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Bipin Chandra - Colonialism Stages of Colonialism and The Colonial State
Bipin Chandra - Colonialism Stages of Colonialism and The Colonial State
Bipan Chandra
To cite this article: Bipan Chandra (1980) Colonialism, stages of colonialism and the colonial
state, Journal of Contemporary Asia, 10:3, 272-285, DOI: 10.1080/00472338085390151
Bipan Chandra*
1. Colonialism as a Social F o r m a t i o n
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(A) Quite often, the underdevelopment and the economic obstacles to develop-
ment produced by the colonial period have been seen as expressions of their pre-
capitalist or traditional backwardness or at least as the remnants of the pre-colonial
past. Even when they are seen in 'a historical perspective', in which the role of
colonalism is viewed as an unsuccessful effort at modernization. In, for example
that of India failed because of the weight of the past backwardness, and which
thus led to a dual society, part modern and part traditional. This was the domin-
ant view among the metropolitan writers during the 19th century, only they
were convinced that modernization would be accomplished in at the most a few
decades. Several 20th century writers have also seen colonialism as a transitional
society, though they do not ask the questions: transition to what? Would the
colony have developed, however, slowly or gradually, into a 'modern' or indus-
trial capitalist society, i.e. the spit image of the metropolis, if colonialism had
continued to develop 'naturally' for a sufficient period, that is without the over-
throw of colonialism?
In reality colonies have undergone a fundamental transformation under colonial-
ism. They were gradually integrated into the world of modern capitalism. The
conditions of economic, social, cultural and political backwardness in the colonies
and ex-colonies, the initial conditions from which they start the development pro-
cess after pohtical freedom, are not those of their pre-colonial past; they are the
creation of the colonial period, the era in which there occurred "the onslaught of
modernization from outside. ''~ Far from being traditional, these conditions signify
the evolution of the traditional pre-colonial societies into colonial societies. Thus,
for example, India under Britain was not basically similar to Mughal India; nor was
it pre-industrial for it had felt the full impact of industrial capitalism. In fact,
colonialism in India was as modern a historical phenomenon as industrial capitalism
in Britain; the two developed together) And, interestingly enough, the basic inte-
gration of India, as also of other colonies, with the world capitalist economy and
its transformation into a classic colony occurred during the 19th century precisely
under the banner of modemisation, economic development and transplantation of
capitalism. It is this colonial pattern of modernization which inevitably led to "the
development of underdevelopment", to use the apt phrase of Andre Gunder Frank.
* Professor of History, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
COLONIALISM, STAGES OF COLONIALISM AND THE COLONIAL S T A T E 273
economy. It is not a mere adaptation or distortion of the old, not a partially modernised
society, n~r a transitional state of society. It is also not an unhappy and badly mixed amal-
gam of positive and negative features. It is a well-structured 'whole', a distinct social forma-
tion (system) or sub-formation (sub-system) in which the basic control of the economy and
society is in the hands of a foreign capitalist class wlfich functions in the colony (or semi-
colony) through a dependent and subservient economic, social, political and intellectual
structure whose forms can vary with the changing conditions of the historical development
of capitalism as a world-wide system.
I may reiterate here that the British rule did shatter the economic and political basis of
the old society. It dissolved the old pre-capitalist mode of production; but a new capitalist
system did not follow; instead a new colonial mode of production came into being. For
example, the land tenure systems introduced after 1793 completely overturned the old
agrarian relations. The new agrarian structure that was evolved to suit the needs of colonial-
ism and under the impact of economic forces released by it was undoubtedly semi-feudal
hut it was nevertheless new; it was not the perpetuation of the old. In fact, throughout the
Indian social structure, new relations and new classes - a new internal class structure -
were evolved which were the product of, and fully integrated with, colonialism. The confu-
sion partly arises from the complexity of the historical situation. World capitalism is a single
system and colonialism is a basic constituent of this system. Yet colonialism has distinct
characteristics of its own. We have, therefore, to view the same sytem of imperialism-
colonialism in the form of two separate entities, one in the colony a,ad the other in the
metropolis. 4
enmeshing of India's economy and society with world capitalism carried out by
stages over a period lasting nearly two centuries. ''s
Thus when we say that colonialism is to be seen as a structure, we mean that
colonial interests, policies, state and its institutions, culture and society, ideas and
ideologies, and personalities are to be seen as functioning within the parameters of
colonial structure, which is itself to be defined by their inter-relationstlips as a
whole.
