Argos. The cemetery was used more intensively
during the 5th and 4th century BC. From this cemetery,
grave 33 is selected for this study,16 because of a special
grave offering found in it: a white ground lebes gamikos
production of unglazed lekanides, see Alexandropoulou 2016: 215, and
the relative references there. Apart from the grave that was studied
by Alexandropoulou (2016: 214-26), three lekanides were found inside
a clay larnax and two more were placed outside of another clay larnax
at Kostakis plot (Ivou 2018: 289-90). For the association between
certain types of offerings and female burials, see Carter 1998: 582-
6 and Hoffmann 2002: 86-110. For the definition of the gender in
general, see Shepherd 2013: esp. 546-9.
12
For the production of white ground vessels at Argos, see
Alexandropoulou 2016: 194-6, 199-200. Lebes gamikos, kylix, kotyle,
Boeotian-type kantharos, lekythos and oinochoe are covered with
white slip.
13
The type is described by Sarri (2013: 184-5); for their reading as
amulets, see Dimakis 2016a: 72.
14
Dimakis 2009: 40-2, 43-4.
15
For the construction of burial monuments in the cemeteries of the
north Peloponnese during the Hellenistic period and their
interpretation, see Dimakis 2016a: 43-4.
16
The numbering follows the excavation diary. The grave was oriented
at the E-W axis, as was the case for the most of the graves of this
cemetery. Its dimensions were 2.30 x 1.10 m.
 Georgia Ivou: Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos

Figure 1. Kostakis plot, grave 33. Vases from the grave (© Ministry of Culture and Sports/
Ephorate of Antiquities of Argolid/Archaeological Receipts Fund).

with plastic decoration of two female busts (protomes)
on the shoulder. This type of vase has been connected
with females of certain status and age.
Grave 33 is a tile-covered pit grave. More than two
individuals were buried in the original pit: two
skeletons, with opposite orientation, were uncovered
in extended position, while two small skulls with some
tiny bones, belonging to children, were found between
the legs of the earlier deceased.17 After the last burial,
the pit was covered with tiles. At a later stage, two more
individuals were buried above the covering tiles. During
the last burial, the bones of the earlier deceased were
piled together in the east part of the grave. The grave
was again covered by parts of tiles and stone slabs.
The small white ground lebes gamikos with plastic
decoration under study, its lid,18 and a small white
ground kotyle of the 2nd quarter of the 4th century
BC19 were found together with the two deceased that
were last buried on top of the tiles of the original pit
17
At the area where the children burials were, three bronze pinheads
in the shape of a pomegranate and parts of two bronze pyramid-
shaped earrings were found. Similar pins have been discovered in
5th century BC graves at Argos and at the nearby Heraion (Kilian-
Dirlmeier 1984: 276-7, type FIIb). For the shape of the earrings, see
Papaspyridi-Karouzou 1933-1935: 40, fig. 22.
18
Inv. no. at the Museum of Argos ΒΕ07/2844 and ΒΕ07/2845. The
lebes is 12.7 cm high (with the handles), its foot diam. is 4.2 cm and its
max. diam. is 8.00 cm. The protomes are 3.2 cm high.
19
Inv. no. ΒΕ07/2846. Dimensions: height 6 cm, foot diam. 3.2 cm, rim
diam. 6.3 cm. cf. Sparkes and Talcott 1970: 258, no 324 (375-360 BC).
(Figure 1). Two bronze earrings were retrieved from
inside the lebes during the pottery conservation.20
The vase with plastic decoration is characterized
by a flaring ring-foot, ovoid body, almost horizontal
shoulders and a thick, vertical rim (Figures 2, 3).21 Its
vertical handles of round section have a small knob
at the top. The plain type lid bears a conical knob.
Two female busts have been attached to the shoulder,
between the handles of the vase.22
The front side of the female protomes of the lebes was
made by the use of a mould. The women wear an Argive
peplos that covers their hands, forming triangular
folds above the chest. Their rich hair is parted in the
middle and it surrounds the face. The peplophoroi wear
20
Inv. no. ΒΕ08/108. Only one is preserved intact. It consists of two
twisted bronze wires that form a hoop, with an ivy leaf-shaped
ending.
21
The term ‘white ground lebes gamikos with plastic decoration of
female busts (protomes) on the shoulder’ is used in this paper, based
on the shape of the vessel and not because of its usage or decoration.