(C) Colonialism is structured from the beginning of the contact between the
capitalist metropolis and the colony whose economy and society are subordinated
to tile metropolis from the beginning, though the patterns of the subordination
undergo changes over time. Consequently, colonialism undergoes underdevelop-
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merit from thebeginning. This view is contrary not only to the traditional capitalist-
colonial view that colonialism develops and modernizes the colony - or at least
tries to do so - but also the traditional Marxist view that colonialism went through
two stages, one positive and the other negative, with the positive belonging to the
first period and the negative to the second, that during the first pre-imperialist
stage the character and impact of colonialism was on the whole positive despite
many crimes and much oppression, while it turned negative once modern im-
perialism (finance imperialism) entered the stage between 1870 and 1914.
In fact, both aspects and impacts of colonialism operated simultaneously. The
so-called positive aspect was as integral a part of, and contributed effectively to the
structuring of, colonialism as was the negative aspect. The positive and negative
stages of colonialism were rather stages in the cognition and understanding of the
colonial phenomenon by its victims. Thus many colonial and metropolitan intellec-
tuals, including Marx before 1859, failed to grasp the basic features of colonial
societies in the early years of their structuring and came to have a certain positive
image of colonialism. Later, as the reality surfaced, they were able to see its essen-
tially negative features. Instead of seeing the change as an aspect of intellectual and
political history linked to the early stages of colonialism, they assumed that the
reality had undergone a drastic reversal. Hobson's and Lenin's writings, or rather
a partial reading of Lenin's writings, regarding a new stage of imperialism in the
last quarter of the 19th century added fuel to this misunderstanding.
(D) Basic to colonialism is economic exploitation or the appropriation of the
colony's social surplus. Forms of surplus appropriation or the manner in which tile
colonial economy and society is to be subordinated and put at the service of the
metropolis, undergo changes over time. And as these forms change so do colonial
policy, state and its institutions, culture, ideas and ideologies.
Colonialism is, thus, not to be seen as one continuous and the same structure;
it goes through stages which are linked to the forms of surplus appropriation. 6
Historically, colonialism underwent three distinct stages, each stage representing
a different pattern of subordination of colonial economy, society, and polity, and
consequently different colonial policies, ideologies, impact and colonial people's
response. The change from one stage to the other was partially the consequence of
the changing patterns of metropolis' own social, economic, and political develop-
ment, and of its changing position in the world economy and polity.
Stages of colonialism for different colonies are not bound by the same time
COLONIALISM. STAGES OF COLONIALISM AND TIlE COLONIAL STATE 275
horizons; but the basic content of the stages is broadly the same in all the colonies.
Moreover, the stages do not exist in pure forms; in a sense each stage is an abstrac-
tion. Nor is there a sharp break between one stage and another. Forms of surplus
appropriation and other features of colonialism from earlier stages continue into
later ones. Each stage is, however, marked by distinct, dominant qualitative features
which demarcate it from the other stages. It is also to be noted that a dominant,
new form of surplus appropriation may become atrophied in a particular colony
because of distinct historical factors. Thus the third, finance imperialist stage was
atrophied in India; the second, free trade stage in Indonesia, and the first and the
second, the mercantalist and free trade stages in Egypt.
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(A) The First Stage: The Period o f Monopoly Trade algl Revenue Appropriation
During the first stage of colonialism the basic objectives of colonialism were:
(i) monopoly of trade with the colony vis-a-vis other European merchants and the
colony's traders and producers. Moreover, whenever handicraftsmen or other pro-
ducers were employed on account of the colonial state, corporations or merchants,
their surplus was directly seized not in the manner of industrial capitalists but in
that of merchant-usurers. (ii) The direct appropriation of revenue or surplus through
state power. The colonial state or corporations required large financial resources
to wage wars in the colony and on the seas and to maintain naval forces, forts,
armies and trading posts. Direct appropriation of the colony's surplus was also
needed to finance purchase of colonial products since the colonies did not import
enough of metropolitan products. Directly appropriated surplus was also to serve
as a source of profit to the merchants, corporations, and the exchequer of the
metropolis. The large number of Europeans employed in the colony also appro-
priated a large part of the colony's surplus directly through extortion and corrup-
tion or high salaries.