For relative discussion, see Alexandropoulou 2016: 189-90. Vases of
similar type from Argos, without the protomes, have been described
as ‘ovoid pyxis’ and ‘pyxis with an ovoid body of the Argive workshop’
(Sarri 2013: 185, no. 4 and Alexandri 1963: 62, fig. 75c). In her recent
study, Tzachou-Alexandri (2013: esp. 145-7) uses the term ‘lebes
gamikos with plastic protomes’. For the red-figure lebes gamikos,
see Cassimatis 1993 and Sgourou 1994; the shape is common in the
cemeteries of South Italy and Sicily, see Graepler 1997: 92, type 411/1
and Hoffmann 2002: 40, type 411/1, 411/2.
22
For the development of the shape and its variants, see
Alexandropoulou 2016: 190-3. Dissimilarities at various features of the
vase have been recorded. It seems that the shape gradually becomes
more slender, with a taller base and a more angular conjunction
between the shoulder and the neck.

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Mortuary Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece
Figure 2. Kostakis plot, grave 33. Lebes gamikos, side A
(© Ministry of Culture and Sports/Ephorate of Antiquities of
Argolid/Archaeological Receipts Fund).
a low and broad polos on the head, decorated with tiny
incised lines.23
The white ground lebes gamikos with plastic decoration
of peplophoros protomes on the shoulder is not rare in
the Argive funerary pottery production.24 The small size
vase is distinguished from the plain black glazed and
23
Traces of red colour on the white slip that once covered the whole
surface of the vessel are visible on its body and on the garment of a
protome. Black colour is preserved on the eyes of a peplophoros. For
colour traces, see Alexandropoulou 2016: 196 and 220-1, where the
hypothesis of depicting a painted frontal female face on the body of
the vessel has been also elaborated. The simple, white ground lebes
gamikos from Argos was also painted. See Kyriakou 2008: 172-6, for
the white ground vessels with polychrome decoration.
24
Tzachou-Alexandri 2013: 147, n. 33 and Alexandropoulou 2016: 194.
Apart from the recently published examples, a number of single
peplophoros protomes from the cemeteries of the city, which now
can be attributed to the plastic decoration of such vases, indicates
that this type of pottery constituted a distinctive category of grave
offerings, during the first half of the 4th century BC. The different
workshops and moulds create variations of the peplophoros figure,
traced mainly in the shape of the face, the sub-features and the
coiffure. The polos on the head is sometimes replaced by a sakkos.
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Figure 3. Kostakis plot, grave 33. Lebes gamikos, side B
(© Ministry of Culture and Sports/Ephorate of Antiquities of
Argolid/Archaeological Receipts Fund).
white ground lebetes gamikoi that are commonly found
in cemeteries at Argos from the end of the 5th century
BC and during the first half of the 4th century BC,25
mainly because of two female protomes between the
handles.26 The presence of a small hole at the bottom
of the vessel, made before firing, is another distinctive
feature of the type, attested also at some plain white
ground lebetes gamikoi.
The first published example of a lebes gamikos with
plastic decoration was found in a cist grave excavated
in the 1960s at Corinthou Str., not far from Kostakis
plot.27 The lebes gamikos led Tzachou-Alexandri to the
assumption that the deceased was a woman, maybe
25
cf. Sarri 2013: 185, 197 fig. 10 and Tzachou-Alexandri 2013: 146.
26
For the distinctiveness of the decoration on the Argive vases, see
Alexandropoulou 2016: esp. 196-7.
27
Alexandri 1962: 93, fig. 70 and Tzachou-Alexandri 2013 (Vigos plot).
The lebes gamikos, three black glazed kotylai, a skyphos, a white
ground stemless kylix, a peplophoros figurine and three pins were
the offerings for the only dead of the grave.
 Georgia Ivou: Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos
a priestess of a deity, possibly Persephone. Tzachou-
Alexandri seeks the inspiration of the Argive workshop
in the scenes of Ascent of Persephone in the Attic vase
painting and in the terracotta female peplophoros
protomes. The white slip and the piercing at the bottom
further supported the burial character of the vase with
a special ritual use, appropriated for a priestess.28
Seven more published vases come from a single cist
grave in the region of Charadros River, in the northeast
sector of Argos.29 According to the recent detailed
study of the grave, 19 vessels (seven white ground
lebetes gamikoi with plastic decoration, seven white
ground kotylai, two black-glazed kotylai, a stemless
kylix and two Corinthian-type pyxides) were grave
gifts for a young girl.30 Alexandropoulou concludes that
the young girl, who was buried at the beginning of the
4th century BC, was later treated, after almost 50 years
from her death, with respect. At that time, her bones
were carefully gathered and placed inside a clay larnax,
which was then put into a pit in the bottom of the cist.
Two infants were already buried in the larnax.31
The treatment of the first burial as well as the time gap
between the burials of the young girl and the infants
that excludes any close relationship among the dead,
may indicate that the young woman was of a specific
social status, and she was treated accordingly, even
nearly half a century later from her death. But how
was she recognized as an individual of specific social
standing after all these years? Was the presence of a
lebes gamikos with plastic and colour decoration a
status indicator? If this was the case, then the identity
of the dead must have had the same significance as 50
years earlier, thus justifying her special treatment.
Alexandropoulou does not find any connection
between the lebes gamikos with plastic decoration
with the world of Persephone.32 She further remarks
that the head of the female protomes is not covered
by a veil, a convention that identifies married women,
but by polos, a symbol possibly related to wedding
garments. Taking into consideration the young age
of the deceased, she identifies the young female as
28
Tzachou-Alexandri 2013: 148-50.
29
Alexandropoulou 2016. The grave was found on Kritis Str. (G.
Papadopoulos plot).
30
The sex and age of the dead were determined by osteological
analysis.
31
The vases that accompanied the dead were pushed aside during the
placement of the larnax and their sherds were found around, under,
and inside the larnax. Sometime during the 50 years that separate
the burials of the young girl and the infants, three more adults were
buried into the same cist.
32
Alexandropoulou (2016: 197) expresses the opinion that the large
terracotta female protomes do not depict deities but mortal women.
Recently, Sabetai (2015) suggested that the presence of terracotta
peplophoros protomes into graves was the material expression of the
status of the deceased, pointing to him/her as a premature dead. In
the cases of the elderly women, maybe the protomes reminded the
fulfillment of their biological and social role.
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an ahoros kore, a woman who died prematurely.33
According to her hypothesis, the white ground lebetes
gamikoi with plastic decoration were chosen as special
grave offerings for young girls who belonged to a group
with a potentially important social role. The distinctive
treatment for these unlucky girls is also confirmed by
the relatively wealthy offerings, a case repeated in the
burial of Vigos plot.
Getting married and giving birth was of great importance
for ancient Greeks, who thought that women’s role
was fulfilled only through marriage and childbearing.
An early death was certainly a tragic event for family
and friends. Moreover, a premature death overbalances
the physical order with major consequences not only
for the oikos but also for the polis, since its function
is based at the prosperity of its structural units, the
oikoi.34 Furthermore, the main role of the institution of
marriage is the maintenance of the oikos, through the
birth of legitimate children. The polis expects also to
find its future citizens and soldiers in the oikoi. Under
this frame, an ahoros kore, who was not given the chance
to get married or to have children, belongs to a certain
social group that has a distinctive status and receives a
special treatment in death.35
Could this theory be used for the grave under study in
Kostakis plot too? And consequently for all the cases of
white ground lebetes gamikoi with plastic decoration in
graves of the 4th century BC at Argos? The identification
of one of the two last buried individuals of grave 33
with a woman is further supported by the two bronze
earrings. The same combination of vases (lebes gamikos
and white ground kotyle) was also attested in multiple
proportions in the Charadros grave, where the deceased
was definitely a woman.
However, neither the construction of grave 33 at
Kostakis plot, nor the number of offerings indicate
special treatment of the dead, as the previous examples
at Vigos plot and the Charadros grave. In the first
case, the grave contained only one deceased with rich
offerings. In the second grave, the young girl, who had
received a fair number of clay objects, was treated with
33
Ahorai were the young women who died before getting married,
during the childbirth, or even the mothers of young children.
34
For the ahoros death of unmarried girls, their age specification, the
impact of their loss for the ancient social structure and the references
at the ancient Greek literature, see Margariti 2017: i-ii, 2-6, 201-2
(mainly for Athens). Regarding the structure and the function of an
oikos in a city-state and the place of women into it, see Lacey 1968
(gen.); Demand 1994: 1-4; Pomeroy 1997 (gen.); Humphreys 1998
(gen.) and Foxhall 2013: 24-6 and 32-6.
35
On examples of Classical and Hellenistic graves that have been
interpreted as ahoroi young women: cf. Sabetai 2012; Sabetai 2015:
esp. 158-60; Bonanno-Aravantinos 2015; Petropoulos 2005 and
Papaikonomou 2007: esp. 243-9; according to Margariti (2017: 290-5
and 378-9), in Classical Attica the death of an ahoros kore was pointed
out mainly through the epigrams and the iconography on the grave
reliefs.