It is to be noted that (i) the element of plunder and direct seizure of surplus
is very strong during this stage of colonialism; and (ii) there is no significant import
of metropolitan manufactures into the colony.
A basic feature of colonial rule during this period was that no basic changes were
introduced in the colony in administration, judicial system, transport and com-
munication, methods of agricultural or industrial production, forms of business
management or economic organization (except putting-out system and plantations
in some colonies), education or intellectual fields, culture, and social organization.
The only changes made were in military organization and technology, which con-
temporary independent chieftains and rulers in the colonies were also trying to
introduce, and in administration at the top of the structure of revenue collection
being geared to making it more efficient.
Why was this so? Because the colonial mode of surplus appropriation via pur-
chase of colony's urban handicrafts and plantation and other products through a
buyer's monopoly and through control over its revenues, did not require basic
socio-eeonomic and administrative changes in the colony. It couM be superimposed
over its existhzg economic, social, cultural, ideological, and political structures.
276 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA
Also the colonial power did not feel the need to penetrate the villages deeper than
their indigenous predecessors had done so long as their economic surplus was
successfully sucked out.
This lack of need for change was also reflected in the ideology of the rulers.
There was, for one, no 'developmental' ideology or fanfare. Not changed colonial
economy but the existing economy of the colony was to be the basis of economic
exploitation. There was also therefore not much need to criticise colonial civiliza-
tion, religions, laws, etc., for they were not seen as obstacles to the current modes
of surplus appropriation. The need was to understand them so that the wheels of
administration might move smoothly. Criticism was confined to missionaries.
The newly developing industrial and commercial interests in the metropolis and
their ideologues began in time to attack the existing mode of exploitation of the
colony with a view to making it serve their interests. Moreover, as it became clear
that colonial control was to be a long term phenomenon, the metropolitan capital-
ist class as a whole demanded forms of surplus appropriation which would not
destroy the golden goose. It realised that 'the plundering form is less capable than
others of reproducing the conditions for its own reproduction'. This is the secret of
the critique of 'colony's exploitation' which is often made during the first and
second stages by the liberals and 'radical' democrats of the metropolis. In the end,
sooner or later, for a longer or shorter period, the administrative policies and eco-
nomic structure of the colony come to be determined by the interests of the indus-
trial bourgeoisie of the metropolis.
The industrial bourgeoisie's interest in the colony lay in satisfying the need for
outlets for thief ever-increasing output of manufactured goods. Linked with this was
the need to promote the colony's exports. This for several reasons: (i) The colony
could buy more imports only if it increased its exports, which could only be of
agricultural and mineral products, to pay for them. The colony's exports had also to
pay for the 'drain' or to earn foreign exchange to provide for the export of business
profits and the savings and pensions o f Europeans working there. (ii) The metropolis
desired to lessen dependence on non-empire sources of raw materials and foodstuffs.
Hence the need to promote the production of raw materials in the colony. The
colonial rulers must enable the colony to do so. The colony had to be developed as
a reproductive colony in the agricultural and mineral spheres. (iii) Thirdly, as the
subordinated complement of a capitalist economy, the use of the colony both as
a market for goods and as a supplier of raw materials must occur within the perspec-
tive of extended reproduction.
Thus the essence of the second stage of colonialism was the making of the
colony into a subordinate trading partner which would export raw materials and
import manufactures. The colony's social surplus was to be appropriated through
trade on the basis of selling cheap and buying cheap. This stage of colonialism could
even embrace countries which retained political freedom.
A question that still awaits solution is the mechanism through which colony's
surplus is appropriated under conditions o f the metropolis' buying and selling at
competitive prices. The dominant school of European economists has, for nearly
COLONIALISM, STAGES OF COLONIALISM AND THE COLONIAL S T A T E 277
culture of loyalty among the colonial people. Many intellectuals in the colonies
also picked up the banner of social and cultural modernization but for opposite
reasons.
The second stage of colonialism generated a liberal imperialist political ideology
among sections of the imperialist statesmen and administrators who talked of
training the colonial people in the arts of democracy and self-government. It was
believed that if the colonial people 'learnt' the virtues of law and order, sanctity
of business contract, free trade, and economic development, the economic relatio-
ship lying at the heart of this stage of colonialism could be perpetuated even if the
metropolitan power was to withdraw direct political and administrative control.
The effort at the transformation of the colony's socio-economic structure ine-
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vitably required that its existing culture and society be declared inadequate and
decadent. They were now subjected to sharp criticism. This stage also witnessed
the birth and flowering of the ideology of development. Because of the emergence
of 'development' economies after the Second World War in the period of the success
of the movements of national liberation, it is often forgotten that the colonializa-
tion of the economies of most of the colonies occurred under the banner of the
ideology of development. Moreover, often the two theories of economic develop-
ment are similar, even though separated by entire epochs. The earlier theory of
economic development emphasised (i) law and order, (ii) private property in land,
(iii) investment of foreign capital to compensate for lack of capital in the colony
and to act as an example to domestic enterprise, (iv) development of means of
transport, (v) promotion .of foreign trade, (vi) modern education which would
enable the colonial people to understand these theories of development, and
(vii) modern culture that would promote habits of thrift (savings) and enterprise.
One point needs to be stressed in this connection: The colonial authorities
did not deliberately set out to underdevelop the colony. On the contrary, their
entire effort was to develop it so that it could complement, though in a subordinate
position, the metropolitan economy and society. Underdevelopment was not the
desired, but the htevitable consequence o f the inexorable work#zg o f colonialism
o f trade atul o f its inner contradictions. For the same reason, there was no imperial-
ist theo O, o f underdeveh~pment - underdevelopment was the resttlt o f the prac-
tice o]'particular theories o]'deveh~pment.
The earlier l'ornls of surplus extraction continued during this stage and became
a drag on its full working. Moreover, since the colony had also to pay the costs
tff its transformation, H~e burden on the colonial peasant rose steeply.
In practice the transformational effort was limited in many sectors and above
all in the agricultural sector because of the inner contradictions of colonialism.
For example, it was during this stage that most of the colonies acquired what
came to be known as the 'semi-feudal' features of their agriculture.
(C) The Third Stage. The Era o f Foreign hn,estmettts and International Coml~e-
tition fi~r G)hmies.
A new stage of colonialism was ushered in as a result of several major changes in
the world economy; spread of industrialization to several countries of Europe,
North America. and Japan; intensification of industrialization as a result of the
COLONIA LISM. STAGES 01;"COLONIA LISM AND TIlE COLONIAL S TA TE 279
raw materials, and create a market for home industrial products directly or in.
directly. As struggle for the division and redivision of the world among the imperial-
ist countries was intensified, fresh use was found for the older colonies. Their social
surpluses and manpower could be used as counters in this struggle. Colonialism at
this stage also served important political and ideological purpose in the metropolis.
Nationalism or Chauvinism, adventure, and glorification of empire could be used to
tone down the growing social divisions at home by stressing the common interests
in empire. More specifically, empire and glory were used to counter the growth of
popular democracy and the introduction of adult franchise, which could have
posed a danger to the political domination of the capitalist class and which in-
creased the hnportance of the ideological instruments of hegemony over society.
In this hegemony the idea of empire played an increasingly important role.
Where colonies had been acquired in the earlier stages, vigorous efforts were
made to consolidate metropolitan control. Reactionary imperialist policies now
replaced liberal imperialist policies. To preserve direct colonial rule on a perma-
nent basis was now essential on all counts, but especially to attrac{ metropolitan
capital to the colony and to provide it security. It must however be noted that in
this respect the role of most of the existing colonies was more that of the hope or
the potential that motivated than that of the actual. However, as potential, as mo-
tive for metropolitan control it was very powerful and important. In reality, many
of the first and second stage colonies and semi-colonies failed to absorb large
quantities of metropolitan capital and in nearly all cases were net 'exporters' of
capital, that is, the social surpluses exported from them far outweighed the imports
of capital into them. Often, even the limited extent of foreign capital invested in
them was but a small part of their social surplus appropriated by the metropolis.