Mortuary Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece
respect during the reuse of the cist, almost 50 years
after her death. Reversely at Kostakis plot grave, two
individuals shared the limited space above the tile
cover of a plain pit, received only two small vases and
two bronze earrings, and then the grave was covered
by terracotta tiles and stone slabs. The grave stands out
just because of the presence of the lebes gamikos.
The modesty of grave 33 and the absence of rich offerings
do not preclude the connection of the white ground
lebes gamikos with plastic decoration with women
of a specific social status. The symbolic character of
the vase, as it is pointed out by the female protomes
and the polychrome decoration in white ground,
even without the pierced bottom, is too strong and
one can speculate that their presence is not random.
Undoubtedly, the distinctive shape and the decoration
attribute symbolisms to the vase, that would have
referred to specific elements of the deceased’s identity
that her family wished to demonstrate during her
burial. Other rules, possibly related to the relationship
between the individuals who shared the same grave,
could determine the way the dead were buried. The
small number and the quality of the offerings could
indicate the wealth of the family, a status that was not
connected with a certain social role of the deceased.
Maybe, this was not even an issue.36 The hypothesis
of a burial of an ahoros kore, accompanied by the small
white ground lebes gamikos with plastic decoration, is
plausible also for the individual in grave 33 at Kostakis
plot.
Dimakis noticed recently that the female burials
in Classical Argos are more often represented than
those in neighbouring Corinth. He wonders if this is
an indication of women’s different treatment and of
their role in the social-political structure of democratic
Argos, compared to aristocratic Corinth.37 Moving a
little further, we believe that the diversification of
this special group of young women by the placement
of certain grave offerings with specific symbolism
underline indirectly that their loss was crucial also for
the polis. Through this simple but definite treatment,
the family of the dead, representing the beliefs of
the Argive society, indicates the consequences of the
36
In Argos of the Classical period, death was probably not the proper
occasion for the expression of personal wealth; this was expressed
through public services (liturgies), evergetism, and offerings to the
sanctuaries, see Dimakis 2016a: 24-5. cf. Carter 1998: 587-90.
37
Dimakis in his analysis of female burials has included both these
burials confirmed as of females by osteological analysis, and those
which had received pyxides and jewellery as grave offerings (Dimakis
2016a: 54-6, n. 73 and Dimakis 2016b). The myth of Telesilla, the
Argive poet who armed the women of the city to fight against the
Spartans after the devastating defeat at Sipeia at 494 BC, may reflect
the social changes regarding the place of the women, imposed by the
defeat. Besides, the battle’s result led also to broader social-political
changes in the city.
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premature death for the wellbeing of the oikos and the
prosperity of a democratic polis.38
This hypothesis in no case doubts the impact of an
ahoros death to the non-democratically structured
societies. Besides, the category of ahoros has been
identified several times in the burial landscape of
democratic and non-democratic cities, both before and
after the Classical period.39 However, it is believed that
the differentiation of this specific group of individuals,
through the choice of placing a special type of offerings,
in a city like Argos, where only limited departure from
the norm has been recorded so far, shows that the
Argive society treats the ahores kores with great respect,
because of their decisive role to the proper function
of the city. Similar principles maybe have led to the
characteristic treatment of infants in Classical Argos,
who were buried inside clay tubs-larnakes. As it has
been proposed, this practice was used for infants who
were recognized as future citizens, promoting their
social status in its earliest stage.40
Figurines of Seated Old Men
The second type of offering under study from the 4th
century BC cemeteries at Argos is a terracotta figurine
of a bearded man of old age, seated in an impressive
chair (klismos). Parts of two such figurines were found
in grave 36, excavated at Katsanos plot in the north
cemetery of Argos.41 The group of Classical graves,
38
In Athens, the role of the citizens’ wives and of the oikos institution
in general, as a fundamental link of the city-state, was further
strengthened by a 451 BC law. According to it, citizens were those
men of whom both parents were Athenians. Into this frame, the
role of women in the social institution of a marriage was crucial,
especially regarding the maintenance of the legitimacy of the
descendants. This new social context is considered to be reflected
in the increased number of scenes depicting women on Attic grave
reliefs, white ground lekythoi, and in vase painting, where subjects
from the women’s world were now more preferable, see Osborne
2004; Houby-Nielsen 1995: esp. 150-2 and Sabetai 1993: 144-5. On
the same wavelength, Closterman believes that the markers of the
Classical Attic peribolos tombs reflect the anxiety about family lines
dying out (Closterman 2007: 647-9). Especially though for the ahoroi,
Sabetai (2009: 301, n. 66), in her study on Attic loutrophoroi, mentions
that they should be considered as a ‘cultural category’ that expands
beyond the Classical period, from the 7th century BC to the Late
Antiquity.