The major reason w h y the metropolitan capital was not #ivested in these colonies
to a signiJ~cant extent was that their economies had been wrecked or underd .eveloped
during the secotul stage o f colonialism. If foreign capital was to be invested in the
colonies, its products must be in the main sold in the colgny - but the failure
to make them reproductive colonies during the second stage now stood in the way~
More Ihan capitalism at home, it was capitali.~m bl the colonies that was in a mori-
bund stage! Consequently, even the limited foreign capital was invested in only
th~,se agricultural or industrial enterprises whose products had a ready market
outside the colony or in providing infrastructure for,such exports. The colonial
280 JO URNA L OF CON TEMPORA R Y A SIA
market was of little use to the foreign capitalist, for in most cases it had already
been captured, squeezed to the maximum and wrecked. It must, however, be again
stressed that as potential absorbers of foreign capital these colonies continued to
remain El Doradoes powerfully affecting colonial policy.
Once again the earlier forms of surplus appropriation continued into this stage.
In fact, in some of the colonies, for example India, the earlier two forms of surplus
extraction remained more important than the third one.
PoliticaUy and administratively the third stage of colonialism meant renewed and
more intensive control over the colony. Moreover, it was now even more important
that colonial administration should permeate every pore of colonial society and
that every port, town, and village be linked with world economy. The administra-
tion also now became more bureaucratic, detailed and efficient.
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A major change now occurred in the ideology of colonialism. The talk of train-
ing the colonial people for independence died out and was revived later only under
the pressure of anti-imperialist movements. Instead came the talk of benevolent
despotism, of the colonial people being a permanently immature or 'child' people
over whom permanent trusteeship would have to be exercised. Geography, 'race',
climate, history, social organization, culture and religion of the colonial people
were cited as factors which made them permanently unfit for self-government. This
was in stark contrast to the second stage belief that colonial people were capable
of being educated and trained into becoming carbon copies of the advanced
European people and therefore into self-governing nations.
Efforts at the transformation of the colony's economy, society, and culture
continued during this stage also though once again with paltry results. However,
the tendency developed to abandon social and cultural modernization, especially
as the anti-imperialist forces began to take up the task. Colonial administration
increasingly assumed a neutral stance on social and cultural questions and then
began to support social and cultural reaction in the name of preserving indigenous
institutions.
politan capitalism is able to control subordinate, and exploit the colonial 'society.
This is true even of the laissez faire period.
The colonial state guarantees law and order as also its own security from internal
and extem',d dangers. It also, directly or indirectly, through acts of omission or
commission, represses indigenous economic forces and processes hostile to colonial
interests. It directly serves as a channel for surplus appropriation, mainly during
the first stage but also during the other stages. This is a major point of departure
from the capitalist state. Another is the role of the colonial state in preventing
unity among the colonial people. While the capitalist state tries to prevent working
class unity but makes active efforts to promote unity and harmony among the pro-
pertied and the non-propertied classes, the colonial state tries to break up the
emerging national unity in the colony, promotes segmentation of colonial society
into any and all kinds of social groups, including social classes, and sets them at
odds against one another. Simultaneously, it puts forward the theory that the
colonial society would disintegrate in the absence of colonialism and that its unity
is possible only under the colonial state. Thus, the antihmperialist struggle of the
colonial people is sought to be diverted into the struggle of caste against caste,
'community' against 'community', 'tribe' against 'tribe', and sometimes even class
against class.9
More positively, the colonial state not only ,naintains favourable conditions for
continuing appropriation of colonial surplus, but acth, ely a i d directly produces
and reproduces these conditions, including production of goods and services, to a
much greater extent than the capitalist state does. it actively aids foreign enter-
prises. Above all it directly undertakes the econonlic, social, cultural, political, and
legal transformation of the colony so as to make it reproductive on an extended
scale.
The colonial state is, however, not able to carry the heavy burden of such a long
catalogue of functions. A major contradiction within colonialism arises out of the
relative weights to be assigned to its police and direct appropriational functions on
one side and its 'transformational' or 'developmental' functions on the other. This
contradiction finds expression in a perpetual crisis in the colonial budget, heavy
taxation on the colonial people, and the atrophying of the 'developmental' func-
tions.
In colonial society, the relationship between the state and the underlying econ,~-
mic structure is direct and explicit. Consequently, the anti-colonial forces are
282 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORAR Y ASIA
easily able to penetrate and expose the character of the colonial state as the instru-
me it o f colonial economic st ructure. Once the economics of colonialism are analysed
and understood, tile colonial character of the state is easily and readily grasped and
the anti-colonial struggle invariably moves over to tile plane o f tile state and is
increasingly pohtlcised. While under capitalism the struggle between the working
class and capitalism occurs at trade union and econon~ic plan~s and the task of rais-
ing it to the political plane, especially' to the place of struggle for state power,
remains a serious, complex, and prolonged problem, under colonialism the anti-
colonial forces, almost from tile beginning, even in their early moderate phases,
put fi~rward the demand for sharing of state power, and then rapidly move into the
politics of its capture. This is one of tile reasons wily a national liberation struggle
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tal and structural aspects get exaggerated in a colonial slate. Clearly, it is not the
bureaucracy and other instruments of the colonial state which determine the
functions of the colonial state and the thrust of colonial policies. ~° For that we
must sludy tile structure o f colonialism, and above all its eco,lonffc structure. This
is particularly hnportant, as we have shown in Section II, because colonial struc-
ture and consequently colonial policies undergo basic changes in the different stages
of colonialism even though the instruments of the state more or less continue to
be tile same. Colonialism is from the beginning riven with inner contradictions.
Colonial policies are determined by these contradictions and the efforts to resolve
them at each stage of colonialism.
( E ) Tile colonial state relies nmch more heavily than tile capitalist state on
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domination and the political, coercive apparatuses and much less on 'leadership'
or 'directiun' based on consent. Under colonialism, consent of the ruled is at tile
most passive. Colonial society is much less a civil society. Tiffs terrain, which is
often treated by colonialism as potentially hostile to itself, is more or less vacant.
This has two consequences: (i) the colonial state very soon enters into a state of
crisis; and (it) the vacant space is rapidly occupied by the anti-imperialist forces
whose main task becomes that of mobilising political forces to fight the domina-
tion o f the colonial state. This, in fact, is another reason why it is initially much
easier to organize a national liberation movement than a social movement.
Within this limited framework, colonialism does have a mystifying ideological
element which has two distinct aspects: One is the belief system of the colonial
bureaucracy, and the other that of the ideological penetration and control of the
ruled. Unfortunately, neither has been studied adequately. It is necessary to analyse
the ideology of colonialism in its different stages both theoretically and empiri-
cally. In the second stage o f colonialism, for example, colonial people are sought to
be won over with the promise of total modernization including economic develop-
ment, m o d e m culture, and the introduction o f modern politics and political ideas
including self-government and democracy. In the tlfird stage, on the other hand,
the emphasis is on benevolence and depoliticisation. The permanent incapacity of
the colonial 'child-people' to rule themselves or to practise democracy is empha-
sised. A 'child-people" could also have no politics, they could only be passive reci-
pients of benevolence.
Thus, colonial authorities actively oppose politicisation of the people and preach
the ideology of no-politics. For a long period they propagate not loyalist politics
but non-participation in politics. They take recourse to loyalist politics and divi-
sive communal, caste, or 'tribal' politics only after all efforts to check the growing
anti-imperialist politicisation have failed.
(F) What is the relationship between the colonial state and the foreign and indi-
genous exploiting classes? The colonial state is completely subordinated to the
bourgeois state of the metropolis and the metropolitan bourgeoisie as a whole.
llence it possesses little of the relative autonomy that characterizes the capitalist
states. It is, however, autonomous vis-a-vis the individual capitalists or individual
capitalist groups. It serves the long-term interests of the metropolitan capitalist
class as a whole, it acts on behalf o f the metrot'x)litan capitalists but not at their
behesl. In Ihis sense, il perhaps possesses even a greater degree of relative autonomy
284 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORAR Y ASIA
than the capitalist state. Tile colonial state structure on the colony is not an arena
o f strife for the promotion o f sectional interests o f the different metropolitan
capitalists groups. That strife occurs in the organs o f the metropolitan state. For
example, the political struggle for making the colonial state the instrument o f
transition from one stage of colonialism to another occurs in the metropolis.
Colonialism is basically a relation between human beings. But while under capital-
ism this relation exists between classes, under colonialism it is established between
the foreign ruling class and colonial people as a whole. This is because tile para-
tneters of the colonial state are very different. Its main task is not to enable the
extraction of surplus value from subordinate class or classes, but to make the
entire colonial economy and society subservient to the metropolitan economy,
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FOOTNOTES