39
See above n. 35, and Liston and Papadopoulos 2004, for a rich burial
of an ahoros girl at Athens of the Geometric period.
40
See above n. 9. Dimakis (2016a: 23-4) compares the practice to a
similar one at Athens; it seems that the two poleis share common
political, cultural, and financial matters at the period. Houby-Nielsen
(1995: 151-2), starting by the sudden presence of child burials at
Kerameikos from 500 BC onwards, believes that every child and
female burial corresponds to a respected oikos and consequently to
a good male citizen, completing the image of the men of the oikos.
She further points out (2000) that the emphasis given at the child
burials is also connected to the importance of the legitimacy of the
descendants (see above n. 38). Besides, ‘in the Greek Classical city-
state, the fulfilment of civic virtues became the prime thing to be
demonstrated at death and ritual’ (Houby-Nielsen 1996: 41).
41
Forty six graves, dated from the 7th century BC to Late Antiquity
have been excavated at Katsanos plot (Ivou 2018: 285-9). The broader
area was used for burials throughout the ages. For the north cemetery,
 Georgia Ivou: Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos

Figure 4. Katsanos plot, grave 36. Black – glazed vases from the grave (© Ministry of Culture and Sports/
Ephorate of Antiquities of Argolid/Archaeological Receipts Fund).

dated from the second half of the 5th century to the 4th
century BC, consisted of 11 graves (six poros cist graves,
four pit graves with tile cover, and a cist grave made
from tiles, placed at upright position), was arranged in
two parallels rows. The grave offerings of the Classical
burials belonged to the common pottery types. A small
number of terracotta figurines of seated and standing
female figures were also found.
Grave 36 was a poros cist grave.42 The observations
during the excavation support the case of a single burial.
Six vessels and two terracotta figurines were put into
the cist.43 The pottery belongs to the common types of
the black-glazed pottery dated to the middle of the 4th
century BC or not long afterwards: three skyphoi, two
kotylai and a lebes gamikos with its lid (Figure 4).44
However, there is no other published example for
the two mould-made terracotta figurines of the
grave (Figures 5-8). These are two partially preserved
see Barakari-Gléni and Pariente 1998: 174-5 and Banaka-Dimaki et al.
1998: 332-3.
42
Dimensions 2.20 x 1.15 m.
43
Part of a terracotta female figurine that was found at the upper
layer of the grave is not considered as a grave offering.
44
For the skyphoi, cf. Sparkes and Talcott 1970: 260, nos 350, 351 and
pl. 16-17 (375-340 BC) and Rotroff 1997: 257 no. 150 and pl. 14 (350-325
BC). For the kotylai, cf. Sparkes and Talcott 1970: 258 no. 324 and pl.
15 (375-360 BC). The black glazed lebes gamikos has an ovoid slender
profile, with a sloping shoulder. The dating cannot be more precise
than the first half of the 4th century BC, since the development of the
shape has not been fully studied.
figurines of seated men of old age, dressed in a chiton
and a himation that covers the left shoulder and enfolds
the left arm. The men are seated on a klismos, a chair
with tall back and horizontal broad. Although the two
figurines depict the same type, they differ from each
other, mainly in the features of the faces.
The best preserved one is 31 cm high, although a big
part of the chair and the lower body is missing (Figures
5-6).45 The man’s body is depicted in a frontal position
while his head turns to its left. The left hand of the
figure leans on the left thigh. His right hand is missing,
but it seems that it was probably extended forward at a
small distance from the body, as the traces on the right
side of the body suggest. The man wears a belted chiton
with multiple V-shaped folds at the chest. The semi-
bald man of old age has a moustache and a short beard,
which is formed by thick, wavy locks (Figure 7). Locks
cover the temples and they surround the back of the
head. He has an oval face with a straight nose, while the
eyes are depicted deeply at the eye sockets. A cloth of
rough fabric, with incised wavy lines, covers part of the
chair at the sitting surface and the back.
45
Inv. no. ΒΕ06/289. The right hand and the bigger part of the lower
body of the figure are missing. The right side of the chair, from the
lower part of the back to the base of the figurine, is not preserved.
The side of the base of the klismos is 15.5 cm wide. The maximum
width of the figurine at the horizontal broad is 17.5 cm. A rectangular
vent hole, measuring 8 x 14 cm, was made at the lower back side of
the figurine.

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Mortuary Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece

Figure 6. Katsanos plot, grave 36. Terracotta figurine

BE06/289, side view (© Ministry of Culture and Sports/
Ephorate of Antiquities of Argolid/Archaeological Receipts
Fund).

Figure 5. Katsanos plot, grave 36. Terracotta figurine

BE06/289, front view (© Ministry of Culture and Sports/
Ephorate of Antiquities of Argolid/Archaeological Receipts
Fund).

The white slip of the original painted decoration of the

figurine is preserved on some parts of the surface.46

The head, the upper body of the figure, and the broad
of the chair are the only preserved parts of the second
terracotta figurine (Figure 8).47 The head, which turns
slightly to the right, is different from the first figure.
It is elongated, the beard is triangular and long with
slight, wavy lines and the nose is thin and sharp. The
main difference is seen in the way the man’s hair is Figure 7. Katsanos plot, grave 36. Terracotta figurine
BE06/289, detail (© Ministry of Culture and Sports/Ephorate
of Antiquities of Argolid/Archaeological Receipts Fund).
46
For the painted decoration of clay figurines, see Tzanavari 2017
(gen.).
47
Inv. no. ΒΕ06/290. Max. height 12 cm, width 15 cm (at the horizontal
broad of the chair).

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 Georgia Ivou: Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos
Figure 8. Katsanos plot, grave 36. Terracotta figurine BE06/290 (© Ministry of
Culture and Sports/Ephorate of Antiquities of Argolid/Archaeological Receipts
Fund).
depicted. In this case, a thick roll of hair surrounds the
face.48
The size, the quality, and the features of each figurine
from grave 36 of Katsanos plot attest that it was not
the first time that the Argive workshop produced
such figurines. The figurines under study bear even
more similarities with two unpublished figurines from
a grave excavated in the centre of Argos.49 The right
hand of these figurines has been restored as if it was
raised up, forming a right angle. The figurines from
Lavdas plot have more features in common with the
second figurine from Katsanos plot, mainly in the way
the head is depicted and at the chair’s dimensions. The
stylistic comparison however, especially with the best
preserved figurine from Katsanos plot, possibly lead
to a later dating of the Lavdas figurines, which also
corresponds with the dating of the grave to the early
Hellenistic period.
A terracotta figurine of a female seated figure on a
similar klismos from a mid-4th century BC cist grave50
confirms the hypothesis of the production of the
large terracotta figurines, depicting seated figures on
48
The figurines were made by different moulds, as various details and
measurements show. Clays of different composition were also used.
49
Banaka-Dimaki 1994, Lavdas plot, grave ΙΙΙ. The figurines come from
a disturbed grave with scanty skeletal remains, dated to the early
Hellenistic period. Common types of pottery and a large number of
terracotta figurines, usually associated with the women’s world were
found into the grave. I kindly thank Dr. Anna Banaka-Dimaki for the
information, the photos, and the useful conversation.
50
Alexandri 1963: 62, fig. 75a, Kouros plot, grave 7. The grave
contained multiple burials and various types of offerings. If the
connection of the figurine with the black-glazed skyphos is valid, the
group should be dated after the middle of the 4th century BC.
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an impressive chair, in Argos. The absence of other
large terracotta figurines of seated old men from the
cemeteries of Argos during the second half of the 4th
century BC is perhaps a matter of coincidence.
In an attempt to interpret the presence of the two male
figurines in grave 36 at Katsanos plot and due to the lack
of similar large terracotta figurines, our focus turns to
the Attic sculpture of the 4th century BC, following the
commonly accepted view that coroplastic art imitates
sculpture. In any case, the limitations imposed by the
incompatibility of the material between the comparable
objects and the different production centres should be
taken into consideration.
A considerable number of seated, bearded, older men,
that resemble the Argive figurines, is represented on
the Attic grave reliefs of the 4th century BC.51 The
older men are usually part of iconographic multi-faced
compositions that are enriched by younger family
members. Sometimes they rest their hand on a staff
and they extend the other towards the person standing
opposite them in a farewell gesture. The presence of a
pillow or a fabric at the chair places the scene indoors.
Chairs of this type are part of the usual furniture of a
household, as is confirmed by the vase painting.52 The
female figures of the grave reliefs are also seated on such
chairs, indicating that the action takes place inside a
house. The seated men of the Attic grave reliefs usually
wear a himation, the citizen’s common dress. However,
51
See Meyer 1989; Scholl 1996: 97-100. For the depiction of older men
on grave reliefs of the 5th and the 4th century BC, also see Dillon 2006:
70-3 (focusing especially on their facial features).
52
Richter 1966: 33-7, with the relevant iconography.
Mortuary Variability and Social Diversity in Ancient Greece
on a small number of reliefs and marble lekythoi the
older men wear an inner chiton and a himation.53
The ‘crowded’ Attic grave reliefs of the 4th century BC
give the impression that a personal moment between
the deceased and their relatives unfolds before the eyes
of the audience.54 At a first glance, the seated posture
of older men surrounded by family demonstrates the
physical weakness of the man. In the cases where the
dead is a younger member of the family, as is stated on
the inscription of the relief, the presence of the older
man further stresses the tragic nature of a premature
death. However, the frequent depiction of older men on
reliefs during the 4th century BC perhaps indicates also
their connection to the oikos, underlying their status
and their authority within the family, because of their
wisdom and insight.55 These features, that separate
the old age from the youth, are also fundamental for
the proper function of a polis. Besides, in a democratic
polis, the oikos is the core for the proper function of a
democratic society. Here, an important and self-evident
duty of an ideal citizen is the care of his old parents.56
The general features of the faces of the two figures,
the beard, the old age, the baldness in one of them,
and the seated posture may bring to mind some of
the conventions that are used by the sculptors of the
Hellenistic period in order to depict the quality of a
‘man of spirit’. Could the figurines from Argos represent
a ‘man of spirit’? This question is closely related to the
debate about the existence, during the 4th century BC,
of a distinctive sculpture type that can be attributed
with certainty to a philosopher, a poet, a ‘man of spirit’
in general.57 The statues of the generals, which were
the first ones to be placed in public, were recognized by
their dress or military attribute (shield, spear, helmet,
etc.) Orators on the other hand are represented in a
standing position with an attitude of strength and
confidence, wearing the common citizen’s dress.
What about the ‘men of spirit’? Zanker believes that
there was not a distinctive sculpture type for the
‘spiritual men’ during the 4th century BC.58 The statues
of Aristotle, Plato and Socrates, as these are cited in
53
For the sitting male figures with himation and chiton on grave reliefs,
see Meyer 1989: 66, n. 98 (the examples on the lekythoi) and Clairmont
1993: 2.159. Clairmont suggests with scepticism the association of
the uncommon dress of the male figures with a certain professional
status (priests?).
54
Bergemann 1997: 86.
55
Bergemann 1997: 93, 106-16; Bergemann 2007: 42-4 and Wagner-
Hasel 2012 (gen.) According to Zanker (1995: 53-6), these features
attribute special benefits inside their family and city. Referring to the
stele of the seated Tynnias, Leader points out that the role of an older
man is a domestic one with some sort of participation in public life
too, as his duty in the ideology of a democratic polis (1997: 691-2).
56
Bergemann 1997: 93-4.
57
During the 4th century BC, the production of the sculptured
portraits, public and private, increases, especially in Athens. See
Dillon 2006: 99-126.
58
Zanker 1995: 40-89.
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ancient sources, would probably have represented
them as good citizens, a type that is common on the
contemporary grave stelae and it is repeated later on
the philosophers’ portraits of the Roman period.59 It
has been proposed that during the 4th century BC the
main division of the portrait types is that between the
men of action and the men of thought.60 Many years
later, at the second quarter of the 3rd century BC, the
portraits of the Epicureans attempt to communicate
the sense of the good citizen again, even though their
body pose is totally different.61 Besides, it is the peak
of the Hellenistic style, where the spiritual labour is
shown clearly either through the body posture or face
expression, as is the case at the portraits of the Stoics.62
In the figurines from the grave at Katsanos plot there is
no hint of intellectual activity on their faces, posture or
attributes, for their safe identification as ‘men of spirit’.
Furthermore, the traces at the right side of the body
of the best-preserved figurine and the turn of the head
do not support an upright hand, as is the case for the
unpublished early Hellenistic examples from Lavdas
plot.
Conclusively, it can be argued that the two terracotta
figurines from Katsanos plot depict the general but
distinctive type of the older man-citizen, following
the tendency of the great sculpture of the 4th century
BC. The figure of an older man, who according to
the ancient beliefs is appreciated for his experience,
good judgment, and prudence is represented in an
iconographic motif common to the burial setting,
which in any case includes the qualities of wisdom and
spirituality. The type incorporates perhaps both the
social status and the intellectual gifts of the depicted
man.63 At the same time, through this, the family and
59
It seems that philosophers rarely received public honorary statues.
See Dillon 2006: 104, for the rare cases of Socrates and Zenon. Also,
it is not easy to determine the posture, standing or sitting, of the
philosophers, since there is a lack of philosophers’ statues from the
4th century BC. In the same period, the sitting posture is preferred
for poets, see Von den Hoff 1994: 27-33. For a terracotta statue of a
seated poet (Orpheus?) holding a musical instrument from Taranto
region, see Ferruzza 2016: 9-11, 17-24. During the Hellenistic period,
the sitting posture is common both for philosophers and poets,
contemporary and earlier, see Dillon 2006: 119-26.
60
The possibility of overlapping for these categories cannot be
excluded, since the difference between an intellectually engaged
citizen from a philosopher actively involved in civic affairs is not
always obvious, see Dillon 2006: 125-6.
61
Zanker 1995: 113-29.
62
Dillon 2006: 113-15; Zanker 1995: 92-113. The type is represented on
a small number of terracotta figurines of young men, dated to the end
of the 4th century BC, where the spiritual effort is intense (Hamdorf
2014: 208-9, D166). The figurines imitate perhaps a statue of a thinker,
see Zanker 1995: 90-3, figs 51-52. Similarly, the seated older men on
Hellenistic grave stelae from Smyrna, resting their head on one hand,
are also characterized as thinkers, see Zanker 1993: 219-220.
63
The assumption that the sitting posture is an indication of an
honorary position, and hence the deceased have another social
identity cannot be excluded. Future finds from Argos could perhaps
lead to various readings of the type, since the presence of an attribute
(e.g. a papyrus scroll as that of the small male figurine in Munich,
 Georgia Ivou: Defining Social Identities at Cemeteries of Late Classical Argos
the role of the deceased in it as the head of oikos are also
promoted.
Conclusions
The grave offerings that were examined in this study
could lead to some remarks about the meaning of the
diversity among grave offerings in the cemeteries of
Argos around the middle of the 4th century BC, and
consequently about the circumstances under which
these choices were made. In the frame of homogeneity
and simplicity that characterize the Classical cemeteries
of Argos, the shift from the regularity of our examples
is plain, ‘modest’ and internal. The graves did not differ
from the others in the way they were made, or from
their marking. Family and friends placed a special type
of offering into a whatsoever common grave. Their
decision did not aim at demonstrating their wealth or
expressing some sort of personal ambition.64 In no case,
the way the dead of the two graves were diversified
was contrary to the principles that still ruled the burial
process in Argos and had created almost a pattern.
The individuals who received the special offerings
belonged to two totally different social groups, without
any apparent connection: the young girls who died
prematurely and the respectable and wise older men.
Nevertheless, it can be argued that the choice by the
family to accompany two distinctive social groups
with special grave offerings reflects the same social
and political environment, without contrasting with
its values. In any case, the emphasis is always on the
community. What is implied by their use, is the social
status of the deceased and the burden of their loss not
just for the family but also their polis. Under this frame,
the two uncommon grave offerings demonstrate the
individuality of the dead through their social role inside
the oikos, considering them an important gear for the
polis’ proper function. Furthermore, the maintenance of
the values and structure of the dominant system were
always essential for Argos, especially in the political
and financial uncertainty around the middle of the 4th
century BC.
Future, more detailed comparative studies may reveal
individual identities of the deceased with special
importance to the Classical society of Argos, well hidden
in the homogeneous landscape of the city’s cemeteries.
Acknowledgements
I would like to warmly thank the organizers of the
workshop, Dr Nikolas Dimakis and Dr Tamara Dijkstra.
I am grateful to Dr Alkistis Papadimitriou, Director of
the Ephorate of Antiquities of Argolid, for the courtesy
Hamdorf 2014: 209, D167) would make its interpretation easier.
64
See above n. 36, for the way the wealth is expressed in Argos.
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of studying the material from G. Kostakis and M.
Katsanos plots, and for her support. The conversations
about burial practices in Argos with Drs Anna Banaka-
Dimaki, Evaggelia Pappi, and Nikolas Dimakis were
extremely constructive. I also thank the guards of the
Archaeological Museum at Argos and V. Giannopoulos
responsible for the Museum’s storerooms. Additions,
footnotes and bibliography have differentiated this
paper from the oral presentation.
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